Zambia Zaire

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Zambia Zaire COUNTRY REPORT Zambia Zaire 1st quarter 1996 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 40 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, USA Hong Kong Tel: (44.171) 830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.171) 499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 Electronic delivery EIU Electronic Publishing New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 London: Moya Veitch Tel: (44.171) 830 1007 Fax: (44.171) 830 1023 This publication is available on the following electronic and other media: Online databases CD-ROM Microfilm FT Profile (UK) Knight-Ridder Information World Microfilms Publications (UK) Tel: (44.171) 825 8000 Inc (USA) Tel: (44.171) 266 2202 DIALOG (USA) SilverPlatter (USA) Tel: (1.415) 254 7000 LEXIS-NEXIS (USA) Tel: (1.800) 227 4908 M.A.I.D/Profound (UK) Tel: (44.171) 930 6900 Copyright © 1996 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All rights reserved. Neither this publication nor any part of it may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All information in this report is verified to the best of the author’s and the publisher’s ability. However, the EIU does not accept responsibility for any loss arising from reliance on it. ISSN 1350-7087 Symbols for tables “n/a” means not available; “–” means not applicable Printed and distributed by Redhouse Press Ltd, Unit 151, Dartford Trade Park, Dartford, Kent DA1 1QB, UK 1 Summary Zambia, Zaire 1st quarter 1996 February 9, 1996 Zambia Political and economic structures Pages 2-3 Outlook: The agreement with the IMF and the weakness of the opposition give the government good reason to expect victory in October’s elections. Donor relations are on a solid footing and economic performance will improve even if ESAF targets are not met. Real GDP growth is likely to be around 3.8% in 1996. Pages 4-6 Review: Problems have arisen over the adoption of the draft constitution. Frederick Chiluba has been re-elected as the MMD’s leader. The voter registra- tion exercise has had an inauspicious beginning. The former president, Kenneth Kaunda, has expressed his determination to contest the presidential elections. The Rights Accumulation Programme (RAP) has been formally succeeded by an ESAF agreement with the IMF. Donors have followed this up with significant aid pledges for 1996. The finance minister, Ronald Penza, has presented a balanced budget for this year but problems have arisen over a pay award for civil servants. There have been warnings over food supply, despite the return of normal rains. Talks have begun with Anglo American Corporation over the Konkola Deep project. Production and profitability have fallen at ZCCM. SADC has debated the vexed issue of regional tariff levels. Pages 6-16 Zaire Political and economic structures Pages 17-18 Outlook: The president, Mobutu Sese Seko, is back in charge, although beyond his Gbadolite headquarters the country will remain in chaos. The economy’s halting recovery remains extremely tentative. Pages 19-20 Review: Mr Mobutu is the only national figure to call for rapid elections, but polls have indicated that he would lose to the former prime minister, Etienne Tshisekedi, at least in Kinshasa. Members of the HCR-PT have awarded them- selves a monthly $1,000 stipend. University professors have gone on strike. The government has dropped its December 31 ultimatum for the departure of Rwandan refugees but has maintained pressure for their return. Inflation has rebounded. The exchange rate has deteriorated rapidly after several months of stability. The 1996 budget was announced on time and is set to balance al- though it is based on some unrealistic assumptions. A cargo plane has crashed in a crowded market, killing more than 250 people and confirming one of the worst air safety records in the world. Pages 20-26 Statistical appendices Pages 27-33 Editorial queries: Mike Chapman; Gregory Kronsten; Gill Tudor Tel: (44.171) 830 1000 Fax: (44.171) 499 9767 Subscription queries: Jan Frost Tel: (44.171) 830 1007 Fax: (44.1708) 371 850 EIU Country Report 1st quarter 1996 © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 1996 2 Zambia Political structure: Zambia Official name: Republic of Zambia Form of state: unitary republic Legal system: based on the 1973 constitution as amended in 1991 National legislature: National Assembly; 150 members elected by universal suffrage; all serve a