MILITARISM and ITS CONSEQUENCES – WHY WE SHOULD CARE by Mary Hladky

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

MILITARISM and ITS CONSEQUENCES – WHY WE SHOULD CARE by Mary Hladky MILITARISM AND ITS CONSEQUENCES – WHY WE SHOULD CARE by Mary Hladky 5o years ago, Martin Luther King, laid bare the relationship between U.S. wars abroad and the racism and poverty here at home - speaking out against war and its crippling effects on social progress. He denounced the death and destruction in Vietnam and the waste of billions on an immoral war. The destruction done to the Vietnamese is the same destruction we are doing to the Afghans, Iraqis, Syrians, Yemenis and others today. King connected the inherit racism of killing the Vietnamese people with the killing of black people in America through dehumanization and contempt for “other” people. King’s message was not heeded, and our problems have multiplied. The U.S. has a foreign policy based on violence and domination abroad which directly relates to the violence and problems we are afflicted with at home. The U.S. is the world’s largest arms dealer. Our wars have killed one million people since 2001 while creating a massive refugee crisis. At home, we have the world’s largest prison population, the highest murder rate for any industrialized nation, and the most unfair and unjust healthcare system. Congress has voted to spend our taxpayers’ dollars on endless wars at the expense of everything else. Total defense spending costs us all about $1 Trillion dollars each year to cover the costs of war, 800 worldwide military bases, nuclear weapons, intelligence agencies, healthcare for our veterans and interest on the war debt. The $1 trillion militarism price tag for a single year amounts to roughly $2.74 billion a day, or over $114 million an hour. We have a war machine, preparing to modernize our nuclear weapons, at the cost of over $1 Trillion dollars over the next 30 years. Our current nuclear arsenal can destroy the world many times over. Instead of de-escalating, we are increasing the nuclear arms race, to what end? There are no winners in a nuclear war. The new administration is asking for an additional $54 billion for the Pentagon budget balancing this increase by further cutting basic services. These cuts will have devastating effects on the environment, our children’s education, the ability to prevent war through diplomacy by cutting the State Department, with cruel cuts to social services to the poor, sick and elderly. Economist Jeffrey Sachs stated “The U.S. is incurring massive public debt and cutting back on urgent public investments at home in order to sustain a dysfunctional, militarized, and costly foreign policy.” We have a choice about how this country spends our taxpayer dollars. We can remain silent allowing billions to be spent on funding endless, futile wars or we can speak out, demanding our tax dollars’ fund healthcare for all Americans, support climate change initiatives, improve our educational system providing free college, rebuild our infrastructure and end extreme poverty in this country. We can no longer remain silent. We must challenge American militarism. There is no inevitability to the course of history, and a mobilized citizenry can redirect it toward a positive future. Progress towards a global society that is fairer, peaceful and ecologically sustainable is interdependent. Our work and the various issues we address are all interconnected. We are unlikely to get far on any of these objectives alone without progress on all. Changing our trajectory is the fight for human dignity and survival. In our relationships, both with each other and the planet, we are now hard up against the choice Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. warned about 50 years ago: nonviolence or nonexistence. Just one of many sources on number who have died due to Iraq & Afghanistan wars since 2001 http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/30164-report-shows-us-invasion-occupation-of-iraq-left-1-million-dead My article written for United for Peace & Justice reflecting on MLK’s Beyond Vietnam Speech https://popularresistance.org/mlk-beyond-vietnam-speech-relevant-to-war-justice-today/ Article written by my co-worker at United for Peace & Justice http://www.truth-out.org/speakout/item/40288-growing-nuclear-dangers-what-would-dr-king-say MLK’s Beyond Vietnam Speech http://kingencyclopedia.stanford.edu/kingweb/publications/speeches/Beyond_Vietnam.pdf .
