Ms. i^.no MEMOIRS
o t
MAXIMILIAN de BETHUNEj / DUKE of SULLY,
PRIME MINISTER OF li HENRY the GREAT. it ' Newly tranflated from the French edition of M. de L’ECLUSE.
To which is annexed. The TRIAL of FRANCIS RAVAILLAC, for the Murder of HENRY the GREAT. * fc.
IN FIVE VOLUMES.
1 VOLUME V.
E D I N B U R G H:
Printed and Sold by Gavin Alston.
MjDCC.LXXUI. $>' B
-_5^Des -z 19 75 0^
., r - SUMMARY of BOOKS in
Volume V.
SUMMARY of BOOK XXVIII.
Continuation of the memoirs of the year iGro. Remarks upon the aflaffination of Henry IV. a defcription of his perfon : particulars relating to his life ; his charafter ; his good and bad qualities. The fituation in which his death left the Duke of Sully : his reafons for fufpecfing the new council: he (huts himfelf uji in the Baflile ; but afterwards goes to the Louvre : the gracious reception given him by the Queen : he alhfls at th^ceremony of the bed of juftice. Mary de Medicis fettles a pub- lic and private council, in which the policy and maxims of the government are entirely changed : Sully’s complaints of thefe proceedings t he is not regarded. The Count of Soiflbns returns to court: quarrels between him and Sully. Councils held concerning the armament fet on foot by Henry,., concerning the Duke of Savoy, &c. in which Sully makes fruitlefs reprefentations againft their pro- ceeding : he refolves to refign his employments, and to retire from court: Iris family oppofe this ■ defign : he fends Arnaud to Conchini, who re- ceives with haughtinefs his advances-: he unites with the prince of Conde : the wife advice he gives him; notwithftanding which, this prince joins his enemies. Other plots of the court; and Sully’s difputes with the miniflers and courtiers A far- ther account of the affair of Cieves, and its con- clufion..
Vox. .V*. a - 2: SUM- SUMMARY.
SUMMARY of BOOK XXIX.
Continuation of the memoirs of 1610,—idir.. The realbns why the princes, grandees, and mini-* flers, hated Sully: he oppofesthe unjuft proceed- ings of the council : refufes to fign a countant at the Queen’s requeft. Quarrels in full council with the Duke of Bouillon, Qifputes in the aourt and council. Coronation of Lewis XIII. f?ully goes, to Montrond, and is taken ill there: reafons for the Queen-regent and the minifters recalling him : the reception given him by this princefs, who aftetr- wards takes part with Conchini and the minifters againft him. His refolutionin oppofing the unjuft demands of the grandees, and, the diflipation of the royal treafures : the uneafinefs he fuffers on this occafibn. He quarrels with Villerci and D’Ar lincourt in full council. The princes, lords, and miniftfers enter into a confederacy againft him. He takes a refolution to retire for ever from court: different opinions concerning his retreat. Sully jefigns the fuperintendhnce of the finances, the government of the Baftile, &c. The prudent ad- vice which he gives his fecretaries :. their obliga- tions to him. He prevents the artifices of his ene- mies to ruin him : his, letters to the Queen-regent for this purpofe, in which he juftifies Ins condudf, and his adminiftration,: the een’s anfwers. The- King increafes his penfion. Ie, gives a general account of his public and private conduct: of his wealth ; and of his domeftic affairs : his faithful performances of. the. promifes he made to Hen*
SUMMARY of BOOK XXX.
Difeuffton of the political fcherr.e, commonly ealied tlic great defign of Henry IV. Prelimi- nary SUMMARY. r nary confiderations upon the Roman empire ; upon the eftablifhment of the French monarchy ; upon the afferent governments of the three races of '»ar Kings, See. The poffibility of the great defiga proved. Hemy with difficulty makes Sully approve of it: in what manner Elifabeth and this prince formed it. Favourable and unfavourable events. The advantage of this fcheme to all Europe. That part of the political fcheme which regards religion, confiding in peaceably maintaining the religions re- ceived in Europe, and in driving the infidels from thence. The political part, which confids in eda- blidiing fifteen equal monarchies; in reducing the power of the houfe of Audria ; and dividing what it was deprived of among the princes and republics of Europe. Means of indemnifying himfelf, and of proving the equity of his proceedings.. The mo- deration and difinteredednefs of France in this di- vifion. Edablifhment of a general council of the Chridian republics. Negociations and other means employed to induce the princes and dates of Eu- rope to engage in the great defign. Account of forces, and the expences neceffary for the execution of it. The march and difpofition of the armies of the confederate princes: the probable refult of it.
SUPPLEMENT to the Life of the Duke o£ SULLY, after his retreats
Conduct of the Duke of Sully in the affembly of the Protedants at Chatelleraut; and of this af- fembly with regard to the perfonal affairs of Sully : the part he has in the Duke of Rohan’s difputes with the Queen-regent on account of St John d!Angely. The Queen-regent's reliance upon him ^ and the letters which (he writes to him during the rebellion of the Princes and the Protedants Coun- fels which he gives her; and thefervices he performs on. this occafion. He is made Marfiial of France. a 1 Hi > vi summary. H is difcontent with his fon and grandfon. State of his family; and the difpofition which he makes of his eftates among his children. His death. Ho- nours paid him by the Duchefs of Sully. His tomb and epitaph. An account of his domeftic condu£ta and of his private life. Occupations of the Du- chefs his wife. The Duke of Sully’s fentiments *pon religion. His public and private buildings. The TRIAL of Franc is RavaillaC) for the murder of K.. Henry IV.
MEMOIRS-- ( i ) 4
M E M O I R S
O F
S U L L Y.
^ ’i* >§‘# ^ ‘i*# #>§■##
BOOK XXVIII.
THE reader muft not expe£I to fee in thefe Memoirs a particular relation of that ex- ecrable crime : my grief is renewed by the fad remembrance, nor fhall I ceafe to la- ment it but with my laft breath. It is with alto- nifliment that I behold perfons capable of hearing £nd talking with indifference of the greateft misfor- tune which ever befel this kingdom : in me the thoughts of it are'attended with fuch horror, that I turn my eyes as much as poffible from that deplo- rable object, and my tongue refufes to pronounce the name of the molt abominable monffer *, who was the caufe of all our miferies ; while inwardly I implore the divine vengeance againft him, and a- gainft thofe that armed his impious hand ; the pu- blic outcry directs us to the authors of this deteft-
* Francis R^viillac. See a full account of this ren-iclde in the trial annexed to ;his volume. VoL*V- A able 2 MEMOIRS Book XXVIII, able plot; nor can I hinder myfelf from exclaiming, with all the world, againft a circumfiance, of which no one is ignorant. After the parricide had per- petrated his horrid defign, he was guarded with fo little care in the houfe * to which he was firft car- ried, that during four hours, all forts of perfons were permitted to fee and talk with him ; and cer- tain perfons, whom it is unneceflary to name here, made fuch imprudent ufe of this liberty, that they were heard to call him Friend, and bid him, I repeat their own words, “ take care that he did “ not accttfe good men who were innocent, and “ good Catholics,” becaufe that would be an un- pardonable crime, and worthy of eternal damna- tion. Some perfons, truly fcandalized at what they faw, loudly exclaimed againft fuch negligence; which obliged them afterwards to guard the mur- d rer with more care. Whatever may be in this, fuch was the tragical end of a prince, on whom nature, with a lavifh profufion, had be/lowed all advantages, except that of a death fuch as he merited. I have already obfer- ve<;, that his flature was fo happy, and his limbs formed with fuch proportion, as conftitutes not on- ly what is called a well-made man, but indicates ftrength, vigour, and adbivity f; his complexion was animated ; all the lineaments of his face had that a- greeable livelinels ^ which forms a fweet and happy phyfiognomy, * In the hotel of Retz. L’Etoile fays he was carried the next day from the iiotel of Epernon to the Conciergerie- | “ Henry i V. fays Le Grain, was of a midJHug ftatvire, ra- 4< (her tali than low, his forehead was broad, his nofe aquiline 14 and royal, his mouth Wfll made, ^nd his lips red/’ Decade de Henry le Grand, book i. Morizot, being worfe informed, lays, on the contiory, thit he was low, and of Iquare make ; and afLrts that he dref^ed himfelf nearly in the fame manner in winter as in Aimmer chap. 49. $ D’Aubigne informs us. th t hr hid an extreme piercing fight, ami. (tr> make ufe of hi? own words) a monUrous quick hc-aring, of which he gives hi con-vincinr proof ** The f ys he, being in bed at La Garnache. in a large ue chamber; and his ** I cd» Ufivjes the curtains, being fur rounded wfth a thick fuze : irron ten jc j6io. OF SULLY. ^ phyfiognomV} and perfectly fuited to that engaging eafinefs of manners wliieh, tiro’ fometimes mixed •with Majefty, never loft the graceful affability and eufy gaiety * io natural to that great prince. With regard to the qualities of his heart ami mind, I {hall ttll the reader nothing new, by faying that he was candid, fmcere, grateful, compaifronate, ge- nerous, “ Fron^enac and 1 laid in the oppoG:e cornernf rhe room, in a hi J “ fnrnifh J in (he fame manner : and j kina abnit th-r King, l “ hiving l y lips clofe t" h -ear, and InWc.ing my voire as mn h asp flihle he often asked me Wh a doll ih ai i.y ? The King “ anlVered, Deaf isyon arc, ran’i yo’.ih'ar, he lays, f wipi to •* ntakr tw . f riends by doing one good . ffi e : We got ofFby Jtfl- *' ring him to gu to fl ep, f r we !i d Itill a gr at !e d more to I y ofhim.” Yol. 3. chip 11. I he anl’w •. which the D.ik.-of Beilegarde made to the 1'rinre, is m i h of 1 he fame kin! wuh this. When bo:h of .hem lying in the lame 10 mi Ihntiy af Cr the de ihof Htmy .II Hemy IV. waked Be'lcgJrdt tine, or f ur times in (he night, tnperfuade him to gi'.c up f.ime of the pi^s fee enjoyed, in favour of fome perfous the King named to him! “ I will w'nh all my heirl. Sire,’’ fays the mailer of the h irfc at laid, • but for God’s fikc don’t wake any more. ” This tide of rad - lery and joking, as is always the cafe on fuch o< tali ms, from the prince’s example palled to his courtiers: and Siri, with fu.ne appear ance of reafon, blames Henry on this account, condemning it as a faith in a king; raillery never failing to create quarrels among!! the great, and always diminilhiiig the teverence due to the priuce. He produces many examples of this. Mem. recond. vol. |. p. j6c, * Thehiflory of Henry IV. furniflies innumerable initmcesoF fe's turn for plealantry, and of h:s aff.ble and popular manner of addrefs ; which peril :ps contributed more than his great qualities to procu e him the love of the people. “ The King’’fay the Mem. for the hid of France, vol. 1. p. 277. “ going one d y to “ the Louvre, and meeting a poor woman driving a cow, he flupt her, and asked the price of the cow : the woman hiving told “ him the price, Veutrc-Jamt-gris!{ay% the King die is not worth “ lhat ; 1 will give you fo much. I fee, replied the Woman, you “ are no dealer in cows. 'What makes you think fo ? fays the “ King who had many nohlemen with him? Don’t yon fee all “ tliefe calves arc follow'ng me?’’ His gardener at Fontainebleau once complaining to him thit he canid not m ike any thing grow in that foil: “ Friend,” fays Henry lo king at the Duke of Kpti« non, “ fow it with Gafcons, they will thrive any where.” A nun who-was an extraordinary great eater being (hewn him, he faid, Veutre-fa’iit gris ! if 1 had fix men like thee in my king- '* dom, 1 (h mid h mg them all ; inch r Tc Is would fion create a failtinc.” dl is alio related of him, that having tne day b„; d- A 2 ci 4 MEMOIRS Book XXVIIT. nerous *, wife, penetrating ; in a word, endowed with all thefe great and amiable qualities which in thefe Memoirs he has fo often had occafion of ad- miring in him. ed I® the Spanifh amtafTidor, that he would go to breakfaft a8 Mil in, hear mal’s at Rome and dine at Naples : that amhadadnr an (jeered, “ Sire, it'your M; jelly g®es fo fall, perhaps you may go to vefpers in Sicily ’’ ide was never difpleafed at any repariees that were made to him * Tile author probably had in his view the communiration he. tween the ocean and Me.■:terrene * The defcription Perefixe gives of it, p. 415 is quite affefting. W hen the report of this tragical accident had been i'prtad all over Paris, and it was certainly known that the King, who at firft was thought to be only wounded, was actually dead, that mixture of hope and fear, which till then had kept this great city in fufpenfe, at once build forth in loud cries and violent groans ; fame became motionlefs and infenfible, through grief; oihtrs ran about th« ftieets, quite frantic ; many embraced their friends without faying any thing to them but, “ Alas ! what a misfortune !’’ Some Unit themfelves up in their houfes ; others threw thcmfelves on the ground : one might fee women with their hair difhevelled, crying and lamenting ; fathers faid to their children, U hat will become of you ? you have loll your father. Thofe who had greater ap- pt ehenfions for the future, afid who remembered the horrible ca- lamities of the late civil wars, deplored the misfortunes of France, and laid, thit the fatal llroke which had pierced the heart of the King, at the lame time gave a deadly wound to e\ery Frenchman. It was faid, many were 1j (tiongly alTcfltd by this event, that they died i6io. OF S U L L Y. which I now beheld, was a proof how tenderly this good prince was beloved in his capital. Nothing coni i be more afFetling than the diderent ways by which the citizens and populace of this great city exprefli-.t their affe&ion and their forrow : groans, tears, loud cries of grief, a mournful filence, arms railed towards heaven, clafped hands ; fome ftrik- ing their bofoms, others (baking their heads with a melancholy air. This was the fpedbacle which was every where prefented to my view •, fome of them looking dejeftedly upon me, faid, “ Ah ! Mon- “ fieur, we are all undone, our good King is “ dead.” As I pafled through the flreet de la Pourpoin- terie, a man whom 1 had not perceived before, pafled clofe by me, and put a billet into my ha is, which I gave to fome of thofe who were nea: .d me to read j it contained only thefe few words: “ Monfieur, where are you going ? it is done ; I “ have feen him dead; if you enter the Louvre, “ you will not efcape any more than him.” This billet gave me a dreadful certainty of what I was feeking to know. I could not hinder myfelf from burfting into tears: the fad truth was confirmed to me a thoufand different ways. Du John, whom I met near Saint Innocent, laid to me, “ Monfieur, “ our evil is without remedy. God has difpofed “ of him ; I know it; 1 have fcen him fpeechlefs : “ take care of yourfelf; for this ftrange blow <£ muft have fatal confequences.” On entering the ftreet Saint Honore, another billet, like the former, was thrown to me; yet I Itill continued died on the (pot, others in a few Jsys afterwards. In fliort, it was not the appearance of a mourning for one fingle man, but as if the half ot all mankind were dead. One would have thought every one hrd loft all his fami'y, pofltffions, and hopes, 1-y the death of this great King. All kings and princes, adds the hiiior ian Matihieu, lamented his death. —The King of Sp ’n, compelled iy tnul: and grief, detlared, that thegieuttft commander on earth Was dead'—- The Venetians faid, Our king is dead. lb. p. 8 14. my 12 MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. my courfe to the Louvre. My train was now in- creafed to three hundred horfe, when I met Vitry at the end of the ftreet; he came and embraced me, breaking out into lamentable cries, which it was not in his power to reftrain ; never did I be- Lold a man in fuch affliction ! “ Ah! Monlieur,” cried he, “ they have murdered cur good mailer j “ he is dead ; France is ruined ; as for me, I am “ perfuaded I have but a fhort time to live ; I am “ going out of France, never more to return to it; “ we mu ft now bid farewell to that order and re- gularity you had eftablifhed. But, Monfieur,” faid he afterwards, “ where are you going with this “ train ? they will not fufter you to approach the Louvre, nor to enter there with more than “ two or three attendants, which I would not “ advife you to do * •, for I am greatly deceived if “ this * By all the Duke of Sully’s expretfions here, one may perceive he thought it incumbent upon him to juftify himfclf again!} a fault he is accuied of having committed on this occafion. Marechal Kallompicrre fpeaks of it as follows : “ as we c-imc out, going to- wards St. Anthony’s Itrec-t, we met the Duke of Sully, with rbcut forty horfe, who, as he approached, laid to us with a melancho- ly accent, Gentlemen, if your vows of fcrvice to the King, whom we have juif now molt unhappily lolt, have made that imprduo* on your minds, which they ought on that of every good French* man fwear on the fpot. that you will ferve the King his ion anal fucceftor, with the fame fidelity as you did him ; and chut yi.u will venture vour perfons and lives in revenging his death.” 1 an- fwertd him, “ Sir, we are obiig ng others to take this oath nd have no need to l e advifed to perform what we lo llrongly think i»uif Ives* hr und to do•,, 44 1 do not know whether my anlwer furprifed him, or whether he repented of having come lo fur horn his fort re Is ; hut he immediately turning about, lett us,.and we-,t und Ihut himfclf up in the Baflile, lending, at the f me lime, to feize all the brcndiu the m.okUs and baker’s (hops, ile all® fent i.- great hade to M. de Roh n his f n-in-law, to make him go h ek, with fix thoufand Swifs, whr? were in Champaigne, and whom he w'.'S (ioloncl General, to march directly to Paris ; which WuS afterwards made ufe of as a pretext to exclude him from the management of alKirs : be fide 3 this. Ale flic urs de V cdlm and de Crequy. who came to fummon him tor that pnr- pole, could never perfnade him to wa’t on the King, as uil the ether great men did ; nor d»d he go till the ne*t d.-y, wiien the JDukc i6io. OF SULLY. 13 this plot ends here. I have feen fonie perTons, “ who have io little feniibility of the lofs they have “ fultained, that tliey cannot even difle ;Lie the “ grief they ought to feel for it: thie i nave “ obferved, and am ready to burfl; with rage at it : “ and Duke of Guifc with difficulty, previiled on him to go : after wh! a he countermanded his fun in law. with the Swift, who had already advanced a day’s march towards Paris.” Vol I p. aoo. L’ttohe only fays, “ M- de Sully, more dead than alive, came to wait on the Queen, who received him kindly, continued him in all his pods, and fent him to the arfenal to txercife the duties of his of- fice.” Mem hid. Je France, p. 309. But his commentator ap- pears to be of the fame opinion with Baflompierre, ft cm whom he quotes in the margin the pafljge wc have recited here. The author of L’Hidoire de la mere et du fils, inveighs violently on this ac- count agiind M. de Sully, though without making mention of his kizing the bread, or recalling the Sv.ifs. He only acetifies thismi- r.ider of giving way, with too imith weaknefs, to the fear he had conceived of his enemies about the Queen. ‘‘Some of his friends,” Dys he, “ did every thing in their power to engage him to the per- formance of this duty, and to get the better of his appvehenfions and ferrs: but as perfons of the greated courage, on fomc occa. fions, become fearful and timorous, it was for fome time impoffi- ble to infpire him with refolution enough f ir this purpolc. It was a long time before he could recover his courage. Towards Hie evening. Saint -Geran, whom he had obliged, and who profef- fed a great ftiendfhip for him, coming to him, at lad prevailed a* him to quit the arfenal, and go to the Louvre. When he came to the Croix du Trahoir, his apprehenfions feized him again, and fo powerfully, by reafon of fome intelligence he received at that place, that he went back, whh fifty or fixty hotfe, who accompani- ed him to the Badile, of which he was captain ; having defired M. de Saint Geran to go and make his cxcufes to the Queen, and af- iure her ofhis JiJclity and readinefs to ferve her,” vol. 1. p. 49. Viewing this account in the mod unfavourable light, difadvan- tageous as it is to the Duke of Sully, it can only give room to blame him for having carried his precaution againlt any attempt en his perfon (which was looked on as chimerical) too far; but the hidorian Matthieu, the bed informed of all thofc writers, acquaints us, that the fear this minidcrhid conceived was not fo groundlefs as his enemies have reprefented. He (peaks of th:s matter in the i llowng manner : ” They had raifed jealoufies in the Queen of she Duke of Sully, and die hid been advifed to fecure his perfon, bccaufe he had the Baflile, the arfenal, and the King’s money, in fiis polfedion. He had been bathing that d:y. and behig advef. ■fifed of this unhappy accident he got on horfebo k to go to the J-ouvre; but coni ng to the Croix Ju rub, ur. Unloved by about Vjl. V. a ' f.rtv 14 MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. <£ and if you was to fee them, you would think as “ 1 do. I am of opinion that you ought to go “ back ; there is bufinefs enough for you to do, “ without going to the Louvre.” This agreement of difcourfes, billets, and ad- vices, {truck me at length : I flopped fhort, and after confulting with Vitry, and ten or twelve of the principal perfons who followed me, I thought it was the moft prudent way to return home ; and accordingly I contented myfelf with fending to of- fer my duty and fervices to the Queen : and to af- fure her, at the fame time, that till fhe acquainted me with her orders, I would, with (till greater affiduity than before, attend to the care of the Baftile, the arfenal, the forces, and ordnance, and all the affairs of my government, and other em- loyments. 1 had but juft entered the ftreet Saint-Antoine, and the gentlemen whom I fent with this meffagc could not have had time to deliver it, when I faw a mefl'enger from the Queen, who intreated me to forty gentlemen, he received fome advices which made him return. The Queen Tent the Duke of Guife to fetch him to her, who found him in the great w.lk in his garden, on the fide next to the Ba- ilile, and acquainted him with the Queen’s orders. Hedefircd to be excufed, becaufe he had notice given him that fou.e deligns were formed pguinfl him ——The determination he c<»me to, on confulting. with the Duke of Guife, the Count of Bethune, ami fome other friends, was to (lay at home the reft of that day, and to fee the Queen on the day following, when the Duke ot Guile yromifed to come and (etch him, and affured him, that he and all his friends would \ofe their lives belorethcy would fuffer any harm to be done him.—He went back to the Queen, and got her appro- bation of the coiifideratioiis that detained the Duke cf Sully, upon the promile he had made of coming to wait on her the next day. Immediately afterwards, the Duke of Sully, wiih a good number cf gentlemen, went into the Biftile, where he had caufed all the bie^d to be brought that was f Hind in the baker’s fli >ps in Paris.” }j ft of Lewis \III p. i. and 3. If we add to this, what the puke of Sully fays of he notice he had received from every quar- ter, that this bb w' would be followed by terrible confequences w; wh were not expefleJ* we (hall perb ps be convinced, that it was only pru ient in this miniftcr to aft thus, for the lake of the public tranquil’ty, md his own faftty* come i6io. O $ SULLY, come inftantly to her at the Louvre, and to brin; as few perfons as poffible with me* having things ,\ great confequence to impart. This propofal of go ing alone to the Louvre to deliver myfelf into th hands of my enemies, with whom I knew it was full, was not very proper to remove my fufpicions. Befides, I was that moment informed, that an ex- empt of the guards, and fome archers, had been feen at the firlt gates of the arfenal; that others ha d been fent to the temple, where the powder.was lodged ; and fome to the treafurer of the exche- quer, to ftop all the money there. I drew fo un- favourable an augury from all this being done with- out confulting me, that I did not hefitate a moment about the anfwer I fhould fend to the Queen. I fent a gentleman to tell her, that I was very certain, when (he had heard what the perfon whom I had the honour to depute to her had to fay, fhe would enter into my reafons, and alter her opinion ; and that I would expetd her anfwer at the arfenal and the Baftile, from whence I fhould not re- move. The Queen did not ftop there : fhe fent to me immediately Meflieurs de Montbazcn, de Parllin, de Schomberg, La-Varenne, and after them my brother. I knew not what to think of this impor- tunity j but when I faw them all arrive within a quarter of an hour of each other, my fufpicions were increafed, and I refolved not to go to the Louvre that day: the condition I was in was alone a fufficient excufe. The effort I had made after my bathing in the morning, and after a very flight repaft ; the ftate of my mind, far more painful than that of my body : both together had thrown me into fo violent a fweat, that my clothes were quite wet ; and into fo great a weaknefs, that I could no longer fupport myfelf; therefore, as foon as I got to my apartment in the Baftile, whither I firft went, I was obliged to change my fhirt, and B 2 go 16 MEMOIRS Rook xxvnr. go into bed, where I was refolved to continue tiH the next day. The Conftable and the Duke of Eper- non came to vifn me, and offered me their fervices: and the manner in which they advifed me to wait upon the Queen, making me judge I might do it without running any danger, I at length yielded, upon the condition they ftill infilled on, that I fliould be attended only by a fmall number of per- fons : and I refclved to go to the Louvre the next day. Three hundred perfons on horfeback waited for my coming out, that they might accompany me as the day before ; thefe were all cither relations, friends, or perfons feemingly attached to me from the appearance of the new favour I was likely to be in, or perhaps from the fhame of quitting me too precipitately. I thanked them all, and told them my reafons for not admitting of an efcort that might appear in any degree remarkable, and for confining myfelf to that fmall number which ufually compofed my train. And accordingly it was with my own domeftics only, to the number of twenty, or thereabouts, that I arrived at the Louvre. On my entrance, I perceived the marks of a fincere grief in thofe who had by any employment been attached to the deceafed King : of thefe, the olheers and fubalterns feemed to feel, with the moft tender fenfibility, the public lofs. As 1 paffed through the feveral gates, I could lee them advance to meet and embrace me with tears in their eyes, or groan as they faw me pafs, and earneflly conjure me not to abandon the children, after haring fo well lerved the father. It is with regret I am obliged to confefs, that the inner part of the palace, and what is called the court, prefented me an objecl greatly different. There 1 only faw faces either calm and compofed, and which afflicted me fo much the more, as they endeavoured, but in vain, to appear afflicted ; or faces *6io. O F S U L L T. 17 faces fo gay5 as added indignation to my grief. When I came into the Queen’s prefence, all the lit- tle conftancy, with which 1 had armed myfelf, lb totally left me, that I broke into tears and cries. She no longer found in herfelf that fortitude with which fhe had prepared to fee me : and we toge- ther made up a fcene truly affecting. She gave or- ders that the young King fhould be brought to me, whofe tender carefles gave a new alTiult to my heart, which I could with the utmoft difficulty fultain. I cannot renu mber what this young prince then faid to me, or what I faid to him ; all I know is, that they were fcarce able to tear him from my arms, in which 1 held him clofely embraced. “ My fon,” faid theQueerrhis mother to him, “ this is M. de “ Sully, you mud love him well, for he was one “ of the heft and mod faithful fervants of the King your father, and 1 intreat him to continue “ to ferve you in the fame manner.” The Queen and I had f'ome other difcourfe together, without being able to ceafe weeping for a moment; Use af- terwards faid, that it was the fight of me, and one other perfon in the court, with which die had been mod affecfed. A reception attended with fuch marks of didinc- tion and confidence, reduced all the princes, lords, and members of the council, who were near the Queen, to the necelfity of outvying each other in protedations of friend(hip,fervice,and attachment: yet certainly they did not deceive me, for I knew their hearts as well as themfelves: I was convinced already, that in the fcheme they had formed of ta- king advantage of the prefent conjuixffure, to in- creafe their riches, and arrogate new dignities to themfelves, though at the expence of the good of the date, the honour ot the King, and the public welfare, 1 might befure of bcin^ the mark at which all their blows would be aimed : bccaufe tliey them- felves, in the firmnefs of my mind, and the feve- £ J tity 18 MEMOIRS Book XXVRL rity of my regulations, had reafon to expeft infur- mountable obftacles to their deligns : of this they had already examples fo fufficient to convince them, that the only part they had to take was to endea- vour to get me removed entirely from the admini1- ftration of affairs ; therefore, when, in the fequel,. they raifed all forts of batteries againft me in the Queen’s opinion, (taking it for granted that they had not done it before), when the Jefuits and their adherents made the nuncio folicit the arret for my difinilfion, when my partners in the council and the finances fet Conchini * and his wife to work, to in- finuate to the two princes of the blood, that they would never have any real authority, while I con- tinued to beat the head of affairs; and that if they removed me from the adminiftration, it muff ne- ceffarily fall into their bands : when they made all the others believe, that to depend upon Conchini was to be truly great; in a word,, when I faw them all labouring with equal ardour for my fall, nothing more happened than what 1 had forefeen and fore- told. The firft thing the parliament proceeded to, af- ter the King’s death was declared, was to appoint, * Concino Comhini an Italian of mean birib', according to foms, but others reckon him a Fiorcniine gentleman, better known un- der the name of Marechal D’Ancre, to which title he was, after- wards promoted. He was the chief favourite of the Queen, andi loaded by her with riches and honours, At his departure from Florence, one , f his fiiends asking him what he was going to do in France r be anfwered, '• Either to make my fortune, or pe^^h,’, both which he perlormed. \ itry killed him in the Louvre the 24th of Auguft ifii7, by order of Lewis XHl. at the felicitation •f the nobility. His wife, the fame Leonora Galigai fo often, mentioned in thefe memoirs, was alio put to death No other trime was alledgcd againft her, but that of bewitching the Queen her miftrefs. ‘ I have never,’’ anlwered (he to her judges, •* made life of any witchcraft but my wit ; is it at all to he won- •• dertd at that I governed the Queen who had none Cardinal Richelieu, adds Amelot, owed his firft promotion to this womans They were both potfefled ot the magic of eloquence For fur- ther particulars, {earth the hiftoiians of Mary de Medicis and Lewis XIII. Some curious ai>«CuOt«t may alfo"be gathered from Baliompicrre. l6ro. OF SULLY. the Queen-mother Regent. It was thought necefla- ry that the young King (hould go thither in perfon^ to hold his bed of juftice, and confirm this nomi- nation *. The morning after the King’s afiaffina- tion, was the day appointed for this ceremony. It was fcarce light when I received a meflage from the Queen, defiring I would attend his Majefty to the parliament. 1 made every excufe I could think of to avoid it; I even feigned myfe'f fo much indif- pofed, that it would be impoffible for me to get out of bed that whole day. I felt indeed an extreme repugnance againft doing what they required of me ; but it was abfolutely neceiTary to give the Queen this fatisfa&ion, who importuned me incef- fantly. The found of the drums and the mufical inftruments giving new force to my grief, and judging that a face bathed with tears, would but ill fuit with the cries of gratulation- and joy, with •which every place refounded; I prefled through the crowd, and was amongft the firft in the hall of the Auguftins, where the parliament was held. Two or three cardinals, who, like me, had been defirous of avoiding the prefs, were, with fome o- , ther perfons, already in the hall, and had* taken their feats at the upper end of the bench, deftined for the ecclefiallies, which was on the left tide of the throne, prepared for his Majefty : the bifhops of Langres, Beauvais, and Noyon, coming in af- terwards, thefe gentlemen, who had taken it into their heads, that their quality of peers, gave them a right to precede the princes and cardinals in par- liament, would not lit below the latter, who they found had already placed themfelveh, but went to * See the fiirm and particuWs of this ceremony in the Merc. ?ran9 and other hiftorians, anno 1610. In the council which met to advife whether the Queen ought to go to the parhament, the Duke of Sully only faid, “ That as there was no law to forbid the “ Queen’s going to pirliament, it was a matter of indifference “ whether (he went or not.” Matthicu, ibid. p. 4. the a« MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. the bench on the right hand, and took their placei at the upper end of it: I found them there when I entered, and told them with great civility, that it was not their place, and advifed them, as their friend, to go to the left fide, fince they could not -cxpe£t that the temporal peers, who would enter immediately, would fuffer them quietly to keep pofleffion of the right fide. They were going to Run me with their ufual diftin&ions ot peers of an older creation and fpiritual peers, which in their opinions railed them greatly above the new dukes* The debate was ‘not carried to any length by me; I only told them, that they would foon be convin- ced who was in the right; which accordingly hap- pened. The affair was inftantly decided, and they were obliged to go over to the left fide; where, finding the cardinals not difpoied to give them the upper hand, they chofe to go out, rather than fubmit to this regulation, and did not aflilf at the ceremony. As for me, though I was prefent, I interpofed no farther in the difpute. The Queen had reafon to be fatisfied with what paded* : every thing was granted her, without even colledting the votes. It was not long before I difeovered, that altho’, in appearance, they feemed to negledf none of the formalities which are generally obferved in the fet- tling a lawful regency, although they would have the alterations, which they already futfered to be perceived in the adminiftration, pafs for the com- mon and neceifary eifeCf of a change of govern- ment ; in a word, although they ftrove to make it be believed, that their foie view, by this manner of government, was to give more ftrength and gran- deur to the authority of an infant king : yet thole by whofe advice the Queen added, thought of no- S?e the hiftomns quoted before, for the manner of thfi cera- Oiony. thing thing, in reality, but how, under this mafic, to ag- grandize themfelves. All that {how of regularity vahifhed upon a nearer view; while, in its place, we beheld real violations of order, which terrified the few, the very few good fubje£ts Hill remaining. 1 thought myfelf obliged, and in fome degree inti- tled, to make them fenfible that I fawthefe abufes, and that 1 difapproved of them : but the time of free remon(trances, which the grief for the King’s death the lirfl day, and the diitradtion of affairs the fecond, fuffered Hill to fubfilt, was pall on the third: nor was it long before they entirely fliook off' the yoke of conftraint, and appeared no more with a compofure of behaviour and an affectation of forrow, which had done too much violence to their real fentiments : flupidity, or the want of a true fubjeCt for joy, produced this effe£t in fome; in o- thers, their natural levity of temper; and in others, the mere movement of public and private affairs; but, above all, the fear of difpleafing thofe perfons whofe examples gave laws to the court. Let us take a view then of this new world after the three firft days. Were we to flop at appear- ances, and all that was done to llrike the eyes, the Louvre might have been thought to have fliil mourned; all the refinements of melancholy pomp w-ere to be found there; the hangings with which the cielings, the walls, and floors were covered; the furniture, and all the apparatus of public mourning, made the apartments of (late in this pa- lace look like the difmal abode of death and forrow. But were we to go a little farther, and confider the countenances and behaviour of thofe who were ap- pointed to do the honours of this fad ceremony, the thing might appear a little doubtful : for if there were fome among them who fhed real tears, and whofe groans indeed proceeded from the heart, there were others who gave fufficient indications of very different emotions. But if we defeend from thence 2i MEMOIRS Book XXVIII thence, and vifit the lower apartments,which were called the ground floors, there we may form a true notion of the dil'pofition all hearts were in; that magnificence, which was banifhed from every other part of the palace, found an afylum there: gold, purple, embroidery, and the molt fumptuous or- naments, made this a fcene of pleafure and delight; luxury was there in its utmoft profufion. Myfelf, and a fmall number of true Frenchmen, never en- tered thole apartments without feeling our hearts torn with grief and rage, to behold, in a place where every obje£t ought to have reminded us of the pub- lic lofs, all the appearance of joy, triumph, and exultation. I blufh to fay, that notwithftanding the artifice which was ufed to conceal this lpe£lacle of infenfibility and ingratitude from the eyes of the public, yet it was too often, difclofed, by the burfls of laughter, the exclamations of joy, and the fongs of gladnefs, which were heard to proceed front thofe places : nor indeed were they filled with any but happy perfons, or thofe that believed themfelves fo. Here it was that the true court refided, and where the councils were held, as well thofe general ones which were called for fhow, and compliance with cuflom, as the private ones, wherein they knew how to render ineffe£lual all the prudent re* folutions that had been taken in the former. The Queen admitted none into thefe fecret conn* cils, which were held at the moft unfeafonable hours, but Conchini and his wife, the Pope’s nun- cio, the Spanifh ambafTador, the Chancellor, and the Chevalier de Sillery, the Duke of Epemon, VTleroi, Jeannin, and Arnaud, (who, as well as Jeannin, from having been entirely devoted to me, became no lefs attached to Conchini), Duret the phyfician, (who, however, foon fell from this high degree of favour), Dolle, and Father Cotton. It is not difficult to guefs the iubje&s of their conful- tations; the union of the crowns of France- and Spain,. i6io. O F S U L L Y. 2$ Spain, the renouncing of all the molt ancient alli- ances of the crown with foreign princes, the repeal- ing of all edifts of pacification, the deftrudlion of the Proteftauts, the expulfion of all of them who were in place, the difgrace of thofe who would not receive the yoke of the new favourites, the difiipa- tion of the treafures amafled by the deceafed King, and applied by them to bribe the covetous and am- bitious to their interefts, and to load with riches and authority thofe who were going to be raifed to the firfi: dignities of the ftatc ; in a word, a thou- fand projects, as pernicious to the King and the kingdom, as advantageous to our greateft enemies, made up the grand object of all their views. To the public council, which was held punctual- ly every day, were fummoned the Prince of Conti and the Count de Soiflbns, (the Prince of Conde was not yet returned to France), the Cardinal de Joyeufe, the Conftable, the Dukes pf Maine and Guife, and the Duke of Bouillon, as foon as he fhould arrive, Marechal BrifTac, Chateauneuf, Pontcarre De-Vic *, Caumartin, and myfelf. Some of thefe gentlemen loudly exclaimed againfl: altering our fyftem of .politics : bur tjie fubjects moft fre- quently di feu fled by this council, were upon the means of increafmg the royal revenues, of diminifh- ing the taille and other impofts, and of augmenting the penfions of the grandees, and procuring them feveral other advantages. The Prefident Jeannin, ever loud and obflinate, made himfelf be heard above all the others. It was faid, this man had been known to promife mountains of gold to every one. Some perions, who ftill retained the candour * Dominic de Vic, vice ddm'ral &c. who has teen n emioned before : he died this year t Palis foon after his return from Ca- lais, of which he was governor , it was rfki ted, that h s death was occafioned >y the grief he • s feized with, on feeing again the place to which lie had ; n ■ orple ot Henry IV. brought, utter he was atlaffiaated. Mete. i-Unc. anno x6;o. p S4 MEMOIRS Book XXVI1L and franknefs of the old council, and who could neither difguife their own fentiments, nor Hatter thofe of others, joined their endeavours to mine, to (hew the grols contradiction there was in pre- tending to increafe the expences, while they were diminifhing the revenues. I was defirous of avoiding the reproach of my own conlcience, for fuffering, by my filence, fuch maxims to gain ground : I at firft combated them bv arguments, and flattered myfelf, that it the ad- vantage was to remain on the fide of reafon, we fhould have carried our point; but we foon found that ignorance was but the leaft of thofe vices we had to encounter. It was by the moft magnificent promifes, (of which, however, thofe that related to the people’s relief were never performed) that the new government fought to make friends, and to obliterate, and even to bring into contempt, that wife frugality to which the glory of the lait reign was owing. Jeannin, indeed, had a particular end to anfwer by thefe meafures ; his fcheme being to get the entire difpofal of the finances ; what better methods could be made ufe of to raife himfelf to this poit, than to infyitiate, that in the new fuper- intendant they fhoulu all find that facility and readi- nefs to oblige, which the grandees complained they had not met with in the old one ? It may be faid, that he had not the abilities requifite for this em- ployment, which he at length