five-year term Last elections: October 1991 (presidential and legislative) Next elections: October 1996 (presidential and legislative) Head of state: president elected by universal suffrage for a term of five years National government: the president and his appointed cabinet (last reshuffle in July 1995) Main political parties: the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) is the ruling party. The former sole political party, the United National Independence Party (UNIP), is now in opposition. The other party with seats in parliament is the National Party (NP). Other parties (31 in all) include the Labour Party and the National Conservative Party (NCP) President Frederick Chiluba Vice-president Godfrey Miyanda Key ministers agriculture, food & fisheries Suresh Desai commerce, trade & industry Dipak Patel community development & social welfare Paul Kaping’a defence Ben Mwila education Alfeyo Hambayi energy & water Edith Nawakwi environment William Harrington finance Ronald Penza foreign affairs Christen Tembo health Michael Sata home affairs Chitalu Sampa information & broadcasting, government spokesman Amusa Mwanamwambwa labour & social security Newstead Zimba lands Luminzu Shimaponda legal affairs Remmy Mushota local government & housing Bennie Mwiinga mines & mineral development Keli Walubita science, technology & vocational training Kabunda Kayongo tourism Gabriel Maka transport & communications Dawson Lupunga works & supply Simon Zukas youth, sports & child development Patrick Kafumokache Governor of Bank of Zambia Jacob Mwanza EIU Country Report 1st quarter 1996 © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 1996 Zambia 3 Economic structure: Zambia Latest available figures Economic indicators 1991 1992 1993 1994a 1995a GDP at market prices ZK m 218,276 469,564 1,640,748 2,318,287b n/a Real GDP growth % –0.4 –0.6 5.1 –5.4b –3.7 Consumer price inflationc % 92.6 197.4 189.0 55.0 30.0 Population m 8.39 8.64 8.94 9.25 n/a Exports fob $ m 1,172 1,177 1,013 1,075 1,150 Imports fob $ m 752 829 803 845 900 Current account $ m –307 –288 –258 –200 –90 Reserves excl gold $ m 184.6 150.0 192.3 297.0 n/a Total external debt $ bn 7.29 6.94 6.79 6.89 7.00 External debt-service ratio % 51.1 29.5 32.8 31.0 25.0 Copper outputd ’000 tons 387 432 392 350 330 Exchange rate (av) ZK:$ 64.64 172.21 452.76 669.37 910.00 February 9, 1996 ZK1,010:$1 Origins of gross domestic product 1994b % of total Components of gross domestic product 1994b % of total Agriculture 32 Private consumption 97 Mining 6 Government consumption 10 Manufacturing 22 Gross fixed capital formation 11 Construction 5 Change in stocks –1 Commerce 22 Exports of goods & services 24 Government & other services 13 Imports of goods & services –41 GDP at market prices 100 GDP at market prices 100 Principal exports 1993 $ m Principal imports 1993 $ m Copper 830 Crude oil 144 Cobalt 74 Fertiliser 30 Zinc 3 Electricity 1 Main destinations of exports 1994e % of total Main origins of imports 1994e % of total Japan 14 South Africa 35 Saudi Arabia 11 UK 16 Thailand 10 Zimbabwe 11 Pakistan 8 New Zealand 6 a EIU estimates. b Provisional. c Low-income index, urban areas. d ZCCM financial years starting April 1. e Based on partners’ trade returns, subject to a wide margin of error. EIU Country Report 1st quarter 1996 © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 1996 4 Zambia Zambia Outlook Mr Chiluba and the MMD The president, Frederick Chiluba, began 1996 with reason to be confident about look forward to 1996— his prospects in the presidential election scheduled for October. Mr Chiluba was comfortably re-elected as leader of the ruling Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) and the party has had some success in its attempt to present a more united front. —confident that donor The government has also won a significant economic victory with the formal relations are on a solid conclusion in early December of the Rights Accumulation Programme (RAP) footing— and the agreement of an Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) with the IMF. Access to new IMF funding over the next three years will be useful but just as important was the praise which came from the Fund for the govern- ment’s economic policy. As long as such approval continues donor support can be assured. This was confirmed at the World Bank-sponsored Consultative Group Meeting, at which donors pledged continued financial support for the country’s economic reform programme.