Recommended publications
  • The Occupied Clinic Militarism and Care in Kashmir / Saiba Varma the OCCUPIED CLINIC the Occupied Clinic
    The Occupied Clinic Militarism and Care in Kashmir / Saiba Varma THE OCCUPIED CLINIC The Occupied Clinic Militarism and Care in Kashmir • SAIBA VARMA DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS DURHAM AND LONDON 2020 © 2020 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ∞ Text design by Amy Ruth Buchanan Cover design by Courtney Leigh Richardson Typeset in Portrait by Copperline Book Services Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Names: Varma, Saiba, [date] author. Title: The occupied clinic : militarism and care in Kashmir / Saiba Varma. Description: Durham : Duke University Press, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers:lccn 2019058232 (print) | lccn 2019058233 (ebook) isbn 9781478009924 (hardcover) isbn 9781478010982 (paperback) isbn 9781478012511 (ebook) Subjects: lcsh: Psychiatric clinics—India—Jammu and Kashmir. | War victims—Mental health—India—Jammu and Kashmir. | War victims—Mental health services— India—Jammu and Kashmir. | Civil-military relations— India—Jammu and Kashmir. | Military occupation— Psychological aspects. Classification:lcc rc451.i42 j36 2020 (print) | lcc rc451.i42 (ebook) | ddc 362.2/109546—dc23 lc record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019058232 isbn ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019058233 Duke University Press gratefully acknowledges the Office of Vice Chancellor for Research at the University of California, San Diego, which provided funds toward the publication of this book. Cover art: Untitled, from The Depth of a Scar series. © Faisal Magray. Courtesy of the artist. For Nani, who always knew how to put the world back together CONTENTS MAP viii NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION ix ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xi LETTER TO NO ONE xv INTRODUCTION. Care 1 CHAPTER 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Militarization of US Government Response to COVID-19 and What We Can Do About It About Face: Veterans Against the War March 23, 2020
    National Guard troops stand by as people wait to be tested for coronavirus in New Rochelle, New York, on March 13, 2020. Timothy A. Clary/AFP via Getty Images. The Militarization of US Government Response to COVID-19 and What We Can Do About It About Face: Veterans Against the War March 23, 2020 This statement was written by Drake Logan, a civilian ally to About Face, with input on content by About Face veteran members Lisa Ling, Krystal Two Bulls, Maggie Martin, Erica Manley, Shawn Fischer, Jovanni Reyes, Matt W. Howard, Derek S. Matthews, and Ramon Mejía. Editorial guidance was provided by Clare Bayard, civilian ally to About Face. Authorship is always collective. Summary: This document outlines six broad areas of current political need and opportunity as the US government ramps up the militarization of its response to the coronavirus epidemic. About Face is an organization of post-9/11 service-members and veterans who organize to end a foreign policy of permanent war and the use of military weapons, tactics, and values in communities across the United States. We present this statement in order to generate further conversation on these points both within and beyond our organization, as well as to enter the national media conversation on coronavirus response. Please reach out to About Face if you are a member or civilian who would like to be 1 involved in media work on these issues, or if you would like to help create further independent media. We need to begin by tackling these six areas of political need and opportunity in the time of coronavirus: (1) We need to engage in and spread praxes of community-based defense instead of militarized security.
    [Show full text]
  • The German Military and Hitler
    RESOURCES ON THE GERMAN MILITARY AND THE HOLOCAUST The German Military and Hitler Adolf Hitler addresses a rally of the Nazi paramilitary formation, the SA (Sturmabteilung), in 1933. By 1934, the SA had grown to nearly four million members, significantly outnumbering the 100,000 man professional army. US Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of William O. McWorkman The military played an important role in Germany. It was closely identified with the essence of the nation and operated largely independent of civilian control or politics. With the 1919 Treaty of Versailles after World War I, the victorious powers attempted to undercut the basis for German militarism by imposing restrictions on the German armed forces, including limiting the army to 100,000 men, curtailing the navy, eliminating the air force, and abolishing the military training academies and the General Staff (the elite German military planning institution). On February 3, 1933, four days after being appointed chancellor, Adolf Hitler met with top military leaders to talk candidly about his plans to establish a dictatorship, rebuild the military, reclaim lost territories, and wage war. Although they shared many policy goals (including the cancellation of the Treaty of Versailles, the continued >> RESOURCES ON THE GERMAN MILITARY AND THE HOLOCAUST German Military Leadership and Hitler (continued) expansion of the German armed forces, and the destruction of the perceived communist threat both at home and abroad), many among the military leadership did not fully trust Hitler because of his radicalism and populism. In the following years, however, Hitler gradually established full authority over the military. For example, the 1934 purge of the Nazi Party paramilitary formation, the SA (Sturmabteilung), helped solidify the military’s position in the Third Reich and win the support of its leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • Cities Under Siege: the New Urban Militarism by Stephen Graham