obtained; but he knew how to enrich himftif, his relations and allies, by it, efpecially Cnilile *, with whom money mult certainly be of very little value, fince all thofe pieces of furniture, which, in other hotiles, are made of iron, or wood, in his were of filver : in this point of magnificence he was inferior to none but Con- chini. * Peter tie Caftik was comptroller general, arid fnpe intendani of the feuncia. I was i6:e. OF S U L L Y. 2S I was abfolutcly convinced that I was offering re- medies to voluntary ills, when I faw that my free- dom of fpeech, which had at firft been fufFered as being an habitual fault, began to appear fo trouble- fome, that I eafily read, upon every countenance, the pain it gave them to reltrain themfelves; and that they would foon get rid of thofe fmall remains of refpeft. From that time I looked upon myfelf as a man who would very foon become fomething worfe than ufelefs, and ferioufly took up a refolu- tion to difengage myfelf by degrees from a place where I could not fupport my former reputation without infinite danger, or fwim with the ftream without total dilhonour •, for, indeed, -what influ- ence could the voice of one angle man, who had nothing but harfh things to fay, have over a Queen, ■who was ufed to the alluring language and fervile complaifance of flatterers and new favourites ? It is a thing fo rare for a minifter to fupport himfelf with his fovereign, by fuch fentiments alone as arife from a veneration mixed with awe^ (which, however, will always be the cafe, if that minifter be an honell man), that one ought not to expect fuch a miracle will happen in two reigns fucceflively ; therefore, when my relations, my friends, and mydomeftics, whole affection for me made them fee things in a Ve y different light, united their endeavours to prevail upon me to continue my cares, which they affured me might flill be ufeful; or, even when they reprefented to me, that it was poffible fome good might be extracted from the new plan, my u- fual anfwer was, that the blow which God had per- mitted, was fo plain a declaration that he had de- livered up France to her evil deftiny, that to en- deavour to hinder its efferSt, was to tempt his ven- geance One of my people, that very Arnaud whom I mentioned a little above, had the infolence to fay to me one day, when he faw me extremely dejeCfed with tins thoughf, that I was much to Vol. V. C blame 5.5 MEMOIRS Book XXVttf. blame to afflift myfelf thus about what might hap- pen ; that, for the future there might be very conh- tlerable fums laid up in the exchequer, which the gleat expences of the deceafed King, in buildings, gaming, dogs, birds, and miftrelTes, rendered it im- poffible to do while he was living. This fpeech ap- peared fo criminal in his mouth, that, in the firft emotions of my rage, I called him bafe, wicked, and ungrateful; threatened to (trike him, and for- bade him ever to appear in my prefence again. It was but too true what 1 reproached him with in that moment, that his bafe compliances, and wicked eounfels, were going to open the firft way to difil- pation and diforder. The Count de Soi(Tons was not at Paris during thcfe tianfadtions. Some difguft which he had ta- ken at the Queen’s coronation, on account of the robes which the King’s natural * children were to •appear in there, furnifhed him with a pretence for retiring to one of his houfes, fo that he was not a witnefs of any thing that puffed, either as to the King’s death, or on the following days ; and did not come to Paris till after the Queen was declared regent, and all the other difpofiticns made. This was a new fubjetft for his complaints. He was greatly offended that they had proceeded to a bufmefs of fuch importance, as fettling the regency, without giving him notice of it, and even without flaying till he could be prefent; for he affirmed, that this ceremony could not be performed without him : and taking it into his head, that, to make himfelf feared, it was only neceffary that he fhou'd blufter and talk high, he found fault with many things in the form of this ceremony, bonding that lio perfon would have courage enough to fay, in his prefence, that only a fmall number of the prefidents * It was on account of the Duchefs of Vendomc’s robes The King had a great defire that ihe, like the other princelffs of the blood rvjal, fliould wear them iprinkled with fiowct-de-luces, whkh the Count de Soiffons would never content to, and r6 io. 0 F S U L L Y. 27 and counfdlors concurred in the nomination of th ? Queen in the firil meeting of the parliament; and added, that on the following day, when the King, the princes, the cardinals, the peers, and other of- ficers of the crown were prefent, being afraid that, if the queftion was put to the vote, they IhouM meet with oppofition, they contented themfelves with a mere confirmation of the a£t of the fore- going day. He faw plainly that heWould not be liltened to, unlefs he could make his party very coniid'erable, and, for this purpofe, he conftrainecf himfelf fo far, as to feek the friendlhip of fe- veral courtiers, with whom he had not the leaf!: connexion. But there were two things which ob- ftrufted his fuccefs; his haughty and infolent tem- per, and the preference the courtiers thought their intereft required they fhould give to others, who they found were likely to have the difpofal of all fa- vours ; and being as much difliked by the princes, and his own brother, the Prince of Conti, as by all the reft, he faw himfelf obliged at length to yield. I was one of thofe whom for fome time the Count de Soiflbns was defirous of calling friend, but it was not long before he gave me every proof of his being a real enemy ; and upon the following occafion. The Count had often prefFed the late King, upon an affair of which I have already made fome mention : it was to make an agreement with him for fome claims, which he alledged he had in Piedmont, in right of his wife, who was of the houfeof Montaffie: his importunity obliged Henry to remit the exami- nation of this matter to me; and the profeflion I have always made of fincerity and attachment to the interefts of my king, forced me to reprefent to him, that this ftep would be attended with great in* convenience to him ; that he was going to engage himfelf in proceiles without number, and without end, againft the Pope, the apoftolical chamber, the Duke of bavoy, and feveral cardinals, all of whom Q a had 28 ’ M E M O I R S Book XXVIIL kad pretenfions upon tbefe edates, and many al- ready in poffefiion of them; and that he would not be able to extricatehimfelf,in lefsthanten years, out of that maze of different interefts; and it being neceflary, for the advancement of his great defigns, that he fliould be well with the Pope and the Duke of Savoy, he mud carefully avoid entering into any difcuflion which might make them his enemies. There needed no more to n._i;e Henry lay afide all thought of it. Upon the death of this prince, the Count de Soifl'ons refumed this affair with the new council. In every thing which might be confidered as a mat- ter of mere favour, he did not fcruple to form any intrigue which might procure him what he demand- ed. 1 am aimed afhamed to repeat the methods he made ufe of to attain his ends. The Count* with the affidance of Conchini, counterfeited the fignature, and made ufe of the feal of the deceafed King; and thus gave an authentic form to a pre- tended ccntradf of fale between King Henry and him, for all the edates in quedion. To make this writing lefs liable to a fufpicion of an antedate, they thought it neceffary that my name ihould ap- pear there, which obliged them to requed my fig- nature ; and this was the greated difficulty they had to get over. They reprefented to me, that the mo- ment was now come, which would abfolutely fix. the Count either as my friend or my enemy. They brought a thoufand other motives to prevail upon me : but I dill perfided, not only to refufe my fig- nature, but alfo to affert publicly, that this affair having been begun and ended by Henry and mylelf, no one could know better than I did, that his inten- tions were abfolutely contrary to what they were now endeavouring to perfuade me of; and 1 told them plainly, that they prefentedme a deed falfely figned and fealed ; fo that, defpairing to vanquifh my ob- ftinacy, they drew up another ccatraft like the former 1610. OF S U L L Y. 29 former in every refpe£l, except that my name was omitted. The Count de Soifibns and I were upon thefe terms, when he quarrelled * publicly with his bro- ther the Prince of Conti, and, on his account, with the whole family of Guife. The Queen font for me to acquaint me with the expedienis fhe had thought of to accommodate all their diilerences, which were to be tried when the council was met; and, till then, (lie intreated me not to efpoufc the caufe of either party, that I might, with greater propriety, a£t the part of a mediator between both when the time for it came ; to which I readily a • greed. Accordingly, when we were feated in coun- cil, where the affair was to be treated, and I had al- ready given my opinion favourably for the Count, this prince fent Briffic to tell the Queen, in a whif- per, that he intreated her not to permit any of thofc perfons who were held in fufpicion by him, to de- liberate upon this matter, and that he excepted a- gainft me f in particular, as being a kinfman and * This qur.rfel ar ife from l! e coaches of thofe two prince: having been dro. e agj;nll one another, and their coachmen hivin ’ fought. T he Duk<. of Guife g> ing the day after to the Prince c t Conti, by the Queen's older, to endeavour to make up the differ- rence, went by the Count de Soillbn’s palace, with about twenty- five or thirty horfe. Nothing more was requifite, to fet the Count at variance with him alfo. And this double quarrel railed fo great an uproar in Paris that the Queen be ng afraid of a ge- neral infurreOion, gave orders that all the inhabitants fh uld hold themfelves in rcadinefs to put up >he chains, and take arms all over the city, at the firft order ; and fhe fent a captain of the guards to keep near each of the two princes. We mttft look in Baflompier. re’s Memoirs, vol. 1. p. 308. & feq. for all th particulars of thefe d'.fference', fince he himfeif contributed great'y to appeafe [hem. See alfo L’Hifloire de la mere ct du fils,vol. 1 p a 3. and Le \)erc. Fran?, anno 1 Si 1, in which is contained what the Duke of Sully faid to the Queen, in favour of the Duke of Gnife. f The author of the life of the Duke of Eper informs us, that the Count of S: iff ns carried his hatred to the Duke of Sully fo fir, as to folicit that Duke to it ffer him to get that minifler sf- Dffinated e- en in the Louvre ; and that he took it much amiis, the Duke of Epernon refufed him the affifhnce of the guards^ whom he coUiiiiantltd to ftrike this blow, p, 140 c 3 friend 30 M E M O I R S Book XXVHL friend to the houfe of Guife. “ He ought not to “ except againft M de Sully,” replied the Queen aloud ; “ for there is no perfon in the council “ whofe judgment has been fo favourable to him as “ his.” I confefs, I was greatly fhocked at this treatment, and I could not help faying as I rofe up, “ Matlam, I except againff myfelf, fince he defires “ it; and I am going this moment to oifer my fer* “ vice to his brother, and to M. de Guife.” The third quarrel ! had with the Count de Soif- fons happened, as the former, in- the council, on oceafion of the government of Normandy, which he wanted to have conferred upon himfelf. The Queen defired to have my opinion, which I begged flie would difpenfe with me from giving ; but, not being able to prevail, I told her that it was impof- fible for me to advife her to take from the deceafed King’s children the offices and employments they were already poffefled of, to bellow upon any other perfon whatever. And at that time the Count de Soiffons and Conchini were not upon good terms with each other, and this prince had even oppofed the favourite’s getting the poll of firft gentleman of the bedchamber for himfelf, and the archbiffiopric of Tours for his wife’s brother * ; but they were reconciled upon this occafion, becaufe they mutu- ally affifted each other ; and by thefe means both obtained what they demanded. The fame method was ufed by all who had any pretenfions to vacant polls and employments, and, in a very little time, * Stephen Galigai, brother of Leonora Galigai. He was then abbot of Marmomicr He had learned to read f ur years, Gys L’Etoile, and yet knew nothing of the matter; he was called the baboon of the court, on at count of his uglinels and mean atpeft. The monks would not accept of him as their abbot, faying, they had been ufed to be under the command of princes, and not of joiners, like him who was juft come ftom handling the plane. But it is certain, lays Amelot, that the family of Galigai is rec» koned among the noble funili s of Florence. He went batk to Italy after the death of the Marlhal C’Ar.cre &rui his wife. irtxo. OF SULLY. everything was carried in thecouncil by intrigue and cabal. “ The time of kings is over,” faid one to another, “ and that of the princes and grandees is “ come; and all they have now to do, is to fet a “ high value upon t'hemfelves. All the molt confiderable perfons of the court were fummoned to an extraordinary council, which was held to deliberate upon the ufe that fhould be made of thofe great armaments, fet on foot by the late King, a little before his death, for the enter- prife of Cleves. The diverfity of opinions was in- finite : fome were for laying them totally afide : others, and thofe not the leall numerous, were for performing all the promifes made by Henry the Great, to the German princes concerned in the af- fair: the greateft number wereformediums between thefe two opinions, fo oppofite to each other : fome advifed that we fhould keep only to the eight thou- fand foot, and two thoufand horfe, exprefled in the general contrafbs made by King Henry with his al- lies : others, that we fhould content ourfelves with maintaining the two regiments of French cavalry already in their fervice : a third party voted for im- barking fome foot foldiers at Calais ; thefe that we fhould fend them no fupplies of men, but allift them with money ; thofe that we fhould keep our whole army upon the frontier without a£ting, except in a cafe of abfolute neceffity: and others, that we fhould difband the greateft part of our troops, and keep no more than v/as neceflary for our own fecu- rity. All this was intermixed with overtures of a- greement and pacification, to be made between the contending powers, fuch as juft then occurred to them. It appeared to me, that they all expected, with fome impatience, my opinion, becaufe I had been more engaged in the affair by the late King, than any other to whom he had communicated it. I began by making, what I judged, a very juft diftinc- tian 32 MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. tion between thofe troops already drawn together into the body of an army, and thofe which were flill levying ; between thofe deflined for the field, and thofe which had been fent into Dauphine. With regard to the firft, therefore, I concluded, that frnce, according to ail appearances, and from the prefent fituation of affairs, moft part of the defigns of Henry the Great, would not be carried into exe- cution, it was neceffary to'fufpend immediately, all levies not begun, flop thofe which were making, and pay and difmifs all that were made, and already upon their march ; becaufe, fince all this muff be done fooner or later, it would fave the King fo much money, in the expences of fending backwards and forwards, and the people fo much trouble and oppreffion. The death of him, whom 1 had regard- ed as the great mover of this whole enterprife, feemed, in my opinion, to have made fo great a change in it, that I believe Ifhould have given the fame advice, even though I had found no ill inten- tioned perfon amongft us ; but neither could I con- form to the opinions of thofe who were for betray- ing our allies, with whom we were engaged by the moft folemn promifes; or deceiving them, by af- fedting to take fteps to procure an accommodation between them, or by granting them feeble fuccour, which would be of fcarce any ufe to them. This was the anfwer I made to the greateft part of thofe ambiguous opinions, which were for and a- gainft a thing at the fame time. I made them fen- fitde, that it highly concerned the glory of the late King, fince his greateft defigns could not be accom- pliftied, which might in feme meafure give room for fufpicions that he had never really formed them, they fhould at leaft have all their effect, with regard to what he had declared, promifed, and already be- gun : that it was for the intereft of our own repu- tation with the foreign powers, that we fhould not fuffer them to believe the whole force of France was concentred i6io. OF SULLY. 33 concentred in one finale man, and that he had fo little refpe£t forhis memory. I concluded, therefore, that it was abfolutely neceilary to fend deputies im- mediately to the German princes, and to the Prince of Orange, to know of them, whether they really flood in need of the affiftance of our forces, to help them to reduce thofe dates, which we were defirous of fecuring to them : for I thought they might do without them, if that was not their foie motive for taking up arms ; and, if they had occalion for them, to know how many they demanded; and that, upon their anfwer, thofe fupplies fhould advance immedi- ately under the condudl of good officers, taking their route along the Maes, which was not indeed the mod agreeable, nor the fhorted way, but was the mod fecure, which was a matter of great importance ; or elfe, that the whole army fhould be difbarrded, ex- cept thirty thoufand foot, and fix hundred troopers, who, drengthened by four cannons only, and two culverins, fhould form a flying camp, ready to go where ever there was any appearance of an a£lion : and this I thought fufficient to keep every place in order : that, till then, it was neceflkry to put the troops of Champaign into garrifon, after giving them their full pay. I gave much the fame advice with refpect to the army of Dauphine, as it had been already raifed to fupport the Duke of Savoy, who, in compliance with our requed, had, or probably would, embroil him- felf with all his neighbours ; therefore, it might be judly expcdled, that we diould ei he' endeavour to reconcile him with the King of Spain, or put him into a condition to defend himfelf : and,as we could not take any refolution upon this head, till we had fent another deputy to this prince, or perhaps, till a long time afterwards, 1 advifed, that this-army fhould be like wife put into convenient winter quar- ters, (after makin ' fo exacd a review of them, that no fade muder might be apprehended), till there was occafion 34 MEMOIRS Book XXVllR occafion for them, or till they were difbanded al- ■ together. I found that I was heard with attention : myrea-1 fons feemed to have madea general iinprefTion : blit.3 with this difference, that fenfible and well difpofed 1 perfons did not fcrupleto difcover this effedf by Ihew- - ing figns of approbation, and' even by applaufes v whereas all the others not only carefully concealed: it, either through vanity, negleft, or rather thro’ jealoufy, but alio combated my reafons with eager- : nefsand heat. I took care to inform Bethime, my coufin, of all this, who, in a letter he wrote to me, - defired my advice upon the alteration which the pu- blic lofs muft neceffarily make in bus embaffy to the German princes. I {hall not tranfcribe his letter, i nor my anfwer to it, becaufe they contained nothing effentially different from what has been juft laid, ex-' cept, perhaps, that I examined more particularly the good or bad effects of the advice I had given in the council : this, for example, is a thing that merits to- be well'obferved, that which way foever it (hall hap- pen, that a body of troops may find entrance into Germany to join the confederate princes, that en- trance would be accompanied with great hazard, though the body confifted of ten thoufand men, im- lefs the allies, on their fide, facilitated their advance,. by meeting them within ten or twelve leagues of our frontiers. The fcheme of embarking them at Calais, ff that was chofen, would be likevvife incon- venient ; it would fupplyour confederates with foot only, and that to no greater number than eight thou- far d ; and it was even neceflary that we fhould have a right underftanding with each other. 1 forewarn- ed Bethune, with refpett to a thing which required the attention of him and his correfpondents, which was, that France, by changing her mafter, had changed every thingelfe ; and I (hewed my aftoniftt- ment, that the princes who employed him, (hould exprefs their fchemes, delires, and reiolutions, iirfio unintelligible 1(510. OP SULLY. unintelligible a manner. I left it to his difcretion to judge what ufe he ought to make of a letter, in which it was neceffary I Ihould avoid explaining rnyfelf clearly upon feveral things : as for advice, I laid I had no other to give him, but to continue till he received new orders, to a£i as he had done hitherto, and I promifed him faithfully to take care of his interefts. This letter was dated May 14. I was called, fome days afterwards, to attend a more particular council for this affair. M. de Ja- cop, ambafiador from the Duke of Savoy, fufpedt- ing that the relolutions taken by the members of the new' council were not very favourable to his mafter’s intereff, had preffed the Queen-regent to declare her intentions to him in a formal way as foon as poffible, that his highnefs might take fuch meafures thereupon as his affairs required. We wore to confult, therefore, upon the declarations proper to be made to this ambaflador. Wh n I came to the Louvre in the morning, I found only the Conftable, the Chancellor, and Viileroi, withthe Queen ; Gevres and Lomenie had been there, but Viileroi had perfuaded the Queen to fend them a- way, for which Gevres made bitter complaints. I fiifpe£ted, by the ftudied figns and geftures ol this little alfembly, and by the winding difcourfe which one of thefe gentlemen began to make, that tin. re was fomething they wanted to conceal from me. “ Madam,” faid I to the Queen, with my ufual franknefs, “ I know not for what end you have “ been pleafed to fummon me hither; my prefence “ cither hinders thefe gentlemen from explain- “ ing themfelves, or elfe they are come only “ to intrap one another. Thebufmefs, I perceive, “ relates to the Duke of Savoy ; it is well known “ that 1 never was reckoned a friend of his: how- ever, fmce his interefts are at prefent connedled with thofe of France, and that he is (at leaft in u prolpett) an ally of the royal family, I have the “ fame 35 MEMOIRS Book XXVIlL “ fame regard for him as I ought to have for all “ true Frenchmen. I am of opinion, that the “ King is indifpenfably obliged to protect and de- “ fend him ; and that his Majelly’s honour, and “ the glory of the kingdom, are both concerned, tc not to fuffer the leaft injury to befal either his “ perfon or dominions.” I perceived the Queen to fmile at my talking in this manner, and whifper Villeroi ; then, turning to me, Ihe faid “ M. de Sully, it is true we are “ met to confult upon the Duke of Savoy’s affairs; “ but there are others of ftill greater confequence, “ which it is neceffary we fliould attend to. You “ fee what quarrels are arifen among many of the “ grandees of the kingdom, whofe ambition and “ avarice, you fay, are infatiable. I intreat you to “ think of fome remedy for this evil, that it may “ be propofed in the firft council. With refpeft to “ M. de Savoy, thefe gentlemen and I, before you “ came, had talked of that bufinefs ; and we are “ all of this opinion, that a reconciliation between “ France and Spain i$ moit for our intereft; and “ for this purpofe we are determined to fend one *( of the princes of the blood to Madrid, on occa- “ fidn of the death of my lord the King, who fhall “ be accompanied with a perfon well inftrufted in “ our affairs, and upon whofe fecrecy we may fe- curely rely. He fhall fet on foot this reconcilia- ation, and propofe an alliance between the two “ crowns by a double marriage, which I know the Spaniards ftill with for as ardently as they did “ formerly ; and while this affair is negociating, in ** which I forefee no great difficulty, or that it will “ be long protrafted, we mult flatter the Duke of “ Savoy in his firft hopes and expeftations, till we “ can declare ourfelves without danger.” This refolution gave me great uneafinefs, which I difeovered by my filence and fhrugging up my (boulders. The Queen took notice of it, and pref- fed 1-6 io. OF SULLY. 37 fed me to tell her my opinion. I reprefented to her, that we could not, without expofing ourfelves to the reproach of having violated our faith, abandon a prince who had broken all his engagements with Spain, and openly declared himfelf againlt that crown *, at the perfuafion of the deceafed King ; that, fmce we had altered our views, we ought to give him notice of it, and at the fame time conceal this flep from the King of Spain, or rather make him believe we had acled very differently, till, by a general reconciliation, we had put thofe out of danger, who were brought into it by our means. Thefe arguments, however juft and reafonable, made no impreflion on the Queen and her counfel- lors, nor did they even approve of the medium my laft words had hinted at, but coldly told me, that this way would engage them in a train of tedious nego- tiations. I replied, with that confidence which a good caufe infpires, that I found the facrificing the Duke of Savoy, was a point determined on, and ap- peared to me to have been fo before this confulta- tion. I drew prefages, no lefs certain to the difad- vantage of our allies, from all the looks and figns of intelligence, which I furprifed between the Queen, the Chancellor, and Villeroi: but the new counfellors, and the confidents of that princefs. * Py the treaty of Brufol, concluded the 2jth of April. See Never’s Memoirs, vol. 2. p. B8o. The Duke of Savoy, being a- bandnned by the new council in France, could not efcape the re- ftntments of the couit of Spain, hut by the moll humiliating ftep a crowned head Can pofltbiy he reduced to. His fon came to throw himfelf at the King of Spam’s feet, befeching him to take the Duke his father, and all his houfe, under his royal proieftion. He told the King that he embraced his knees, that he had recourfeto his mercy, and that, with the mod humble fubmiffion, he asked his pardon for the faults he had been guilty of again!! him. See. Siri certainly miltukes his aim, if he pretends to make us admire the p litics of the new council, by giving us fuch inflam.es as this of .heir proceedings. One mult be as much prejudiced as that writer ag drift Henry IV. and the Duke of Sully, and as violent a partifan of ihe Spaniards, to approve of a manner of adting fooppo- hte to that juftke and ger.crofity which every nation piofeflls to dhow. VOL. V. D fbou 3 s MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. foon threw off all the reflraint, and declared their fentiments freely. The deceafed King’s govern- ment, fo wife, fo gentle, and fo glorious for France, was condemned almofl publicly, and even defpifed and ridiculed; at one time,they treated his deligns as mere chimeras ; at another, they reprefented him as a weak pufilanimous prince, incapable of taking any noble refolution. It was not enough to leave the death of this great prince unpunifhed; they added to that negleft, all forts of outrages againft his memory; and, unhappily for us, heaven, which referved to itfelf this vengeance, fuff'ered envy and ingratitude to triumph in their fuceefs. I returned home much grieved at what I faw and heard. “ We are going,” faid I to Madame de Sul- ly, whofe prudence 1 well knew, “ to fall under the “ yoke of Spain and the Jefuits : all true French- “ men, and Proteflants efpecially, mnft look well “ to their fafety ; for they will not enjoy tranqui- “ litylong.” This reflexion kept me in a profound reverie all dinner-time. The Bilhop of Montpelier came to vifit me in the afternoon : he entreated me to give him an opportunity of converfing with me in my clofet, from whence, in about half an hour, 1 let him out by a private door; for he did not de- fire to be known, and therefore hid his face with his handkerchief, that none of my people might know him. “ 1 have heard feme news juft now,” faid I to my wife, and three or four perfons in whom I confided, “ a fecret council has been held at the “ houfe of the nuncio Ubaldini, at which were “ prefent the Chancellor, Conchini, Villeroi, the “ Bifhop of Beziers, and another perfon, whofe “ name was not known, but he was thought to be “ the Duke of Epernon : they condemned, they “ even fpoke with fcorn and contempt of the de- “ ceafed King’s ddigns ; nor was I treated any bet- “ t - by them. It was refolved there to change « entirely all the maxims of our government, and “ all 1610. O F S U L L Y. 39 “ all our political alliances ; to write to the Pope, “ and promife to be guided wholly by his advice ; “ to enter into a ftridt union with Spain, and as “ foon as that was firmly eftablifhed, all thofe who “ (hewed any diflike to it, efpecially the Huguenots, “ fhould be removed from the adminiilration, ami “ baniflred the court. If I am wife, (continued I) “ I (hall quietly refign all my ports and employ- “ ments, withdraw all' my money, or as much of “ it as poflible ; purchafe fome rtrong hold in a “ diftant corner with part, and referve the reft for “ whatever elfe may happen.” While we were (till converfing upon this fubjeft, fhe Duke of Rohan, the two Bethunes* my brother, and my coufin, mv fon, and two or three more of my molt intimate friends, came in, to whom I im- parted what I had heard, and the refolutron I had taken upon it. They maintained that the informa- tion could not be true ; that I was going to take a ftep which would draw upon me the reproach of ingratitude to the ftate, and to the children of the King my benefaftor; that I might very eafily con- tinue in the poflefiion of all my employments, and the exercife of all my offices, and that it would appear weak and mean to yield thus to my enemies at the firft encounter. 1 could not be convinced by their arguments, nor could I bring them to admit of mine. “ It is your defire then,” faid I at laft, that I fhould facrifice myfelf for the public, my family, and my friends; for I fee plainly that “ your intereft has great part in what you fay to “ me. I will do fo, fince you force me to it; but “ remember what I now tell you ; this conceffion “ will procure you no advantage, and will bring “ great trouble, lofs, and even difgrace upon me; “ and I am going,” added I, “ to give you a fpe- “ cimen of it this moment.” Obferving that courtiers of high rank, and even forae of the proudeft and haughtiert amongft them, D 2 had 40 MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. had not difdained to make advances, and meanly court the friendfhip of him who appeared to ingrofs the Queen’s favour, I concluded with myfelf, that it would be very difficult to preferve the fame connec- tion, and the fame good intelligence (in appearance atdeaft) with the court, as I had formerly, unlefs I cxprefied fome kind of regard for the new favourite. I had refolved, in cafe this thought fhould hold, to make ufe of Arnaud the younger for this purpofe, who of himfelf was but too muchdifpofed to worfhip the rifing fun. I had fent for him in the morning-, and acquainted him with the commiffion l intended to give him ere long, to wait upon Monfieur Con- chini, and to make him offers of fervice in my name. 1 had already told him in what manner to turn his compliment, which I fhall here give the reader. He was to tell Conchirri, that I bore him no ill will for the height fortune was going to raife him to, by giving him the fame place with the Queen as I had held with the late King; that I looked upon this event as one of thofe which hap- pen too often in the order of providence, to occa- lion much furprife ; that the Queen-regent, by this advancement of him, juflly repaid the attachment ■which his wife and himfelf had always fliewn for her, and the good fervices fhe had received from them ; that, by chufing him to prefide over the adminiflration of affairs, her Majefly deubtlefs ex- pedled to give to the King her fon, and to the whole Kate, an able and a faithful minifler, two great qualities which are alone fufficient to render a man, whoever he was, truly worthy of all the benefits her favour could fecure to him ; that, being equal- ly perfuaded of the Queen’s laudable defigns, and of his difpofition to fecond them, I freely and cor- dially offered to him all thofe meafures which a long experience had furnifhed me with ; an offer which he would find worthy of acceptance, if he reflefted, that befides the public good, which would needfa- rily i6io. OF SULLY. 4i rily refult from it, he would reap fome advantage to himfelf, in not purchafing the favours, which, in the iequel, would be fhowered on him with the jealoufy of the nobles, the public hatred, the pre- judice of affairs, and the opprelfion of the people ; that the only return 1 demanded of him for thus entering into his views of grandeur and intereft, was to endeavour to gratify them, by following thofe maxims of government by which the late king had rendered his people happy, and his kingdom flourifhing. Of thefe maxims, one which the pre- fent ifate of affairs feemed to make mod necefl'ary, was not to accuftom the men of bufmefs, and thofe importunate petitioners that haunt the court, to depend upon obtaining all they Ihould demand : that, upon tliefe conditions, he ihould find me fin* cerely difpofed to unite mylelf with him ; and thit, from this moment, I offered him my friendlhip, and requefted his. When the nature of my compliment is well corV- fidered,it will be granted, that there were exceptions in thefe advances, which took away all fear of having engaged my felt too far: but, however,’ I believe it will be allowed, that they ought to fatisfy and flatter the vanity even to hi-m of whom they were made. Be that as it will, this-meffage appeared to me vy.ry proper to produce that effetf, of which I was en- deavouring to perfuade thofe who fo obftuiately combated my refolution. After having called Ar- naud, and given him his inftru£tions in the prefence of thefe gentlemen, “ Go,” fai l 1 to him, “ to * Peter de Harcourg Martjuis ofBeuvron. fore 46 MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. fore I complied with it, I Ihould obtain the Queen’s permiflion, as Ihe now reprefented the perfon of the King. She did not exprefsiy forbid me to go and meet the Prince, but, by the manner in which fhe received my requeft, ihe infinuated that I ihould do her a pleafure if I abitained from {hewing him that inftance of refpeft. I alfo found, by the few words fhe faid, that fhe gave me, as well as others, liberty to chufe between her and the Princes of the blood; for it was apparent that fhe did not expect to be upon good terms with them. It was proba- ble, likewife, that the coldnefs and referve, which appeared in her countenance, proceeded from fome refentment {he entertained againft me, for having, paid the Prince the money I have mentioned ; for her confidents had difcovered the affair, and did not fail to inform her of it; and fhe, without doubt, had forgot, that that fum made an article of expence which had been inferted in the accounts : it is likely alfo, that the council which was held, and which I forgot to mention till now, was one confequence of this refentment. It was there de- termined, that, till a new order, 1 fhould be conti- nued to have the direction of the finances, particu- larly of what related to the penfions of flate. I was apprehenfive that the Queen wanted only fuch an incident as this, to withdraw her favour from me entirely : and I was refolved not to expofe nyfelf to her hatred, for a thing which did not appear to me to be of much importance. As to the Prince, he difpatched couriers upon couriers to prevail with me to alter my refolution; and at length he order- ed the gentlemen before mentioned to affure me, that he was abfolutely determined not to come to Paris at all, fince 1 refufed to accompany him in. his entry, and to confer with him upon thofe affairs which would decide the part he was to take, and whicn he could only know from me. Thus i6io. OF SULLY, 47 Thus importuned, I again went to the Queen, to folic't her confent that I might meet the Prince ; but I could obtain no other permiflion, than fuch a one as plainly indicated her difpleafure afmy asking it. The choice I was to make was fo much the more perplexing, as it lay between two parties, which, from thenceforward, mult be looked ort as totally oppofite to each other : however, I declared myfelf openly for that which would confider my compliance as an efl'ential fervice, rather than the other, by whom it would be only acknowledged as an inftance of complaifance which would be foon ! forgot. And I went to meet the Prince #, who, notwithflanding all that the Duke of Epernon could ! fay to him, would not fet out from the place where he had dined, till he knew that I was not far off. I met him in the open road, and alighted to pay i my refpe£ls to him : but he was off his horfe almoft as foon as I, and came to embrace me with equal marks of joy and deference. He began a confe- rence with me as we flood, which lafled a quarter of an hour, though d’Epernon reprefented to him that it would be late before he got to Paris : he ad- I dreiled himfelf by the way often to me upon dif- I ferent fubjedls. I attended him to the gates of jl the Louvre, where I left him to pay his compli- t! ments + to the Queen, and returned myfelf to the || arfenal. It * The Prince, fiys Matthieu, was at his hnufe at Chateauroux, II Af d hrd feen the Duke of Sully, who achifed him to return to j court, where his prefence would be of great advantage to the King, &c. Ibid. 18. f The prince came to Paris the t Jth of July, accompanied by k about fifteen hundred gem lenten; which greatly al. rmed the Qncen, ill who was afraid, as the artillery, the Bafhle, and the late King’s i*| trcafuies, were in his power, by means of the Duke of Sully, in ip cafe the ptrliament and people (hotild not prove faithful, he might u attempt things of very dangerous conftquence to the King’s fcrvice. f 'l he prince had no lefs mifiruft of < thers than what they had of 4 iiim. On his arrival, he had notice given him, three or lour times, that 48 MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. It was very poffible, that, at the time when the Prince of Conde feemed apprehenfive of meeting with fome ill ufage from the Queen, he fecretly flattered hiTnfelf with having a very different recep- tion, when he reflcdfed upon the good intelligence they were in formerly : and perhaps he had, upon thefe expectations, formed a plan of conduct quite contrary to that he laid down to me, and affured me he would follow. It was the general opinion when he left France, that hisdifcontent and his flight were the efi’edts of that princefs’s advice and per- fuaiions, and the late King was told fo : however that may be, the Prince, if he built any thing upon the former friendlhip between him and the Queen, was foon undeceived, and knew by experience, that it was of no force againft the jealoufy of abfolute power. The Queen feemed to have forgot the time when they gave the name of their common intereffc to the motives by which they were aCluated : but it was not her entering into a recital of the affairs of flate, and the government, which baniihed paft fcenes from her remembrance; for fhe communi- cated nothing to him upon thofe heads, and con- fined berfelf to a ceremonial fo grave, fo cold, 'and ir-ferved, that the Prince came awray from the Louvre greatly difgufted with his reception. All this I difcoveredby the difcourfe we had to- gether, when he came to vifit me two days after- wards, though he did not at firft explain himfelf freely, and named no one. 1 waited for an expla- nation of his fentiments, before I would declare mine; and till then 1 was ilili more referved than he was; but at length he began to talk to me of lhat the Queen, at the inflit>atton of the Count of Soiffons, had formed a defipn to fecure him and the Duke of Bouillon; which was the resfon that, notwiihltanding the kind reception he met with from both their Majeflics, he was up three nights, ready to quit Paris on the fit If notice “he fhould receive of any attempts being Jurmsd againft hint, liift- tie la uicie & tiu iiis, vel. 1. p. lot. his t6io. OF SULLY. 49 his defigns in terms fo clear, expreffed all at once fo much elleem for me, and fuch unlimited confi- dence in my fincerity, fliewed fo ardent a defire to labour, in concert with me, to find proper mea- fures to hinder that confufion and dilbrder with which the affairs of the ftate and the finances were threatened, demanded fo fincerely my advice con- cerning the conduit he fhould purfue for the pub- lic good, in the midft of thofe obftacles which jea- loufy, hatred, and faction, were going to oppofe to his defigns, that I thought I owed fo much to his generous confidence, and to the laudable mo- tive by which he was infpired, as to open my heart to him freely upon all that he had faid : to this I was more fully determined by his telling me can- didly, that among all thofe to whom he communi- cated his earneft vvifhes, that the political and do- meftic affairs of the ftate, might {till continue to be governed by the fame maxims which the late King had purfued, there was not one who did not en- deavour to make him alter his opinion, and give him a difguft to the former adminiftration I was afraid that the view of difficulties, either absolutely unfurmountable, or which could not be overcome without infinite hazard, would throw him into the path they fought to lead him in. After thanking him for the honour of his efteem and confidence, I made the following anfwer, and almoft in thefe words: That thofe perfons whom he had confulted upon the prefent queftion, were all too much interefted in it, to give him fuch advice as might ruin their hopes and expectations ; that I could offer him no other than fuch as I would give to his uncles, the Prince of Conti, and Count de Soiflbns, and to the Queen herfelf, were they to confult me with any intentions to be influenced by my reafons, becaufe the real interelt of all four, if well examined, would be found to be the fame; and this advice was, to unite together, to Support the VOL. V. » E & honour MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. honour and grandeur of the King againft the nobles, and againft that croud of importunate, ambitious, and felf-interefted men, with which the court was filled ; fince the defigns of all thofe perfons were, bv methods the leaft allowable, to take advantage of a conjuncture which has at all times been the triumph of avarice and licentioufnefs: That this was the point from which they were to fet out; and that they might not go afide, or give an ex- ample to others which they themfelves condemned, it was neceflary that the whole kingdom (liould be informed, by a folemn declaration, that their foie view in this union was the glory of the ftate ; and by the eftefts it produced, the people fhould be convinced that they were treading in the fteps of a King, all whofe defigns and undertakings had been juftified by that fuccefs they hoped to be favoured with : That it was indifpenfably neceflary to pro- teft frequently, and in the moft public manner, that they were actuated by the fame fpirit by which that great prince had found the fecret of making a king- dom, plunged, in mifery and defpair, opulent and flourifhing; and that the moft eflebtual proof they could give of their exaifl: imitation of him, was to have no felfilh views, by refufmg all the unjuft de- mands of a whole people of greedy courtiers: I did not mean by tnis, that they were not to expeft or defire any reward for themfelves ; on the contrary, it was one of the advantages which thefe four per- fons would derive from thisfyftem, that, by direct- ing all affairs with wifdomand prudence, they would in one year accumulate more riches, juftly and with honour, than they could in ten by any other me- thod ; but that, however, they muft not fuffer themfelves to be tainted by avarice; and this cau- tion I repeated the oftener, becaufe, that of all the virtues neceflary to ftatefmen, there is not one fo difficult to praftife as moderation, in the midft of vaft treafures and unlimited favour. I added, that I kpew i6io. OF SULLY. 