Recommended publications
  • Think (Capitalist) and Grow Rich
    CCK-19 INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS Think (capitalist) .and grow rich Casey C. Kelso Lusaka, Zambia May 1993 Peter Bird Martin Institute of Current World Affairs 4 West Wheel ock Street Hanover, New Hampshire, USA Dear Peter- Alfred Chioza's greed got away from him. The Zambian businessman turned farmer planted 22 acres of burley tobacco. He expected huge profits in the new free-market agricultural economy, so he figured more acres meant more money. Maybe. But it also meant a tobacco glut of horror film proportions. Now, at harvest time, the brown leaves are tied into clumps and not only packed into two huge thatch-roofed barns at his farm in Zambia's Eastern Province. Stacks of drying tobacco fill the tractor sheds, displace cars from the carport and rise to the rafters of his guest house. Inside Chioza's home, leaves hang from ceiling lights. Behind a little pass window opening onto the kitchen, densely packed tobacco ascends to the ceiling. Last year, Chioza was a wheeler-dealer selling imported South African goods at a 500 percent mark-up in the capital, Lusaka. This year, he lives in a newly built house in the countryside, where he is watching his tobacco harvest fill every available space. "I may be a farmer bearing an 'L' badge for 'learner' on my back, but I believe there is a lot of future in farming now," he said. Chioza's change in attitude underscores a dramatic transformation of agriculture taking place in Zambia. For decades, many Zambians thought of farming as the demeaning and unremunerative toil of a peasant or as the unattainable economies of scale of huge, white-owned commercial farms.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
    UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn
    [Show full text]
  • Charisma and Politics in Post-Colonial Africa
    CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Sishuwa Sishuwa CSSR Working Paper No. 446 January 2020 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2020 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/446 ISBN: 978-1-77011-433-3 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2020 About the author: Sishuwa Sishuwa is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, at UCT. His PhD (from Oxford University) was a political biography of Zambian politician and president Michael Sata. Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Abstract This paper examines the interaction between charisma and politics in Africa. Two broad groups of charismatic political leaders are discussed: those who came to the fore during the era of independence struggles and saw themselves as an embodiment of their nation states and having a transformative impact over the societies they led, and those who emerged largely in response to the failure of the first group or the discontent of post-colonial delivery, and sought political power to enhance their own personal interests. In both instances, the leaders emerged in a context of a crisis: the collapse of colonialism, the disintegration of the one-party state model and economic collapse. Keywords: charisma; leadership; colonialism; one-party state; democracy. 1. Introduction The concept of charisma entered the lexicon of the social sciences more than a century ago and is credited to German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920).
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
    “The third wave of democracy did sweep across much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, but has now subsided, except for ripples and eddies.” Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa richarD Joseph n July 2009, President Barack Obama declared This is an appropriate moment, therefore, to in Accra, Ghana, that Africa no longer needs step back from the volatility and try to under- Istrongmen—it needs strong institutions. stand the deeper dynamics of political change Almost a year later, at a meeting of the African and continuity in the region. In this exercise, Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary of State the perspective of Richard L. Sklar, a longtime Hillary Clinton contended that many African lead- student of African affairs and retired professor of ers seem more concerned with staying eternally political science at the University of California, in power than with ably serving their people. In Los