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A CULTURAL MODEL of IDENTITY and WITCHCRAFT in NEW ORLEANS by SARAH EMILY SMITH CHRISTOPHER

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A CULTURAL MODEL of IDENTITY and WITCHCRAFT in NEW ORLEANS by SARAH EMILY SMITH CHRISTOPHER FROM THE ACCUSED TO THE EMPOWERED: A CULTURAL MODEL OF IDENTITY AND WITCHCRAFT IN NEW ORLEANS by SARAH EMILY SMITH CHRISTOPHER LYNN, COMMITTEE CHAIR COURTNEY HELFRECHT KATHRYN OTHS SONYA PRITZKER JENNIFER PURVIS A THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2021 Copyright Sarah Emily Smith 2021 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT Historically, being accused of witchcraft meant death (Baker, 2015; Demos, 2008; Ehrenreich & English, 2010). More recently, identifying as a witch means living with a stigmatized and often concealed identity (Reece, 2016; Tejeda, 2015). Despite the deleterious effects of stigmatization, such as discrimination in the workplace, isolation from one’s family, and increased subjective anxiety (Reece, 2016; Tejeda, 2015), individuals are increasingly identifying as witches in the United States. The most current estimate is that upwards of 1.5 million North Americans identify as such— though there is no official census to know for sure (Bosker, 2020; Fearnow, 2018). The motivations driving the increase remain unclear due to the narrower inquiry of extant research in which witches are often styled as white, suburbanite, middle-class, college-educated, “nature-worshipping” individuals who are predominately female. This description stems from feminist and religious studies which explore the sociopolitical underpinnings of “witch” as a politically oriented identity, the psychosocial benefits of witchcraft as a “feminist spirituality,” and on more bounded, ethnographic accounts of European-rooted pagan or “Neopagan” sects, such as Gardnerian Wicca. However, while partly true, this portrait of identity, beliefs, and practices does not accurately represent the majority, nor the diversity, of currently practicing witches as it largely excludes the specific perspectives of witches of color, male, and gender-fluid witches in addition to witches who do not identify as pagan. In the summer of 2020, I interviewed a diverse group of witches in New Orleans, Louisiana to explore what motivates individuals to adopt the identifier “witch” as part of their identity. In this thesis, I apply a cultural model approach to both explore ii the question of motivation and provide a more temporally appropriate, finer-grained understanding of witches as a diverse group iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I would specifically like to thank each and every witch who allowed me to interview them during a global pandemic. For witches especially, time and energy are valuable resources, and it is with sincerity and utmost gratitude that I thank them for contributing both to my research and to me. Outside of academia, this research has opened me up to new understandings and ways of being in the world; life feels a bit more magical now. I would like to thank my mom, Beth Brooks Baker, who throws seasonings into her cooking pot until she hears the ancestors telling her to quit. She is my constant inspiration and as a strong-willed and verbose woman, she is a witch in her own right. I would also like to thank the rest of my family who, though staunchly Christian and apprehensive about my research into witches, supported me in the best ways they knew how. I would like to thank my committee, Dr. Christopher Lynn, Dr. Courtney Helfrecht, Dr. Kathy Oths, Dr. Sonya Pritzker, and Dr. Jennifer Purvis, for contributing their wisdom and patience. The process of conducting research and writing this thesis has been the most emotionally taxing and intellectually demanding adventure I have ever been on. In that, I would specifically like to thank Drs. Oths and Helfrecht for checking up on me in the field, answering my erratic texts, and genuinely caring about me as a human being as well as a student. It was Dr. Oths’ suggestion I take the department’s “Myth, Ritual, and Magic” course that led to me applying to this program in the first place. At the time, it seemed like graduate school might be the closest thing to Hogwarts. Finally, I would like to thank Lauren, Ayesha, Nia, Steve, and iv Brianna from the HBERG lab for helping me transcribe and code my data. Ten out of ten recommend their services. v CONTENTS ABSTRACT .............................................................................................................................. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ....................................................................................................... iv LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................... ix LIST OF FIGURES ...................................................................................................................x CHAPTER 1: OUTLINE OF THESIS ......................................................................................1 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ...................................................................................4 a. Introduction ............................................................................................................................4 b. Witches in Feminist and Religious Studies Scholarship........................................................5 c. The Concepts of Magic and Witchcraft in Anthropology ....................................................14 d. Linking Religion, Magic, Witchcraft, Feminism, and Health in North America ................25 CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ....................................................................30 a. Cultural Models, Identity, and Prototypical Narratives .......................................................30 b. Tactics of Intersubjectivity ..................................................................................................33 CHAPTER 4: POPULATION AND SETTING ......................................................................36 CHAPTER 5: METHODS .......................................................................................................40 a. Sampling Procedures ............................................................................................................40 b. Interviewing Process ............................................................................................................42 CHAPTER 6: PROCESSES OF DATA ANALYSIS .............................................................45 a. Transcription and Descriptive Statistics...............................................................................45 b. Collaborative Pile Sorting and Coding ................................................................................46 c. Becoming, Being, and Doing Analysis ................................................................................48 d. Coding for Tactics of Intersubjectivity ................................................................................54 vi CHAPTER 7: RESULTS .........................................................................................................55 a. Sample Descriptive Statistics ...............................................................................................55 b. Freelisting Results ................................................................................................................59 c. Coding Results .....................................................................................................................61 CHAPTER 8: BECOMING A WITCH ...................................................................................64 a. The Model of Being a Witch as a Prototypical Narrative of Becoming ..............................64 b. Genevieve’s Story ................................................................................................................64 c. Solina’s Story .......................................................................................................................67 d. What Is Missing from These Narratives ..............................................................................71 CHAPTER 9: DIMENSIONS OF BEING A WITCH ............................................................72 a. Five Dimensions of Being a Witch ......................................................................................72 b. Being: Awareness ................................................................................................................74 c. Being: Responsibility ...........................................................................................................78 d. Being: Flexibility .................................................................................................................80 e. Being: Ancestry ....................................................................................................................84 f. Being: “Other Ways of Knowing”........................................................................................87 CHAPTER 10: THE MODEL OF DOING WITCHCRAFT ..................................................92 a. Defining Magic and Witchcraft ...........................................................................................92 b. The Model of Doing: Personal Witchcraft at the Altar........................................................95 c. The Model of Doing: Witchcraft as Service Work ........................................................... 105 CHAPTER 11: TACTICS OF INTERSUBJECTIVITY .......................................................113 a. Authority: Hex the Patriarchy
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