51 I knew already all the plans formed by each of the princes, to enjoy what they called the rights of their biith ; but alio, that, by preferving themfelves from that dangerous fnare, no power would be able to refill them : were all the nobles and all the heads of the different factions to be leagued againft them, the interell of the King, when fupported by fuch methods, would become the public and the gene- ral interell, and the impreffion made by the royal name would be then carried to its higheft pitch. Then I told the Prince, that what now remained was to know, whether the Queen, and the other two princes of the blqod, wrere difpofed to take fuch meafures as were neceffary for the fuccefs of this fcheme; but that I was fo far from flattering him with this hope, that 1 freely declared, he ought not to reckon upon their concurrence : yet that this fhould not make him flacken his moll earnell endea- vours to bring the Q^een over, as wellbecaufe it was- necefiary that, in a point of this confequence, he fhould have no reafon of reproaching himfelf with any neglect, as becaufe this princefs, being already in poffdlion of the royal authority, he would have occafion for the ftrongeft reafon he could urge, to jullify to the public the extremities he would be obliged to come to : that, after this precaution, no conlideration whatever fhould hinder him from ta- king upon himfelf the difeharge of a duty, which the princes his uncles were not willing to lhare with him ; but that, when thus deprived of all other fupport, he mull make his adlions fpeak for him : thele mull fhew a difintereltednefs fo determined, a candor and probity fo diflinguilhed, as may ac- cultom the people to look upon him as the true friend of the King, themfelves, and the Hate : that a man who employed only fuch arms as thefe, in a rank fo elevated, would fooner or later carry all be- fore him : that the Princes of Conti and Soiffons would be among the firlt who were fenfible of it, L 2 by 52 MEMOIRS BookXXVRI. by comparing the honour which a procedure fo great and difinterefted would reflett upon the royal blood, with the difrefpe£t, the contempt, and often the affronts they would be expofed to when the pu- blic faw them confounded with the reft of the felf- ifh courtiers : that the Queen herfelf would find many arguments to balance her inclination to a con- trary conduft, efpecially if (he faw the princes of the blood re-united againft her: that, in a word, I believed I might venture to engage for it, that ne- ceffity, confidence, and the force of the torrent, would at length bring all over to his fide; and that there would be no longer any conneiffions, quarrels, reconciliations, and cabals, between the Queen, the princes, and the people in office, which would not turn to the advantage of his authority, if, from this moment, he would begin to form the plan I had fketched out to him, and follow it faith- fully. The extreme attention which the Prince paid ts my difcourfe, convinced me that I had found the way to his heart, and that I had made upon it that ftrong impreffion which virtue and juftice conjoin- ed makes on the fame objedf. What has fince happened does not prove that I was then deceived ; or if it does, it proves alfo, that the Prince decei- ved himfelf firft •, fince it is certain, that the force of my arguments fupported him a long time againft the affaults he had on all fides. Whatever arts were made ufe of by thofe perfons that continually befet him, the flighteft attention to the nature of thofe counfels they gave him, muft have (hewn him very plainly, that they were di&ated by avarice and ambition. How different were fuch fentiments from thofe I endeavoured to infpire him with ? He felt them; he was convinced ; and yet he fuffer- ed himfelf, like all the reft, to be carried along with the torrent. The Duke of Bouillon contri- buted more than any other to engage him in the party i6io. OF SULLY. 53 party of error*. I myfelf reprefent, and probably exaggerate, every thing that can ferve tojuftify this prince, by candidly acknowledging, that it was not difficult to paint, in the fineft colours, thofe mo- tives by which they endeavoured to undermine my principles ; and that it ought not to appear furpri- fing, that a prince, young and unexperienced, fhould not have difcernment enough to diftinguilh appearances from realities ; nor firmnefs enough to prefer what is ufeful, to what flatters and pleales. It was by the following arguments that they effa- ced all the impreffion which mine had made in his mind. They told him, that the reafons I had urged to * The author of the life of the Duke of Bouillon, giving an ac- count of the counfels that Duke gave the Prince of Conde, fays^ '■ He advifed him to leave the Queen the ijuality of regent, to re- duce it to a mere title, which might fatisfy her vanity , hut to • ‘ get all the affual authority into his own hands.” He told him. he knew an infallible way of bringing this to pafs, which, if he would purfue, he could be anfwerable for the fucccfs : that this method confiifed in his again making profeffion of the Calvinift religion, from which the late King had drawn him, and to declare himfelf the proteflor of the Proteftants in France; that b ing, in confequence of this Itep, followed by the Calvinifl nobility, of whom he would be head, mailer of all the ftrong places in the pofleffion of that party (that is of 103 towns and plates well for- tified), fupported by all the Swifs in France, of whom the Duke of Rohan wis col.mel general ; fecure of all the treafurej left by the late King in the Ballile, which the Duke of Sully, difcontenlei with the regent, could put into his hands ; it could not, with ail thefe great advantages, be any way doubted but a flirt prince of the blood, as he was. during a minority muft be in a condition to feize on all the authori'y. and make himtelf equally formidable within the kingdom as without —God did not permit him to fol- low this advice of the Duke of Bouillon ; if he had. the Calvinirts would have recovered all the advantages they had loll by the late King’s Converfion : in ail probability tne kmgdom would have been divided between them and the Catholics ; and their republic, which was treated as imaginary would at lart have proved fome- thing real.’’ Vol 1 p. or. But many imagined, asthishirto- rian htmlelf afterwards owns, that the Duke of Bouillon did not lerini.fly make this propofition to the Prince : that In was the firft to divert him from it; and that all his intent was, only to let the regent fee. hat he himfelf would be a lufiicicnt fccurity againftall the miichiefhe was able to do her. him 54 MEMOIRS Book XXVIII him, tended only to engage him in an abfurd ima- ginary fyftem; that fuch refined maxims neither fuited our times nor our manners ; that probity and virtue alone fignified nothing; that the chi- meras with which I filled his imagination would be laughed at by all reafonable perfons; that by thus afpiring to be the fupport of the whole nation, he would only incur a general hatred, and too late regret that he had not made a better ufe of fo happy a conjunclure •, that the only wife part for him to take, at a time when the royal treafures were go- ing to become a public prey, was to claim the befi: and the largeft portion of them for himfelf, as being, after their Majefties, the firft perfon in the king- dom that he had profited but little by the ne- ceffitous condition to which he had been reduced, If it had not taught him, that when an opportunity offered to extricate himfelf from it, he fhould re- ceive it with open arms ; that he might be allu- red, that it was more my intereft than his, that I endeavoured to throw him into a defperate party; that this was the only refource I had left to fupport my finking credit ; that by feeking to conneft his intereft with mine, I fhould drag him down the precipice with me ; that the hatred ol the nobles and the minrfters againff me was fo great and in- vincible, that the bare fufpicion of my having any influence over him, was fufficient to ruin all his ex- pectations and defigns ; that I had difdained to offer my friendfhip and fervices to any one ; and, in re- venge, all were fo well agreed upon that one point, * He would gladly, fays the fame hiftorian 1 have jufi been, quoting, have contclled the regency if he had dared; but he was diverted from it by the kind treatment he met with. He had a peniion of two hundred thoufand livres (about 8333 1. Sterling), given him, together with the palace of Conti, in the fuburb of Saint Germain, for which a great fum had been paid, the count of Ckrmout, and many other gratifications. wy i6 io. OF SULLY. 55 my ruin, that there was no condition which they would not accept from thofe who were going to have the difpofal of all favours and rewards, provi- ded my difgrace was annexed to it. On occaftons of this kind, when one has been able to render the advice fufpedfed, the advifer is not far from being hated : this was what they under- took to accomplilh, and they fucceeded. They gave the prince to underftand, that it was abfolute- ly neceflary for the fyftem he was going to embrace, that my ruin Ihould be refolved on : what I had faid to him myfelf, confirmed it to him ; all my own words were turned againft me; fo that by a ftrange caprice of the mind, (of which, however, politics abound with examples) thofe very fentiments, which but a moment before, the Prince had admired in my mouth, laid the foundation of that hatred he from thenceforward began to bear me, and of the perfecution he raifed againft me. Then it was that the refolution was taken, not to fuffer me to con- tinue any longer in the miniftry * than was necefia- ry for their own fchemes; and in the mean time to undermine, by degrees, what power I had ftillleft; and to withdraw, without any feeming defign, all the papers, memoirs, and inftruiTions, relating to the. finances, which were in my hands, till the mo- ment arrived when 1 was to be difniified for ever. If the execution of this plot was deferred till the following year, it was only becaufe fome unforefeen difficulties retarded it. Probably I did not at that time know all the plots which were then fecretly forming againft me; but I guefled at fo many of them, as were necefiary to * All thcfe intrigues amsngfl the princes, the courtiers, and the minifters, to get the Duke of Sully removed, are related in parti- cular memoirs, and elpecially in L’Hifloire de la mere et du fils, vol. r.p. it. & feq. no. 127.& feq ; and in the Hiflory of r.e Duke of Bouillon, vol, 2. p. 313. & leq. confirm $6 MEMOIRS Book XXVIII. confirm me in my former refolution, and to which I had endeavoured to bring my family to give their content: which was, to retire from court be- fore I fhould appear to be forced away *: I even went fo far as to mention my defign to the Queen Regent, and intreated her not to oppofe it. Al- though, by this propofal, I was doubtlefs anfwering all her views, yet Ihe ufed fuch profound diffimula- tion in the anfwer fhe made me, that even had I fuffered myfelf to be deceived, yet I think none could have accufed me of too much credulity. Con- chini and his wife, had never more influence over her than then : Ihe began to be wholly governed by them; yet Ihe pretended to be as much difgufted with their prodeedings as I was myfelf: fhe endea- voured to perfuade me that (he was fully fatisfied with my conduft; that fhe fhould be greatly per- plexed if I abandoned her, at a time when the King’s coronation would give her fuflicient employ- ment; and that it would take up all the remainder of the year, to prepare for the changes which the difmiffion from my employments mull; neceflarily make in affairs. I accommodated myfelf to her will, without fuffering my own to be altered ; for, though I continued to perform all the duties of my offices, yet I was fo conftantly upon my guard a- gainft the machinations of my enemies, that I would not leave them an opportunity of fpoiling me them- felves. They at length came to a refolution with regard to the affair of Cleves : indeed it could not be longer delayed, if they had any defire to appear concerned in it. The army of the confederates, joined to that of the United Provinces, had laid fiege to Juliers ; and the Prince of Orange, who commanded it, had taken fuch meafures, that the place muft of * This laudaMe method has been frequently cop’ed ^y the En- giifli niinift'.rs, wh > finding they mult turn out, ul"e the honoura- ble method of RESIGN JNG. neceffitj ifiio. O F S TJ L L Y. 57 neccffity fall into his hands. Our fupplies were wholly ufelefs to him, becaufe the houfe of Auftria had taken no ftep, nor fet any troops on foot, to oppofe her enemies : and after this exploit, the war, as they propofed to carry it on, mull be foon at an end. But the new council of the Queen, compofed of thofe perfons I have already mentioned, thought they fhouklfhew a mailer-piece of policy, by grant- ing them now more than what they hail been lb long and ineffeblually foliciting. i hey knew the condi- tion the befieged city was in, and they were de- firous of having the honour of taking it, as it could not hold out long, after the arrival of our troops. They likewife imagined, that this would be an in- citement to the King of Spain to folicit an alliance with us, for which they thought he did not Ihew eagernefs enough; and they were alhamed to make all the advances themfelves. It was refolved, there- fore, that a body of eight thoufand foot, twelve hundred horfe, and eight pieces of cannon, fhould be immediately fent to Juliers; and that the com- mand of this army fhould be given to the Marechal tie laChartre. When this determination was made public, and, for form’s fake, laid before the general council, I could not hinder myfelf from fpeaking my fenti- ments of it freely. I defired to know for what end they were at the expence of this army, againft enemies who did not defend themfelves, and for al- lies who no longer need our alTillance ? I declared my opinion of this unfeafonable fuccour, which was not much for our honour. I reprefented to them the difficulties and delays to which our troops were expofed by this unneceffary march : and indeed, to perform it without having any thing to fear from the enemies they might meet in their journey, they muft be obliged to go a great way about, and tra- verfe rude, mountainous, and barren countries. Conchini, who had brought over the Count de Soif- fons 53 M E M O I R S Book XXVIII. fons and the Duke of Bouillon to his opinion, and who was fatisfied with his own 1'ecret reafons, fuf- fered me to talk on, like a man whom theyfcorned to difclofe their defigws to: and the departure ot the troops was refolved on. However, to prevent any farther importunity from me, and to give me even a perfonal intereft in this armament, they granted my fon-in-law (who had long folicited adiitinguilh- ing employment in the German army) the poll of Field-Marfhal-General : which was likely to be f» much the more acceptable, as ihis quality gave him an unqueftionable right to command in chief, if any thing happened to the General. It was notimpoffiblc ev n that La-Chartre would, thro’fome difgudyre- fign the command, as he had more than once been upon the point of doing. The difficulty of the roads alarmed him, as well as the dangers he might en- counter in his march; and he alfo owned to me, and to feme others of the council, that the Jefuits raifed great fcruples in his mind about joining the heretics againlt good catholics. However, I gave him a little courage, by telling him of a more con- venient route than that which he had deligned to take; and he difpofed himfelt to begin his march. The preparations for this armament, which fell to my charge, were made in fuch a manner, that the army was compofed of the belt troops we had then.on foot; they had a complete train of artil- lery, well ferved ; and the fund for the expences was fo large, that the treafurer brought back an hundred thoufand crowns. Prince Maurice ac- knowledged, that he had not for a long time feen a body of forces fo line and fo well difeiplined : he expreffed feme furprife indeed, that the general, who by all appearances {horrid be one of our belt foldiers, had but a very flight knowledge of what was prattifed in lieges, and in other parts of war. This i6io. OF SULLY. 59 This is all that I {hall fay of this expedition : the hiftorians# have given a more particular account of what happened in it, how our army paffed into Germany, and how it returned. My fears being too fincere upon this fubjeft, and the very unufeful part I now began to aft, obliges me to haften to- wards the conclufion of thefe Memoirs. * See an account of the taking of Juliets, and this expedition, in the Merc. Frang. and other hiftorians, ann. tfi.-o The taking of Juliers obliged the Emperor to lay afide his de- fign of fecjuelVering, into the hmJs of tke Archduke Leopold of Auftria. the territories that were in difpute; and the Dukes of Brandenburg and Newburg quietly fhared the whole fucceffi n be- twixt them. The Eleftor of Brandenburg had Cleves, La Mark, and Ravensberg : and the Duke of Neu'nirg Juliers, and Berg. Philip Lewis, fon of this Duke of Netthurg, had two fons, of whom one continued the branch of Nenburg ; and from the young- eft, the Counts of Sulsbach are defeended ; in whom the two branches are now going to be re-united, hecauQ: the branch of Neuhnrg will determine in the prefent Eieflor Palatine : and from hence, an hundred and thirty years after the death of Duke Wil- Jiam of Juliers. the fame difficulties on this eventual fueceilion are again likely to arile; the King of Pruffia, of the houfe of Bran- denburg. being able to produce the following reafon for his oppo- fition to this re union, that the two branches were feparated when the treaty of 1666 was made which feems only to itipulan for defeendents of the contrafding parties f ; and the Emperor, . n the other hand finding it his inttreft to fnpport the Prince of .uls- bach ; becaufe if this young prince ffiould happen to die without iffiie male, he would make ufe of his old pretence, of the male- fiefs, as a reafon for his taking polleffion of Juliers and Berg , be fiJes the intereft he would have in it on account of the princes of Saxony, his allies. Tlierc appeared a work in two volumes in 1738, wherein this matter is difcuiTed, and very well explained. T/i.s -u>n< -written before the death of the hfi Emperor, and the foji Elcftor Palatine, BOOK 6a MEMOIRS Book XXIX. BOOK XXIX. THE affair of Cleves, which we have juft now mentioned, and the Queen’s condudt with regard to me, at length removed all my hopes of bringing back the court to right fentiments, on the tw’o points of government, the conduft of foreign affairs, and the management of the finances : on the contrary, the changeablenefs of the Prince, what I perceived daily, and, above all, the air of difiimulation, which, in the laft place, they had re- courfe to, convinced me that they would never get out of that labyrinth in which the affairs of the council feemed to be loft, but by fuch an extrica- tion as I was always afraid of. In order to bring that about, fome time was neceffary; for connec- tions fo ftrong and fo well cemented as thofe which the King had formed for the deftru£Hon of the houfe of Auftria, with all thofe of the princes in- terefted in its deftru£tion, are not broke all at once, nor fome times without a ftruggle which has mif- chievous confequences. But I have no reafon to doubt, but that the Queen regent and her counfel- lors employed all their arts to make them ineffec- tual. That prejudice in favour of what they called the party of religion ; the hatred they bore to all Proteftants, whether French or foreigners ; a natu- ral inclination, ftrengthened by habit, to unite with Spain, every impulfe of which they could not help following publicly, when the defigns of Henry the Great becoming manifeft, they were convifted of fupporting a caufe at once odious and defperate: it could not be expeffed that the force of thefe mo- tives was abated, when, by an unexpected ftroke, they i6io. OF SULLY. 61 they found therafelves upon the point of accom- plifhing what they had fo ardently defired. My religion, my engagements, the advice I had given to the late King, of which atleaft the certain efFe£t would have been the free exercife of the Proteftant religion in France, and in all Chriftendom, even the death of that prince, which feemed to declare me the only repofitory of his fentiments, and the executor of his defigns, all the glory and honour of which mufl; neceffarily reflect upon me : thefe ■were their motives for hatred againft a man who had already fo many powerful enemies ; and, by the care which Sillery and Villeroi took to en- force them, they could not fail of having a fpeedy effect. Another, lefs openly declared, but probably ftronger than all the others, becaufe it dire&ly at- tacked thofe private interefts, united them all a fe- cond time againft me. This was a too exaft and too impartial adminiftration of the finances, for perfons whofe avarice had already, in imagination, ingroffed to themfelves all the treafures of the late King. 1 have, on this head, an infinite number of circumftances to relate, which certainly will not do any honour to the French name; but it would be to no purpofe to be filent, fmee they are generally known. The reader then may here fee fome of the moft important of them : they will ferve to give ?iim an idea of the court at that time. I fnall begin with the favourite of the Queen- regent. He call his eyes at firft upon the poll: of firft gentleman of the bedchamber; not that this dignity was capable of fatisfying his ambition, but it was neceffai y to begin by obtaining a rank which might take away the difproportion that.had hither- to been between him and the other courtiers. To' this motive was added fome perfonal refentment againft Bellegarde, the canfe of which I (hall not relate, becaufe it would lead me into too long a \ox..V. F difeuffion. di MEMOIRS Book XXIX. difcuffion. It was highly flattering to the vanity of Conchini, that the fiill flep he was i'een to take at court, fhould put him upon a par with his rival * : he therefore caufed it to be propofed to the Duke of Bouillon, to treat with him for this poll. Bott' illon, who really intended to fell it, readily accept- ed the propofal, and was well paid for his eomplai- fance ■, for, in the firfl: place, he obtained a fup- prtflion of the offices eftablilhed by his Majefty in the neighbourhood of Sedan, for levying taxes upon all goods and merchandifes exported and im- ported ; fo that this gratuity may, without exagge- ration, be faid to be worth more to him than his whole principality. To this Conchini added two hundred thoufand livres, under a pretence that he had been promifed that fum upon furrendering his citv. I reprefented to them, that the Duke of Bouillon had been exa£l!y paid all that was promi- fed him ; and, if they looked into the account, they would be convinced of it: but what I faid was not regarded, and all the expence Henry had been at to get poffieffion of Sedan, ended in paying twice for the place, which after all was ftill in Bouillon's hands. Conchini, however, did not efie£l his purpofe fo eafily as he had imagined : the Count of Soiffions, as 1 have already hinted, oppofed him, as well in that, as in his iblicitations for the archbiffiopric of Tours; but he did it in fuch a manner as left him room to hope there was a poflibility of gaining him; and Conchini foon found the means. He caufed the government of Normandy to be given to him ; and to this end did not fcruple to take it away from the fecond fon of France. The late King, that he might avoid creating any jealoufy among thofe who * The Marquis of Ancre (for fo he btgan then to be called^ had a difference with the mafter of thehorfe.the particulars where- of may be feen in the hiftory of the regency of Queen Mary de Mcdicts. . r ■ 1 alpirea Ifiio. 6 F SULLY. 63 afpired to this government, (which I had refufed, with the condition of changing my religion annex- ed to it), and willing to oblige Fervaques, who well deferved that he fhould have this confideration for him, had beftowed it upon his own fon. It was not poflible for me to give my afl'ent to this action of Conchini’s, or to the gratuity given by the coun- cil to the Count of Soiffbns, at his Majefly’s ex- pence, by purchafing, at a high price, fome very inconfiderable claims, which the houfe ofMontaffie had in Piedmont, of which mention has been al- ready made. However, notwithftanding all my remonftrances, the bargain was concluded. It was now their cuftom to fuffer me to talk, but to act without me. Conchini found out a method how to difpofe of part of the King’s treafures, without its appearing that the funis raifed by thofe means, were received or employed for his ufe. This was by perfuading the Queen to continue the iffuing of countants * as the late King was ufed to do. She wrote the fol- lowing letter to me upon this occafion, dated the 15th of June. “ Coufin, “ I am refolved, for one year more, to continue “ the countants, for the payment of thofe fums ti which the late King, my Lord, ordered the trea- <[ furers of the exchequer to depoiite in his privy “ purfe : Beringhen fhall diftribute the money a“i- “ ling from hence to the fame perfons as formerly. * The counrants were orJers for payment of money, or re- ceipts for funis paid by the King s order, without fpecitying in whn mannei the money fj paid was employed. Henry I V. and Lewis XIII. or their minillers, feverely felt the abufes that might be ma le of them ; but an infinite number of cxpcnces. which in • terefl of ftjtc reijtiiied to be kept fecret, prevented their being a- bdilhid. Cardinal de Richelieu determined to put an end to the n, but in lieu thereof to leave a million of gold in the- King’s hinds fi.r his private expellees, and to be dil'pofed of at his plea lure. Tell, polit. fart a. pi 14-3. V 2 ‘ I 64 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. “ I therefore fend this to acquaint you, that it is “ my defire you fhould direft tbe treafurer of the “ exchequer at prefent in office, to pay into the u hands of the aforefaid Beringhen, the faid count' “ ant for the July quarter.” The next day Puget and D’Argogues brought one of thefe countants to me that 1 might fettle it, and write underneath an order for the payment. I took it, and at the firft glance, did not obferve that it contained any thing but a great number of fums, which the late King caufed to be paid in this form : but the amount of the whole, appearing to me to be cxceflive large, inftead of looking any farther, I told the bearers, that it was true, the conduft of Henry iy. feemed to authorife this form, but that at pre- fent, this writing did not appear to me, to be any longer a fufficient dilcharge to him, who fhould venture to give an order for its payment. They replied, that, if I would take the trouble to read to the end of the paper, I fhould find my obje£lion removed, by a difeharge fo valid, that I need not have rccourfe for it to any other perfon. I conti- nued to read, being curious to know how a paper, which feemed to contain nothing more than the rrtici.es of a countant, and that not very long, fhould produce a fum of 900,210 livres 14 fob, which I had feen by calling my eyes upon the fum total. My curiofity was foon fatssfied. The two or three firft articles were followed by others with which I was not greatly pleafed,and which feemed only inferted there, in order to prepare me for a morfel flill harder to digeft. This was a fingle ar- ticle of four hundred thoufand livres, with no o- ther explanation tl an thefe few words, which were not very likely to banifh my fcruples: “ Paid into “ the hands of the late King.” I flopped fhort, and, looking earneftly upon Pu- get, alkcd him whether this ingenious trick was of his i6io. O F S U L L Y. 65 his own invention; then refolutely told him, that the late King had never taken up fo much money at once for his private purle : and that I had good proofs of his having never received this fum, either in part or the whole, fie dill continued to anfwer with the fame indifference, that what I fhould fee at the bottom would remove all difficulties. This was four or five lines, written by the Qiieen herfelf, and in thefe terms; “ We have examined the ar- “ tides rof the above countant, amounting to “ 900,210 livres 14 fols, and know that this fum “ was really difburfed by the command of the late “ King, my Lord, to be palled in the form of a “ countant, as ufual, which he was prevented from “ by death. We are fatisfied that the faid articles M are all juft, and order an acquittance of countant “ to be expedited, to ferve as a difcharge for Puget, “ treafurer of the exchequer. Given at Paris, “ July 16. 1610. Signed Mary.” I did not recollect immediately what refolution it was proper for me to take ; but, after a moment’s reflection, “ Monfieur Puget,” laid I, “ what 1. w have read does not explain to me for what rea- “ fon fo large a fum is demanded . f me ; for I can “ never be perfuatled that the late King rectivetl it. “ It is in vain therefore that you preis me to fign “ it upon that fuppofnion : you mult therefore be “ latisfied with this paper, fuch as it is', for your i' diicharge ; for you may depend upon it, I wid “ achl nothing to it.” d’be affair did not relt there: t icy renewed their endeavours to obtain my figna- ture, with as much obltinacy as 1 refufed it; for two whole days I was perfecuted about this count- ant : at lalt they left me in quiet, and it remained- among the red ot my papers; but neither the Queen-regent or Conchini ever forgot it. The ia- vuurite thought this but a bad ex irnple for tnofe whom he was .endeiv-mring to b. i ig to a perred COiiferiuity with all .dsfiefires : as lor the Queen, F 3 her 66 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. her refentment at my corHu'i on this occafion was fo great, that {he could mt, with all her art, conceal it; and if, till then, {lie had at times made fome flight reflexions upon what the King her hufband had often faid to her of the great ufe I fhould be to her in the adminiftration of affairs, from that moment all remembrance of it was era- fed, and gave place to a fettled refolution to beftow my employments upon a perfon who would be more trattable. The Chancellor gave me an example of that fort of behaviour they expesfled ; but inflead of follow- ing it, I could not help reproaching him one day with a fraud truly unpardonable, on occafion of a letter of exemption for the purchafe of the regiftry of the parliament, and of the chatelet of Paris, which was fhown in full council, as having been expedited and fealed by the late King, although I knew that he had obftinately refufed to grant it, not- withflanding Villeroi had, at different times, ufed his utmoft endeavours to prevail upon him. The law ordains, that when the King dies, his feal fhall be broken. This the Chancellor not only neglect- ed to do, but even dared to make ufe of it to au- thenticate feveral falfe regulations in favour of Conchini and feme others, and continued this prac- tice during five years after the King’s demife : for which he had a double convenincy, as his fon, who was fccretary of ftate, forged all thofe writings, which he put the lafl: hand to. Monfieur the Ad- miral # received the affiftance it gave him, as if it came from heaven. He brought to be regiftered in the parliament letters patents for Duke and Peer for the Lordfhip of Damville, in as good, and perhaps better form, than they would have had if Henry IV. had been living. * Cbirles de Moo’.morencv D^kc of Da-nvflSc. I find it?io. OF SULLY. 67 I find a fecond letter from the Queen Regent of the fame date with the former, but it was on a fub- jedb of lefs importance. It related to a breach which was to be repaired in the fortifications lately raifed before the city and caftle of Vendfime, at the defire of the Sieur Jumeaux, who was governor thereof. It would have been very difficult, expofed as I was to frequent quarrels with the minifters and nobles, to have avoided one with the Duke of Bou- illon, who on all occafions gave me proofs that he had not forgot or pardoned my having always pre- ferred the King’s intereft to his, and who only waited for fome opportunity to (hew his refentment of it. He one day propofed in the council, that all thofe who were in pofleffion of the chief offices and employments in the kingdom, (hould be required to give in accounts of the money received and ex- pended to be examined there. The council con- ceived this propofal, in the fame fpirit with him that made it ; for, general as it feemed, yet it was levelled at me alone; and Bouillon undertook to give me notice of it, by faying to me, in full council likewife, that, being a man who loved method and exa£tnefs, and who was always defirous of fetting others a good example, he did not doubt but that I would begin, by laying before the council, thofe accounts that related to my poll of grand mafter of the ordnance. I replied, in an accent and manner which poffibly he did not expetl, That whenever the King and Queen were pleafed to require it, I would lay my accounts before them, and with fo much the more willingnefs, as I was well affured they would find nothing in them but what would be to their fatisfadlion, and my honour : that, in a minority, the princes of the blood reprefented the King’s perfon iikewife, therefore I would give them the fame fatisfadiion; but that I was too well acquainted with the extent of the rights and privi- 6S MEMOIR S Book XXIX, leges of my emplcymeii to know that, to make it accountable to any other tribunal, was to debafe it. “ Monfieur,” replied the Duke, “ it ap- “ pears to me that the Conftable and the Marihals “ of France, having a right to take cognifance of all “ affairs of the army, as they fall immediately under “ their infpeftion by the nature of their offices, fo “ they may likewife of all pcfts and employments “ relating to it; and yours is one of the chief of “ that kind.” “ I fee plainly, Monfieur,” re- turned I, wi-hout.endeavouring to conceal my re- fentment at this procedure, “ that you have long “ defigned me this affront, and that you are art- “ fully feeking to fupport yourfelf with M. the “ Conftable, whofe quality, merit, and years, I “ honour and efteem, and for whofe friendlhip “ I am greatly obliged. I do not apprehend, that “ any diipute will arife between him and me upon “ this matter ; but as for you and all the others, I “ declare I do not think myfelf accountable to you “ in what regards my office, but to the King a- “ lone.” “ At leaft, Monfieur,” replied the Duke of Bouillon, “ you muft acknowledge, that, your “ patent being directed to us, it implies that we “ have fome degree of authority there.” Monfieur, “ (faid I,) you have either read it very flightly, “ or but ill underftood what you read ; fince, if “ what you aifert be true, I am likewife accomit- “ able to the mayors, the fheriifs, and the captains “ of the city gates, in what regards my employ- “ ments, fmce the patent is cireriled to them as “ well as to the marffials and governors of France j “ but, if you are really ignorant why thofe claufes “ are inferted, now know from me, that it is in “ order that 1 may be a {lifted by all thofe perfens “ in whatever I require of them, which carries “ rather an idea of fuperiority than the contrary.” The Queen, who. found that the d'fpute was growing warm, and that it might produce a quar- rel 1(5 io. O F S tT L L Y. 69 ; rel between us, impofed filence upon us both, ami brought another fubject upon the carpet. Bouillon’s ! flattery to the Conltable milled of the elfe£l: he ■ propofed by it ; for I was as much beloved by that i nobleman for the fervices I had done him in fame ; very difficult circumdances, as Bouillon, who had ‘i drawn him into thole circumltances, was hated by him. When the council broke up, he told the 1 Queen, in Bouillon’s prefence, that his claim was I ill founded; then, addreffing himfelf to the Duke, Ihe intreated him not to make any more attempts to engage him inhis perfonal refer.tments andfchemes of revenge. This quarrel made a great nolle at court, becaufe the friends of each party thought I it incumbent upon them to engage in it. It was I not here, as in the council : my party was now I greatly fuperior to his. The families of Guife, I Longuville, and many others, declared themfelves f openly on my fide. Conchini and his wife did not continue long on I good terms with the minifters and the other chief perfons of the date. It is the late of connections produced by a fpirit of intered, that the fame came which gave them birth, dedroys them with the greater facility. Hence followed a thousand fcan* alous feenes : they came openly to reproaches. b and abufes, which from feme remains of decency, || fhould have been difled. As the whole court was d actuated by the fame fpirit, it wa's foon filled with hatred, jealoufy, and faction : none but bafe or W criminal methods were employed in difputing for favours or in obtaining them ; fome old grudge or n fome new refentment embittered every mind, and | the bloodied catadrophes were often apprehended i among perfons of the highed rank : ^ became ne- w ceflary to watch them continually, to prevent the j fatal effects of their quarrels. The public was not ! ignorant of the motives which animated one againfl J the other, all the princes of the blood, the Con- liable. 7* MEMOIRS Book XXIX. ftable, the Mafter of the horfe, the Duke of Eper- non, and many more.. In thefe dilfenfions Conchini had always the greatefl part # : fometimes, while the balance was held between thefe illuftrious rivals, the favours’ they difputed for fell into the hands of mean incon- fiderable perfons. Difcord, confufion, injuftice, and fraud, all the evils which follow the contempt of fubordination, poured in like a deluge upon the court and council, and more than once revenged the infulted memory of Henry the great upon his domeflic enemies, by thofe very means which they had made choice of to revenge themfelves. There was not any of the European powers who did not, by their ambafTadOrs, acquit themfelves of what they owed to this great King : but it was eafy to diftinguifli among them, thofe who were more Encere in their compliments of congratulation for the acceflion of the now King to the throne, than in thofe of condolence for the lofs of him whom he fucceeded. 