    Stirling International Journal of Postgraduate Research 1.2 (2013) Cities under Siege: The New Urban Militarism by Stephen Graham London: Verso, 2011. 402 pp plus introduction. ISBN 978-1-84467-762-7 (pbk) £14.99 As a historian who spends far too little time focusing on the here and now, but with a strong historical interest in the use of city and space in representations of authority, I was intrigued and excited at the opportunity to read Stephen Graham’s exposé on the modern cities and new urban militarism, particularly since the back cover acclamations promised ‘a rigorously, pioneering book’. Although the book is indeed interesting and opened my eyes to a number of things, unfortunately, there are a number of disappointments in store for readers. The book is long, and with over 400 pages of text to plough through it gives the average historical monograph a run for its money, even though as an academic field we are known for weighty door-stop volumes! Graham breaks the information down into ten chapters plus an introduction and the chapters are subsequently divided into shorter, more approachable sections. The introduction gives some key features of urban militarism/ military urbanism – most useful to a more general reader – as well as a breakdown of his approach and central goal: to reconcile the current split in the study of cities, which is divided between discussions of security, international 1 Stirling International Journal of Postgraduate Research 1.2 (2013) politics, and issues of urban security, and the debates regarding the impact of change on urban life studied in geography, architecture and anthropology.
    [Show full text]
  • State Militarism and Its Legacies State Militarism and Its Alexander M
    State Militarism and Its Legacies State Militarism and Its Alexander M. Golts Legacies and Tonya L. Putnam Why Military Reform Has Failed in Russia Russia’s economy and political system have undergone enormous changes since the end of the Soviet era. A burgeoning market system has replaced the Soviet command economy, and open multiparty competition for representation in Russia’s political insti- tutions operates in place of the Communist Party that ruled the country exclu- sively for more than 60 years. In the areas of defense and security, however, radical changes to the organizational and operational system inherited from the Soviet Union have yet to occur. After more than a decade of reform efforts, Russia’s armed forces have shrunk to less than two-thirds of their 1992 size of 3.7 million.1 Russia’s military leaders, nevertheless, have been adamant about preserving Soviet-era force structures and strategic plans. Why have Russia’s armed forces—nearly alone among the core institutions of the Russian state— resisted efforts to change their structure and character in accordance with insti- tutional arrangements operative in Western liberal democracies? This question is all the more bafºing because Russia’s military has been mired in an institutional crisis that predates the 1991 Soviet collapse. Currently, the Russian military is laboring under conditions of acute infrastructure decay and extreme shortages of equipment, a recruitment crisis exacerbated by a dysfunctional conscription system and the exodus of junior ofªcers, a lack of combat-ready forces for deployment to the ongoing conºict in Chechnya, and force structures and strategies that are woefully inadequate to address the country’s security threats.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuclear Weapons and the Second World War
    8-Page Paper #2 17.42 Nuclear Weapons and the Second World War Since the obliteration of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, nuclear weapons have captured the attention of social scientists and the public alike. Some argue that the world benefits from nuclear weapons, claiming that they prevent war. Skeptics do not share this view and worry that nuclear weapons will only intensify conflict. Unfortunately, most theories about the benefits of nuclear weapons await judgement, because history has yet to present enough hard evidence towards their confirmation or rejection. In the absence of concrete proof, thought experiments can be a useful tool to flesh out theories. By considering the hypothetical case in which nuclear weapons were present prior to the Second World War, this paper draws conclusions about the effect of nuclear weapons on the causes of war. First, analysis shows that nuclear weapons provide mutually assured destruction, balance militaries, facilitate cautious decisions and negotiations, and de-glorify militaristic perceptions of war, all of which may prevent war. Next, Hitler's role in starting WWII is examined by looking at his control over Germany, reluctance to negotiate, skewed ideology, and non-deterrable nature. Finally, it is argued that nuclear weapons could not have prevented conflict and instead may have intensified the Second World War. Section 1 – Nuclear Weapons and the Prevention of War First, it is important to explore how nuclear weapons prevent war. This section develops four theories about nuclear weapons and the prevention of war. Nuclear weapons prevent war by offering a means of mutually assured destruction. Mutually assured destruction, or MAD, is the concept that says that should a war occur, both sides would have the capability to inflict an unacceptable level of damage to the other.