Angeles, is helpful. Sklar has argued for the some cases, she said, democracy “as one election, importance of studying power and the means by one time” still prevails. which it is acquired and exercised. He contends How much do these views correspond with what that all governmental systems are mixed, and is taking place in African countries? What patterns everything that is good in governance may not emerge in the configuration of political power? And necessarily be “democratic.” finally, how do we assess Africa’s democratic pros- Sklar calls attention, for example, to the sig- pects in light of global developments? nificance of oligarchic entities, such as the US As once impregnable autocracies fall in North Supreme Court or the British House of Lords, Africa, the people of sub-Saharan Africa can in capitalist democracies.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia, a 'Christian Nation'
    International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 7; July 2016 Zambia, a ‘Christian nation’ in Post Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) Era, 2011-2016 Austin M. Cheyeka Department of Religious Studies University of Zambia P. O. Box 32379, Lusaka Zambia Abstract The declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation in 1991 has become a field of research because of its many faces, the interpretations it has accrued which generate debate and things it has spawned; numerous Pentecostal churches and political parties with the ‘Christian’ name tag. What is more, it has given birth to organizations such as ‘Christian Nation Coalition’, ‘Christian Nation Foundation’ and most significant, a national chapel (House of Prayer for All Nations Tabernacle) yet to be constructed in the capital city next to State house where the declaration occurred. In this article I extend my research on the Christian nation rhetoric beyond Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) era, by examining its status during the Patriotic Front rule from 2011 to 2016, before the August 11, 2016 general elections. In 2011 the party of the president who declared Zambia a Christian nation lost power to a new party of Mr. Michael Chilufya Sata, a staunch Catholic, who, after his demise, was succeeded by Edgar Chagwa Lungu of unknown religious or denominational affiliation. I argue in the article that while Sata hardly used the Christian nation rhetoric, Lungu made the most of it during his campaign thereby revitalizing the Christian nation fervor and prompting some Pentecostal big men and women to rally around him. My stark conclusion is that: Lung perceptively reconfigured the Christian nation rhetoric for political mileage.
    [Show full text]
  • AC Vol 45 No 9
    www.africa-confidential.com 30 April 2004 Vol 45 No 9 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL TANZANIA 3 SUDAN Troubled isles The union between the mainland Mass murder and Zanzibar – 40 years old this Ten years after Rwanda’s genocide, the NIF regime kills and displaces week – remains a political hotspot, tens of thousands of civilians in Darfur – with impunity mainly because the ruling CCM has rigged two successive elections on Civilians in Darfur continue to die as a result of the National Islamic Front regime’s ethnic cleansing and the islands. Some hope that former in the absence of serious diplomatic pressure. United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan has warned OAU Secretary General Salim that international military intervention might be required to stop the slaughter in Darfur, while senior UN Ahmed Salim of Zanzibar will take officials refer to the NIF regime’s scorched earth policy as ‘genocide’ or ‘ethnic cleansing’. Yet last week over from President Mkapa next the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNOHCHR) in Geneva again refused to recommend strong year and negotiate a new settlement with the opposition CUF. action against Khartoum and suppressed its own highly critical investigation, which found that government agents had killed, raped and tortured civilians. On 23 April, the NIF exploited anti-Americanism to defeat a call from the United States and European MALAWI 4Union to reinstate a Special Rapporteur (SR) on Human Rights. At 2003’s annual session, Khartoum had successfully lobbied for the removal as SR of the German lawyer and former Interior Minister Gerhard Bingu the favourite Baum, an obvious candidate for enquiries in Darfur.