1 here were found Frenchmen bafe e- nough to fay to the ambafiadors from the King of Spain and the Archduke, thefe very words: “ Your “ tears need not wet your handkerchiefs much ; it “ was a ftroke of Providence that faved the King “ and the Catholic religion from ruin.” I fliall fay nothing of the reception that was given to thefe ambafiadors. My heart was too much removed from every fenfation of joy, to allow me to have any part in the ceremony of the King’s coronation f; therefore, while every other took the road to Rheims, I fet out for Montrond, after having obtained the Qjaeen’s permiflion to go to one of my country homes. I * See the detail of thefe intrigues and court quarrels in Siri* Vol. i. p. 327. and in the other hillorians of thofe times. ■J- The ceremony is very minutely deferibed in the Merc. Frang. theroy i! MSS. P. Muthieu, &c. anno Kto. It was performed fftc 7 tii of Oftoler. car-fuby i6io. O F S U L L Y. 7e carefully concealed my defignof not returningagain to Paris, at leafl; while I faw the fame difpofitions among the courtiers, and the fame diforder in af- fairs: but 1 had really taken this refolution, which was confirmed by my being attacked with a violent illnefs immediately after I arrived at Montrond, and. which I could attribute to noother caufe, but to the painful fituation my heart had been in for four months. It was here alfo, that, to calm the dif- quietude of my mind, I compofed thofe two little pieces of poetry, one of which is intitled, A parallel between Ceefar and Henry theGreat; and the other, A farewell to the court *. If this adieu wasnot thelaft, it was not my fault: I faw very plainly that I could not remain there. The fecret council held at the houfe of the nuncio, which I have already mentioned, was continually recurring to my mind. To this I added fome words, which a princefs, my relation and intimate friend, told me fhe had heard faid to the Queen at the fame time. Many other circumflances of this nature filled my mind with the ftrongeft fore- bodings, that the whole Proteftant church was at the eve of a perfecution. By a letter which Preaux wrote to me from Chatelleraut, dated November to. he feenjed .to be of the fame opinion; “ Al- “ ready,” fays he, “ I fancy I fee the theatre “ raifed to renew our tragedies.” With this me- lancholy expectation, my refolution was already fettled, to difpofe of all my employments to thofe perfons who fliould be recommended to me by Conchini and his wife, as money feemed to be cheapelt with them. I intended to fend one third of the fums raifed by thefe fales to Switzerland, a- nother to Venice, and the remainder to Holland, where I propofed to retire myfelf, when the ftornr # Tl.efe p'eccs are recited in Sally’s Memoirs, at the end of tire fir it \slaiT.c, p. srSj, appeared 72 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. appeared ready to burft, with all the money, that, by good ceconomy, I had faved out of my yearly revenue. Thus were my affairs regulated; and that I made any alteration in this plan, was owing to the following circumftance. That jealoufy and mifunderfhmding which fub- filted among the nobles and perfons in office, ren- dered the ceremony of the coronation fo tumultu- ous and diforderly, that it was expefted fome dan- gerous confequences would follow. I do not fpeak here of their difputes for rank and precedence on- ly. The Duke of Epernon, who, for fome years paft, appeared to be intimately connected with Conehini; yet, one day, in concert with the Duke of Eguillon, ufed language to him equally fevere, injurious, and threatening, and this in public. The Duke of Nevers, fupported by the princes of the blood, treated Villeroy, Sillery, and Jeannin, in the fame manner : they were feized with confterna- tion and fear: they found that they had not power, and, doubtlefs, felt they were not innocent enough to repel thefe reproaches; and now began to be fenlible of the need they had of me. It might have dangerous confequences, if the princes and nobles were fuffered to go on in reproving the mi- nifters of date. I appeared to them to be the only man capable of putting things upon another foot- ing, by the authority, the refpect, and even the awe, which my birth, my character, and my man- ners, had acquired me in the council ; and theyfo earneftly folicited the Queen to make ufe of her in- fluence over me, to oblige me to return, that ihe fent me by an exprefs the following letter., “ Coiffin, “ Your good coufin, “ Mary.” I imagined, that by eluding this journey for the prefent, they would think no more of it; therefore mv anfwer to the Queen was conceived in thefe terms. “ Madam, “ My inclination, my duty, and the honour you do me, by remembering me, are all motives equally ftrong to engage my obedience ro your u Majefty’s commands ; but a dangerous ill fs, <( from which I am but lately recovered, h.;s 1 t “ me in fo weak a condition, and the certain know- “ ledge 1 have, that my prefence in the council, is “ not agreeable to feveral perfons, who have more “ authority there than I have, oblige me moft “ humbly to intreat you, not to be ofi'ended-tl I “ delay going to court till I have recovered my “ ftrength ; and that when 1 do attend your Ma- “ jelly there, you will permit me, before thofe per- “ fons whom you fhall pleafe to appoint, to ^ive “ you an account of my adminiftration, to lay be- “ fore you the ftate in which I leave the affairs of “ the kingdom, and the form I think necelTary to i( be obferved to keep them in the fame order and “ tranquilityj-^0'’ "-e now. I nmft beg your Ma- “ jelly to believti?//iat this will be thi. lole end of “ my journey, and that I have no intenuon to de- Vol. V. G “ fire 74 M E M O I R S Book XXIX. “ fire to concern myfelf any farther in the adtnini~ e( ftration of affairs. I believe I have fettled every “ thing relating to my employments in fuch a man- <£ ner, as the fecretaries of the exchequer, and the tc other officers, can certify to your Majefty, that “ my prefence may be difpenfed with, till the latter “ end of the year : at which time, if my health “ will permit me, I fhall not fail to come tp Parts, “ and pay all poffible obedience to the King’s ‘c commands and your’s; and upon this truth, I “ befeech the Creator, &c. From Montrond, *' October 12. 1610.” This was not what the Queen propofed to herfelf from the ftep {he had taken to recal me ; flte per- ceived, that by delaying my return to court, I was only forming excufes for appearing there no more; or that if I came, the part I would act there, would not be very proper to oblige thofe who had deferted her favourite, again to folicit his friendfhip, which was all file had in view; and to effect this, ffie made ufe of all my friends *, my wife* my fon, and my fon-in-law particularly : (he began by an 111- fmuating and gracious behaviour to them ; {hewed fuch an unreferved confidence in me, added fo many kind expreffions, and promifes fo flattering to their hopes, that they were now more than ever confirm- ed in their belief, that I ffiould commit a great er- ror by laying down my employments. She after- wards fent them, one after the other, to me, char- ged with the moft obliging letters, and the fullefl: aflurances of her favour and confidence. I endea- voured, but in vain, to make them fenfible, that all this was deep art on the Queen’s fide. Their * “ Bouillon had orders to go to him (M. de Sully) at Paris. “ on his return from his country feat, and to adore him of the “ Queen’s regard for him, aud that Ih^wguld p'ace the fame con- “ fdencc in him the late King had. t Vyl.epted the Queen’s of- “ fer,” &c. Hill, de la mere et du fils, vol. 1. p. 111. , felicitations. felicitations, their intreaties, became perfecution, which at length fatigued me fo much, that being delirous of avoiding reproaches, to which I faw no end, and confidering likewife that my compliance with requefts thus earneftly urged, would expofe me to no inconveniencies for the prefent, I refol- Ved to throw myfelf, though fairly warned of my danger, into all the fnares that were laid for me at court, and again poftponed the execution of my firft defign. I therefore fet forward to Paris, but (hewed no great hurry of getting there, fince I did not reach that city till the 6th day after my departure from Montrond *■ The next morning, as I was preparing to go and pay my refpe£ts to the King and the Queen-regent, I was informed, that the King would pafs the whole forenoon in the Tuil- leries, and that the Queen was to dine at Zamet’s. I did not doubt but that my attending her there would be very acceptable to her ; and indeed (he received me in the mod gracious manner imagi- nable : (he feveral times repeated, with an air of freedom, and even pleafure, by which I myfelf was aimed impofed upon, that (he would follow no other counfels but mine. She intreated me to attach my- ielf to her fon, as I had done to the late King : (lie told me that (lie would not fuffer me to lay down my employments ; that (he would take fuch mea- fures, that I Ihould execute them in an abfolute independence: and defired me to begin with the accounts of the finances for the year 1611, as I u- fed to do; none of the miniders having (hown themfelves willing to take this care upon them du- ring my abfence, and (he herfelf being defirous that I Ihould continue to difeharge it. The Queen con* * One of the Duke of Sully’s eftates, where he built a very flrong fortreli, reckoned impregnable, ihe fortifications being cut in the rock; and only had accefs by a winding path, alfo hewn in the reck. G a tinuctj 76 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. tinued her difcourfe till dinner was ferved : I can relate only a fmall part of it. When (he rofe from table, (he entertained me with the difputes that had happened during the coronation : (he informed me that the nobles had made an infinite number of de- mands, but that (he had refoived to conclude nothing till return . however, (lie avoided faying any thing particular on this head, bur only told me, that fie would talk to me more fully the firft opportu- nity, and would let me know what were the fervi- c s (lie required of me on thi^occafion : thefe words feenied wholly free from referve. The whole court appeared fo gay, that it was but too probable this ferious converfation was extremely difagreeable j accordingly it gave place to others more common : and at three o’clock the Queen returned to the Louvre. I went thither the next day, to pay my refpe&s to the King, to the Princes and PrincdTes his bra- , thers and filters. This part of the Court was (till untainted; the governefles, the nurfes, the other women and officers, which compofed the houflrold of thefe young princes, formed a kind of feparate people, to whom the memory of King Henry was (till dear : the fource of their tears and lamentations was not yet dried up ; I wept with them, while we talked of that good prince ; they conjured me, by every motive which they thought could make any impreflion upon my mind, by the (riendfhip Henry had for me, by my attachment to him, not to abandon the children ot a father to whom I had now no other tvay ot acquitting myfelf ot what I owed him. Their intreaties and their tendernefs could add nothing to thefe fentiments of gratitude and affection which filled my heart, and, to our mu- tuil misfortune, could not increafe my power of ferving them. Upon my attentively viewing the three princes, I thought I difeovered in the courf- tenance and behaviour of the young King, ftrong, indications i6ro. OF SULLY. 77 indications of thofc happy difpofitions, which time has fince ripened and difclofed. 1 imparted my thought to my wife when I returned home ; but ic was with grief that I judged, heaven would not give a long life to the fecond of thefe princes *. I was vilited by almoit the whole court, with all thofe falfe (hews of friendfhip, thofe praifes and ci- vilities, which never fo nearly refemble the true, as when the heart has the leal! fhare in them. Con- chini, who had taken care to have it infinuated ter me, by Zamet and D’Argouges, that he was the per- fon to whom I was moft obliged for the gracious re- ception I had met with from the Queen, and for her kind intentions towards me, waited three whole days, in expectation that 1 ihould acknowledge this favour, by making him a complimentary vifit; which the courtiers had accuftomed him to look upon as a tribute due to his great influence and au- thority ; or that I jhould at leafi: fend fomc perfon to difeharge this duty for me- However, as he nei- ther faw me, nor received any meflage from me, he condefcended at length to make me a vitit : but that I might not affume too much, upon a ftep by w hick he conceived that he degraded himfelf, he was very careful to make me feniible that he came only up- on his own bufinefs : and indeed our converlation turned chiefly upon his poll of firlt gentleman of the bedchamber; upon his penfions, which the Queen had ordered Ihould be carried to account, in the fame manner as thofe of Bellegarde ; and upon a gift which he had lately received out of the oflice& of the gabelle in Languedoc, for which he had a brevet, obtained before the late King’s death ; but * This prince died the iSihor 171b of November in the next yew, at the age of four years and an half: a quantity of water was found in his head ; the too great thicknefs of the fcull ftopping the per- fpiratb n in that pan ; which proved the innocent*: of Le Maitre, phyfician to the children of France, who was aecufcd of having puiibrcd this young prince, Merc. Fran^.aa;.. itfjl.p. 130. G 3 ' this 73 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. this I did not think proper to mention to him. I thought my anfwers to all this were not calculated to infpire him with any inclination to quit the fub- jedt he was upon, and for which he faid he had come to me; yet he could not help it : but I believe it was not long before he repented it; for having Hi- ded in, by way of advice, that the beft thing I could do, would be to comply with the Queen in ail things, and accommodate myfelf wholly to her will, (which was tacitly charging me with ruining my own affairs by my obftinacy), I made him this fhort and fevere anfwer, That I would pay an exatf obe- dience to all the commands of the Queen-regent, when they were for the fervice of the King, the advantage of affairs, and the relief of the people ; and when my honour and my confcience told me I might do it, without prejudicing either. Every word he uttered feemed to increafe the averfion I had to him : he added fpmething more, but with that cau- tion which my behaviour to him feemed to autho- rife. I anfwered with equal coldnefs and referve, and we parted very ill fatisfied with each other ; he, I believe, with fewer hopes than ever of moulding me to his purpofe; and I, full of grief at the ad- vancement of thofe misfortunes, which this pre- fumptuous infatiable man, v/ithout abilities, without experience, yet inverted with an abfolute autho- rity, was bringing upon France. After this day’s converfation, things appeared to me to be greatly changed. The Queen, whom I went to wait upon at th^ Louvre, feemed to have loft much of her former franknefs; yet {he con- ftrained herfelf to preferve fome appearance of it, that the alteration might not be too remarkable, and to hinder me from imputing it to the conver- fation I had the day before with Conchini. She a- gain mentioned to me the importunate demands of the grandees, taxed them with extravagance, and feetned refolved to refer them to the council; at which i6to. O F S U L L Y. 79 ■which flie defined I would always be prefent, to take care that nothing pafied there contrary to the inte- reit of the King and the Hate. She promifed me, upon her royal word, prefenting her hand at the fame time to me, that fhe would fupport me there as ftrenuoufly as the late King had done. I loft all my fufpicions at this declaration •, I flattered myfelfi, for a moment, that this princefs, having ferioufly refle£ted on all that had lately happened, was be- come fenfible of the danger of purfuing thofe mea- fures they wanted to engage her in ; but I was fooa undeceived. Prepared as I was for irregular proceedings, I could not, without extreme furprife, fee, that fcarce- ly any bufinels was tranfafted in the council, but what related to gifts to the nobles, to augmenta- tions of the penfions to perfons in office, the pay- ing of debts which had been aboliffied, the abate- ment of farms, and difcharges of the farmers, and revocations of the contracts made for the rents, re- giftries, and domains ; creation of new offices, ex- emptions, and privileges; in a word, a thoufand fchemes to render the people miferable, inftead of applying the treafures amafled by the late King to their relief, as in juftice ought to have been done ; fince the circumitances of affairs were fo changed, that the defign for which they were raifed could not be executed; but the rapacioufnefs of the great lords would have fwallowed fums far more confi- derable. Here follow the demands, which the chief amongft them endeavoured to oblige the Queen and the council to grant them. It muft not be expect- ed here, that this article can extend itfelf into a re- gular account, as I am afraid the other will appear, though l have cut off the demand of trebling and doubling the penfions, as a matter common to al* moft all the articles. At the head of this lift I fiiall put M. the Prince, who eaul'ed ^me to be foliated fomeumes openly, fometimes 3o r- M E M O I R S Book XXIX. fmnetimes in a covert manner, to fupport his pre- tentions to the government of Chateau-Trompette, to that of Blaye, and to the principality of Orange, extended as far as the borders of the Rhone. The Count of Soiffons demanded the government of the old palace of Rouen, that of the cattle of Caen, and that an edict on linen-cloth fhould be created for his profit, which I have mentioned in its place. The Duke of Lorrain demanded the payment o£ the whole fum expreffed in his treaty, although I had fettled this affair a long time ago, when it was agreed, that that fum fhould be reduced two thirds. The Dukeof Guile folicited for a marriage between himfelf and Madame de Montpenfier; for the re- vocation of the right of patents in Provence, and of offices for collecting the duties at the gates of Marfeilles : he demanded likewife that his debts fhould be paid. The Duke of Maine demanded other fums, befides thofe expreffed in his treaty : D’Eguillon, a gift of thirty thoufand crowns; the government of Breffe, and the city of Bourg; and the embaffy of Spain, with exceffive appointments : Joinville, the government of Auvergne, or the firft that became vacant. The Duke of Nevers demand- ed the property of the gabelles of Rethelois, with the governments of Meziers and Saint Menchout : The Duke of Epernon, a body of infantry kept conftantly on foot; the reverfion of his govern- ment for his fon; fortifications to be raifed at An- gouleme and at Zaintes ; Metz, and the county of Meffin, taken from Montigny. The Duke of Bou- illon demanded a fum of money, for the payment of old debts, which he pretended were due to him ;. the aids, tallies, and gabelles of the vifeounty of Turenne, to his ufe; and that the homage of this vifeounty ffiould be reduced to a fimple homage; the arrears of his garrifons and his penfions during his exile ; the right of holding general affiemblies of the reformed religion. The Chancellor demand- ed i6io. OF SULLY. 81 ed the money aj ifing from the petty feals, his falary to be doubled, and letters of nobility in Norman- dy. Villeroi demanded, that a gariifon fliould be maintained at Lyons, the royal lieutenancy of the province taken from Saint Chaumont; a marfhal’s ftaff for his fon D’Alin court; the repeal of a bar- gain which I had made for the repurchafe of the crown lands in that province, and the mortgages of his regidries.and upon the King’s lands. It will beeafily imagined that Conchini’s demands were not lefs confiderable than thole of any other ; a Marfhal’s liafr; the governments of Bourg, Dieppe, and Pont de 1’Arche a donation, of the money pro- duced by the offices of the gabelle of Languedoc, palled in the form of a countant; the profit arifing from the reduction made upon public works, grant- ed to Moiflet and to Feydeau ; this was his portion* Chateauvieux, the Chevalier de Sillery, Dolle, Deagent, Arnaud the intendant, Duret the phy- fician, all the members of the Queen’s private council, who folicited fo well for others, did not forget their own affairs. It would be almoft the fame thing to enumerate all thofe perfons of any quality who had a lhare in this profufe diftribution of penlions, gratuities, privileges, appointments, See. as to name thofe who were comprehended in this lift, for every one had fome claim there; the princes, governors of provinces, the lieutenants- civil, the prevot des marchands, and even the focie- ties and fovereign courts; all the officers of the crown were to have their penfions augmented 24,000 livres each * ; and the lalaries of every member of the council raifed in proportion, and their number to be confiderably increafed. In a word, there feemed to be a general conlpiracy to pillage the royal treafure, which was now conlider- ed as a lawful prize. ^ A thoufand pounds Sterling, The. MEMOIRS Book XXIX. The indignation which I felt in myfelf agaimt a licentioufnefs that degenerated into an attempt upon the royal authority, would not permit me to exa- mine, whether the refolution I had taken, fingly to oppofe this multitude of rapacious courtiefs, was abfolutely prudent; but this nothing could perfuads me from doing, while the place I held in the coun- cil authorifed fuch a condudh My honour, my confcience, my reputation, which I was called upon to fupport; the intereft of the King and the peo- ple, vvhofe only defender I conlidered myl'elf; would not permit me to attend to my own fafety : the laft words, nay, the intreaties of the Queen- regent, gave me a right to oppofe them ; and though I was very fenfible that fhe did not defire I fliould underhand them literally, yet, all things confidered, I was going to render her a fervice fo eflential, that fhe could not, or ought not to difa- vow it : and yet I had another motive, which I will not fcruple to declare, fince I would have my mofi: fecret fentiments known to the reader. That defire of glory, that felf-love, which, when under the direction of reafon and juftice, basalwaysappear- ed to me to have fomething great and noble in it ; felf-love, I fay, dictated to me, that fince, fooner or later, I muft neceflarily be removed from the miniftry, I fliould rifk but little by haitening the moment of my difmiffion ; and that I fhould gain a great deal, by giving a convincing proof that this difgrace would not have happened to me, had I not oppofed the unjufiifiable meafures 1 faw purfued by the council, and difdained the fervile compliance of the reft of the courtiers : there remains to unhappy virtue this laft recompenfe for the difappointment of its good defigns, that it fbines with redoubled fplendot amidlt oppofition and perfecution The Queen foon left me only this confolation in the painful labours I began to fulfain : all her con- duct ferved to fhew me, that fhe had only recalled me i6io. O F S U L L Y. 83 me to Paris, and oppofed me to the whole court, at this tumultuous time, to reduce me to the fatal al- ternative of incurring the public contempt, if I be- trayed my duty, or particular enemies, (which was Hill more to be dreaded) if I difcharged it. A de- mand, which I had rendered of no efFedl in full council, at the rifle of making myfelf a thoufand cruel and implacable enemies, was afterwards pri- vately granted as a gratuity by this princefs and her confident. It is not my defign to give a detail of all the fchemes th;}t, during this fliort time, were fet on foot in the council, nor of what wras faid or done to render them ineffectual : it would be, in reality, to deferibe fo many fuirs, where, as in law, they did not fail to make ufe of all the methods com- monly praftifed to corrupt a judge too rigidly juft, and againft which I was fo much the more incited to exclaim, as they attempted likewife to carry their point, either by fecret plots or by open cabals. I ihall give the reader one example, which will ferve to fhew, that the evil was great enough to demand remedies no lefs violent than thofe I made uf of. The article relating to Vdlleroi, or rather his ion D’Alincourt, is not the lead curious or important of thofe which the reader has already had fome ac- count of. When D’Alincourt demanded, that a ftrong garrifon fhould be placed in the city of Lyons, of which he was governor, and maintained at the King’s expence, he had two ends to anfwer by it; one was, to increafe his income by the profits ari- fing from this garrifon; for indeed he had occauon for great riches, to enable him to live as he propo- fed to do, not merely as a Marfhal of France, (a dignity which he expe&ed to be raifed to in a very little time), but with the Hate and retinue of a prince : vain pageantry, and doubly ridiculous in one who had only money to fupply the difadvan- tages of mean birth. The other was to compel the 84 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. the Lyonnois, by the terror with which fo many forces would infpire them, to facrifice to him their moft ancient rights and privileges, which for a long time he had a defign to fall upon. As for the treaty made for the redemption of the royal do- main, which in that province amounted to i,;oo,ooo livres, he wras inclined to demand the fupprefiion of it, bccaufe thofe that were concerned in that affair, fecured to him a prefent of iqo,oqo livres *, if he could by any means hinder that redemption from taking place. His defigns, however, were croffed by two vigi- lant enemies ; thefe were, the whole city of Lyons, and St Chaumont, the King’s lieutenant in that province; but to thefe he oppofed the Chancellor Sillery, and Villeroi his father, both very powerful in the council, and in high favour with the Queen ; thefe he fet on to folicit for him, and with the more eagernefs, becaufe he found by my difeourfe, when he came to intreat me to be favourable to his pretenfions, that he could not depend upon me in the council, before whom thefe demands wrere to be laid; he faw plainly, that he would have occa- fion for all his batteries ; but he did not doubt of his fuccefs, when he was informed, that his father and Sillery had brought over Conchini to his party, who afterwards prevailed upon the Queen to efpoufe it likewife. We were all affembled in the great clofet, where a council w’as to be held upon this affair, when the Queen came up and fpoke to me in favour of D’A- lincourt. I told her Majefty, with great franknefs, that flie muff not expeft I would give my vote in favour of two fuch unjuft propofals ; that it was net reafonablethe Kingfhould lofe, 1,200,000 livres, to put .00,000 in the pocket ofM. D’Alincourt; that this was to open the way for every one elfe to get the like treaties for redemption of the domain, andothei parts of the royal revenue, which amount- * 100,000 livres is I. 416S : 13 : 4 Sterling. ed l6l». OF SULLY. 85 cd to near fifty millions, revoked over all the king- dom : that I would as ftrenuoufiy oppofe his other demand, although I knew it would be alledged, that the council had no right to take cognifance of it, and that it was only laid before it to get the firfl authorifed; that by thefe meafures we were going to expofe one of the chief cities of the kingdom, hitherto well affe&ed and loyal, to the danger of violating their allegiance, merely to gratify an un- reafonable requeft, fmce by the laft treaty, which I myfelf had concluded with Cardinal Aldobrandin for the Duke of Savoy, his Majefty being to keep poffeflion of Brefle, and of both the borders of the Rhone, Lyons was no longer a frontier-city, and having no more neighbours to fear, had no farther occafion for a garrifon in it. The Queen feemed to be fatisfied with thefe rea- fons, and turned towards Villeroi, as if to make him approve of them Jikewife ; but he was not fo eafily repulfed ; he gave her reafons in anfwer to mine, fome good and fome bad j and when he came to the article of the garrifon, be told her, that it was indeed true, the Spaniards and Savoyards were not fuch pear neighbours of, this city as formerly, there- fore it was not againlt their attempts, that it was neceffary to fecure the city of Lyons, fince they were moreover upon the point of becoming our friends and allies, but that the true enemies to be feared, were the Huguenots, who being now in a better condition, had probably a greater inclination than ever to make an attempt upon that city ; he named Lefdiguieres in particular, as one frona whom moll danger was to be apprehended. Berengueville overheard what Villeroi faid to the Queen, and repeated every word to me : this con- firmed to me the truth of what I had heard con- cerning the fecret council held at the houfe of U- baldini, the Pope’s nuncio. I faw with indigna- tion, that the foie view of theic gentlemen was to Vox.. V. H fet t6 M E M O I R S Book XXIX. fet the Catholics ami Proteftants in France by the ears, as well as in all Europe. I was no lefs fhock- cd at Villeroi’s accufation of a man allied to my fa- mily ; and rifing up haftily, I went towards the Queen, who was Aill liftening to him, and told her, that I had forgot to forewarn her of a thing, which I was as well allured of as if I had been a vvitnefs of it; and this was, that Villeroi, in his deGgn of rendering her favourable to his fon’s pretenfions, cared but little by what means this was brought a- bout •, and did not fcruple to make the mod falfe and malignant reprefentations againft the Prote- ftants, without even exceptingone, whom a thoufand great and good fervices ought to place out of the reach of fufpicion ; that his malice went lb far as to treat them as enemies, whom France had more reafon to fear than Spain itfelf; that if her Majelty, judging Villeroi’s arguments and mine to be of equal weight, fnould refolve to behold the Prote- fiants and the Spaniards in the fame light, nothing remained for her to do (and I looked Itedfaftly up- on him) but to exclude us both from the council. This was a fevere ftroke upon Villeroi : but this mm, who had neither abilities to fpeak in public, nor knew how to give his vote in the council, had not a Angle word to fay in anfwer to me ; indeed, his furprife, and the fecret reproaches of his own confcience, might well render him dumb upon this cccafion : all he did, was to go to that part of the room were the Chancellor and the Duke of Epej- nou were conferring together : and the Queen alfo, quitting her place without anfwering me, went to join the Count of Soifibns and Marechal BriAac, who were talking in private. I foreboded no good from thefe feveral connexions. Nothing being done this day in D’Alincourt’s affair, and I fometimes flattered myfelf that the meafures I had taken would hinder it from being relumed ; but it was only put off till his father and himfelfj j6io. OF SULLY. *1 himfelf, the Chancellor and his brother, by new cabals with Conchini and the counfellors, fecured all the votes in their favour, even that of Bethune my brother, who came to me with an intention to m ike one etTort more to foften me: he reprefented to me, that my oppofition was in vain, and would have no other confequence but to bring every body upon my back; that I fhould have the mortifica- tion to fee that my example would not be followed even by my neareit relations. 1 replied, that I ne- ver expended any thing clfe from him, but that I was abfolutely determined to continue to the end faithful in the performance of my duty. And I kept my word: for in the firft council that was held on this occafion, feeing that the counfellor, to whofe charge it fell that day, was ready to make his report, I asked him haflily, what was the bufi- nefs ? he replied, that it related to feme propoV s which were to be made concerning the doma'n i i Lyonnois. I interrupted him, faying, that 1 was well allured D’Alincourt, who was moll interefted in that affair, had formed fo ftrong a party for him in the council, by the mediation of his friends and relations, that it was already refolved on, even be- fore it was laid before it; but,that I protefted a- gainlt it, as being abfolutely contrary to his Majc- fty’s intcreft; and that I defired a certificate of my diffent from the clerk, to fend it to the parliament to be regiftered there, in order that this writing might one day ferve to (bow the King the bad con- duit purfued by his council after the dea'h of the King his predeceffor *. Th, e * This account perftitly agrees with what is faid in Lliifioire de la mere et du fils. “ The Duke of Sully,” fay> that hiliorian, “ continued to cxercife his office for a fortnight or th e - weeks after the coronation was performed, at which time the difputes on account of the Swifs at Lyons, which I have fp ke of before, were renewed, becaufe Villeroi wanted to have their pay charged on the general rereipts of that city. The Duke of Sully was fo much •ut temper on this fcore. that, not content with mah.raining it H i yvas 18 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. Thefe kft words, which, it muft be granted,, were very fevere, had no other effect, than to fuf- pend, fora fhort time, the deliberation they were preparing for. No one replied; a general con- flernation feized all that, were prefent: the Chan- cellor alone, without fliewmg any emotion, faid to the Counfeilor, “ Lay other papers before us, and fi let us proceed to aff airs of a different kind ; we was unreafonaMe to load the Kin2 with fo great an expence, when the inhabitants of Lyons were fufircient to keep guard rhemfclves, as they had always been tiled to do ; he alfu treated the Chancellor, who tided with Villeroi, roughly, telling him, they were all agreed, amongft themfelves to ruin the King’s affairs. As this was an af- front toall thefe minifters in common, they joined their endea- vours to ruin the Duke, the harfhnefs of whnfe temper was not to. he foftened.” This writer afterwards relates the fe-veral (heps thit were taken to unite the minilters with the Count of Soifions, the Marquis d’Ancre, the Marquis of Coeimics, and others, againft- the Duke of Sully. This author being an enemy cf the Duke of Sully 1 quote him to prove what the D-uke aflerts, that he miglit have kept all his ports, if he had gone into the meafures of the new council ; and that his perfeverance in the fnpport of juffice, the public intereft, and the iate King’s plan of government, was the cauft of his difgrace. All men of fenfe have not, however, given the fame judgment on his inflexibility with the author 1 am fneakingof, though all the enemies of that minifter have agreed with him in it. In the appendix to Merc. Franc, for the year i<5io, p. 9. we find an entire difeourfe on this fubjeft, whirl) jullifies him in a manner extremely to his honour. The Memoirs de Videroi, vol. 3. p ajp alfo fpeak of hini in the following manner. “ 'J he change which the faidSienr de Sully made in the condition of France, by retrieving her from a fcate of indigence, and rendering her rich and opulent, by bis (economy and indurtry, fufBciently proves his abilities: his free remonTtrances to the King and Ins oppofition to ail great men, difeover his probity; and his having been able to Hand his ground among!! fo many enemies, without finking under his own apprehenfions, or their threats, fhews how great were his prudence and courage : even thofe who envy hum arc compelled to own, that he alone is more ufbful to the public, and has more knowledge cT bufinefs, than all the rert together: and provided he would abate a little of his auflerity, he would be a fervant wor- thy of y tur Majefty. Though they endeavour to keep him from having any concern in the management of alTairsyet that cannot tlop him from freely fpeaking his fentimciits of the little refpeft paid- to the memory of the late King, and of the fmall deference fhown to our young prince,’’ &c. See alfo the niunufeript difeourfe cited by us in the preface to this work., « {hall 16io. O F S U L L Y. £y “ fhali find a time for this when thefe heats and n- “ nimofities are over, as it generally happens in “ things that are molt contelled.” The Counfell r obeyed ; the other matters were difcufied ; D’Alin- court’s demand, when it was next laid before the council, was granted without oppofstion : but this was not til) 1 was banifhed from the board ; which happened in a fliort time afterwards, that it may be faid it was by this vigorous effort 1 finilhed my ca- reer. Nothing now remained for me, but to retire from court, after having given fuflicient proofs to all France, that it was not for want of the utmoll ef- forts on my fide, that the affairs of the date we’-- plunged into diforder: it was become impoffffle for me to ftop the torrent of the increafing evil. This no one doubted of: 1 ftruggled t© no p ' - pofe ; and all that I had for the price of my la- bours and my good intentions, was the hatred of thofe perfons, whofe interefl it would have been to fecond me: Conchini employed his favour, the princes of the blood their authority, the other per- fons in office their credit, only to render me odious. 1 faw nothing preparing for the future, but ;; v/ mortifications and other troubles. All my actions, my words, nay, even my filence itfelf, witneffed a- gainfl perfons who wrere inwardly ftruck \ dn the injuftice of thefe reproaches. My poll of luperin- tendent of the finances was eagerly coveted by two princes of the blood, each of whom was made to hope that he fhould gain it v.henl was driven from court. By flaying there too long, 1 expofed myfelf to the danger of being viol, udy difpoflciled or ait my other employments. Thofe of my triemir who were molt fincere, and K.ft knew the plots that ■were forming againfi me, were continually giving me couniels which 1 was convinced dden ect to have more weight whh me, than the felicitations of feme of my relations, who were either carri ed a- ll 3 way /)• MEMOIRS Book XXIX. way by a miftaken tendernefs for me, or a regard to their own intereih I therefore refolved to defer no longer the refignation of my two employments, of fuperintendent of the finances, and governor of the Baftile, which were the moft panted after, as by them they could difpcrfe of the revenues and trea- fures of the King, hoping to purchafe by this facrr- fice, which might have ftill feme appearance of be- ing voluntary, the confirmation of all my other dignities * ; which it was not in the power of my enemies to deprive me of, efpeciaily if I took the precaution of removing for ever out of their fight, an objeft which could never fail of reanimating their hatred, by theeffedt of a jealoufy unavoidable, while I continued amongft them ; and, that 1 might do all at once, I fixed myfelf in a refolution to quit the court, and Paris itfelf, at the fame time that I refigned all further fhare in the adminiftration of affairs. I prepared to execute this defign in the begin- ing of the year 1611 f. The Queen appeared de- firous * The Duke of Sully, at that tore Bore the following titles i Maximilian de Bethune Knight, Duke of Sully, Peer of France, Sovereign Prince of Hewichcmont and floisbelle, Marquis of Ref. ny. Count of Dotirand, Lord of Orval, Momrond, and St ArrunJ, Baron of Efpineucil, Bruyeres le Chaftel, Villebon la Chapellc, Noivton, Baguay, and Bontin, Chancellor to the King in all the councils, Captain Lieutenant of two hundred gens d’armes under the Queen’s command, Grand Matter and Captain General of tire artillery. Surveyor general of France, Superintendent of the King’s finances, fortifications and buildings. Governor, and the King’s Lieotei ant General of the provinces of Poitou, Chatelletatid, and Xaodun Governor of Manic and Gtrgcau, and Captain of tire cattle of the Battile. f Here follow i'everal accounts of this event, very different one from the other. “ The year 1611 was begun with the retirement of M. de Sully, who, at the inftigation, and by the intrigues of the two princes ot t he blood, was drove from the management of affairs.. Tire fiiperintendcnce of the finances, and the cuftody of the King’s treafnres, were taken from him. The Queen alfo took the Baflile out of ’.t hands, rnd gave the cuftody thereof to M de Chateaunetif pi fhtuiJ.be ChSiwvicux]. The finanees were put under the df- icftiea i6it. O F S U L L T. jif firous of oppofing it; but this was only for form's fake. Here follows the letter fhe wrote to me upon this occafion. “ Coufin, “ I hear, with concern, that you have taken a t( refolution to difcharge yourfelf of the care of “ the reftion of McfT dc Chateauneuf, theprefident dc Thou, and Jean- nin ; hut the laft was alfo made Comptroller general of the finan* ces, which threw the foie management of them into his hands, to the exclufion of the other two, who affifted only in the direflion.” Bafibmpierre’s Memoirs, vol. t.p. 308. “ The 24th of this month [January} M. de Sully quitted the arfenal. There is a report that a brevet is ilTued to appoint him Marfhal of France, with a grant of fome thoufands of crowns as a recompenfe to him. He has voluntarily refigned the dlreflion of the finances, “ tanquam e fpecufo prsvidens tempeftatem futu« ram.1’ Journal de L’Etoile, p. 256. “ The Prince of Conde, and the Count of Soiflons fpokethe firtt of it to the Queen, the minifters feconded them, and the Marquis of Ancre, gave him the finifhing ftroke. Thus he found hitnlelf under the neccffity of retiring in the beginning of February,’’ Hift. de U mere et du fils, vol. 1 p. 25J. “ Some have written that the Duke of Sully, (hortly after the reconciliation of the Count af Soiflons and the Duke of Guife, vo. luntarily refigned into the Queert*s hands, as well the Baftile as the fnperintendeney of the finances. Others fay. that making an offer to the Queen to give up all his pods, he was taken at his word: ci- thers .have fpoken differently of it. He'himfelf fays the contrary in the letter he wrote to the Queen, which was printed Ihortly af- ter.” Merc. Fran$. anno 1611. This letter is afterwards recited, but is not mentioned in SuIIy’s Memoirs. The memoirs of the regency of Mary de Mcdicis, vo!. 1. p. j7. differ alfo from the foregoing accounts, aflerting, that the Duke of Sully earnertly foliciteJ the Queen to difmifs him, which fhe with great relufbnce confented to. The truth probably lies betwixt thefe two opinions : that is, the Duke without doubt would have been glad to keep his puffs, provided he could have en» joyed them with the fame authority though not with the fame fa- tisfaftion, as under the 1 te King ; but the efforts he made for that purpofe difguffed the Queen the great men, and the minifters from him, and at laft increafed his chagrine, as he found all his endeavours would be in vain. There is nothing in Matthifu’s ac- co> nt difeordant with this notion ; on the contrary, he agrees to what is faid in thefe Memoirs. “ The Duke of Sully, ffiy he) after the death of fdenry the Great, immediately faw he fhould not polTcfs the lime authority under the new reign as he did under il,« $2 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. t( the King my fon’s affairs, particularly of thofe “ relating to the finances, contrary to the hope I “ had conceived, that you would continue to per- “ form the duties of that employment as yott did of the late King my Lord. I intreat you to “ think well of this defign before you put it into execution, and let me know your laft determina- “ tion, that I may regulate mine upon it. So be* “ feeching God,” See. Paris, Jan. 24. 16x1. My anfwer to this letter being fuch as the Queen probably expefted, flie fent Bouillon to me two days afterwards, with the brevets of difeharge for my two laft ; and that the enmity of the Count of SoiiTbns w >u!d bring on his ruin. As the direiftion of the finances had already been taken from him, the Queen was advifed to deprive him alio of the Baftile. This was efteemed lb bold a ftep, that it was- faid Henry the Great would" not have dared to have taken it, for fear of ftirring up thofe of the Duke’s rtligion to re- fent it. She, neverthelefs, law him readily obey her command to refign the Baftiie to Chateauvieux, one of her knights of honour. Had he made any oppofition, fome of the great men at court, who weie afraid his fteadinefs might be drawn into presedem. would have rendered this difmiffion more difficult. As foon as he was liript of this office, he law the [uejudice rtfulting from his having fo eafily fubmitted : and defired the Queen’s permiffion to go to Rofny, faying he would not flay there above three d y.-. \f Ikii he was there, thofe of his religion cautioned him not to go hack to court, where he had been fo ill treated. His wife and brother on the contrary urged him to return, and he bid f accordingly p but thole who had been of the oppofite op: 'o n withdrew tlicm- felves from him, efteeming it a meannefs in him not to Ihow a greater refentment fur fuch ill ufage. The Queen received him favourably; but the Count of Soifl-ns ciu * 380,000. livres, is 11,5,00 1, Sterling. 