    [Show full text]
  • Total War" Author(S): Hans Speier Source: American Sociological Review, Vol
    Class Structure and "Total War" Author(s): Hans Speier Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 4, No. 3 (Jun., 1939), pp. 370-380 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2084924 . Accessed: 27/09/2011 20:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Sociological Review. http://www.jstor.org CLASS STRUCTURE AND "TOTAL WAR" HANS SPEIER New Schoolfor Social Research W ARS ARE the products of the civilization in which they are waged. Their specific character is dependent upon the specific organization of society in times of peace. Since it is always a society that is at war with another society, any aspect of war is fully intelligible only when it is seen in relation to the given organization of those societies, their tech- nologies and their institutions, their material resources and their morals. In this broad sense war has always been totalitarian, but today, the term "Total War" has a special connotation, and there is a good reason for using it in a narrower sense. Total war is unlimited in character; it is what Clause- witz called "absolute war." It differs from that type of war which prevailed in the two centuries prior to the World War.
    [Show full text]
  • Soft on Defense: the Failure to Confront Militarism
    Soft on Defense: The Failure To Confront Militarism Ann Scalest War provokes at least one certain reaction from the legal academy: symposia. There have been scores of conferences and law review issues devoted to the aftermath of the events of September 11, 2001.1 The topics range across national security law generally (the prosecution of the "war on terror" specifically) and the effects of this regime on constitutional governance (such as the Patriot Act, the status of detainments at Guantanamo Bay, and the torture of Copyright © 2005, The Regents of the University of California. t. Associate Professor, University of Denver College of Law. This is an expanded version of the keynote speech delivered at the conference entitled, "Women and War: A Critical Discourse," at Boalt Hall School of Law on March 12, 2004. I thank all of those who have helped to put this article in publishable form. The staff of the Berkeley Women's Law Journal - both the organizers of the conference and editors of this issue - have shown sophisticated enthusiasm. Dean Mary E. Ricketson of the University of Denver Sturm College of Law provided generous research support. Diane Burkhardt and the staff of the DU law library always acted timely, thoroughly, and with good humor. Data Lum, Keelin Griffin, and Lukas Staks provided able research assistance. I. Among symposia on these topics see generally Terrorism and the Constitution: Civil Liberties in a New America, 6 U. PA. J. CONST. L. 998 (2004); Use and Abuse of the Laws of War in the "War on Terrorism," 22 LAW & INEQ.
    [Show full text]
  • The First World War Long Term Causes Militarism
    The First World War Long term causes Short term cause – Assassination in Sarajevo. Archduke Ferdinand and Militarism - Countries build up their armies, navies and weapons in order to attack others. his wife, Countess Sophie, were on an official visit to Sarajevo to Imperialism -Countries try to build large empires by conquering other countries. inspect the Bosnian Army and to celebrate their wedding anniversary. Ideology - A set of beliefs about how a country is governed and how its people are allowed to In spite of tight security, a Serbian terrorist, Gavrilo Princip, fired two live. shots into the Archduke’s car killing both the prince and his wife. Alliances - Agreements countries make to support each other, especially during war. Princip was soon arrested. He belonged to a Serbian terrorist group Nationalism - Feeling of national pride which makes countries feel superior to others. called the Black Hand. This group wants Bosnia to be free from the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Austria has blamed the Serbian government for the assassination. Battle of Jutland - The only big battle at sea happened in 1916. Neither side was a clear winner. When war was declared in 1914, thousands of men volunteered to join the 247,000 regular soldiers in the British army. Recruiting offices were opened in almost every town and city. Men had to be 18 to join up and 19 to light overseas but, desperate to join up, many lied about their age. In the first year of the war, 1.1 million men enlisted in the British armed forces, but this was not enough.