    [Show full text]
  • Malawi Malawi at a Glance: 2004-05
    Country Report October 2003 Malawi Malawi at a glance: 2004-05 OVERVIEW The Economist Intelligence Unit has now extended its forecast period into 2005. The ruling United Democratic Front (UDF) is best placed to win both the presidential and legislative elections, scheduled for May 2004, owing to its strong nationwide organisation and its alliance with the Alliance for Democracy. Divisions within the party over Bingu wa Mutharika’s nomination as presidential candidate are unlikely to weaken its electoral chances. Assuming a good harvest of maize and other crops, real GDP growth should increase to 2.6% in 2004; falling tobacco receipts will bring this down to 2.3% in 2005. Key changes from last month Political outlook • Mr Mutharika will be unlikely to risk deviating from Mr Muluzi’s wishes too much in 2004-05. After the elections, the essentially self-serving nature of Malawian politics is unlikely to change. Economic policy outlook • Our economic policy forecast remains largely unchanged. After the elections in 2004, we expect the government’s commitment to improving fiscal discipline to increase slightly; therefore, we are forecasting that the fiscal deficit will narrow to 5.5% of GDP in fiscal year 2004/05 (July-June) and 5% of GDP in 2005/06. Economic forecast • We have extended our forecast period to 2004-05 this month. The depreciation of the kwacha and higher government spending ahead of the presidential and legislative elections will push average inflation up to 13% in 2004. The lack of election-related spending should bring average inflation down to 12.2% in 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • Dictators Walking the Mogadishu Line: How Men Become Monsters and Monsters Become Men∗
    Dictators Walking the Mogadishu Line: How Men Become Monsters and Monsters Become Men∗ Shaun Larcom Mare Sarr Tim Willems June 2016 ∗Shaun Larcom is University Lecturer in the Department of Land Economy at the University of Cam- bridge. His email address is [email protected]. Mare Sarr (corresponding author) is Associate Professor in the School of Economics at the University of Cape Town. His email address is [email protected]. Tim Willems is an external Research Associate with OxCarre. His email address is [email protected]. The authors thank Denis Norman for sharing his experiences on life within the Mugabe-government. They also thank the editor (Andrew Foster), two anonymous referees, Rob Davies, Georgy Egorov, Bernardo Guimaraes, Juniours Marire, Athanasios Orphanides, Chrik Poortman, Ragnar Torvik, Wessel Vermeulen, Sam Wills, Li Yuan, Alex Zimper and audiences at the 7th Oxcarre Conference, the 2014 Political Economy Workshop in Milan, and the Universities of Cape Town, Oxford, Pretoria, Toulouse School of Economics, and the Graduate Institute Geneva for useful comments and discussions. Adeola Oyenubi provided excellent research assistance. 1 Let them hate me, as long as they fear me. Caligula, Roman Emperor from 37 to 41 AD. At some point in the second half of the 20th century, the world was in a state of excitement. The reason was that the white government of an African country had just announced the discharge of a prominent freedom fighter with a history within the South African ANC. After decades of tireless struggle for freedom and majority rule, he was convincingly elected to lead his country.
    [Show full text]
  • The Plundering of Zambian Resources by Frederick
    The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance Donge, J.K.van Citation Donge, J. Kvan. (2009). The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance. African Affairs, 108(430), 69-90. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). African Affairs, 108/430, 69–90 doi: 10.1093/afraf/adn073 C The Author [2008]. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved THE PLUNDERING OF ZAMBIAN RESOURCES BY FREDERICK CHILUBA AND HIS FRIENDS: A CASE STUDY OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN NATIONAL POLITICS AND THE INTERNATIONAL DRIVE TOWARDS GOOD GOVERNANCE JAN KEES VAN DONGE ABSTRACT This article analyses the accusations that have emerged since 2001 of predatory behaviour during the presidency of Frederick T. Chiluba (1991– 2001). It advocates a detailed analysis of the practices that have come to light in order to move beyond a generalized interpretation of the persis- tence of predatory elites in Africa. Three specific themes appear. First, there is a danger of oversimplification of these conflicts as between the international community and national governments. The political struggles tend to be more complicated than generally presented, and international involvement meshes with local political struggles. Second, predatory be- haviour or corruption is a social process that is embedded in wider national and international networks.
    [Show full text]
  • Vol. 9: Zambia Sub-Saharan Report
    Marubeni Research Institute 2016/09/01 Sub -Saharan Report Sub-Saharan Africa is one of the focal regions of Global Challenge 2015. These reports are by Mr. Kenshi Tsunemine, an expatriate employee working in Johannesburg with a view across the region. Vol. 9: Zambia April 10, 2015 In October 2014, the president of Zambia, Mr. Michael Sata, died in London while recuperating from medical treatment and the vice president, Mr. Guy Scott, was named interim leader of the country. Although this type of succession is normal under a constitutional government, it was the first time in 20 years for a sub-Saharan African country to have a white leader since F. W. de Klerk of South Africa (1989- 1994). In the subsequent by-election held in January this year, Mr. Edgar Lungu, from the ruling party, was elected the new president of Zambia, which is the country I am introducing to you this time. Table 1: Zambia Country Information The Republic of Zambia is a landlocked country in the southern part of Africa surrounded by the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola and Botswana—8 countries in all. Zambia’s land is found at a high altitude of 700-2,000 meters (the capital, Lusaka, is at 1,200 meters), and most of the country, being on a plateau, has a moderately humid climate or tropical savanna type climate. In thinking about Zambia’s most famous attractions, Victoria Falls, one of the world’s three major waterfalls (note 1), usually comes to mind first. The waterfall is a UNESCO World Heritage Site found on the border of Zambia and Zimbabwe and is 1,700 meters wide.