94 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. the crown, as for any extraordinary affairs I might have to tranfadl with the court,' and I found it ne- celfary to have a great many other clerks or tran- fcribers under them : but thofe I {hall mention here, were my chief fecretaries, whofe abilities and exact difcharge of their feveral duties, well deferved that I fhould give them a {hare in affairs of import- ance, and my confidence in nice and delicate con- junctures ; among thefe, the four brothers of the name of Arnaud were favoured in a particular man- ner by me. The eldeft died while he was yet young, many years before the King was aflaffinated. I had fo great a regard for the fecond, that from being my fecretary only, I procured him to be made counfellor of ftate, and intendant of the finances : the third went into the army, and was made a co- lonel of a regiment of horfe : and to the halt I gave the poft of treafurer of France, and that of overfeer of the highways. All my other fecretaries were provided for in proportion. I believe I fhall not be accufed of having broken one of the laws of na- ture, which directs that the adherents to us, or perhaps we fay more properly, to our pla- tes, fhould not be difappointed of thofe rewards, which it is in our power to beftow upon them ac- cording to their merit. Duret was preferred to be a treafurer of France, prefident of the chamber of accounts, and comptroller general of the finances; Renouard was made auditor of accounts ; La Cla- velle overfeer of the bridges and caufeys; Du- Maurier, who had quitted the Duke of Bouillon’s fervice for mine, was employed in public affairs, to which his genius and inclination led him, and has been fince ambaflador to Holland; Murat was made treafurer of the extraordinary of war; La-Font, whom I have often mentioned in thefe Memoirs, ac- quired the favour and confidence of the late King, who, among other benefits that he beftowed upon ban, made him overfeer of his furniture; Gillot was jtfir. OF SULLY. 95 was made fecretary of the ordnance. All thefe men were truly fenfible how much they were going to lofe by my retreat, and they omitted no fort of intreaties or methods to prevail upon me to alter my refolution. I will do moft of them the juftice to declare, that I believe,by adfingthus, they thought they were ferving my intereft at leaft as much as their own : but as for the two Arnauds, the eldefl efpecially, and two or three more, they were but little afl'e&ed with my purpofe. They would even have been grieved if I had altered my opinion ; yet it was they who oppofed it moll:. Arnaud the eld- er added,on this occafion, hypocrify to avarice and ingratitude : meanly as he thought of Jeannin’s abi- lities for the office of fuperintendent of the finan- ces, for which he looked upon himfelf as mucU better qualified, he was one of thofe who folicited Conchini moll earneltly to procure it for that mini- fter, who he flattered himfelf would leave the chief management of it to him. I penetrated into the inmofl recefles of their hearts : I difcovered views and defigns which they probably imagined weie fufficiently concealed ; but 1 fupprelTed a refentment unworthy of me ; and, taking them afide, one after another, I gave them fuch advice as, from the prefent conjuncture of the times, and the knowledge I had of their difpofitions, was molt likely to advance their fortunes. I told the elder Arnaud, that he had it in his power to make his court very fuccefsful’y to the Queen, by the great number of excellent memoirs upon the moft impor- tant affairs of the finances, which were lodged in his hands ; and, that this facrifice might lofe no part of its merit, I advifed him to offer it by Madame de Conchini, ferioufly recommending it to him, at the fame time, to devote himfelf faithfully to her fer- vice. I advifed his brother to life his utmoft endea- vours to obtain the favour of the chancellor, of Vil- leroi, Jeannin, and, above all, Conchini’s, who was the M E M O I R S Book XXIX. the only oracle which it was neceflary for him to eoni'ult in the exercife of his employment; and I defired the colonel himfelf to make his court to thofe very perfons. Duret, befides all thofe, might apply himfelf to the commander * and to Dolle ; and this I recom- mended him to do. Du-Maurier needed only to be made known to Villeroi, by carefully cultivating his friendfhip, which I allured him would be fuffi- eient; and, with the knowledge he had of foreign affairs, joined to the talents he poffeffed of fpeaking well, and of writing {till better, he might eafily ob- tain of the Queen and the favourite, fome honoura- ble employment. To Murat, who was accountable for his conduiT to the fecretary of date, I recom- mended my interefts at court; but to difcharge this truft cautioufly, and not without firft asking Ville- roi’s confent. As for La-Clavelle, his fubtile wit, and pronenefs to flattery, fecured him all poflible fuccefs with the minifters, and even withD’Efcurcs, who had more power than any body elfe to block up his way in the difcharge of his office. La Font's employment fubje£ting him wholly to the Queen’s will, or rather to Conchini’s, he had but one part to follow, which I pointed out to him. The advice I gave to Renouard, was not to feek any other re- commendation from his own court, except the im- portance which the force of his underftanding might give him amongfl: his alTociates ; and I deiired he would, to this employment, add that of taking care of my d'omeftic affairs at Paris. Gillot I placed with my fon, to fuperintend the affairs of the ord- nance ; and, that every thing might be kept in the fame order in which I had left it, 1 gave to my in- ferior fecretaries and clerks. Inch advice as 1 thought moft fuitable to their humbler Ration, and -obliged thofe, who {hewed mold reluftance to comply with * Neel de Siiiery, brother to the Chancellor. my 1611. O F S U L L Y. 97 my meafures, to confefs at length, that, in what I had recommended to them, I had a particular view to that neceflity which fooner or later would force them to follow the rules I had prefcribed. This I accompanied with a compliment to each, and an obliging command to follow my direttions, which had fuch an appearance of fincerity, that they yield- ed to my arguments ; and they have not repented. 1 had no intention, however, to keep no more fe- cretaries in my fervice ; but,’ being now out of place myfelf, I had no occafion for men that were in, for this employment. I therefore took two new fecretaries into my family, whofe chief bufi- nefs, in a cabinet no longer occupied with the af- fairs of Hate, was cellecting and preparing thefe Memoirs for the public. This done, and burying in eternal oblivion thofe hopes, defires, refentments, and regrets, which any other in my lituation might have formed, I bid a Jailing adieu to the court, and with the fame indif- ference, as if it had not, for fo long acourfe of years, been to, me the theatre of glory, wealth, and hap- pinefs *. I loft at one ftroke a king who was my benefactor and my fupport, and with him my for- tune, my friends, and my favour. This lofs ge- nerally brings along with it fo many other mortifica- tions, that, to thofe who have fuffered it, it appears but the leaft part of their unhappinefs. If this ad- ditional ill fortune is always the effeCt of particular enmities, certainly no one was more expofed to them than myfelf; yet hillory can furnifh but few examples, of minifters and favourites in difgrace, who were as much honoured and refpefted in their fall as I was: for it fometimes happens, that pu- # On Saturday the 15 th of February, the Duke of Sully left Paris, after returning the grant he had received of too.ococrowns. 'The Duehefs of Sully Mamed his haughtinefsandftide induing fo. L’Ktoile, ib. p. 157. VOL. V. f I blic 92 M E M O I R S Book XXIX. blicefceem fucceeds to particular favour, in fupport- ing thofe who are unfortunate only; and when it does not form a counterweight itrong enough'to incline the balance to their fide, it is becaufe thefe fuppofed oppreffcd perfons have always fome weak place by which they may be attacked, and which they find it very difficult to defend. Acknowledg- ed probity and innocence will always have the ad- vantage over envy, even at the very time when it feems moft to triumph. My enemies therefore (for I have a right to apply this maxim to nryfelf) could fatisfy but a fmall part of their rage againfl: me, be- caufe the victory they had gained was one of thofe ihameful advantages which it is thought neceflary to conceal, and which is not enjoyed wholly with- out remorfe : nor did the fatisfadfion my enemies felt for my difgrace, hinder fome true Frenchmen, who eagerly embraced every occafion of {hewing their relpehl for the memory of the late King, from honouring a man, who expected no more than to let out on his exile in privacy and peace. I was at- tended, at my leaving Paris, by more than three hundred horfe. It was not while I was prefent, and in a condition to defend myfelf, that I expended to fee my enemies ufe their utmoft efforts againfl: me. Envy is a paf- ilon whofe charahleriftic is cowardice, no lefs than malice and detraction. I was always perfuaded that they would feize eagerly the advantages my abfeuce afforded them. In effefit, a few days were fcaice elapfed after my arrival at Sully, when the whole court was filled with reports, which tended not only to give a bad iinpreffion of my conduct in public affairs, but alfo to render me enough iulpedted to afford them fome pretence for commencing a profe- cution againft me, the fhame and grief of which was all they defired I fliould fuffer *. On this oc- cafion “ He had no fooner retired,” fays the hiftoirede la mere & du i6u. O F S U L L Y. 99 cafion I took fuch meafures as I thought every -wife man ought to take, which was to difarm envy the moil effe&ual way, by preventing, with frequent letters, the minds of their Majefties from being pre- judiced to my difadvantage. In the firft, which I addrefled to the King and Queen, I complained that bad defigns were formed againft me : I offered to juftify my condudl by every method they could propofe, and even, if neceffary, by new fervices : and after giving their Majefties the ftrongeft affurances of obedience, fidelity, and innocence, I reprefented to them,with fomc freedom, that if they had been as well perfuaded of that in- nocence as they had given me room to believe, I fhould have received proofs of it ere now, by the orders they would have been pleafed to give for the performances of the feveral promifes they had made me, with refpedt to my places, and to the gratui- ties which the King had granted me : that the fydl: artifice p radii fed by my enemies, had been to defer, and afterwards to hinder, if they could, the effedt of thofe promifes, which, being fo many proofs of their Majefties good opinion of me, while they fub- fifted, it was dangerous to attempt any thing againft me ; and it was for this reafon that I was fo felici- tous for their being accomplifhed. To this letter I received an anfwer from the Queen, fuch as 1 could have wifhed. She obferved in it, that my paft fervices, ami my prefent inclina- tions, were fo well known to the King and to her, that it was not in the power of any perfon whatever to alter their fentiments with refpedl to me : that hitherto fhe had not perceived it had been attempt- do fils, p. 128. “ but many prepared to pvirfue the viflory over “ him, in order to come in for a (hire of his fpoils.’’—But the Queen at lafi, with great rea(bn, changed her meafures, it not be- ing held reafanable to treat with ill ufige a perfon whofe ferviccs had been fo advantageous to France, without any other pretext, than that, by his having been ufeful to the public, he had at the fame lime been fo to himfelf.” I 2 ed } 100 M E M 0 I R S Book XXir. ed ; but, if it fhould, it wouli! be to no purpofe : {he nffured me it was not owing to any ill will to- wards me, but to chance alone, that fome little difficulties had been found in performing the agree- ments between his Majefty and me ; but that they ihould be obferved with the utmoll exa£lnefs. This letter is dated March 7. 1611. It was not long before I fent the Queen another letter, of which I cannot difpenfe with inyfelf from giving the reader fome account,becaufe what 1 there declared concerning the ftate of my private affairs, was exa&ly conformable to the fituation 1 found my- fel ' in upon my retiring from public bufinefs. I be- gan with recalling to her remembrance the open pro- feffion I had always made of attachment to herper- fon, and the proofs I had given of it, as well before as fince her marriage: and here I mentioned certain particular circumffiances, when I drew upon myfelf Ibme reproaches from the late King, for fupporting her againft him on occafions when I thought I was labouring equally for both their intereits. This led me to an eulogium on the good qualities of the Queen-regent, on which I founded the opinion l was to appear in this letter to have entertained, that {lie had no part in the perfecutions raifed againll me at court. This article I treated at great length, it being that for which the letter was chiefly written. I gave the Queen to underftand, that I was well informed of the difadvantageous reports which were fpread againft me in court; of the cbftacles my enemies were incefiantly railing to hinder me from fettling peaceably my private affairs; and, in a word, of the perquilites which their Majefties propofed to allow me in the offices, of which I could not be deprived. I affirmed a right from the good intentions which I fuppofed this princefs had towards me, founded upon the repeated affurances fiie had given me of her efteem, to* complain to her of thofe perfons who rendered i6u OF SULLY. 10 r rendered tliefe intentions ineffectual. T infifted par- ticularly upon the favour and protection I had rea- fon to expeCt from their Majefties, while I was ma- king that difpofition of my affairs, to which, for the fake of peace, I had facrinced my intereft, when it would have been fo much the eafier to have difpu- ted the ground with my adverfaries, as the motives by which they aCted being almoff generally known, I had every advantage over them which I could de- fire. I here laid down concifely the principal heads of my managemeyt, and my (hare of that wealth with which, by my labours and oeconomy, I hau enriched the kingdom, till the year 1610, when I faw all the meafures I had taken to keep every- thing in the fame ftate of order and regularity, at once overturned and deftroyed; adding, that time would fhow whether the kingdom had molt obli- gations to my enemies or to me. I took this opportunity to obviate fome of their mofffpecious accufations. Ireprefented tothe Queen,, the great folly and abfurdity they were guilty of in exclaiming againft me, for the valt riches they faid i had acquired during the courfe of my favour with the late King, when, in their hearts, they defpifed me for not making greater advantages of lo fair an opportunity, and were fully refolved not to follow my example. The narrow bounds of a letter would not permit rne to fay all I could in my own juffiti- eation : I only obferved to the Queen, that it was eafy for me to prove that this wealth, which they imputed to me as a crime, I acquired either by fru- gality and oeconomy, or by the bounty of a maffer, too generous and too grateful to leave a minilter unrewarded, who devoted himfelf, with an affiduity rarely feen in a fuperintendent, to continual labours- for the public good * : that it was fuflicient for m that * He rettreJ loaJ-’ti with riches, which the time he hiJ heen in the miailhy LaJ cuablcJ him to acquire,— lc may be faid with 102 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. that all the gratuities I had received were from my mailer onlj, which he laid his commands upon me to accept; and this I could prove as clearly as the ufe to which 1 had applied them, which was more, I believed, than thofe who were going to fucceed me would be able to fay at the clofe of their admini- ftration. I told the Queen, that I hoped I fhould not be charged either with vanity or malice, if I af- firmed, that the wrong they were now attempting to do me, was a real injury to the Hate : that I ne- ver delired to be continued in the dire£tion of the finances, but for the King’s advantage ; and that having their Majefties for judges of my aelions, up- on whofe equity and goodnefs I relied to hinder my enemies from commencing a profecution againil me, the privacy I was going to enjoy would no longer appear dangerous to me ; but, on the con- trary, I fhould find it fo much the more pleafing, as it began now to be fuitable to my age, and would he interrupted with no reproaches, nor embittered by any remorfe. Towards the clofe of this letter, through which Ihad occafionally interfperfed many offers of fervice, affurances of fidelity, and all thofe exprelfions of refpedl and obedience, which I thought 1 owed to the Queen, I told her, that before I fet out for my government, whither my affiiirs called me, I would give her notice of it, to receive her commands; and if fhe thought I could be of any ufe to her in the affembly of the Proteftants, to which I was fum- moned, I would go thither with the fame difpo- fition and readinefs to ferve her as the late King my mafter. Such was the purport of this long letter, greit truth, that the firft years of his adminftration were very pro- fitalile to him ; and if any ihould fry the laft were no h-fs to it muft be allowed, that, if they were advantageous to him, they wene greatly fo to the public.” Hilt, de la mere & du fils p. 12.8. One lingle proof from an enemy. Inch as the author of this htfto, y,w'.U counterbalance a thoufaivd others, which i6ii. OF SULLY. 103 which the Queen anfwered by another, dated April 24. It was conceived almoft in the fame terms as her former letter: fhe left me at liberty to go to Poitou, or to the aflembly of the Proteftants, and to a£t there as I Ihould judge proper, knowing better than any other (thofe were her words) how I could be molt ufeful to the King in either of thofe places. But what completely fecured me againft all re- verfes of fortune was, that her Majelty being defi- rous to give a public proof of her efteem for me, and how little it was in the power of my enemies to hurt me, granted me an augmentation of my penfion, for which the brevet was expedited in lefs than a month after the date of her laft letter. This augmentation was, 24,00:/ livres# ; fo that all toge- ther my penfions at that time amounted to 48,400 livres f a-year. It was exprelfed in the brevet, that this additional penfion commenced on the firft of January 1611, although it was dated the aoth of May ; and that her Majefty thought herfelf under an obligation to grant it to me, as well in acknow- ledgment for my pall fervices, of which the moft honourable mention was made, as to enable me to continue them for the future. Notwithftanding this, I do not think myfelf dif- penfed with from proving that article of the fore- going letter, which regards my wealth. A fuper- intendent of the finances, and any man to whom the management of the public money has been in- truded, is accountable to the nation for all his ac- tions ; nor would 1 refufe, if called upon, to lay before it my mod fecret thoughts, fince it has been always my dudy to regulate them in fuch a man- ner, that they would, if known, not only fubject * A thoufind pounds Sterling. f 48,400 livres is 1, sons : 13 : 4 Sterling. ia4 M E M O I R S Book XXIX. me to no cenfure, for this is an indifpenfable obli- gation upon all men, but alfo that thejr might in fome'refpect feem worthy to ferve for a model to thofe who, fucceeding to my place, would have the fame engagements to fulfil Happy if I could have reafon to hope, that this model would be effaced •with one more perfefL I fhail continue, therefore, to give the public fuch an exadb Rate of my dome- flic affairs,, following the method I began a few pages above, that any other perfon may be as well acquainted with them as 1 am myfelf. To fpare my readers the trouble of collecting together, at too great a diftance, the articles of a broken calcu- lation, and that they may view the whole with one fingle glance, I flrall here lay before them all that has been faid on that fubje£t in different parts of thefe Memoirs, beginning with a faithful account of my whole yearly revenue, according to the or- der of time when I was invefted with thefe offices, from whence the greatefl part of it arofe *. I was, in the firft place, while Henry the Great was yet but King of Navarre, preferred to the poffi of firft gentleman of his bed-chamber, together with that of counfellor of Navarre : the Hilaries of both amounted to two thoufand livres a-year. When he became King of France, he made me counfellor of Rate, for which I had a like allowance, which, with * The folllowing memo;r is an unanfwcrable refutation of a re- fleftion call on the Duke of Sully hy the Hiltoire tie la mere et du fils, p. 130. and exprelTcd in thefe words : “ in fine, if, during his « adminiftration, he had managed the King’s affairs well, he had not forgot to take rare of his own This appeared more evi- >• dently from his having come into office with only fix thoufand •* livres a-year, and going out with more than a hundred and fifty thoufand livres ; which had obliged him to withdraw out of the «< exchequer the rent roll and inventory of his eftate and effedts, “ which had been regiffered there, when he came into the ma- nagement of the fininces that it might not appear againft him ‘‘ under his own h,nj and feal, how much he had enriched him- “ /elf out of the King’s money.’* A j6u. .OF SULLY. 105 a penfion of thr.ee thoufand fix hundred livres, in- creafed my income with the yearly fum of feven- thoufand fix hundred livres. My company of men at arms brought me in four thoufand livres a-year. The King giving me afterwards two brevets, one for counfellor of parliament, without falary, and the other for counfellor of the finances, threethou- fand fix hundred livres were on this occafion-added to my penfions. His M.jefty having thought pro- per to fix the gratuities, penfions, gifts, &c. which he defigned to beftow upon me as fuperintendent of the finances, to a certain fum, which fhould be comprehended all in one article, this fum, which amounted to twenty thoufand crowns, increafed my revenue with ten thoufand eight hundred livres a- year more ; add to this, the produce of all my other dignities and employments ; the office df grand fur- veyor of the roads of France, and furveyor in par- ticular of the ifle of France, brought me in ten thoufand livres a-year ; that of great mailer of the ordnance, comprehending the falary, profits, and penfions annexed to it, twenty-four thoufand livres. I always placed under one article the fums arifing from the government of Poitou, the fuperintend- enee of the buildings, that of the fortifications, ports, &c. which altogether amounted to eighteen thoufand livres a-year. The'government of Mante and Gergeau brought me in twelve thoufand livres-, the Queen’s company of gendarmes, of which I was captain-lieutenant, five thoufand livres ; and the government of the Baftile, two .houfand two hundred livres a year. All thefe articles put toge- ther make up the fum of ninety-feven thoufand two hundred livres a year. Each of thele articles have been already mention- ed in different parts of thefe Memoirs. What re- mains to be added to them are as follow : Forty- five thoufand livres in church benefices, which his liolinefs was fo well fatisfied that 1 fhould eifioy under jc6 MEMOIR S Book XXIX. under the borrowed name of feme ecclefiaftics, that be generally expedited the bulls gratis, when he was told that the abbeys were for me. I loll no part of this income, when it was decreed that the ecclefiaftics fhould withdraw all their benefices out of the hands of the Proteftants, becaufe by the Pope’s bulls, in which this regulation wasexpreffed, the ecclefiaftics, on whom they were beftowed, were to give the full value of them to the firft poffeffor. My ow'ii lands and pofleffions compofe a fecond ar- ticle, which I believe I eftimate juftly, by making them amount tofixty thoufand livres a year. Thefe two laft fums, added to that of ninety feven thou- fand two hundred livres, make a total of two hundred and two thoufand two hundred livres a- year *. I fhall prevent the explanation which may be de- manded of me, with refpeeft to the article of twenty thoufand crowns in lands ; and, in the firft place, I defire it may be remembered, that there was-n kind of agreement made between the King and myielf in the year 16 i, by which that prince, who did not think my labours in tiis fervice fufficiently rewarded by my ordinary gratuities and penfions, and who likewife was apprehenfive, as well as I, that thofe fums, which his generofity led him to give me in extraordinary prefents and gratuities, would pro- duce bad confequences hereafter, by that appear- ance of profufion they might have, again fettled his gifts and gratuities in a new fum of iixty thou- fand livres a year, which was to take in all that I was to expeft merely from his bounty. This dona- tion was expedited by letters patent, that, being known to the whole kingdom, I might not be one day fubjedled to any difhonourable imputation on account of it. I enjoyed this extraordinary gra- tuity for eight years, which produced me the fum * io2,ioo livres is 8415 1. Sterling. o£ l6ri. OF SULLY. 107 of four hundred and eighty thoufand livres, which I laid out, according to the King’s defire, in making acquifitions in proportion. I made the fame ufe of the fum of five hundred and thirty thoufand livres arifing from the following articles: From money which 1 have received, but which isfub- jetl to be repaid, two hundred thoufand livres, on the marriage of my fon : a hundred thoufand livres which I received with my wife; a hundred thou- fand paid me by La Borde; as much by M. Schom- berg; and thirty thoufand, which his Majeity gave me for my fon D’Orval *. Thefe fums, 1 fay, which, added to the above, make one million and ten thoufand livres f, I laid out in the following manner. I purchafed one half of the eftate of Piofny with two hundred and ten thoufand livres ; the eftate of Dourdon, which I bought of bancy, who held it of the Swifs cantons, coft me, befide the money he owed me, a hundred thoufand livres; Baugy, one * Francis de Bethune, ihe founder of the branch of theC tints of Orval was knight of the King’s orders, matter of the h rfe to | ,tke Queen, furvcyor-gtneral of France, fuperintendentof the royal buildings, governor of St Maixant, camp matter of the regiment of Picardy, lieutenant general of the King’s armies. After the death of Caefar de Be.hune, his brother of 'he whole blood who died unmarried, the eftates and Lordlhips which 'hr Duke of Sully their father had fettled upon the children of his lecond ; arri.ge (as we lh.ll relate hereafter) became united in him. They were crefted into a duchy and peerage, under the title of De Bethtme ; ■wh't h was done in confideration of his signal fervices to the ctown, and particularly in having raiftd, at his own expettce. a conlid ta- ble body of forces, both toot and horfe, at a time when the King 1 flo d in great nectj of them, to carry on the war in which he was engaged with the Spaniards, Duke Charles of Lorrain, the P..uce of Conde, and others cf his rebellious fubjefts It is in thefe terms the letters patent for this purpole are exprefled, whith re dated at Melun in the month of June .651. 1 he duchy of Sully devolved on this branch of the family in 1630, on the death of ; Maximilian the fifth Duke of Sully, in the perfon of Lewis Peter Maximilian de Bethune, grandfon of this Francis Count of Op al, to whom it was adjudged l y the council <}t ftate, he paying the va- lue of it to the Abbe Armand de Bethune his great uncle, after- wards Count of Orval. f 1,010,000 livres is 41,083 1. Sterling. hundred ' to8 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. hundred and twenty thoufand livres *. I had the lands of Sully from the Duke de La Tremouille for a hundred and fifty thoufand livres; and Villebon, by an ordinance, for one hundred thoufand. The three contra£fs I made with the Duke of Nevers, amounted to two hundred and ten thoufand livres; namely, for Montrond, a hundred thoufand ; La- Chapelle, fifty-fix thoufand ; and for Henrichemont fifty-four thoufand. 1 bought the eftate of Chate- let of the Duke of Montpenfier for fixty thoufand livres ; that of Culand, by an ordinance, for eighty thoufand; and Des-Is, in Beauce, for feventyfive thoufand livres. The whole of thefe purchafes, which amount to eleven hundred and ninety thou- fand livres, exceeding, as appears, that of the two fums received above, by a hundred and nine thou- fand livres, this fum will be found charged in the articles of receipt, which are placed after ; for I am defirous of giving the reader full fatisfa£fion, by carrying this detail even farther than he has a right to expe£t; and for this purpofe I muft fiep a little afide from the fubject I am treating of, and give an account of the feveral fums I received after the death of Henry the Great, as an equivalent for my charges, in gratuities from the young King, &c. even to the time that 1 refolved to difpofe of almoft all the employments with which I had been inveiled. * We mud obferve here, dial die tranlljtor of die London edi- tion of Sully pril led anno 1757, 'las ^ecn vxliemely carelefs in making die calculations ; and whether the srdclesjhat compofe the account are right or wrong, the total is always made to come out as in the original.- An example will help to illuftrate this. In the London edition above mentioned, p. 104. of vol. j. where the Duke is giving a particular account of his purchales, the arti- cle of Baugy, which ccfl 120,000 livres, is altogethci emitted, and Culand is rated at eight, inflead of eighty thoufsnd livres; hut flill the total is made to he i,i) 3,00s, livres, although in that edition it wants this fum of 191,000 livres. The foregoing pages of that Uanfiution are alio deficient in point of arithmetic. i6ii. OP S O'L L Y. 109 The three hundred thoufand livres wTiich his Majefty granted me by letters patent, were at once a gift from this prince, and a kind of recom- pencefor the fuperintendence of the finances, and government of the Baftile, which I refigned into his hands. He gave me fixty thoufand livres for my company of gendarmes, for which I had refufed two hundred thoufand. I agreed with Fourcy to refign to him the fuperintendence of the buildings for fifty thoufand livres; which was the price fet upon it by his Majefty : I refufed to take more. I was offered three hundred thoufand livres for the government of Poitou, which I yielded to Rohan, who obtained the King’s confent that he ftrould pcrchafe it for two hundred thoufand. I loft, in the fame manner, a hundred thoufand livres upon the offices of grand furveyor of the roads, and hereditary mafter of the canals and navigation of rivers. The treafurers of France paid me only a hundred and fifty thoufand for them. His Majefty likewife caufed me to be paid again, the fum of one hundred and fifty thoufand livres for the eftate of Hourdan; and 1 agreed with the prince of Conde, to give him back the lands of Villebon for a hun- dred and fifty thoufand livres, which he has fince paid me. 1 deftincd thefe two laft fums for the portion of my youngeft daughter, for whom it was more difficult to procure an eftablfthment than her elihrft lifter. To thefe fums I add thofe which arofe from the fale of my benefices : for I thought it was equally allowable for me to take money for them, as for the ecclefiaftics, by whom they were purchafed, to give it me ; or for the Pope to permit it as he did, by his bulls. I therefore took, withT out making any fcruples, an allowance of eighty thoufand livres of an abbe who was recommended to me by the Prince of Conde, for my abbey of Coulon. Bcthune, who, as well as his fon, was th moft fcrupulous Roman Catholic I ever knew, Vox,. V. K purchafed, no MEMOIRS Bock XXIX. purchafed, under the fainTtion of thefe bulls, the abbey of Jard of me for forty thoufand bvres ; an abbe, a friend of the Duke of Rohan, bought that of L’Or at Poitiers of me, for feventy thou- fand : and L’Argentier Vaucemain, or rather his ion, that of L’Abfie for fifty thoufand livres. All thefe fums together make a total of thirteen hundred thoufnnd livres. Let us now fee to what ufe it was applied. I bought of M. de Lavardin the eftate of Mon- triccux, together with that of Cauflade, from the Sieur Palliers, for a hundred and fixty thoufand livres. My youngefl: daughter * having, on account of feme perfona^ difadvantages, as 1 obfer-ved be- fore, occalion fora larger portion than her fifier, to marry her fuitable to her birth, I gave with her to M. de Mirepoix four hundred and fifty thoufand .livres in fpecie: the other expences of this marriage in jewels, furniture, &c. formed an article of fifty thoufand livres more, which in all make up the fum of five hundred thoufand livres. I fhail only fiightly obferve here, that fuch dillinguifhing proofs of paternal tendernefs were repaid, both by my daughter and her hulband, with the molt linking inllances of ingratitude. I lent to feveral cities, and to that of Rochelle in particular, more than the liege and reduction of this city, and the wars raifed againll the Protellants, I have almoft wholly loft. The money I lent, at dift'eront times, to the Marquis of Rofny, and the debts I paid for him, amount at leaft to three hundred thoufand livres; the yearly incomes which came to me Irom Lan- guedoc and Guyenne, by the purchafe I made of certain regiftries and rents there, colt me lour hundred thoufand livres; and the houfe I bought in Paris two hundred and twenty thoufand livres. * Louifa de Bchune She was married on the 2,9th of May itzo, to Alexander dc Lctis, Marquis of Mirepoix. By rtfrr. OF SULLY* r;r By calculating my accounts of the money I laid out in buildings and other works, in furniture, in jpurneys, and other expences of that kind, I find a capital of feven hundred thoufand livres. The fun a total of all thefe feveral articles, amounts to two millions five hundred and thirty thoufand livres which makes it fuperior to the total receipt which precedes it, by twelve hundred and thirty thoufand livres. The reader may have obferved, from the begin- ning of thefe Memoirs, that my application to my domeftic oeconoray, extended itfelf to things which it might be naturally expended would have been ex- cepted from it; I mean in the military profits, ari- fing either from- prifoners I had taken, from ran- foms, or at the lacking of towns taken by alTault, and on other occafions of- the fame kind, which it is not necefl'ary to give a minute account of here. When the peace of Vervins was concluded, I found that thefe profits, which when confidered feparately, appear fo ilight that they fcarce deferve to be men- tioned, yet made a total of one hundred thoufand livres, or thereabouts. The war of Savoy, which fell out afterwards, was worth as much more to me in cannon^arms, ammunition, &c. taken from the enemy, of which I had a large portion, as great mafter of the ordnance. Of all this, I make an article of three hundred thoufand livres. By cal- culating the value of all thofe prefents that were made me on different occafions, I found the whole amount to a fum nearly equal to the former. It muft be oblerved,. that 1 mean only fuch prefents as I received in the character of a public perfon, and in occurrences when it would not have been decent for me to have refufed them ; as in my em- baifies and negociations ; upon the King’s marriage from the Queen, and the Grand Duke ; on the * 2>S30,°oo livres is 15,416 1. 13 s. 4 d. Sterling. K, 2 marriage 112 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. marriage of the Princefs Catherine with the Duke of Lorrain ; on every new-year's day from their Majefties and Queen Margaret. It would have been a ridiculous affe&ation to fhew myfelf as fcru- puloufly nice about thefe prefents, and others of the fame nature, as I did when they were offered to me with interefted views. However, I would not receive any thing in this manner, without its being expreffed in a brevet, which I intreated his Majefty to grant me for each of thefe gifts, which, though in jewels and trinkets, compofed a fum of one hundred thoufand crowns. I fold again the lands of Dourdon, for a hundred and fifty thou- fand livres, before rriy gratuities were fettled to twenty thoufand crowns, as I have already men- tioned, and which did not happen till the year i6ot. T he late King liftening only to the diftates of his own generous mind, and to the friendfhip with which he honoured me, obliged me to accept many other donations which have not been parti- cularifcd here, and which, I believe, do not a- , mount to lefs than two hundred thoufand livres. Laflly, fmce my income was become fo confiderable as the reader has feen, it is not furprifmg, that by ftridlly obferving a maxim which, from my earlieft years, I had laid down as abfolutely neceffary for the advantage of my domeftic affairs, namely, that one ought never to fpend the whole extent of one’s income, I fhould, at the end of a certain numbet of years, have laid by a very confiderable fum. If we fuppofe this fum to amount to three hundred and fifty thoufand livres, and add it to the four former ones, we {hall find that it will, within a very little matter, make up the twelve hundred thoufand livres, which is wanting, to produce a per- fe£f equality between the receipt and expcnce. I think it unneceffary to repeat here what I have for- merly faid, with rdped to the current expences of my houfe. What i6ii. OF SULLY. What I am going to relate concerning my tranf- aflions with the Prince of Conde may appear as a matter of mere curiofity only ; but I was not wil- ling to omit it, as it has feme connection with my prefent fubject. When the war broke out againlt the Proteftants under the new reign, the Prince of Conde being felicitous to remove me from his go- vernments, where I had feveral very fine eitates, and fome ftrong caftles, propofed to me to fell them all to him. 1 was apprehenfive, that, if I refufed to comply with this propofal, the war would fur- nifh him with pretences to drive me from thence, which force would have rendered valid. I was fen- fible that* his counfels had not a little contributed to that refolution they had lately taken againft us, and 1 was forewarned that he wras meditating fome- thing worfe with regard to me. I therefore agreed with him for the lands of Villebon, Montrond, Orval, Culand, and Le Chatelet, and with the greater willingnefs, as he offered me more than they had cofi: me, and indeed more than they were worth. Accordingly a contradf was figned by us both, in which the Prince of Conde obliged him- felf to give me twelve hundred thoufand livres for thofe eflates: he did not pay me the money down indeed ; but I readily confented to wait till it fuited his own conveniency. However, I did not expect that, at the expiration of a certain time, this prince would find out an eafy method of difeharging at once both the principal and intereft, by demanding of the King, that my eftates fhould be confifcated, a practice which the war made then very common. His Majefty was fo good as to remember me on this occafion, and re- jected with a kind of horror fo infamous a requeft. When the peace was concluded, the Prince found himfelf obliged to come to an account with me. His inclination for the lands of Baugy increafing, there was a neceflity for yielding him that likewife, K 3 as ii4 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. ns well as all the others, in order that I might not on any fide be his neighbour. He took a diflike to the lands of Villebon, which, together with thofe of Muret, he reftored to me as an equivalent for the eftate which he fo eagerly coveted. The ex- change was not difadvantageous to me. This me- thod of paying me being moll convenient for this prince, he made over to me, one after the other, the lands of Nogent, Montigny, Chanrond, Vitraii the marquifate of Conty, Breteuil, Francatel, and La Falaife, inverted with the fame rights as the lands that I had exchanged, the principal of which, in my eyes, was the liberty of calling theqt, accord- ing to the King’s patent, a poffeffion which I held by the liberality and the immediate grant of the King my mafter. # Thus 1 got out of the difpute with * Amongfl the papers containing the proofs of what M. de Sully here relates of his diff iites witli the Prince of Conde, which theprc- ient Duke of Sully has done me the honour to communicate, I find two letters, which I fhall give the reader : one is from the Prince of Condc to the firll Duke of Sully; the other from the Pfitue of Conty. to ihe Marquis de Bethune (Maximilian Alpiims) grandfather of the Duke of Sully r ow living. Letter from the Prince of Con de to the Duke of Sully. “ Monfieur, “ 1 hope to have the honour of feeing you foon. The bearer hereof will inform you from whence this comes, and explain the contents of it to you. You will find, from my aftions, how much I have at heart the King’s fervice, the public good, and your friend- fhip in particular which I paffionately covet. I beg you will afr fiiredly rely on the truth of thefe profcfltons. I am preparing in performance of our mutual engagements, to conclude our bargain for Villebon, and will let you know (begging you will meet me for that purpofe) in what plate I can have the honourof converfing with you, I am, Monfieut, Your coufin, and mod humble fervanf; HENRY de BOURBON.” Letter i61 r. OF SULLY ny with the Prince, who, it muft be confefled, was guilty of a double injultice, in endeavouring to get poireffion of my eftates, by procuring them to be cenfifcated. I have beena witnefs of very miferable times fince the death of the King my mailer. The war which I faw kindled againlt the Proteftants, filled me with grief. I was incited by a thoufand different motives to take part in it; but I courageoufly re- fitted this fnare: I never gave the King the leaffc reafon to look upon me as a rebel, or an abettor of rebels. I have punftually obeyed all his Ma- jetty’s commands; am always ready to prefent my- felf at court, whenever he is pleafed to require it: in a word, 1 have had the good fortune to continue as faithful in the performance of thofe promifes I made to the king my benefactor,, as in that of the duties of a good citizen- Letter from the Prince of Conxy, to the Marquis of Bethumb. “ Monfieur, “ I am extremely prefled Sy the Count of Orval to confent to the agreement he defirous of making with the Vifcount of Meaux, for the ettate of Chanrond , and he even offers to give me fecurity to indemnify me againft the warranty my late father eiitera- ed into I would not however make him any promife, after ha- ving engaged to your mothcr-in-law not to do ary thing in thi« af- fair, without acquainting you with it; and, as it is for the benefit of all parties, that this matter (hould be fettled, and made an end of as foon as poffiMe I am willing to refer my pretenih ns to the judgment of the Count de ethuney m kinlman and beg you will Jo fo too, and fubmit to wh t he (hall direct. The Count of Orval and the Vifcount >f Meaux are content to fubmit their claims to him, and abide by his determination.. i make no doubt of your confenting to this propoial, as otherwife I lh BOOK 116 MEMOIRS Book XXX. BOOK XXX. Wherein is difeufied the Political Scheme, Commonly called The great defign of Henry IV. S this part of thefe Memoirs will be chiefly taken up with an account of the great defign of Henry IV. or the political fcheme, by which he propofed to govern, not only France, but all Eu- rope ; it may not be improper to begin it with fome more general refleftions on this monarchy, and on the Roman empire, upon whofe ruins we know it has been formed,as well as all the other powers, which at this day compofe the Chriftian world. If we confider all thofe fucceffive changes which Rome has fufFered from the year of the world 3064, which is that of its foundation its infancy, youth, and virility, its declenfion, fall, and final ruin j thefe viciflitudes, which it experienced in common with the great monarchies by which it was preceded, would almoft incline one to believe, that empires, like all other fublunary things, are fubjedb to be the fport, and at laft fink under the prefl'ure of time. And if we extend this idea flill further, we fhall perhaps perceive, that they are all liable to be di- fturbed or interrupted in their courfes, by certain extraordinary incidents ; which, for any thing that * The opinion now molt generally received is that of Varro, who places the time of the foundation of Rome near 200 years later. we OF SULLY. n7 we can difcover to the contrary, may be termed epidemical diftempers, that very frequently preci- pitate their deftruction ; and their cure by this difcovery becoming eafier, we may at lead recover fome of them from thofe crifis’s which threaten their deftrudlion. But if we endeavour to difcover more vitible and natural caufes of the ruin of this vaft and formidable empire, we fhall perhaps foon perceive they were produced by a deviation from thofe wife laws, and that fimplicity of manners, which were the original of all its grandeur, into luxury, avarice, and am- bition ; yet there was, finally, another caufe, the ef- fect of which could hardly have been prevented or forefeen by the utmoft human wifdom ; I mean, the irruptions of thofe vafi bodies of barbarous people, Goths, Vandals, Huns, Herulians, Rugians, Lombards, &c. from whom, both feparately and united, the Roman Empire received fuch violent fhocks, that it was at lad overthrown by them : Rome was three times fack’d by thefe Barbarians .