    [Show full text]
  • American Militarism in US Congress
    American Militarism in US Congress: Another Military Transformation from the 103rd to the 112th Congress By [Copyright 2015] KeeHyun Ahn Submitted to the graduate degree program in the Department of Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________________ Chairperson Mark R. Joslyn ________________________________ Co-chair Michael S. Lynch ________________________________ Don Haider-Markel ________________________________ Jiso Yoon ________________________________ Adrian R. Lewis Date Defended: March 26 2015 ii The Dissertation Committee for KeeHyun Ahn certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: American Militarism in US Congress: Another Military Transformation from the 103rd to the 112th Congress ________________________________ Chairperson Mark R. Joslyn ________________________________ Co-chair Michael S. Lynch Date approved: March 26 2015 iii Abstracts The armed forces are maintained in two ways –in both the military way and the militaristic way. In this sense, every nation which has its own military has specific features of militarism, regardless of how dominant these features are over other parts of the society. The U.S. has its own type of militarism in the military and the society. In the United States, there is a belief that the US military should be number one in the world. This American public belief takes various shapes of military imperatives which connect every part of society with military and lead them to cooperate and support the realization of these imperatives. In Part I, the dissertation shows that military transformation in the post-Cold War era is an example that shows how American militarism works in American society.
    [Show full text]
  • Militarization and Policing—Its Relevance to 21St Century Police Peter B
    Policing Advance Access published December 13, 2007 1 Article Militarization and Policing—Its Relevance to 21st Century Police Peter B. Kraska∗ Abstract This work examines the blurring distinctions between the police and military institutions and between war and law enforcement. In this article, the author asserts that understanding this blur, and the associated organizing concepts militarization and militarism, are essential for accurately analyzing the changing nature of security, and the activity of policing, in the late-modern era of the 21st century. Simplicity is comforting. Modernity’s basic to clearly demarcate the two is usually seen dichotomies such as fact/value, private/public, as an indicator of repressiveness and lack of and national/international simplify our think- democracy. ing and lull us into intellectual complacency. My research and writing has been challeng- Police academics in the United States, with ing this dichotomy since the late 1980s. Its only a few exceptions, have been quite com- central thesis has remained steadfast, and may fortable with the military/police dichotomy. be viewed at this point in history as an obvious The US military handles external security point to the keenly observant: we have been through the threat and practice of war. The witnesses to a little noticed but nonetheless civilian police handle internal security through momentous historical change–the traditional the enforcement of federal and local laws. Most assume that studying the police and military distinctions between military/police, war/law is a mutually exclusive undertaking. Taking enforcement, and internal/external security this dichotomy for granted is understandable are rapidly blurring. Over the past 15 years, given that the clear demarcation between the I have researched and traced the evolution police and military has been considered a pre- of two interrelated trends that embody this eminent feature of the modern nation-state blur: the militarization of US police and crime (Giddens, 1985).
    [Show full text]
  • War & Society Graduate Reading List
    War & Society Graduate Reading List (effective January 1, 2016) “The Dale Center Top 40”—The Essential Works THE FOLLOWING—REQUIRED—WORKS OFFER STUDENTS A FIRM UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT ISSUES IN THE FIELD OF WAR AND SOCIETY, COVERING BOTH HISTORIOGRAPHIC AND TOPICAL SUBJECT MATTER. STUDENTS WILL SUPPLEMENT AND CUSTOMIZE INDIVIDUAL LISTS FROM THE SUPPLEMENTAL LIST BELOW IN CONSULTATION WITH THEIR ADVISERS AND COMMITTEE MEMBERS. Anderson, Fred. A People’s Army: Massachusetts Soldiers and Society in the Seven Years’ War. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984. Appy, Christian. Working-Class War: American Combat Soldiers and Vietnam. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1993. Bacevich, Andrew. The New American Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced by War. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005. Bailey, Beth. America’s Army: Making the All-Volunteer Force. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009. Bartov, Omer. Hitler’s Army: Soldiers, Nazis, and War in the Third Reich. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Beringer, Richard. Why the South Lost the Civil War. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986. Black, Jeremy. Rethinking Military History. New York: Routledge, 2004. Browning, Christopher. Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland. New York: Harper Perennial, 1993. Citino, Robert M. The German Way of War. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2005. Di Cosmo, Nicola, ed., Military Culture in Imperial China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009. Dower, John W. War without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War. New York: Pantheon Books, 1986. 1 Drea, Edward. Japan’s Imperial Amy: Its Rise and Fall,1853-1945.
    [Show full text]