    [Show full text]
  • Debating 'The Rediscovery of Liberalism' in Zambia: Responses to Harri Englund
    Africa 84 (4) 2014: 658–67 doi:10.1017/S0001972014000527 DEBATING ‘THE REDISCOVERY OF LIBERALISM’ IN ZAMBIA: RESPONSES TO HARRI ENGLUND David M. Gordon, Bizeck Jube Phiri, Giacomo Macola, James Ferguson In Africa 83(4) (November 2013), Harri Englund discussed several recent books on Zambia published preceding the country’s fiftieth independence anniversary. His article explored the ways in which recent publications by Zambian and Zambianist authors have launched a fresh research agenda, and he focused in particular on the scholarly engagement with liberalism. Below, we publish responses from David M. Gordon, Bizeck Jube Phiri and Giacomo Macola, whose work was discussed in this article, and a comment by James Ferguson on more scholarly directions. ‘The Hour Has Come!’ was the slogan that brought Frederick Chiluba and his neoliberal government victory over Zambia’s long-time president, Kenneth Kaunda, in 1991. Less than a decade later Zambians riffed, ‘The Hour Is Sour.’ Zambians and Zambianist scholars alike have been ambivalent about the ‘redis- covery of liberalism’, the theme that organizes Englund’s review article. The latest generation of historians has not embraced a political programme, unlike their Marxist predecessors, or, perhaps to Englund’s disappointment, even cohered around a set of theoretical concerns. Liberalism might describe some common sensibilities, but it remains distrusted, associated with the corruption of Chiluba’s regime and the enforcement of free market policies by international agencies. Historiography, instead, reveals multifaceted forms of resistance to Kaunda and his administration alongside disillusionment with the neoliberalism that replaced it. The heroics of opposition to Kaunda formed one angle of investigation, but so did the shortfalls of Chiluba’s government, whether in the form of IMF-inspired prophecies, or, in my case, Pentecostal prognostics.
    [Show full text]
  • MOZAMBIQUE: a FADING U.N. SUCCESS STORY Jeremy M
    MOZAMBIQUE: A FADING U.N. SUCCESS STORY Jeremy M. Weinstein Jeremy M. Weinstein is a doctoral candidate in political economy and government at Harvard University and a graduate student fellow of the Center for International Development. This article is based in part on research he conducted in formerly Renamo-controlled areas in central and northern Mozambique. As Mozambique enters its tenth year of peace following a brutal and destructive civil war, the signs of continued democratic transformation and pro-market economic reform appear rosy, at least at first glance. Donors and the international community have quietly lauded Joaquim Chissano’s recent announcement that he is “not disposed” to seek a third term as president of this former Portuguese colony of 17 million on the southeast coast of Africa. Together with President Frederick Chiluba’s similar announcement in Zambia a few months ago, it looks to many like an indication that these two African democracies are maturing and consolidating the gains that they have made in recent years. Mozambique’s continued place atop the list of the world’s fastest- growing economies has been seen as another signal that commitment to the “Washington Consensus” will provide the funds required to bring infrastructure, schools, and health care to the rural majority. It is no wonder, then, that Mozambique finds itself highlighted as a success story for the United Nations in conflict-ridden Africa. Many credit Mozambique’s remarkable transformation to the UN’s efforts to sus- tain the drawn-out peace negotiations, demobilize more than 90,000 soldiers, rebuild a unified national army, and foster the rise of a legiti- mate, peaceful opposition.
    [Show full text]