* ; in 4 4, under Honoriut, by Alaric, chief of the Goths; in 455, by Genferic, King of the Vandals, under Martian : and in 546, under Judinian, by Totila and the Goths. Now, if it be true, that, after this, the city retained the fhadow of what die had been, if we mud regard her as diveded of the empire ol the world, when her weaknefs and the abuies of her government made this event to be looked upon, not Amply as inevitable, but as very near, and, in fa£t, already arrived ; the epocha of her fall ma\ then be marked long before the reign of Valentine III. to whom it will be doing a fa- * Thefe three eporhas are not quite j ift ; the firft was in 41 o, »nfteidi!f4 4 he feeond in 4J5, or 4J6 ; and the third in 5 24, under Ti In ere (Tor of fotil.i and the lad Kr g of the Goths ; the facking the city this laft time tafted forty days. vour. n3 MEMOIRS Book XXt. vour, to call him the laft Emperor of the Eaft*? for feveral of thofe emperors whom he fucceeded, were, properly fpeaking, no better than tyrants, by whom the empire was torn and divided, and the {battered remnants left to be the fpoil of barba- rians, who, indeed, by their conquefts, acquired un- equal right to them. Rome, neverthelefs, by intervals, beheld fome faint appearances of a revival; thofe of which ilia was moft fenfible were under the reign of the great Conftantine, whole victories once more united this vaft body under one head ; but when he tranfport- ed the feat of his empire from Rome to Conftan- tinople, he, by that ftep, without being fenfible of it, contributed more to the deftrudfion of a work which had coft him fo much labour, than all the ill condudl of his predeceflbrs had been able to effedf : and this even he rendered irremediable, by dividing his empire equally amongft his three fons* Theodofius, who by good fortune, or from an effebt of his great valour, found himfelf in- the fame eircumftances with Conftantine, would not perhaps have committed the fame fault, had he not been influenced by the force of Conftantine’s example; but this, in a manner, neceflarily obliged' him to divide his empire in two; Arcadius had the Eall, Hoijorius the Weft: and from that time there never was any hopes nor opportunity of reuniting, them. According to the order of nature, by which the deftrudtion of one King becomes the inftrument for the production of others ; fo, in proportion, as the moft diftant members of the empire of the Eaft fell off from it, from thence there arofe kingdoms ; * It would he unjuft, fnrcly, to rcfiife live title of Emperors of tile Eaft 10 Valentiuian III. tot HonoriuS &c. T he exprelli.ms here ufed by our author (hould not be undertlood in their moil ri- gorous fenfe, but only as meaniug an empire weakened, and ap- proaching to its final deftruCtion, though. OF S U L L Y. IT'? though indeed they did not at firft hear that rank* The mod ancient of thefe (its origin appearing to have been in the eight year of the empire of Ho- norius) is, undoubtedly, that which was founded in Gaul by the French, fo called from Franconia, from whence they were invited by the Gauls, who inhabited the countries about the Mofelle, to aflift them in their deliverance from the oppreflion of the Roman armies. It being a cuftom among thefe Franks, or French, to confer the title of King upon whatever perfon theyohofe to be their leader; if the fird: or fecond of thefe chiefs have not borne it, it is certain, at lead, that the third, which was Me- •rovius, and more paticuiarly Clavius, who was the fifth, were inveded with it *, and fome of them Supported it with fo much glory ; among others, Pepin and Charles Martel, to whom it would be doing an injudice to refufe them this dignity ; that their worthy fuccefibr, Charlemagne, revived in .Gaul an imperfett image of the now extinguilhed •empire-in the Ead. This indeed was facilitated by thofe natural advantages France enjoys of numer- ous inhabitants trained to war ; and a great plenty of all things ferving the different neceffities of life, joined to a vefy great conveniency for commerce, arifmg from its fituation, which renders it the .centre of four of the principal powers of Europe: * The whole of what is here (aid, may he all.wed to he right. According o Petau and Sirmond, the cniefs of the French hore the title of kings from the reign of \alcctinian il. whiih wa* long ' e- fore the year 44$, when Claudian, by the taking ufCambray See. firft tftablifhed htn felf on this fide of the Rhine. They were fettled on the other fide the Rhine, about the middle of the third century, and extended thentfielvcs, nearly from tbe Texcl as far as Franctort. This revolt of a part of Gaul againft the Romans hap- pened an 434, in the twelfth year of the reign of Valentinian III. ami the author’s opinion on the eftahlifliment ot the French in Gaul, is confirmed by a learned acaden ic, who has cleared up this critical point as much as it was polfible ^the late Abbe du Bos). “ Hid. Crit. de 1’etab. de It monarchic Franj. dans les Gaules, -tom. i.liy, 1. ch. vj. liv. i.oh. 7. 8.’’ Germany, 120 MEMOIRS Book XXIX. Germany, Italy, Spain, and Britain, with the Low Countries. Let us here juft fay one word upon the three races which compofe the fucceffion of qtjr kings. In the firft of them I find only Merovius, Clovis I. and Clovis II. •, in the fccond Charles Martel, Pe- pin le Bref, and Charlemagne, who have raifed themfelves above the common level of their race. Take away thefe fix from the thirty-five, which we compute in thefe two races, and all the reft, from their vices or their incapacity, appear to have been either wicked kings, or but the fhadow of kings; though among them we may diftinguifh fome good qualities in Sigebert and Dagobert, and a very great devotion in Lewis le Debonnaire, which, however, ended in his repenting the lofs of empire and his kingdom, together with his liberty, in a cloifter. The Carlovingian race having reigned obfcurely, and ended fo too, the crown then defcended upon a third ; the four firft kings of which, in my opi- nion, appear to have been perfedt models of wife and good government. The kingdom which came under their dominion, had loft much of its original fplendor ; for, from its immenfe extent in the time of Charlemagne, it was reduced to very near the fame bounds which it has at this day; with this . difference, that though they might have been de- firous to reftore its ancient limits, the form of the government, which rendered the kings fubjedf to the great men and people of the kingdom, who had a right to chufe, and even to govern their fove- reigns, left them no means by which they could fleeted in fuch an attempt. The condutl, there- fore, which they p rfued was, to condemn arbi- trary power to an abfolute filence ; and, in its place, to fubftitute equity itielf: a kind of dominion which never excites envy. Nothing now was done with - out the confent of the great men and the principal cities, OF SULLY. cities, and almoft always in confequence of the de- cifion of an affembly of the dates. A conduft fo moderate and prudent, put an end to all fa£lions, and Hilled all confpiracies, which are fatal to the date or the fovereign. Regularity, oeconomy, a diftindlion of merit, drift obfervance of judice, all the virtues which we fuppofe necedary qualifica- tions for the good of a family, were what charac- terized this new government, and produced what was never before beheld, and what perhaps we may never fee again, an uninterrupted peace for one hundred and twenty-two years. What thefeprinces gained by it for themfelves in particular, and which all the authority of the Salic law could never have procured them, was, the advantage of introducing into this houfe an hereditary right to the crown. Rut they, neverthelefs, thought it a necedary pre- caution, not to declare their elded fons their fuc- cedors, till they had modedly afked the confent of the people, preceded it by a kind of eleftion, and ufually by having them crowned in their own life- time, and feated with them upon the throne. Philip II. whom Lewis V1L his father, caufed to be crowned, and reign with him in this manner, was the fird who neglefted to obferve this ceremo- ny-between the fovereign and his people. Several viftories, obtained over his neighbours, and over his own fubjefts, which gained him the furnafne of Augudus, ferved to open him a padage to abfolute power; and a notion of the fitnefs and legality of this power, by the alfidance of favourites, miniders, and others, became afterwards fo drongly imprint- ed in his fu-cceilbrs, that they looked upon it as a mark of the mod profound good policy, to aft con- trary to thole maxims, the general and particular utility of which had been fo effeftually confirmed by experience. And this they did without any fear, or perhaps without any conception, of the fatal con- fequences which fuch a proceeding, againd a na- VroL. V. L tion 12? MEMOIRS Book XXX tion that adored its liberty, might, and even necef- farily would incur; of which they might eafily have become fenfible, from the means to which the peo- ple had recourfe, to {hake off the tyranny with which they faw themfeives menaced. The kings could never obtain of their people any other than that of conffrained obedience, which always in- clines them to embrace, with eagernefs, all oppor- tunities of rebellion. This was the fource of a thoufand bloody wars. That by which almoft all France was ravifhed by the Englifh ; that which we had with Italy, Burgundy, Spain, all of them can be attributed to no other caufes, than the civil dif- fentions by which they were preceded; and here the weakeft fide, ilifling the voice of honour, and the interpft of the nation, conftantly called in foreign- ers to afTift them in the fupport of their tottering liberties. Tbefe were fhameful and fatal remedies; but from that time they were conftantly employed, down even to our days, by the houfe of Lorrain, in a league, for which religion was nothing more than the pretence. Another evil, that may at firft ap- pear to be of a different kind, but which, in my opinion, proceeds from the fame fource, was a ge- neral corruption of manners, a thirft for riches, and a moft fhameful degree of luxury: thefe, fome- times feparately, and fometimes united, were alter- nate caufes and effe£ls of many of our miferies. I have thus expofed, in a few words, the various fpecies of our bad policy, with rdfpedt both to the -form of the government, fucceffively fubjedted to the will of the people, the foldiers, the nobles, the ftntes, and the Kings ; and in regard to the perfons likewife of thefe lait, whether dependent, elective, hereditary, or abfolute. From the picture here laid before us, we may be enabled to form our judgment upon the third race of our kings. We may find a thoufand things to admire in Philip Augullus, Saint Lewis, Philip le Bel, OF SULLY. 12* Bel, Charles le Sage, Charles VII. and Lewis XII. But it is to be lamented, that fo many virtues, or great qualities, have been exercifed upon no better principles. With what pleafure might we beitow Upon them the titles of great Kings, could we but conceal that their people was miferable ? What might we not, in particular, fay of Lewis IX. ? Of the forty-four years which he reigned, the firlt twenty of them exhibit a fcene not unworthy to be compared with the eleven laft of Henry the Great. But I am afraid all their glory will appear to have been defbroyedin the twenty-four following.; wherein it appears, that the excdfive taxes upon the iubjects, to fatisfy an ill-judged and deftructive devotion * ; immenfe furns tranfported into the mod diftant countries, for the ranfom of prifoners : fo many thoufand fubjedts facrificed ; fo many il- luftrious houfes extinguifhed ; caufed an univerfal mourning throughout France,-and altogether a ge- neral calamity. Let -us for once, if it is pofiible, fix our prin- ciples; and being, from long experience, convinced, that the happinefs of mankind can never arife from war, of which we ought to have been' perfuaded long ago; let us, upon this principle, take a cur- fory view of the hiftory of our monarchy. We will pafs by the wars of Clovis and his predeceflbrs, becaufe they fcem to have been, in fome degree, nc- cefl’ary to confirm the recent foundations of the monarchy : but what fliall we fay of thofe wars in which the four fons of Clovis, the four fons of Clotaire 1. and their d'efcendents, were engaged, during the uninterrupted courfe of one hundred and fixty years ? and of thofe alfo, by which, for the fpace of one hundred feventy-two other years, com- mencing with Lewis le Debonnaire, the kingdom * The devotion here meant, was the holywar,which coT Fr, i cc much blood and tieafure. L 2 was 1-4 M E M O I R S Book XXX. was harafied and torn ? What follows is ftill worfe : The flighted: knowledge of our hiflory is fufficient to convince any one, that there was no real tranquility in the kingdom from Henry YI1I. to the peace of Vervins : and, in fhort, all this long period may be called a war of near four hundred rears duration. After this examination, from whence it inconteuably appears, that our kings have feldom thought of any thing but how to carry on their wars, we. cannot but be fcrupulous in be- ftowing on them the title of Truly Great Kings; tho’ wefhall, neverthelefs, render them all theju- ftice which appears to have been their due: for I con- fefs, (as indeed it would be unjuft to attribute to them only, a crime which was properly that of all Europe), that feveral of thefe princes were fometimes in fuch circumflances as rendered the wars juft, and even neceftary; and from hence, when indeed there were no other means to obtain it, they acquired a true and lading glory. E'er herein, from the manner in which feveral of thefe wars were forefeen, prepared for, and conducted, we may in their counfels difco- vcr fuch mafter-itrokes of policy, and in their per- fons fuch noble inftances of courage, as are de- fcrving of our higheft praifes. From whence then' can proceed the error of fo many exploits, in ap- pearance fo glorious, though the effe£t of them has tienemlly been the devaluation both of France and all Europe? I repeat it again, of all Europe, which even yet feems fcarce fenfible, that in her prefect fituation, a fituition in which fhe has been for feve- ral centuries, every attempt which fhall tend to her fubjection, or only to the too confiderably augment- ing of any one of her principal monarchies, at the evpence of the others, can never be any other than a chimerical and impollible enterprife. There are none of thofe monarchies, but whofe deftrutlion will require a concurrence of cuufes infinitely fupe- rior to all human force. The whole, therefore, of what , O F SULLY. I2? wli.it feems proper and necefTary to be done, b to f funport them all in a kind of equilibrium; and what- ever prince thinks, and in confequence a * We cannot here agree whfi onr amfv r. “ that France w'!’ 1- '■ w y remain the richeft .ind m It pnwtiful kiagjinnin K,ur pe. ’ V tie it p itfisle il»i.'great nun could now (anno i ?(So) for.e>' i!ie i [cr-tions of i he prcfuit wir he wmEfion he under eivej H".v h o -he naval power of Fiance van:Itled (® C mltan, !) : She h s loll -ll N »rth America, her :culLinenc> in Airu‘.*,.ind fome ofhiC H r ,I irt.nd. ; her armies ha ve been heat, whuefs the plain. of Rof- 1 .1 h .md Mmtten , her inmwy if gone, her plate c ot td. and |„ r It oehankrnp , H >w this iv,r may end, God lrnlleii o y k iowr; 1-111 we hope France will have no lo gci icaEa to boall ei- rEr of pow.i oi ii.Iica. L 3. and MEMOIRS Book. XXX. an:1 that thefe Kings mav employ their power in pre- fervyag the peace of Europe; for no other enter- prife can truly be to them either profitable or fuc- cefsful. And this explains to us the nature of the defign which Henry IV\ was on the point of putting in execution, when it pleafed God to take him to him- felf, too foon, by fome years, for the happinefs of the world. From hence likewife we may perceive the motives for his purfuing a conducf fo oppofite to any thing that laad hitherto been undertaken by crown- ed heads. And here we may behold what it was that acquired him the title of Great. His defigns were not infpired by a mean-and defpicable ambi- tion, nor guided by bafe and partial interells. To render France happy for ever, was his delire : and as fhe cannot perfectly enjoy this felicity, unlefs all Europe likewife partakes of it; fo it was the hap- pinefs of Europe in general which he laboured to procure, and this in a manner fo folid and durable, that nothing fiiould afterwards be able tq ,fh.ake its foundations. I muff, confefs I am under fome apprehenfionsj. leall this fcheme * fbould at firfl be conlidered as one of * The Memoirs of Sul'y are the only monument which has f>re. firs'eJ to porterity an account of the sirent defign of Henry IV, We find no traces of it in any of the hiflorians, authors of me r,i jirs, or other writers, that were cocrmporary with that prince : their filence in this matter proceeded, no doubt, from their not knowing enough of it to fay,any thing with certaiiiry-afont it. The world did not begin to defiant up n it till the Memoirs of Sully, wherein it is fo clearly deferined, were pnblilhed ; and among ail thofe who have confidered it ever finee, about the.middle oi the feventeenth centurv, 1 find fearce any who have s|iiellitjned the polfibility of cxecutirig it; Joubrlef, betaufe they lived near enough to the times in which it, was formed, to be convinced, even Horn the months of thofe who had been witnelles of the prep rations and difpofitions which were made, that all the meafures had been taken pn rifely in the fame manner as related by the Duke of Sully >• and eonfe^ttently th rt it wost’d.haatc had but few of thefe ebftaclcs to encounter whi.h have fintc beet) raked .gunfl it. The OF SULLY. 127 of thofe darling chimeras, or idle political fpecula- tions, in which a mind, fufceptible of itrange and fmgular The author of a manufcript Jifcourfein the King’s library, which to me appears to be the moft ancient memoir we have of that time, feems not in the lead to have doubted of fuceefs in its execution. And M. de Pcrefixc, who in the third part of his hiilory of Henry the Great, has given a fh>rt but very accurate account of the fchune, fays pofitively that it would have fuvceeded ; and farther confirms his alTertion by, proofs, wh ch he gives, p 388. and tho following. The continuator of J'huanus, in whit little he has faid of it, anno 1 Sop and 1 fi] o. does not appear to have been of a ditferent fentiment. The Marcch .l de Ballompitrre alfo, in his journal, tom. 1. feems to be in its favour. To thefe authorities we may alfo join that of the authors of the life-of the Duke d’K- pernon and fome otheis, who all feem to be of the fame opinion, •Indeed, till the beginning of the prefent century, all authors appear to have been unanimous in this point ; and leveral of our modern . hilh'riaus hive joined them herein. Vittorio Siri (Mem. Recond. tom.. 1. p. 19. 514. tom. 2.p-4S. &c.) is the firlt that 1 know by whom tills great enterprife has been treated as abfurd and impoflible: but the ignorance which he draws in the whole affair, even in thofe points which are the lead corned* el; his attachment to the Spamfh politics, and his didance from the perfons of Henry IV. and his minider, which is every way appa- rent in all he fays on the fnbjeft, render him in this refpef! very judly exception able. His fenlimeius have been adopted by the author of the hidory of the mother and fjn, tom. 1. p 44. and fora (imilar reafon of attachment to the Queen, motlrcr of Lewis XI11 But this writer, foch as he is, producing no better autho- rity for his opinion, than the age of Henry IV. who was then near fixty appears alfo to have been fo entirely unacquainted with the affair, that we may, without fcruple, pronounce he was ignorant of the d'fpafition which had been made for the complete execution of it within the fp-ce of three years, and that he condemns the defign without underdanding it. I have much greater reverence for the authority of fome modern politicians, who conftJer it as a kind of Lmpodibllity, thus to change the face of all Europe, in the manner propof .d by Henry IV. and who imagine, that in our days a muclvmore happy expedient has b en difeovered, whereby to obtain the equilibrium of Europe, than by reviving the ancient council of the Amphyctions. What 1 mean, is the precaution now ohferved, of having all the principal powers of hurope to accede to. and become the guarantees of every parti- cular treaty. But all thofe calamities which we have fulfcrcd in Confequenee of war, do but too plainly evince its infudieiency. In regard to the main drefs of the quedion, l agree with them, that Europe could not now. b it with great difficulty, be condituted in the manner propofed by Henry the Great; neverth lefs I believe, without pretending to fubjed any • one to my opinion, that thofe "J,o 128 MEMOIRS Book XXX fingular ideas, may befo ea(ily engaged. Thofe who dial] thus think of it, muft be ot that fort of peo- ple, on whom the firft impreffions, upon a prejudiced imagination, have the force of truth ; or tlrole, who by their difiance from the times, and their ignorance of the circumftances, confound the wifefl and no- bleft enterprifes that have ever been farmed, with thofe chimerical projects which princes, intoxicated with their power, have in all ages amufed them- felves in forming. 1 confefs, that if we attentively examine the defigns which have been planned from motives of vanity, confidence in good fortune, ig- norance, nay, from flotb, and even timidity itfelf, we muft be furprifed to behold fovereigns plunged blindly intofchemes,fpecious perhaps in appearance, v,l'o treat this prince% dcfi^n as a ehiirera, d»> not pay til the nc* ccfiary attention to the cireumftam ts ot' th ’fe rrme>f wherein Eu- rope, from her free] cm dangers i f being Aihjcilcd to the houfc “f Anftri?, and by tlie bloody wars which a difference of relig* n h d excited, and continued daily to excitf, found.hericlf in a manner compelled to haverccourfe to extiaoidinary means to put a period to her miferies. 1 cannot fin fh this remark better, th^n in the words of'M. L’A - bee dc Saint J^ierre, in his Di'Conrs f r Ic grand hominc : w Fre ni hence we may perceive, that if Hcmv IV King of France exe- cuted h:s celebrated, his w-.li projected deftgn, wnerel y to render peace perpetual and univeifai among the fovtic gus of JBurope. he •would have procured the greatell ! enetit th.it it w.is polTible, not only tohisown fubje^t.-, but to all ihe Chi ill ian kingdoms ai.«i even, by a necefliny con feu nc nee. to the world in gtncfdl : a bene- fit ofwhich all giiurations prtient and to c tne, would have p.r ticipated down to tbe laieif t me; a ben.hr i y which we fhould have been exempted from thole terrible and nuui«.r us ev ]?, wl. ch are the effects of foieign and d -rveilic wars; 3 bcmfii, which would have been hefource (it all th he* ivveets whiih naturally ll w fioirt an uninterrupted and univerlal tnnquiliiy : if, l^y he ha 1 l een fo happy as to have executed this great dtfign, ir would havi rendered him h*. y.ud all c«>mpiiifi>n th< great ell man the world ever bus, i-r ptobaMy ever will pri dote >f A for lome fir t h r re fhtfions up tt tie means of rendering this projc^*- (lili nmre prac ticable. this judictous author adds : “ This ptincc howtver, li"j always had tin ln*nour of being coLl'dercd > tlie author of the m / OF SULLY. i >9 but which at bottom have not the lead degree of jiOiTibility. The mind of man, with fo much com> placency, nay, even with fo much ardour, puifues whatever it fancies greater beautiful, that it is lor- ry to be made fmfible, that thele objects have fre- quently nothing real or folid in them. But in this, as well as in other things, there is an oppofite ex- treme to be avoided; which is, that as we ufually fail in the execution of great defigns, from not commencing and continuing them with fufikieiU vigour and fpirit; lo like wife, we are defective in the knowledge of their true worth and tendency, l ecaufe we do not thoroughly and properly confider them in all their dependencies and confequences. I have niyfelf been more didicult to perl'uade in this matter, than peih.ips any perfon who ihall read thefe memoirs; and this 1 confider as an effeit of that cold, cautious, and unenterprifmg temper, which makes fo confiderabk a part of my charac- ter. I remember the firfl: time the King (poke to me of a f^ditical fyllem, by which all Europe might be regulated and governed as one great family, 1 fcarce paid any attention to what be laid, imagining that he meant no more by it than merely to divert hitn- felf, or perhaps to Ihew, that bis thoughts on poli- tical fubje&s were greater, and penetrated deeper, than molf others : my reply was a mixture of plea- fantry an.: compliment. Henry faid no more at that time. He olten confelfed to me afterwards, that he had long concealed from me what he medi- tated on this fubjett, from a principle of fliame, which many labour under, led they (houki difcloLe defigns which might appear ridiculous or impoffible. 1 was adonillied when, fame time after, he renew- ed our converfation on this head, and continued from year ta year, to entertain me with new regu- lations and new improvements in his fcheme. I had 130 MEMOIRS Book XXX. I had never thought ferioufly about this fcheme. If by accident it came into my thoughts for a mo- ment, the firft view of the defign, which fuppofed a re-union of all the different Hates of Europe; immenfe expences, at a time when France could fcarce fupply her own neeeffities; a chain of events which tome appeared infinite : thtfe were con fi- derations which had always made me reject the thought as vain : I even apprehended there was lome illufion in it : I recolletded fome of thofe en- terprifes in which we had endeavoured to engage Europe. I confidered thofe in particular which had been formed by lome of our kings, from much lefs confiderable motives, and I feltmyfelf difgulled with this, from the bad fuccefs of all the former. The difpofition of the princes of Europe to take umbrage againlt France, when fire would have af- filted them to diffipate their fears from the too great power of Spain, this alone appeared to me an unfurmountable obftacle. Strongly prejudiced by this opinion, I ufed my utmofi; efforts to undeceive Henry ; who, on his fide, furprifed not to find me of his fentiment in anyone point, immediately undertook, and readily fucceeded in convincing me, that my thus indifcri- niinately condemning all parts of his project, m which he was certain that every thing at leaft was not blameable, could proceed from nothing but flrong prejudices. 1 could not reffife, at his felici- tations, to ufe my endeavours to gain a thorough comprthenfion of it: I formed a clearer plan of it in my mind : I colledfed and united all its diffe- rent branches: I ftudied all its proportions and di- menfions, if I may fay fo; and I difeovered in them a regularity and mutual dependence, of which, when I only confidered the defign in a confufed and carelefs manner, I had not been at all fenfible. The benefit which would manifeftly arile from it to all Europe, was what molt immediately Ifriick me* OF SULLY. 13 i tne, as being in effeft the plaineft and moft evident: but the means to accomplifh fo good a defign were, therefore, what I hefitated at the longelt. The general fituation of the affairs of Europe, and of our own in particular, appeared to me every way contrary to the execution. I did not confider, that, as the execution of it might be deferred till a proper opportunity, we had all thofe refources whereby to prepare ourfelves, which time affords thofe who know how to make the beft ufe of it. I was at laft convinced, that however difpropor- tionate the means might appear to the effect, z oourfe of years, during which every thing fliould as much as poffible be made fubfervient to the great . obje£t in view, would furmount many difficulties. It is indeed fomewhat extraordinary, that this point, which appeared to be, and really was, the molt difficult of any, fhould at laft become the moft eafy. Having thus viewed all the parts of the fcheme in their proper point of light, and weighed them thoroughly, after fuppofing every accident that might happen, I found myfelf confirmed in the opinion, that the defign of Henry the Great was, upon the whole, juft in its intention, pofiible, and even practicable in all its parts, and infinitely glo- rious in all its effe£ts : fo that, upon all occafions, I was the firft to recall the King to his engagements, and fometimes to convince him by thofe very argu- ments which he himfelf had taught me. The conftant attention this prince paid to all af- I fairs tranfacted round him, fiom an effect of thofe ! fingularly unhappy circumftances, by which, in al- i moft every inftant of his life, he found himfelf em- J baraffed, had been the caufe of his forming this : defign, even from the time when, being called to the crown by the death of Henry III. he confidered the humbling of the houfe of Auftria as what was abfolutely neceffary for his fecurity ; yet, if he was not *32 MEMOIRS Book XXX. not beholden to Ellfabeth # for his thought of the defi-gn, it is, however, certain, that this great Queen had herfelf conceived it long before, as a means to revenge Europe for the attempts of its common enemy. The troubles in which all the following years v/ere engaged, the. war which fueceeded in ^595, and that againit Savoy alter the peace of Vervins, forced Henry into difficulties which, obli- ged him to lay afide all thoughts of other affairs ; and it was not till after his marriage, and the firm re-efiabliffiment of peace, that he renewed his thoughts upon his firit defign, to execute which, appeared then more impoffible, or at leaft more improbable, than ever. He, neverthelefs, communicated it by letters to Elifabeth ; and this was what infpired them with fo ftrong an inclination to confer together in 16c t, when this princefs came to Dover, and Henry to Calais. What the ceremony of an interview would not have permitted them to do, I at Jaft begun by the voyage wffiich I made to this princefs. 1 found her deeply engaged in die means by which this great defign might be fuccefsfully executed ; and, notwithftanding the difficulties which fhe appre- * The prefent Duke of Sully is poflefled of riie original of an ex- cdlent letter of Henry the Great, fuppofcJ to hare been wrote I y him to Queen Eliiahe-th, though this princels is not named, neither in ihe body of the letter, nor in the feperlcription, winch is in thrfe words : ‘ To her who merits itiimortal prai e ” 1 he terms “ in wh'uh Henry herein fpe iks of a re t;.in poliriral projeft. which ‘ he calls tlic moll excellent and rare enterprile that ever the hu- “ man mind ronceivcd—a thought rather divine thin human ;’* the praties which he bellows npi n ‘‘ ths diiconrfe fo we-1 connef- ed and cemoi.llr itivc of what would re nee (lliry for the govern. 11 n ent of enspires acid kingdoms—v on ihole conceptions and “ refolutions” from whi'h nothing lets in. y he hoped tin n “ nioft “ remark,hie illitcs both ot in nom and gleny.” All thefe paila- ges can relate to none hut Kliiabeih, nor mean any oilier th. n the grcn defign in qneltion ; concerning whuh it from hence evident- ly appears, that rhe Queen of England had by letters dif. loied her though s to Heniy. I he letter from which ihcle cxiradls are ta- ken is dated from Paris, the i . ih yf July, hut no year. Lettics de Jicnty ic Grand. htnici OF SULLY. Iiended in its two principal points, namely, the a» greement of religions, and the equality of the powers, (he did not to me appear at all to doubt of its fuccefs, which Ihe chiefly expected, for a reafon* the juftnefs of which I have fince been well convin- ced of; and this was, that, as the plan was really only contrary to the defign of fome princes, whofe ambitious views were fulHciently known to all Eu- rope, this difficulty, from which the neceffity of the defign more evidently appeared, would rather promote than retard its fuccefs. She farther faid, that its execution, by any other means than that of arms, would be very deflrable, as this has always fomethingodious in it: but Iheconfefled, that indeed it would be hardly poffible to begin it any other- wife. A very great number of the articles, condi- tions, and different difpofitions, is due to this Queen j and fufficiently (hew, that in refpeift of wifdom, penetration, and all the other perfe£lions of the mind, ihe was not inferior to any King, ths tnoft truly deferving of that title. It muff indeed be confidered as a very great mif- Fortune, that Henry could not at this time fecond the intentions of the Queen of England, who wiihed to have the defign put in immediate execution ; but when he thus laid the foundation of the edifice, he fc ;c hoped to fee the time when the finiihing liar- would be put to it. The recovery of his own kingdom, from the various maladies by which it was afflicted, was a work of feveral years ; and unhap- pily he had himfelf feen forty-eight when he began it: he purfued it neverthelefs with the greateft vi- gour. The editt of Nantz had been publifhed .with this view, and every other means was ufed which might gain the refpett and confidence of the prin- ces of Europe. Henry and I, at the fame time, applied ourfelves with indefatigable labour to regu- late the interior affairs of the kingdom. We con- fidered the death of the King of Spain as the molt Vol. V. M favourable *34 M E M 0 I R S Book XXX. favourable event that could happen to our defign t but it received fo violent a fhock by the death of Elifabeth, as had like to have made us abandon all our hopes. Henry had no expedfation that the powers of the north, nor King James, thefucceflbr of Eli abeth, when he was acquainted with his cha- iacler, would any of them fo readily confent to fupport him in his defign as this princefs had done. However, the new allies which he daily gained in Germany, and evert in Italy, comforted him a little for the lofs of Elifabeth. The truce between Spain and the Low countries may alfo be numbered a- jnong incidents favourable to it. Yet, if we confider all the obftacles which after- wards arofe in his own kingdom, from the Prote- llants, the Catholics, the clergy, nay even from his own council, it will appear as if all things confpi- red againft it. Could it be imagined, that Henry, in his whole council, fhould not find one perfon, befides 'myfclf, to whom he could, without danger, difclofe the whole of his defigns ; and that the re- fipedt due to him, could fcarce reftrain thofe who appeared moft devoted to his fervice, from treating what, with the greateft circumfpediion, he had in- truded them with, as wild and extravagant chime- ras ? But nothing difcouraged Henry, who was an abler politician and a better judge than all his coun- cil, or the whole kingdom ; and when he perceived that, notvvithftanding the many obliacles, affairs began, both at home and abroad, to wear a fa- vourable afpeft, he then confidered the fuccefs as infallible. Nor will this his judgment, when thoroughly confidered, be found fo prefumptuous as, from a llight examination, it may appear to fome. For what did he thereby require of Europe ? Nothing more than that it fhould promote the means by which he propofed to fix it in the pofition, towards Which, bv his efforts, it for fome time had tended. Thefe O F S U L L Y. <37 Thefe means he rendered fo eafy to execute, that it would fcarce require what many of the princes of Europe would voluntarily facrifice, for advan- tages much lefs real, lefs certain, and lefs durable. What they would gain by it, befides the ineftimable benefits arifing from peace, would greatly exceed all the expences they would be at What reafon then could any of them have to oppofe it ? and if they did not* oppofe it, how could the houfe of Auftria fupportitfelf againft powers, in whom the defire andpleafure of depriving it of that ftrength which it had ufed only toopprefs them, would have raifed againft it as many open as it had fecret ene- mies ? that is, all Europe entire. Nor would thefe princes have any reafon to be jealous of the refto- rer of their liberty; for he was fo far from feeking to reimburfe himfelf for all the expences which his generofity would hereby engage him in, that his in- tention was voluntarily and for ever to relinquifh all power of augmenting his dominions, not only • by conqueft, but by all other juft and lawful means. By this he would have difcovered the fecret to con- vince all his neighbours, that his whole delign was to fave both himfelf and them thofe immenfe fums> which the maintenance of fo many thoufand fol- diers, fo many fortified places, and fo many mili- tary expences require; to free them for ever from the fear ol thofe bloody cataftrophes fo common in Europe; to procure them an uninterrupted re- pofe; and, finally, to unite them all in an indilfoluble bond of fecurity and friendfhip, after which they might live together like brethren, and reciprocally vilit like good neighbours, without the trouble of ceremony, and without the expence of a train of attendants, which princes ufe at heft only for often- tation, and frequently to conceal their mifery. Does it not indeed reflefft fhame and reproach on a people who affetl to be fo polifhed and refined in their manners, that all their pretended improve*.. M g meat* 136 M E M O I R S Book XXX, ments have not yet (I will not fay procured them tranquility, but only) guarded them from thofe barbarities which they deteft in nations the moll favage and uncultivated ? and to deftroy thefe per- nicious feeds of contufion and diforder, and to prevent the barbarities of which they are the caufe, could any fcheme have been more happily and per- fectly contrived than that of Henry the Great ? Here then is all that could be reafonably expeft* ed or required. It is only in the power of a man to prepare an a£t; fuccefs is the work of a more mighty hand. Senfible people cannot be blamed for being prejudiced in favour of the fcheme in queftion, from this circumftance only, that it was formed by the two potentates whom pofterity will always confider as the molt perfeft models of the art of governing. In regard to Henry in particu- lar, I infill that it belongs only to princes, who like him, have had a conllant fucceffion of oblla- cles to encounter in all their defigns. fhefe, I fay, are the princes who alone are privileged to judge what are real obltacles; and when we behold them willing to lay down their lives in fupport of their opinions, furely we may abide by thefe fentiments, without fear of being deceived. For my own part, I {hall always think with regret, that France, by the blow which it received from the lofs of this great prince, was deprived of a glory far fuperior to that which his reign had acquired *. There re- mains only to explain the feveral parts of the de- lign, and the manner in which they were to be executed. We will begin with what relates to re- ligion. * From hence we may difeover what creJit Ihonld he given to j ri , when he fays, that the ible paflion of Henry the Great was to amafs riches ; that his miniller forced him into the defign againft his inclination ; and that the Duke of Sully, whom he believes to be the foie author of it w s himfelf prcpollefTed in its favour only from mere obllinacy, or perhaps from motives of felf imereti.^ O F S U L L Y. 137 Two religions principally prevail in Chriftendom, the Roman and the Reformed; but, as this latter admits of feveral variations in its worfhip, which render it, if not as different from itfelf as from the Roman, at leaft as far from being re-united*, it is therefore neceffary to divide it into two, one of which may be called the Reformed, and the other the Proteilant religion. The manner in which thefe three religons prevail in Europe is extremely various. Italy and Spain remain in pofl'dfion of the Roman religion, pure and without mixture of any other. The Reformed religion fubfifls in France with the Roman, only under favour of the edicts, and is the weakeft. England, Denmark, Sweden, the Low Countries, and Switzerland, have alfo a mixture of the fame kind, but with this difference, that in them the Proteftant is the governing reli- gion, the others are only tolerated. Germany u- nites all thefe, and even in feveral of its circles, as well as in Poland, fhews them equal favour. 1 fay nothing of Mufcovy or Ruffia. Thefe vaft coun- tries, which are not lefs than fix hundred leagues in length, and four hundred in breadth, being in great part ftill idolaters, and in part fchifmatics, fuch as Greeks and Armenians, who have intro- duced fo many fuperflitious practices in their wor- fhip, that there fcarce remains any conformity with us among them ; befides, that they belong to Afia at leaf!: as much as to Europe, we may indeed almofc confider them as a barbarous country, and place them in the fame clafs with Turky, though, for thefe five hundred years, we have ranked them a- mong the Chriftian powers. Each of thefe three religions being now eftablifh- ed in Europe, in fuch a manner that there is not the leaft appearance that any of them can bedeftroyed, and experience having fufficiently demonftrated the inutility and danger of fuch an enterprife, the befl therefore that can be tfone, is to preferve, and even M 3 {Lengthen 138 MEMOIRS Book XXX> ftrengthen all of them in fuch a manner, never- thelefs, that this indulgence may not become an en- couragement to the production of new fe£ts or opi- nions, which fhould carefully be fupprefi'ed on their firft appearance. God himfelf, by manifeftly fup- porting what the Catholics were pleafed to call the new religion, has taught us this conduft, which is not lefs conformable to the holy fcriptures than confirmed by its examples ; and, befides, the un- furmountable difficulty of forcing the Pope’s au- thority to be received in thofe places where it is now no longer acknowledged, renders what is here propofed abfolutely neceffary. Several cardinals, equally fagacious and zealous, and even fome Popes, as Clement "VIII. and Paul V. were of this opinion. All, therefore, that remains now to be done, is to ftrengthen the nations who have made choice of one of thefe religions, in the principles they profefs, as there is nothing in all refpeCls fo pernicious as a- liberty in belief; and thofe nations whofe inhabi- tants profefs feveral, or all of thefe religions, ftiould be careful to obferve thofe rules which they find necefiaryto remedy the ordinary inconveniencies of a toleration, which, in other reipefts, they probably experience to be beneficial. Italy, therefore, pro- feffing the Roman religion, and being moreover the refidence of the Popes, fhould preferve this religi- on in all its purity; and there wmuld be no hardihip in obliging all its inhabitants, either to conform to it, or quit the country. The fame regulation, very nearly, might be obferved in regard to Spain. In fuch ftates as that of France, where there is at leaft a governing religion, whoever fhould think the re- gulation too fevere, by which Calvinifm would be always fubordinate to the religion of the prince, might be permitted to depart the country. No new regulation would be neceffary in any of the other nations; no violence on this account, bur liberty unre (trained, OF SULLY. 135 unreftrained, feeing this liberty is become even a fundamental principle in their governments. Thus we may perceive every thing on this head might be reduced to a very few maxims, fo much the more certain and invariable, as they were not contrary to the fentiments of any one. The Pro- teftants are very far from pretending to force their religion upon any of their neighbours, by whom k is not voluntarily embraced. The Catholics, doubt- lefs, are of the fame fentiments, and the Pope would receive no injury in being deprived of what he con- fefles himfelf not to have pofleffed for a long time. His facrificing thefe chimerical rights would be a- bnndantly compenfated by the regal dignity with which it would be proper to inveft him, and by the honour of being afterwards the common mediator between all the Chriftian princes a dignity which he would then enjoy without jealoufy, and for which it mult be confefled this court, by its fagacious con- clude, has (hewn itfelf the moll proper of any. Another point of the political fcheme, which al- fo concerns religion, relates to the infidel princes of Europe, and confifts in forcing thofe entirely out c-f it, who refufe to conform to any of the Chriftian doctrine's of religion. Should the Grand Duke of Mufcovy, or Czar of Ruffia, who is believed to be the ancient Khan of Scythia, refufe to enter into the aflbeiation after it is propofed to him, he ought to be treated like the Sultan of Turky, deprived of bis poftelftons in Europe, and confined to Afia on- ly, where he might, as long as he pleafed, without any interruption from us, continue the wars in which he is almoft conftantly engaged againft the Turks and Perfians. To fucceed in the execution of this, which will not appear difficult, if we fuppofe that all Chriftian princes unanimoudy concurred in it, it would only be neceftary for each of them to contribute, in pro- portion to their feveral abilities, towards the fupport of the forces, and all the other incidental expences, wnich 24o MEMOIRS Book XXX, which the fuccefs of fuch an enterprife might re- quire. Thefe refpetfive quotas were to have been determined by a general council, of which we {hall fpeak hereafter. The following is what Henry the Great had himfelf conceived on this head. The Tope for this expedition fhould have furniflied eight thoufand foot, twelve hundred horfe, ten cannons, and ten galleys; the Emperor and the circles of Germany, fixty thoufand foot, twenty thoufand horfe, five large cannons, and ten galleys, or other vefiels ; the King of France twenty thoufand foot, four thoufand horfe, twenty cannon, and ten {hips or galleys ; Spain, Britain, Denmark, Sweden, and Poland, the like number with France, obferving only, that thefe powers {hould together fupply what belonged to the fea fervice in the manner moft fuit- able to their refpedlive conveniencies and abilities therein ; the king of Bohemia five thoufand foot, fifteen hundred horfe, and five cannons ; the King of Hungary twelve thoufand foot, five thoufand horfe, twenty cannons, and fix fhips; the Duke of Savoy, or King of Lombardy, eight thoufand foot, fifteen hundred horfe, eight cannons, and fix gal- leys ; the republic of Venice ten thoufand foot, twelve hundred horfe, ten cannons, and twenty-five galleys ; the republic of the Swifs cantons fifteen thoufand foot, five thoufand horfe, and twelve can- nons; the republic of Holland twelve thoufand foot, twelve hundred horfe, twelve cannons, and twelve fhips; the Italian republics ten thoufand foot, twelve hundred horfe, ten cannons, and eight galleys ; the whole together amounting to about two hundred and feventy thoufand foot, fifty thoufand horfe, two hundred cannons, and one hundred and twenty drips or galleys, equipped and maintained at the expence of all thofe powers, each contributing ac- cording to his particular proportion. This armament of the princes and Hates of Eu- rope appears fo inconliderable and fo little bur- daifomej OF SULLY. i4J denfome, when compared with the forces which they ufually keep on foot to awe their neighbours* or perhaps their own fubjeGs, that were it to have fubfifted, even perpetually, it would not have oc- cafioned any inconvenience, and would have been an excellent military academy : but, befides that, the enterprifes for which it was deftined, would not always have continued ; the number and expence of it might have been diminifhed in proportion to the neceffities, which would always have been the fame. Though I am perfuaded fuch an armament would have been fo highly approved of by all thefe princes, that, afterthev bad conquered with it, what- ever they would not fuffer any ftranger Ihould {hare with them in Europe, they would have fought to join it to fuch parts of Afia as were moft commo- dioufly (ituated, and particularly, the whole coll of Africa, which is too near to our own territories for us not to be frequently incommoded by it. The only precaution to be obferved in regard to thefe additional countries, would have been to form them into new kingdoms, declare them united with the reft of the Chriftian powers, and beftow them on different princes; carefully obferving to exclude thofe who before bore rank among the fovereigns of Europe. That part of the defign which may be confidered as purely political, turned almoft entirely on a firft preliminary, which, 1 think, would not have met with more difficulty than the preceding article. This was to diveft the houfe of Auftria of the em- pire, and of all the poffeffions in Germany, Italy, and the Low Countries; in a word, to reduce it to the foie kingdom of .Spain, bounded by the ocean, the Mediterranean, and the Pyrenean mountains. But that it might, neverthelefs, be equally power- ful with the other fovereignties of Europe, it ihould have Sardinia, Majorca, Minorca, and the other iflands on its own coafts ; the Canaries, the Azo- 142 MEMOIRS Book XXX, res, and Cape Verd, with its pofieffions in Africa’; M exico, and the American iflands which belong to it; countries which alone might fuiTice to found great kingdoms; finally, the Philippines, Goa, the Molucca?, and its other poffedions in Afia. From hence a method feems to prefent itfelf, by which the houfe of Auftria might be made amends for what it would be deprived of in Europe, which is to increafe its dominions in the three other parts of the world, by affifting to obtain, and by de- claring it the (ole proprietor, both of what we do know, and what we may hereafter difcover in thofe parts. We may fuppofe, that, on this occanon, it would not have been neceffary to ufe force to bring this houfe to concur in fuch a delign; and, indeed, even on this fuppofition, it was not the prince of this houfe reigning in Spain, to whom thefe parts of the world were to be fubjedfed, but to different princes of the fame or of different branches, who, in acknowledgment of their pofieffions, fiioukl only- have rendered homage to the crown of iSpain, or, at mod, a tribute, as due to the original conque- rors. This houfe, which is fo very defirous of being the moft powerful of the world, might here- by have continued to flatter itfelf with fo pleafing a pre-eminence, without the other powers being en- dangered by its pretended grandeur. The fteps taken by the houfe of Aultria to arrive at univerfalmonarchy, which evidently appears from the whole condudf of Charles V. and his fon, have rendered this feverity as juft as it is neceffary; and I will venture to fay, that this houfe would not have had any reafonable caufe to complain of it. It is true,it would be deprived of the empire; but when impartially conlidered, it will appear that all the other princes of Germany, and even of Europe, have an equal right to it. Were it neceffary to prove this, we need only recollect on what condi- tions Charles V, himfelf, the moftpowerfui of them 0 F S U L L Y. 143 all, was acknowledged Emperor ; conditions which at Smalcalde, he folemnly fwore to obferve, in pre- fence of feven princes or electors, and the deputies' of twenty-four Proteffant towns ; the Landgrave ox Heffe and the Prince of Anhalt being fpeakers for all of them. He fwore, I fay, never to a * What then docs Siri mean when he entertains ns with the de fign which he falfely affirms Henry the Great had to join Lorrain <» France, loin. i. p. 555. ? and to gat Savoy ceded to him, tom. i. p. <5i. ? What he fays of the difpofmons, in rtgaid to the Pope and the Venetians, See. tom. ». p. 180 is equally falfe. This writer feerns indeed to have been in the pay of thchoufe of Anftria. N z In 1^8 M E M O I R S Book XXX. In regard to England, It was precifely the fame : this was a determined point between Elifabeth and Henry, the two princes who were authors of the fcheme, probably from an obfervation made by this Queer, that the Britannic ifles, in all the different ftates through which they had paffed, whether un- der one or feveral monarchs, ele&ive, hereditary, mafculine, or feminine, and among all the varia- tions of their laws and policy, had never expe- rienced any great difappointments or misfortunes, but when their fovereigns had meddled in affairs out of their little continent. It feems, indeed, as if they w’ere concentered in it even by nature; and their happinefs appears to depend entirely on them- felves, without having any concerns with their neighbours, provided that they feek only to main- tain peace in the three nations fubjefh to them, by governing each according to its own laws and cul- toms. To render every thing equal between France and England, Brabant Irom the Duchy of Limburg, the jurikliction of Malines, and the other depen- dencies on Flemifh I landers, Galilean or Imperial, were to have been formed into eight fovenffgn fiefs, to be given to fo many princes or lords oi this na- tion. Thefe two parts excepted, all the red of the fe~- venteen United Provinces, whether belonging to Spain or not, were to have been erected into a iree and independent date, under the title of the Belgic republic ; though there was one other fief to be formed from them, bearing the title of a principa- lity, to be granted to the Prince of Orange; alfo fome other inconfiderable indemnities for three or four other perfons. 'lire fucceflion of Cleves was to have been divided among thofe princes whom the Emperor would have deprived of it, as the means of gratifying them at the expence of the houfe of iiultria, as well as fome other princes of the fame diftridt, to whom the Imperial towns, fi- tuated 0 F S U L L Y. 149 tinted therein, would have been granted. Even Sweden and Denmark, though they were to be conlidered as under the influence of the fame law which England and France had impcfed on them- felves, would, by this diftribution, have enlarged their territories, and acquired other confjderable advan- tages. An end would have been put to the per- petual troubles which agitated thefe two kingdoms ; and this, I think, would have been rendering them no inconfiderable fervice. All thefe ceffions, ex- changes, and tranfpofitions, towards the north of Germany, were to have been determined by the Kings of France, England, and Lombardy, and the republic of Venice. And now perhaps the purport of the defign may be perceived, which was to divide Europe equally among a certain number of powers, in fuch a man- ner, that none of them might have caufe either of' envy or fear, from the pofleffions or power of the others. The number of them was reduced to fif- teen ; and they were of three kinds : fix great he- reditary monarchies, five eledlive monarem and four fovereign republics. The fix hereditary mo- narchies were France, Spain, England or Britain, Denmark, Sweden, and Lombardy; the five o- lodtive monarchies were the empire, the Papacy or Pontificate, Poland, Hungary, and Bohemia ; the four republics were the Venetian, the Italian, or what, from its dukes, may be called the Ducal, the Swiis, the Helvetic, or Confederate, and the Belgic, or Provincial republic. 1 he laws and ordinances proper to cement an union between all thefe princes, and to maintain that harmony which fliould be once eftablifhed a- niong them, the reciprocal oaths and engagements in regard both to religion and policy, the mutual affurances in refpedl to the freedom of commerce, and the meatures to be taken to-make all thefe par- & 3- titioiis 1$* MEMOIRS Book XXX. titions with equity, and to the general content and fatisfa£Iion of the parties : all thefe matters are to he underftood ; nor is it necefiary to fay any thing of the precaution taken by Henry in regard to them. The moft that could have happened would have been fome trifling difficulties, which would Cafily have been obviated in the general council, reprefenting all the ftates of Europe; the eflabliffi- ment of which was certainly the happieft invention that could have been conceived, to prevent thofe innovations which.time often introduces in the ivifeft and mofl: ufefiil inftitutions. The model of this general council of Europe had been formed on that of the ancient Amphyc- tions of Greece, with fueh alterations only as ren- dered it fuitable to our cuftoms, climate, and po- licy. It conf fled of a certain number of commif- faries, minifters, or plenipotentiaries from all the governments of the Chriltian republic, who were to be conftantly aflembled as a fenate, to deliberate on any affairs which might occur ; to difcufs the dif- ferent interefts, pacify the quarrels, clear up and determine all the civil, political,and religious affairs of Europe, whether within itfelf or with its neigh- bours. The form and manner of proceeding in the fenate would have been more particularly de- termined by the fuffrages of the fenate itfelf. Henry was of opinion, that it ffiould be compofed of four commiffaries from each of the following poten- tates : the Emperor, the Pope, the Kings of France, Spain, England, Denmark, Sweden, Lom- bardy, Poland, and the republic of Venice ; and of two only from the other republics and inferior powers, which all together would have compofed a fenate of about flxty-iix perfons, who would have been rechofe every three years. In regard to the place of meeting, it remained to have been determined, whether it would be better for OF SULLY. *51 For the council to be fixed or ambulatory, divided in three, or united in one. If it were divided into three, each containing twenty-two magiftrates, then each of them muft have been fixed in fuch a centre as fhould appear to be moft commodious, as Paris or Bourges for one, and fomewhere about Trente and Cracovia, for the two others. If it were judged more expedient not to divide their aflembly, whether fixed or ambulatory, it muft have been nearly in the centre of Europe, and would confequently have been fixed in fome one of the fourteen cities following : Metz, Luxemburg, Nan- cy, Cologne, Mayence, Treves, Franctort, Wirtz- burg, Heidelberg, Spire, Worms, Strafburg, Bale, Bizancon. Befides this general council, it would perhaps have been proper to have conftituted fome others, of an inferior degree, for the particular conve- nience of different diftridts. For example, were fix fuch created, they might have been placed at Dantzick, Nuremberg, Vienna, Bologna, Con- ftance ; and the laft, where-ever it fhould be judg- ed moft convenient for the kingdoms of France^ Spain, England, and the Belgic republic. But whatever the number or form of thefe particular councils might have been, it would have been ab- folutely neceflary, that they fhould be fubordinate, and recur, by appeal, to the great general council, whofe decifions, when confidered as proceeding from the united authority of all the fovereigns, pronounced in a manner equally free and abfolute, muft have been regarded as fo many final and irre- vocable decrees. But let us quit thefe fpeculative defigns, in which practice and experience would perhaps have caufed many alterations; and let us come to the means actually employed by Henry to facilitate the execu- tion of his great defign. To 152 MEMOIRS Book XXX, To gain one of the moft powerful princes of Eu- rope, with whom to concert all his deilgns, was what Henry always confidcred as of the utmoft con- fequence ; and this was the reafon, that after the death of Elifabeth, who had indiffoh bly united the in t ere ft of the two crowns of France and England, every means was ufed which might infpire her fuc- cdTor, King James, with all her fentiments. Haft I but fucceeded in the folemn embafly, the particu- lars of which I have related already, fo far as to have gained this prince’s cenfent to have his name appear openly with Henry’s, this military confede- racy, efpecially if it had, in like manner, been flrengthened with the names of the Kings of Hen- mark and Sweden, would have prevented the trou- bles and difficulties of many negociations : but no- thing farther could be obtained of the King of England, than the fame promifes which were re- quired of the other courts ; namely, that he would not only not oppofe. the confederacy, but when Henry had made his detigns public, would declare himfelf in his favour, and contribute towards it in the fame manner as the other powers interefted thei :in. A means was, indeed, afterwards found to obtain the execution of this promife, in a man- lier lb much the more eafy, as it did not diliurb the natural indolence of this prince ; ; nd this was, by getting what he hefitated to undertake in his •own name, executed by his fon, the Prince ol Wales, who, as foon as he had obtained his lather's pio- mife, that he would at leaft not obftrud his pro- ceedings, prevented Henry’s utmoft willies, being animated with a thirit of glory, and del:re to ren- der himfelf worthy the eftccm and alli.n.ce of Hen- ry ; for he was to marry the eldeft of the daughters of France. He wuote me feveril letters upon this fubjid, and exprdlcd himfelf in the manner I have mentioned. He alfo farther laid, that the King of 1 ranee OF SULLY. m France might depend upon having fix thoufand foot, and fifteen hundred horfe, which he would oblige himfeJf to bring into his fervice whenever they fhotild be required: and this number was afterwards augmented by twb thoufand more foot, and eight cannons, maintained in all refpe&s at the expence of England for three years at leait. The King of Sweden did not fhew himfelf lefs zealous for the common caufe ; and the King of Denmark alio ap- peared to be equally well difpofcd in its favour. In the mean time, we were indefatigable in our r.egociations in the different courts of Europe, par- ticularly in the circles of Germany, and the United Provinces, where the King, for this purpofe, had fent Boidiife, Frefnc Canaye, B-atigy, Ancel, and Bongars. 1 he council of the dates were very foon unanimous in their determinations : the Prince of Orange lent the Sieurs Makleret and Bred erode from them, to offer the King fifteen thoufand fciit and three thoufand horfe. They were foon follow- ed by the Landgrave of Heffe, and the Prince of Anhalt, to whom, as well as to the prince of Orange, the confederacy was obliged for being in- creafed by the Duke of Savoy ; by all of the re- formed religion in Hungary, Bohemia, and Lower Auftria •, by many Proteftant princes and towns in Germany •, in fine, by all the Su ds cantons of this religion. And when the fucctffion ofCleves, which the Emperor fhewed himfelf difpofed to ufurp, be- came another incentive to the confederacy, there was then fcarce any part of Germany that was not for us, which evidently appeared from the refult of the general affembly at Hall. Theelefkor of Saxo- ny, wiio perhaps remained alone of the oppolite party, might have been embaraffed in an affair, out of which tie would probably have found it difficult 60 extricate hirnfelf; and this was to have been done, by 154 M E M O I R S Rook XXX. by fuggefting to him the branch of John Frederic, deprived of this deflorate by Charles V. There were feveral of thefe powers, in regard to whom I am perfuaded nothing would have been risked, by difclofing to them the whole intent and fcope of the defign. On the contrary, they would probably have feconded it with the greater ardour, when they found the deftru&ion of the Aultrian grandeur was a determined point. Thefe powers were, more particularly, the Venetians, the United Provinces, almoft all the Protellants, and efpecially the evangelics of Germany. But as too many pre- cautions could not be taken, to prevent the Catholic powers from being prejudiced againll the new alli- ance in which they were to be engaged; a too hafty difcovery, either of the true motives, or the whole intent of the defign, was there/ore cautioufly avoid- ed. It was at firft concealed from all without exception, and afterwards revealed but to a few perfons of approved difcretion, and thofe only fuch as were abfolutely neceffary to engage others to join the confederacy. The afibciation was for a long time ipoke of to others only as a kind of general treaty of peace, wherein fuch methods would be projected, as the public benefit, and the general fer- vice of Europe, might fuggeft as neceflary to flop the progrefs of the exceffive power of the houfe of Auftria. Our ambafi'adors and agents had orders only to demand of thefe princes a renewal or com- mencement of alliance, in order more effectually to fucceed in the projected peace : to confult with them upon the means whereby to effeft it; to ap- pear as if they were fent only, in conjunction with them, to endeavour the difcovery of thefe means ; but yet to fecond them, and according to the difpo- fition in which they were, to infinuate, as if by accidental conje£ture, fome notion of a new method more proper to maintain the equilibrium of Europe, and to fccure to each religion a more undifturbed repofe OF SULLY. repofe than they had hitherto enjoyed. The pro- pofals made to the Kings of England and Sweden, and the Dukes of Savoy and Lorrain, for alliances by marriage, proved very fuccefsful: it was abfo- lutely determined, that the Dauphin fhould efpoufe the heirefs of Lorrain, which duchy flill continued, as before, to depend on the empire. But no precaution appeared fo neceflary, nor was more flrongly recommended to our negociators, than to convince all the princes of Europe of the difmtereftednefs with which Henry was refolved tp a£l on this occalion. This point was indefatigably laboured, and they were convinced of it, when, otj the fuppofttion that it would be neceflary to have recourfe to arms, we ftrongly protefled, that the forces, the treafurers, and even the perfon of Hen- ry, might be depended on ; and this in a manner fo generous on his fide, that, inllead of expecting to be rewarded, or even indemnified for them, he was voluntarily inclined to give the moft pofitive affurances, not to referve to himfelf a fingle town, nor the finalleft diflricl. This moderation, of which at laft no one doubted, made a fuitable impreffion, efpecially when it was perceived to be fo much the more generous, as there was caufe fuiTicient to ex- cite and fatisfy the defires of all. And, in the in- terim, before the foiemn publication of this abfo- Jute renunciation, which was to have been made in the manifeftos that were preparing, Henry gave a proof of it, that was an abfolute demonftration to the Pope. No one being ignorant, that as it was, at leaft, intended to deprive Spain of thoie of its ufurpa- tions which were the moft manifeftly unjuft, Na- varre and Roufillon would infallibly revert to France; the King therefore voluntarily offered to exchange them for the two kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and at the fame time to make a prefent both to the Pope and the republic of Venice. This, certainly, 156 MEMOIRS Book XXX. certainly, was renouncing the moll inconteftable right he could have to any of the territories of which this crown was to be deprived ; and by fub- mitting this affair, as he did, to the determination of the Pope and the Venetians, he the more fenfi- bly obliged them, as both the honour and pro- fit which might arife therefrom would be in their favour. The Pope, therefore, on the firfl propo- fition made to him, even prevented Henry’s inten- tions : he immediately demanded, whether, as af- fairs were then circumltanced, the feveral pow- ers would approve his taking upon him the office of common mediator, to eftabliflr peace in Europe, and convert the continual wars among its feveral princes, into a perpetual war againft the infidels ; which is a part of the defign he had been very care- ful to acquaint him with ; and the Pope fufficiently fhewed, that he was defirous nothing ffiould be done without his participation, and that he was {fill lefs difpofed to refufe the advantage offered to him. Paul V. when a favourable opportunity offered, explained himfelf more openly on this head. Ubal- dini, his nuncio, told the King, that his Holinefs, for the confederacy againft the houfe of Auftria, would, on various pretences, engage to raife ten thoufand foot, fifteen hundred horfe, and ten can- nons; provided that his Majefty would promife to defray the neceffary expences of their fubfiftence for three years ; would give all poffible fecurity for the ceffion of Naples, and the other rights of homage, according to the promife ; and would fincerely con- fcnt to the other condition, in regard to the treaty which he fliould think necefiaryto impofe. d hele conditions, at leaft the principal of them, were,, that only Catholics fiiould be elected emperors ; 'that the Roman religion fliould be maintained in all its rights, and the ecclefiaftics in all their privi- leges and immunities ; and the Protellants fhotrld not OF SULLY. *57 not be permitted to eftablifli themfelves in places where they were not eltablifhed before the treaty. The King promifed Ubaldini, that he would reli- gioufly obferve all thefe conditions; and farther, he relinquifhed to tht Pope, the honour of being the arbitrator of all thofe regulations to be made in the eitablifhment of the new republic. The removing of thefe difficulties, in regard to the Pope, was of no inconfiderable confequence ; for his example would not fail to be of great force in determining the other Catholic powers, efpecially thofe of Italy. Nothing was negledfed which might promote the favourable difpofitions in which they appeared to be, by puntfually paying the cardinals and petty princes of Italy their penfions, and even by adding to them feveral other gratuities. The eftablifhment of a new monarchy in Italy was the only pretence thefe petty courts had for not joining the confederacy; but this vain apprehenfion would be eafily diffipated. The particular advantages which each would acquire, might alone have fatis- fied them in this refpeft ; but if not, all oppofers might have been threatened with being declared, after a certain time, divelted of all right to the pro- pofed advantages, and even of all pretenfions to the empire, or the ele£Iive kingdoms ; and that the republics amongft them fhould be converted into fovereignties, and fovereignties into republics. There is but little probability that any of them world even have demurred what to do. The pu- nifhment of the firft offender would have compel- led the fubmiffion of all thefe petty ftates, who were, befides fufficiently fenfible of their importance. But this method was not to be ufed but on failure of all others; and even then, no opportunity would have been negle&ed of (hewing them fa- vour. And now we are arrived at the point to which every thing was advanced, at the fatal moment of VOL. V. o thc 15* MEMOIRS Book XXX. the death of Henry the Great; and the following is a circumftantial detail of the forces for the war, which all the parties concerned had, in conjunction with him, agreed to furnifh. The contingents of the Kings of England, Sweden, and Denmark, were each eight thoufand foot, fifteen hundred horfe, and eight cannons ; to be raifed and main- tained, in all refpe£ts, at their expence, at leal! for three years ; and this expence, reckoning ten livres a-month for each foot foldier, thirty livres for each trooper, the pay of the officers included, and the year to be compofed of ten months, would amount for each of the hates, to three millions three hun- dred and feventy thoufand livres for three years ; the cxpence of the artillery, fifteen hundred livres a month for each piece, being alfo included. The princes of Germany, before mentioned, were to furnifh twenty-five thoufand foot, ten thoufand horfe, and forty cannons : they had themfelves computed the cxpence at nine or ten millions for th^ee years. The United Provinces, twelve thou- fand foot, two thoufand horfe, and ten cannons : the expence twelve millions. Hungary, Bohemia, and the other evangelics of Germany, the fame number, and nearly at the fame expence. The Pope ten thoufand foot, fifteen hundred horfe, and eicht cannons. The Duke of Savoy, eighteen thoufand foot, two thoufand horfe, and twelve Cannons. The Venetians, twelve thoufand foot, two thoufand horfe, and twelve cannons. The ex- pence of thefe laft-mentioned armaments the King hirnfelfhad engaged to defray. The total of all thefe foreign forces, allowing for deficiencies, which nright probably have happened, would always have been, at lead, one hundred thoufand toot, from twenty to twenty-five thoufand horfe, and about one hundred and twenty cannons. The King, on his fide, had attually on foot two gpod and well furni.lhcd armies; the fir ft, which * he O P S U L L Y. i& Tie was to have commanded in perfon, confifted of twenty thoufand foot, all native French, eight thou- fand Switzers, four thcmfand Lanfquenets or Wal- loons, five thoufand horfe, and twenty cannons. The fecond, to be commanded by Lefdiguieres, in the neighbourhood of the Alps, confified of teii thoufand loot, one thoufand horfe, and ten cannons; befidesa flying carrrp, of four thoufand foot, fix hun- dred horfe, and ten cannons ; and a refervc of twd thoufand foot, to garrifon fucb places where they might be neceflary *. We will here make a general calculation of all thefe troops. The twenty thoufand foot, at twenty-one livres a-month to each man, including the appointments of generals and officers, would, by the month, re- quire four hundred and twenty thoufand livres, and by the year, five millions and forty thoufand livres-; the eight thoufand Switzers, and four thoufand Lanfquenets, three millions; the five thoulami horfe, at fixty livres a-month to each, by the month, ■would require two hundred and forty thoufand li- vres, and by the year, two millions eight hundred and forty thoufand livres : this computation ij made fo high as fixty livces a-month each,- becaufe the pay of the officers, and particularly of the liing’S white troops, compofed of a thoufand men-of the firlt rank in the kingdom, who ferved as volunteers, was therein included. The expence of the twenty large cannons, fix cul verjns, and four demieulverins, fuppofing all neceflary furniture for them provided, * There are fome variation'! in onr Memoirs in regani to the number ot men, both in the i< yal grand army, which, in ditfereot places, is Paid to be compofed of thirty, thirty two, and thirty-fix' thouland foot, of four, five, and eight thoufand horfe, and frrm thirty to fifty cannons; and that of the confederate princes of Ger many, fomerimes computed even at forty thoofand foot, and twelve thouf.rnd horfe; fimilar differences do often occur in reg nd to thofo ot Italy, and the other confederate princes ; neither are the cab ula. lions of the expellee always the fame, nor quite juft in their efti- abates. O 2 would 160 MEMOIRS Book XXX. would amount to three thoufand fix hundred livres a-month for each piece ; the thirty together would confequently require one hundred and eight thou- fand livres. Extraordinary expences and lodes, in regard to the provifions and ammunition for his ar- my, might be computed at one hundred and fifty thoufand livres. And for expences, whether ordinary or extraor- dinary, in fpies, for the fickand wounded, and o- ther unforefeen contingencies, computing at the higheft, a like fum of one million eight hundred thoufand livres. To fupply the deficiencies which- might happen in the armies of the confederate prin- ces, to pay the penfions, and to anfwer other par- ticular exigencies which might arife in the king- dom, three hundred thoufand livres a-month ; for the year three millions fix hundred thoufand livres- The army of Lefdiguteres would require three mil* lions a-year ; and as much for each of the armies o£ the Rope, the Venetians, and the Duke of Savoy. Thefe four laft articles together, make twelve mil- lions a-year; which, added to the preceding turns, •amount in the whole to about thirty millions one hundred and fixty thoufand livres a-year. It remains only to triple this total for the three years,during which it was fuppofed there might be occafion for the forces; and the whole amount will appear to be between ninety and ninety-one millions, which might nearly he necefl'ary to defray the expences of the intended war ; 1 fay nearly, for in this calculation I have not included the flying camp, nor the two thoufand men for garrifons. The firft of thefe two articles, at the rate of eigh- teen livres a-month to each foot-foldier, and fifty livres to each trooper, would requite a further fum of about one hundred and thirty thoufand livres a-month ; which, for a year, would be one million five hundred thoufand livres, and four millions five OF SULLY. J<5i five bumlreJ thoufand livres for three years: The fecond article, for the three years, would require a- bout twelve hundred thoufand livres. On a fuppofition that the expence of France, on this occafion, would not have amounted to more than between rdnety and ninety-five millions, which fuppofition is far from being hazardous, becaufer we have here computed every thing at the higheft it would bear; it is eafy to {hew, that at the expi- ration of the three years, Henry would have re- maining in his cofFers thirty millions, over and a- bove what would be expended; the total amount of all the receipts from the feveral funds, formed and to be formed for thefe three years, being one hundred and twenty-one millions five hundred and forty thoufand livres, as appears from the three elti- mates which 1 drew up, and prefented to his Ma- jefiy. I he firft of thefe cflimates, which contained only a lilt of the fums attually depofited in the Baftile, amounted to twenty two millions, four hundred and lixty thoufand livres, in feveral cof- fers, marked, “ Phelipeaux, Puget, and BcAt- “ chier The fecoiid was another lift of the funis actually due from the farmers, partifans, and re- ceivers-general ; which might be confidered as in pofl'dfion, and produced another total of eigh- teen millions fix hundred aud thirteen thoufand livrts; thefe two totals together made forty-one millions feventy-three thoufand livres, which the King would immediately have at his difpofal: To acquire the reft of thefe hundred and twenty one millions, t had no recourfe, in the third eftimate, to any new taxations. The whole remainder would arife folely from the offers of augmentation upon the feveral royal revenues which tire faimers and partifans had made for a leafe of three years,, andirom what the officers of juftice and the fin an- e-s had voluntarily engaged to lurniih, provided O 3> they j6s MEMOIR^ Book XXX. they miglit be permitted the free enjoyment of cer- tain privileges: So that in thefe one hundred twenty-one millions, I had not comprehended the three years receipts of the other royal revenues. And in cafe it were afterwards necefl'ary to have recourfe to means fomewhat more burdenfome, I had given the King another eftimate, whereby, in- ftead of thefe one hundred twenty-one millions, it appeared that one hundred feventy-five millions might have been railed. I alfo demonftrated, that, upon any prefling emergency, this kingdom could open itfelf refources of treafure that are al- mofl: innumerable. It was very much to be wiflied, that the fums of money, and the numbers of men, to be furnilhed by the other confederates, would be equally well fecured by fuch eftimates: But whatever deficien- cies might have happened, having forty-one mil^ lions to diftribute tvherevcr it might be found ne- cefl'ary, what obftacles could Henry have to fear from a power who was known to be deflitute of money, and even of troops? no one being ignorant, that the befl: and moflnumerous forces, which Spain had in itsfervice, were drawn from Sicily, Naples, and Lombardy; or elfe were Germans, Swiucrs, and Walloons. Every thing therefore concurring to promote fuccefs, and good magazine^ being placed in pro-, per parts of the pafl'age, the King was on the point cf marching, at the head of his army, direCily to Mezieres ; from whence taking his rout by Gin- champ, Orchimont, Beaureign^ Oftais, Longpre, &c. after having caufed five, forts to be erected in thefe quarters, and therein placed his two tboufand men deftined for that purpofe, with the neceflary provilkms and ammunition, he would, near Duren and Stavelo, having joined the two armies which the princes of Germany and the United Provinces would have caufed tp march hither; and then be- ginning O F S U L L Y. 163 ginning by occupying all thofe paflages through which the enemy might find entrance into the ter- ritories of Juliers and Cleves, thefe principalities, which were a pretext for the armament, would confequently have immediate^ fubmitted to him, and would have been fequeftrated, till it Ihould ap- per how the Emperor and the King of Spain would a£f, in regard, to the defigns of the confede- rate princes. This was the moment fixed on, to publifh and make known throughout Europe, the declarations, in form of manifeltoes, which were to open the eyes of all, in regard to their true interefts, and the real motives which had caufed Henry, and the confederate princes, thus to take up arms. Thefe manifeftoes were compofed with the greateft care ; a fpirit of juftice, honefty, and good faith, of dif- intereftednefs and good policy, were every where apparent in them : And, without wholly difcover- ing the feveral changes intended to be made in Europe, it was intimated, that their common in- terelt had thus compelled its princes to arm them- felves ; and not only to prevent the houfe of Au- ftria from getting pofieffion of Cleves, but alfo to diveft her of the United Provinces, and of what- ever elfe flie unjuftly pofieffed ; that their inten- tions were to diftribute thofe territories among fuch princes and Hates as were the weakeft ; that the defign was fuch, as could not furely give oc- cafion to a war in Europe ; that, though armed, the Kings of France and the North rather chofe to be mediators in the caufes of complaint, which Europe, through them, made againft the houfe of Auflria, and only fought amicably to determine all differences fubfifting among the feveral princes; and that whatever was done on this occafion, (hould be not only with the unanimous confent of all thefe powers, but even of all their people, who were hereby invited to give in their opinions to the con- federate 164 M E M O I R S Book XXX. federate princes. Such alfo would have been the fubftaiice of the circular letters, which Henry and the affociated princes would at the fame time have fent to all places fubjecd to them; that fo the people beine informed, and joining their fuffrages, an univerfal cry from all parts of Chriftendom, would have been raifed agrtinft the houfe of Au- itria. As it was determined to avoid, with the utmofl caution, whatever might give umbrage to any one, and Henry being delirous to give fllll more con- vincing proofs to his confederates, that, to pro- mote their true interefts, was his foie ftudy and de- fign ; to the letters already mentioned, he would have added others to be written to different courts, particularly to the electors of Cologn and Treves, the Bifhops of Munfter, Liege, and Faderborn ; and^ the Duke and Duchtfs of Lorrain ; and tfris con- duct would have been purfued, in regard even to our enemies, in the letters which were to be writ- ten to the Archduke, and the Infanta his wife, to the Emperor himfelf, and to all the Auftrian prin- ces, reqefling them, from the ftrongelt and mod: preffing motives, to embrace the only right and reafonable party; in all places, nothing would have been neglected, to inifruH, convince, and gain confidence; the execution of all engage- ments, and the diffributicn or fequeftration of whatever territories might icquire to be fo difpo- fed, would have been itciclly, and even- fcrupu- loufly obferved ; force would never have been em- ployed, till arguments, intreaties, embafi'res, and ncgociations, fliould have f.uled : Finally, even in- the ufe of arms, it would have been net as ene- mies, but pacifiers ; the Queen would have advan- ced as far as Metz, accompanied by , the whole- court, and attended by fuch pomp and equipage as were fuitable only to peace. Henry OF SULLY. 165 Henry had projected a new method of difcipline in his camp, which, very probably, would have produced the good effedds intended by it, efpecially» if his example had been imitated by the other prin- ces his allies ; he intended to have created four marihals of France, or at lead four camp-mar- fhals, whofe foie care fhould have been to maintain univerfal order, difcipline, and fubordinalion : The fird of thefe would have had the infpetlion of the cavalry, the fecond of the French infantry, the third of the foreign forces, and the fourth of whatever concerned the artillery, ammunition, and provifions •, and the King would have required an exaft and regular account from thefe two offi- cers, of whatever was tranfatled by them in their refpe&ive divifions. He applied himfelf with equal ardour to make all military virtues to be revered and honoured in his army, by granting all employs and places of trud to merit only, by preferring good officers, by rewarding the foldiers, by punilh- ing blafphemy and other impious language, by fliewing a regard both for his own troops and thofe of his confederates, by difling a fpirit of difcord,. caufed by a difTerence of religions; and, finally* by uniting emulation with that harmony of fenti- ments which contributes more than all the red to obtain victory. The confequence of this enterprife, with regard to war, would have depended on the manner in which the Emperor and the King of Spain would receive the propofitlons, and reply to the mani- fedocs of the confederate princes. It feems pro- bable, that the Emperor, fubmitting to force* would have confirmed to every thing : I am even perfuaded, he would have been the fird to demand an amicable interview with the King of Fiance, that he might at lead extricate himfelf with ho- nour out of the difficulties in which he would have been involved ; and he would probably have been fatisfied i6S MEMOIRS Book XXX. fatisfied with afTurances, that the imperial dignityr with all its rights and prerogatives, fhould be fecu- red to him for his life. The Archdukes had made great advances; they engaged to permit the King, with all his troops, to enter their territories and towns, provided they committed no hoftilities in them, and paid pun£!ually, in all places, for what- ever they required ; if thefe appearances were not deceitful, Spain, being abandoned by all, muff, though unwillingly^ have fubmitted to the will of its conquerors. But it may be fuppofed, that all the branches of the houfe of Auftria would, on this occalion, have united, and, in defence of their common in- terefts, would have ufed all the efforts of which they were capable. In this cafe, Henry and the confederate princes, by declaring war in form a- gainft their enemies, and depriving the Spaniards of all communications, efpecially with the Low Countries ; and having, as we have faid, united all their forces, given audience to the princes of Germany, promiied affiltance to the people of Hungary and Bohemia, who fliould come to im- plore it of them 5 and finally, fecured the territo- ry of Cleves: thefe princes, I fay, would then have caufed their three armies to advance towards Bale and Strafburg to fupport the Switzers, who* after having, for form’s lake, afked leave of the Emperor, would have declared for the union. The United Provinces, though at a confidernble diftance from thefe armies, would yet have been fufficiently defended by the flying camp, which Henry would have caufed. to advance towards them ; by the arms of England and the North, to whofe prote£lion they would be intrufted ; by the care which at firlt would have been taken to get pofl'effion of Charle- mont, Maeftricht, Namur, and other places near the Meufe; and, finally, by the naval forces of thefe provinces, which, in conjunction with thofe O F S U L L Y. 167 of England, would have reigned abfolute mailers at fea. Thefe meafures being taken, the war could hare fallen only in Italy or Germany; and fuppofmg it to have happened in the former, the three armies of Henry, the Prince of Orange, and the princes of Germany, quitting Franch-Compte, after hav- ing fortified it in the fame manner as the Low Countries, by a frnall body of troops, might have marched with their forces towards the Alps, where they would have been joined by thofe of Lefdiguieres, the Pope, the Venetians, and the Duke of Savoy, who then would have declared themfelves openly ; the Duke of Savoy, by requi- ring a portion for his Duchefs, equal to what had been given to the Infanta Ifabella ; and the other powers, by demanding the execution of the agree- ment in regard to Navarre, Naples and Sicily ; and thus from all parts of Europe, war would be declared again ft Spain. If the enemy fhould ap- pear inclined to draw the war into Germany, then the confederates, having left a confiderable num- ber of troops in Italy, would have penetrated even into the heart of Germany, where, from Hungary and Bohemia, they would have been ftrengthened by tbofe powerful fuccouis which were there pre- paring. The other events, in confequence of tbefe dif- pofitions, can only be conjectured, becaufe they would greatly depend on the degree of alacrity with which the enemy fhould oppofe the rapidity of our conquefts, and on the readinefs with which the confederates, efpecially thofe at the extremity of Germany, fnould make good their engagement*. Neverthelefs, lam perfuaded, that from the difpo- fitions, here as laid down, there are none but muft regard the houfe of Auftria as penetrated by the blow, whofe force was for ever to annihilate its power, and open a paflage to the execution of the other 168 MEMOIRS Book XXX. other projected defigns, to which this attack could only be confidered as the preliminary : I w:ll add too, (and here the voice of all Europe will vindicate me from the imputation of partiality), that if the force neceflary to render fuch an enterprife fuc- cefsful, does always depend on the perfon of the chief who conducts it, this could not have been better conferred than upon Henry the Great. With a valour alone capable of furmounting the greateft difficulties, and a prefence of mind, which neither neglected nor loft atiy opportunities of advantage ; with a prudence, which, without precipitating any thing, or attempting too many things at a time, could regularly conne£t them together, and per- fectly knew what might, and what might not, be the refult of time ; with a confummate experience; and, finally, with all thofe other great qualifica- tions, whether as a warrior or politician, which were fo remarkable in this prince: what is there which might not have been obtained ? This was the meaning of that modeft device which this great King caufed to be infcribed on fome of the 1ft medals that weie ftruck under his reign, Nil j ne unftlio. SUP PL E- OF SULLY, l6f % SUPPLEMENT TO THE LIFE of the DUKE of SULLY, after his Retreat. THE firft time wc find the Duke of Sully mentioned by the hiftorians after his re- treat, is in the afiembly of Proteftants, held at Chatelleraut, in the year 1611. His mind was ftill embittered by the treatment he had met with at court; he was well informed, that the Duke of Bouillon, who, contrary to his real intereft ami chara&er, was preparing to go thither to fupport the Queen’s rights againlt the Proteftants, had put himfelfat the head of his enemies, and was endea- vouring to deprive him of the government of Poi- tou, and of his poll of grand mailer of the ord- nance, which the Q,ueen-regent had promifed to bellow upon him, in reward for the fervices Ihe ex- pe£led from him upon this occafion ; it is not there- fore furprifing, that, in fuch a conjundlure, the Duke of Sully fhould a£l there with vigour and fpirit. Thofe who favour the Duke of Bouillon have, through refentment that he failed in his at- tempt, accufed the Dukes of Sully and Rohan of feeking to rekindle the war between the Protellants and the Catholics; but they are the only perfons VOL.V. P ; Who Ud MEMOIRS Sup* who fpcak in this manner. All the other writers agree, that the coAdudl of M. de Sully was wholly free from blame; and indeed his enemies a£ted with fo much heat and malignity againft him, that the author of the French Mercury *, whom I Ihall j’ollow in this period of the Duke of bully's hiflory, condemns him for not taking the only meafures that remained to fecure his repofe. Here follows a Ihort account of what palled, with regard to the Duke of Sully, at the adembly of Chatelleraut, or of Saumur ; for his enemies, being apprehenfive that he would be too powerful, if it was held at Chatelleraut, caufed it to be transferred to Sau- mur. The Duke of Bouillon, making no fecret of his intentions to reduce the Calvinifts his brethren, and the Duke of Sully in particular, to the lait extremity, the common intereft reunited the latter with Du-Pleflis-Mornay and the principal Prote- ftant minilters, who, till then, as has been feen through the courfe of thefe memoirs, had added with great referve towards him, and great diftruil of his fentiment. They began by refuling the dig- nity of prefident of their alTembly to the Duke of Bouillon, and conferred it on Du-Pleffis; and made him fenfible bow much they were offended at the part he had added, by continually oppofmg him : fothat he could not obtain any of thofe de- mands which might probably have been granted to an agent of the Catholic religion, which was a convincing proof, that the Queen-regent committed a great error, when fhe made choice of the Duke cf Bouillon to ferve her on this occafion. Plow- ever, a kind of reconciliation was made between him and the Duke of Sully, through the interpo- fition of Du-Pleilis ; and from that time the Duke found no more obftacles to hinder him from inte- r Anno i5_ii. p. 7j. refting OF SULLY. 17* felting the Proteftant body in his particular caufe, which became one of the chief i'ubjechs of their deliberations. The affembly addrefled him, intreated, and injoined him, (thefe are the terms made ufe of by the French Mercury) not to refign his employ- ments, promifed to iupport him, &c. To which the Duke of Sully anfwered by a fpeech, in which he alked the advice of the afTembly upon four things, i ft, If he ought to take no notice of the proceedings of his enemies with refpeft to him ? ad, If, on the contrary, he ought himfelf to make a demand of being again reftored to his places? 3d, If it was more eligible to accept of a recom- pence for them ? And laftly, If this recompence ought to be honour and fecurity, rather than profit ? For it was to conceal the defign they had of ruining him entirely, that the court made a propofal to him to receive a marfhal’s llaff, or a confiderable fum of money, in exchange for his poft of grand mafter of the ordnance, and his government of Poitou. M. de Sully concluded this difcourfe, in which he could not forbear mingling fome com- plaints of the rigour which the council of the Queen-regent ufed towards him, with excufing himfelf for not having fooner laid before them the hardthips he fufFered, on account of the great diffi- culty he found to perfuade himfelf, that there were really fuch plots formed againft him, as well as of his fears of difpleafing fome perfons to whom he owed all imaginable refpett. This difcourfe was as agreeable to the Proteftants as it was difpleafing to Bouillon and the reft of the Queen’s agents. In their anfwer, they gave indeed very high praifes to the Duke of Sully’s admini- ftration ; but they taxed hirn with being ungene- rous, and of having entertained a defign to force the Queen to reftore • him to his place in the miniftry. M. Je Sully anfwered this accufation by P z another 172 MEMOIRS Sup. another remonftrance, in which he referred hia interefts to the aflembly. The Duke of Bouillon, perceiving what was likely to be the event, took oft' the mafk a fecond time, and began to cabal with all the Proteftants, whom he thought there was a ( poffibility of gaining. In effett, he drew over fome; but all his endeavours to gain the Duke of Rohan were fruitlefs: and having neither been able, with all his addrefs, to hinder the greater number from adhering to the party of his adverfary, or to fufpend the conclufion, they palled on to their deliberations ; the refult of which was, that they would allift M. de Sully, if his adminiftration. was inquired into, by unlawful ways. Bouillon, and the reft of the Queen’s creatures, put every thing in motion to obtain a recantation or reftriftion. As for the Duke of Bouillon, he broke out into rage and exclamation : he gave the moft violent counfels to the Queen, who con- tented hcrfelf, however, with fending letters in the King’s name to the affembly, which Du-Pleflis, for fear of the confequences they might produce, thought proper to fupprefs. They now had recourfe to mediums and modifications. All the other articles were amicably fettled; and that which regarded M. de Sully was fuft'ered to reft, becaufe it was apparent to the whole world, that they could not, with any lhadovv of jullice, accufe him of being an unfaithful minifter, much lefs an enemy to the ftate; and becaufe the Duke of Bouillon, being difgufted with the Queen, for difappointing him in his expectations ot reward, ceafed, on a fudden, to aft with the fame heat ami animofity. The Duke of Sully, therefore, re- mained in the fame fituation as when he retired from court. The following year, the war between the two religions was upon the point of being refumed, by an incident for which our Memoirs feem to prepare us- OF SULLY. 173 us. Braflac, whom his Majefty had appointed to be King’s Lieutenant of St John D’Angely, after the death of Des*Ageaux, W'as driven out of that city by the Duke of Rohan, whofe whole condudf, from that time, fufficiently declared, that his fenti- ments were very different from thofe of his father- in-law. Although the regent was then in a condi- tion to give him law, and all the Proteflants were greatly in fear of her ; yet this affair was termina- ted wholly to the Duke’s advantage, who obtained all that he demanded. M. de Sully figned the a- greement, which was made in the fynod of Privas, between the Duke of Rohan on one fide, and the Queen’s agents on the other. This was all the fliare he had in this great rupture. The two following letters, which I have tran- fcribed from the originals, in the cabinet of the pre- fent Duke of Sully, prove, that the Queen-mother had recourfe to Maximilian on many occafions, and that he laboured with great diligence to prevent or appeafe the troubles which afterwards arofe between the princes and the grandees of the kingdom. A Letter from the Queen-mother to the Duke cf Sully. “ Cousin, “ I have fent the Sieur de Bethune, your bro- “ ther, to confer with you concerning the prefent “ occurences, and have charged him to affure you “ of my affeftion, and of my reliance on the conti- “ nuance of yours, for the fervice of the King, “ Monfieur my fon. You may give abfolute cre- “ dit to what he fhall fay to you on both thefe fub- P 3 je&Sj 174 MEMOIRS Sup. je£ls, as you would do to the perfon of your good “ coufin, Paris, Feb. 12. 1614. “ MARY.” It is fuperfcribed, “ To my coufin, the Duke of “ Sully, Peer, and Grand Mailer of the Ordnance of France.” Another letter from the Qrieen to M. dc Sully. “ Cousin, “ Having received your letter of the ill inflant, *( on the 9th, I delayed anfwering it till my arrival *i in this province, to the end that, being better “ informed of the particular things which hap- “ pened, and the Hate affairs are in at prefent, I “ might tell you with more certainty my opinion of them ail in general : but I have found here *( fo much confufion and tumult, fo many com- “ plaints and infringements of the agreement of *< St Menoult, that 1 confefs I know not where “ to begin, or what to defire you to do for me upon this occafion. Declarations are every where made, and aflurances given me of zeal “ and fidelity for the fervice of the King my fon, “ and the public good, which are indeed very ac- <{ ceptable ; but I find effetts fo contrary to all this, that I no fooner entertain any favourable “ hopes, than they vanilh in an inftant. I do not write this upon your own particular account; “ for I depend upon your affedlion to the good of “ your country and our own happinefs, in pro- “ portion to the experience I have had of it, “ and the affurance you have given me ; but I “ write to condole with you upon the change- “ ablenefs and uncertainty of fuch proceedings. I have within thefe two days received your lalt “ letter O F S U L L Y. X7J “ letter here; the bearer of this will tell you what “ I think of it. “ I do not doubt but that you have, with a free- “ dom and zeal becoming a good fubjeft and an “ honeft man, made thofe remonftrances to my “ nephew the Prince of Conde, which you have “ given mean account of in your letter, and 1 am “ rejoiced to hear that he has taken them well of “ you : but if he approves of your advice, what “ hinders him from following it ? By fo doing he “ will get rid of thofe perplexities in which you “ tell me he is involved ; he will receive of me “ every reafonable proof he can defire of my good “ will, and all the refpedt and deference due to his “ quality. If, to allure him of this, any thing ** depends upon me, I (hall be glad to know it, and “ to have your opinion : but I have not yet recei- “ ved thofe letters which he told you he wrote to “ me upon that fubjedl. I wifh they may be fuch “ as may give me that fatisfaftion, both with re- “ fpect to him and his friends, for the fervice of “ the King my fon, as he has often made me hope “ for, and even requelt: and, this done, I fhall “ make him fuch returns as he fhall have juft rea- “ fon to be contented with : as likewife all thofe “ who fhall follow his example. “ I have not yet feen the Duke of Vendome ; fo “ that I know not what I ought to hope from his “ obedience ; for I have advice that he continues “ to fortify Lamballe, and has engaged a great “ number of foldiers, who have ferved, or rather “ differved him, during thefe laft commotions, and “ efpecially fince the contradl of St Menoult, to “ which the King, my fon, and myfelf, are endea- “ vouring to apply the neceftary remedies, by the “ advice of the itates of the country, which we are u topropofe to-morrow. As I promife myfelf that “ you will always continue faithful to the interefts “ of the King my fon, and that you will readily “ embrace 176 M E M O I R S Sup. “ embrace every opportunity of ferving him, you “ may make what ufe you think proper of this for “ that purpofe; and I befeech God, coufin, &c. “ Written at Nantes, Augult 18. 1614. “ Your good coufin, “ MARY.” In the year 1616, the revolt of the Proteftants broke out. On this occafion the Duke of Sully gave a convincing proof that he preferred the wel- fare of the Hate, to the intereft of his party, and even to his own particular intereft -, for, when it was propofed to him to re-unite the party of the Prince of Conde with that of the Proteftant, a de- fign which, according to all appearance, would have ruined the kingdom, the Duke of Sully, whofe fuf- frage was of the utmoft confequence, refufed abfi>- lutely to give it, and remained conftantly attached to the King. Let us fee what Marlhal Baflbmpierre fays on this fubjeft in his Memoirs. “ M. de Sully, ever folicitous for the good of the ftate, maintain- ed himfelf in the efteem and refpefl; of both par- ties, and endeavoured to fet them right, as long as they could fubfift in the ftate they were, by fending informations, fometimes to the Queen-mother, and fometimes to the Prince ; and, on Augult the 26th, the Duke of Sully demanded an audience of the Queen. He then told her, that matters were brought to fuch extremity, that it was not poffible they could continue eight days longer in the fame lituation ; that as the balance was now held, the whole authority muft neceffarily fall into the hands of the Prince; that it was ftill in her own choice whether to keep or fuft'er herfelf to be difpolTdled of hers. He declared, that fhe was not fecure in Paris, and that (he and her children would be fafer in the field, with a thoufand horfe, than in the Louvre, while the minds o. the nobles and people were thus enraged. He laid, that his duty, and OF SULLY. 177 the obligations lie had to the deceafed King, requi- red that he fliould make her thefe remonftrances : and that, if there was no other remedy for the prefent evils, but the lofs of his life, he would fa- crifice it willingly for the prefervation of the King, herfelf, and the ftate; then, taking leave of her, he implored her to confider well what he had faid : and added, that if fhe did- not apply the only, fit, and reafonable remedy to thefe commotions, Ihe would be anfwerable for all the confequences of them, fince fhe had been warned beforehand of what was likely to happen.” The author of the hiftory of the mother and fon * renders, in fpite of himfelf, this jultice to the Duke of Sully, “ M. de Sully,” fays he, “ de- manded an audience of the Queen, that he might confer with her upon the affair which, he faid, was of no lefs importance than the prefervation of the King’s life and hers. The Queen had taken phyfic that day ; but, upon a matter of fuch confequence, fire thought fire could not difpenfe with herfelf from feeing him. The King happened, by chance, to be prefent; as were likewife the Sieurs Mangot and Barbin. The Duke of Sully then made a fpeech, in which he expatiated upon the bad de- figns of the princes, and the inevitable dangers which he forefaw for the King. The Sieurs Man- got and Barbin told him, that it was not enough to difcover an evil; he ought likewife to propofe fome proper remedies to obviate it To this he only added, that the attempt was hazardous, and that they muff expett to fee very fatal ccnfequences ; then, quitting the Queen’s clofet, he faid, Sire, and you, Madam, 1 intreat your Majefties to think well on what I have faid : I have difcharged my conlcience; would to God you were in the midft • Tom. 3. p. 61. 62; oi 17S MEMOIRS Sup. of twelve hundred horfe: I fee no other remedy.” Saying this he went away. It muft be confeiTed, that to the hatred which this writer bore the Duke of Sully, is owing the following recital**. “ The Prince of Conde being arrefted, the minilters told the Queen, that, unlefs {he releafed him, all was loft. M. de Sully, whole vehemence of temper would not allow him time for refle&ion, nor to give his advice in the pre ent exigence on what might be apprehended for the future, without blaming paft proceedings, laid, that whoever had counfelled the Queen to arreft the Prince, had ruined the itate. The Queen replied, that (he was aftoaifhed to hear him ipeak in that manner; and that he muft certainly have loft his reafon, fince he did net remember what he himlelf had faid to the King and her, but three days.before. Thefe words threw him into fuch confuiion, that he withdrew immediately, to the great aftoniftnnentr of all the lords who were prefent. His wife en- deavoured afterwards to excufe him, by alledging, that it was the terrors he laboured under at that time, which had forced him to fpeak fo, having been informed, that the princes and nobles of the Prince of Condi's party, had refolded to murder him, through a fufpicion that he was the caufe of the prince’s detention, by the difeoveries he had made of their defigns.” Without examining here, whether the Duke of Sully contraditfled himfelf in the advice he gave the Queen at thefe two different times, we fhall grant that the refolution they had taken to arreft the Prince of Conde, was both prudent and necef- fary ; and the inference I fhall draw from thefe circumftances is, that this minifter never fwerved from his attachment to the intereft of the King and the public good, on an occafion fo favourable to * Tom. 2. p, 94. the OF SULLY. r7f tVi3 Proteftant party, where he himfelf ran great risk1;. He obferved the fame concluft during the reft of his life. He was inverted with the King’s authority in the afi'emblies of Piouen and Loudun : he fup- ported, like a good citizen and a loyal fubject, his Majefty’s party againrt the Proteftants, when the war was declared under the adminiftration of Car- dinal Richelieu; he was prefent at the liege of Montauban and other encounters ; he even per- formed all the functions of Grand mafter of the ordnance at the fiege of St Jean d’Angely, and the train of artillery there, was furnifhed and con- dutted with the gteatert care. He kept this office till his death, although the writer of the Duke of Bouillon’s life fays that it was taken from him. Lewis XIII. gave him a marfhal’s ftaff, September l3. 1634. The preceding year Pope Urban VIII. wrote him a letter in Latin, to which M. de Sully fent an anfwer by his grandfon the Prince of Hen- richemont, and which produced a fecond brief from the Pope, in Latin likewife, dated July 16. In the fame year he loft the Marquis de Rofny, his eldeftlbn, whofe condudl had been a continual fource of affiiclion to him, not only becaufe the Marquis followed none of the wife counfels he gave him, and joined himfelf to the enemies of the Rate, but becaufe the Duke of Sully felt, in more ways than one, the extreme diforder of his Ion’s affairs. And here it is neceflary we fhould give fome account of the Duke of Sully’s domeftic con- cerns, which will ferve to explain feveral parts of thefe memoirs where the Marquis of Rofny is men- tioned, and particularly what is faid of him in the twenty-ninth book. The Duke of Sully, befides two daughters, the eldeft of whom was married to the Duke of Rohan, and the youngeft to the Marquis of Mirepoix, had three 13o MEMOIRS Sup. three ferns; Maximilian de Bethune, Marquis e /{ere lie the bowels of the Mofl /Ugh, Mojl Puifjlint, and Mojl Illufinous Lord, Maximilian de Uethunc, Duke of Sully, Peer and Marjhal of France. His b«dy was to be carried to Aumone, or Ilotel- Dieu of Nogent •, but the maufoleum which was ere Rachael de Cochejilct, Du chefs-Dovjr.ger of Sully, after the death of Maximilian de Bethune, Duke ef Sully, her bujland, •with whom Jhe lined forty- nine years in marriage, to honour bis memory, and OF S U L L Y. 185 in trjlimany of her grief for his lofst has ereti- ed this Jlatue, in the year 1642. The body of this lady being, after her death, de- poilted by that of her hufband, the maufoleum, which we are going to defcribe, was common to them both. It is a round chapel, built on the fide of that of Saint James de I’Aumone, or the hof- pital of Nogent, called from their name Nogent te Bethune : it has no communication with the church, becaufe the Duke and Duchefsof Sully were fo un- happy as to die in the principles of the pretended re- formed religion. Under this chapel is a vault, where both their bodies are interred. The walls on the infide of this chapel are adorned with the coats of arms and alliances of the houfe of Be- thune ; the dome is only coloured with a plain blue, fprirrkled with fiowers-de-luce : the effigies of the Duke and Duchefs are of white marble, as large as the life; they are kneeling upon a pede- ftal, three feet in height, with their faces tuin.d towards the eaft : by an infeription upon the pe- deflal we are told, that this work, which is v. ry well executed, was the performance of B. Boudin, in the year 1642. Behind the ftatue of the Duke of Sully, is this infeription r Here lies the body of the Mofl High, Mojl Puiffant, and Mojl Illufirious Lord, Maximilian de Bethmie, Marquis of llafny, who Jljared in all the fortunes of King Henry the Great, among which was that memor able battle which gave the crown to the vic- tor ; where, by his valour , he gained the white Jiandard, and took feveralprifoners of di/tinctwa. He was by that great monarch, in reward of his many virtues anddijiinguifbedmerit, honouredwith the dignities of Duke, Peer, andMarjhadof France9 with the government of the Upper and Loaicr Poi- tou, with theojfceoj G rand Master o) iheQrduam Q.3. i86 MEMOIRS Sup.. in ivhich, bearing the thunder of his Jupiter, he took the cajile of Montmelian, till then believed impregnable, and many other fortrejjes of Savoy he was likeveife made Superintendent of the Fi- nances, which office he difcharged.'fngly with a. wife and prudent ceconcmy, and continued his faithful fervices till that unfoxtpnate day, when the Ceefar of the French nation lofl his life by the hand of a parricide. After the lamented death of that great king, he retired from public affairs, and pajfcd the remainder of his life in cafe.and tranquility. He died at the caftle of Villebcn, December it. aged eighty-two years. Here alfo lies, the Moft High, Mojt Fuiffant, and Mo ft Jlluflriovs Lady, Madame Rachel de Cochef let, his wife, who died at Paris in the ninety-feventh year of her age, in the year 1659. The way to this chapel is through a long court, planted with a walk of elms; at the entrance of which is a portal, of very beautiful architecture, with the arms of the houfe of Bethune in railed work, and all the additions belonging to the arms of the Duke of Sully. The houfe of Bethune. bears, d'argent face de gucules, fupported by two favages armed with clubs. Before Villebon was re Bored to the Duke of Sully, he divided his refidence between Sully, La- Chapelle-d’Angillon, which is a very fine houfe and barony dependent on the Duchy of Sully, and Rofny, which of all his houfes, he molt embel- Jithed, as he reckoned upon this being always kept in his family : he was building the wings when he h ad the misfortune to lofe the King Ins benefaCtor; and, as a witnefs of bis grief for that lots, he left thofe wings impeded, and in the lame condition they were in at the time of that.fad event. But when he became again poffeited of Yiliebon, the beauty of chat cafile, its litiuticn hi a mold agree- OF SULLY. 187 able country, its contiguity to Paris, for Villebon is not more than twenty leagues diftant from that city, and the advantage of being in the centre of fe- veral great eftates which he had purchafed with- the money arifing from the fale of thofe he had been obliged to part with to the Prince of Condc: all thefe confiderations determined him to fix his ftay there, during fix whole months of the year, which were the autumn and the winter; he ufed- in the fpring, to make fome fhort journeys to Sul- ly : but that place was become very difagreeable to him, on account of the.condutff of his eldelf fon : the reft of the year he palled at La-Chapelle d’An* ’ gillon, at Rofny, and his other eftates.. The life he led in his retreat was-accompanied with decency, grandeur, and even Majefty ; fuch as might be expected from a chara<£ler fo grave and fo full of dignity as his. Befides a great many gentlemen and pages, by whom he was attended, and ladies- and maids of honour about the perfon of the Duchefs of Sully, he had one company of guards with their officers, and another of Swifs; and fo great a number of domeftics, that there are but few examples of fubjedts who have kept fo grand and fo numerous an houfehold. Monfieur, the prefent Duke of Sully, has converfed with the fon of an ancient furgeon belonging to his anceftor the Duke of Sully, the laft of this branch, who died at the age of eighty-eight years, and who was about fourteen when the Duke of Sully, of whom we are fpeaking, died : this man told him, that he had accompanied his father in his vifits to the fick in the caflte of Villebon ; and had reckoned four- fcore ot them, without perceiving that the fervice of the houfe fuffered thedealt dilorder or delay up- on that account. M. de Sully always continued his cuftom of ri- fing very early in the morning. After fome time fpeut in prayers- and reading, he let himfelf to work 188 M E M O I R S Sup, work with his four fecretaries : this work confiilec! in putting his papers in order, in digefting his Memoirs, in anfwering the feveral l«;tters he recei- ved, in regulating his domeftic affairs, and, laftly, in raking cognifance of thofe which related either to his governments or his pofls; for he continued, till his death, governor of the Upper and 'Lower Poitou and of Rochelle, grand mailer of the ord- nance, grand furveyor of France, and fuperinten- dant of the fortifications. He ufually palfed the ■whole morning in thefe occupations; except that he fometimes went out to take the air half an hour or an hour before dinner ; they then rung a great bell which was upon the bridge, to give notice that he was going out; the grented part of his houfe- hold ranged themfelves on each fide, from the bot- tom of the ftair-cafe to the door of his apartment ; his equerries, gentlemen, and officers, walked be- fore him, preceded by two Swils with their halberts; the Duke came next, with fome of his friends and relations on each fide of him, with whom he con- verfed; then followed the officers of his French and Swifs guards ; and the procefRon was always clofed by four Swifs. At his return, he went into the hall, where he dined: this was a very large room, in which he had caufed the moft memorable nblions of hi> own life, together with thofe of Henry the Great, to be painted ; at the upper end of the table two armed chairs were placed for the Duke and Du- chefs; all his children, married as well as unmar- ried, of whatever rank or dignity, had only Uools ; for, at that time, the fubordinatlon between pa- rents and their children was fo great, that they were not permitted to fit in their prefence, without being commanded to do fo. His table, was ferved; with tafte and magnificence; he admitted to it none but the nobility in his neighbourhood, iome- of the principal gentlemen, and the ladies and mutdi maids of honour, who belonged to the Duchefs of Sully : except his gutfls, all the company retired as loon as the delert was brought in. After din- ner, they withdrew into a cabinet, adjoining to the hall where they dined : this was called “ the cabi- “ net of illultrious men,” becaule it was adorned with the portraits of Popes, Kings, Princes, and other great and celebrated perfons, from whom he had received them ; many of thcfe portraits are ftill to be feen at Villebon. In another adjoining hall, magnificently fur- niflied, the captain of his guards had a fecund table, ferved with almoft as much grandeur as the firlt; here fat the younger fort, and indeed thofe only whom, on account of the difproportion of age, he chofe not to receive at his own table. The prefent Duke of Sully has been told by feveral perfons of quality, that when they have accompanied their fa- thers in the vifits they made to his anceflor, he kept only them at his own table, faying to the young men, “ you are not old enough to eat with “ us, we fhould grow weary of one another.” When he had ftaid fome time with the company, he retired to his own apartment, where, for two or three hours, he employed himfelf in the fame manner as in the morning. If the feafon and the weather permitted it, he took a walk in the after- noon, attended with the fame train as before : he often went into his gardens, and paffing through a little covered alley, which feparated the flower from the kitchen garden, afcended by a ffone ftair- cafe (which the prefent Duke of Sully has caufed to be deltroyed) into a large walk of linden trees, upon a terrafs on the other fide of the garden. It was then the taite to have a great number of nar- row walks, very clofely fhaded with four or five rows of trees or palliiadoes : here he ufed to fit upon a fettee, painted green, and large enough to hold two perfons, and leaning his elbows upon a i5o MEMOIRS Sup. ]arge grated window, which has been lately taken away likewife, amufed himfelf with beholding, on the one fide, an agreeable landfcape; and on the other, a fecond alley, on a terras, extremely beau- tiful, which furrounded a large piece of water, cal- led the New Pond, and terminated by a wrood of lofty trees, called the Great Park. In this park alfo he ufed fometimes to walk, and often was drove about it in his chariot or coach, with the Duchefs his wife. The interval between thefe airings and fupper, be fpent in the fame occupations as the morning : at fupper, the fime form was obferved as at dinner : after which, every one retired to their refpedlive apartments. The Duke of Sully, on account of his religion, could not be admitted into any order : he therefore made one for himfelf. In the inventory of his effedls there were feveral diamond rings for that ufe. He wore about his neck, and more efpecially after the death of Henry IV. a chain of gold or diamonds, to which hung a large gold medal which had in relievo the figure of that great Prince. He ufed often to take this medal out of his bofom, fiop, and contemplate it, and then- kifs it with the utmoft reverence and affection : he never would quit it, not even when he went to court, any more than his ancient drefs, which he always preferved ; for he would not fubjeft himfelf to the change of fafhions. It is well known what happened to him one day when he went to court in coniequence of a meffage from Lewis XHI. “ Monficur de Sully,” faid this young Prince to him, “ 1 font for you, as “ being one of the chief minifters ot the King “ my father, and a man in whom he placed great “ confidence, to afk your advice, and to confer “ with you upon fome affairs of importance.” The Duke of Sully feting none but young courtiers about the King, who, to make their court to the Confhble de Luynes, ridiculed his drefs, and the gravity O F S U L L J91 gravity of hi? manners, made this anfwer : “ Sire, “ I am too old to change my habits, but for fome “ good caufe. When the late King your father, w of glorious memory, did me the honour to fend u forme to confer with me upon matters of iro- “ portance, the firft tiling he did was to fend away “ the buffoons.” The young King feemed not to difapprove of this freedom : he ordered every one to withdraw, and remained alone with M. de Sully. The moft exact order, fubordination, and peace, reigned throughout his numerous houfehol 1 : no perfon knew better how to make bimfelf be ferved, refpected, and obeyed, than the Duke of Sully. The Catholics, in his fervice, faw no difference be- tween his treatment of them and his Proteflant do* medics, except the great care he took to oblige the former to an exa£fc performance of all the du- ties of good Roman Catholics. This was one effect of that efteem, and even inclination, which, in the pourfe of thefe Memoirs, he has always (hewn for the true religion, and which would probably have led him to embrace it, but for the confulerations be there mentions. The misfortune was, that being perfuaded he could work out his falvation in either of the two religions, he v/as too much governed by his own delicacy, which would not fuffer him to have tke appearance of being fwayed, either by am~ bition or intereff, in taking a refolarion which would have gratified both in fo high a degree. A4 his children, except the Duchefs of Rohan, died in the bofom of the Roman church. The Duchefs his wife, although brought up in the principles of the Roman-Catholic religion, quitted it after the death of M. de Chateaupers her firft husband, to marry the Duke of Sully. The Lords of Viilebon had, in the church of that p -riili, which is a collegiate, a chapel on the fide next the caitle, which they caufed to be demelifin- ed, I92 MEMOIRS Sup. cd, and built in its place two galleries, of which the lower one was fb inclofed, that thofe who were within could not be feen by the congrega- tion ; and the one above, to which the afcent is by a little ftair-cafe of wood, is alio obfcured by a grate. It is publicly known, that the two Du- cheffes of Sully and Rohan, came often into the lower gallery to hear the pfalms during the ca- nonical hours. They walhed, with their own bands, all the linen that was ufed in the fervice of the altar. The prefent Duke of Sully heard this circumftance from Catherine de La Porte, one of bis anceftors. This lady, who lived a long time with the Duchefs of Rohan, her aunt, heard from her an anecdote, which no one at that time was ig- norant of, namely, That the Duke of Sully always gave a molt gracious reception to the capuchins that vifited him, and had fo great an efteem for them, that during his lalt ficknefs, and a few days before he died, he defired to confer with fome of thefe religious; but that, when they prefented themfelves for that purpofe upon the bridge of the caftle, the Duchefs ot Sully gave orders that they Ihould not be admitted, and threatened to have them thrown into the moat. This lady employed her time in regulating the interior of her houfehold ; in having leafes drawn out, and the accounts of the farmers and receivers given in ; and always vifited the feveral eftates of her husband, when necellary. In her leifure hours fire amufed herfelf with woiking tapelfry and em- broidery with her ladies and maids of honour. The beauty and elegance of her work is ftiil ad- mired in fome pieces of tapeftry that remain in the pofleflibn of the Duke of Sully, out of a great number which have been either loll or carried into ether families. The works of the Duke of Sully are more du- rable. Beudes itli the ether caonuments of his li- berality, OF SULLY. *95 berality, of which we have had occafion to fpenk, he has immortalized his memory by a great num- ber of fine buildings in feveral parts of the king- dom, particularly in his government of Poitou. He would, if he had continued in the adminiftra- tion till his death, have procured all the roads in that province to have been made eafy and commo- dious for travelling. It was he who caufed that magnificent bridge and caufey to be built at Cha- telleraut, which is flill to be feen there. There was fcarce one of his eftates, thofe efpe- cially which had caflles on them, where he did not leave marks of his magnificence, to which he was chiefly incited by a principle of charity, and a regard to the public good. He built moil part of the Hotel Dieu, of Nogent. This cky and lordlhip, which was diftinguilhed by the'furname of Nogent Le-Pvotrou, was, by the Prince of Conde’s ereHing it into a duchy called D’En- guieti; but, when it came into the pofTeffion of the Duke of Sully, it loft both thefe names, and was called the earldtm of Nogent-Ie Bethune. He at firft defigned to carry on very confiderable buildings in the caftle of this city, but he met with fo many obftacles from the religious of St Dennis, that he was determined to turn all his views upon "Villebon. Meflieurs D’EftoutevilJe, to whom that houfe had formerly belonged, had left it built only up to the firft ftorey: he raifed it and com- pleted it after the model of the Ilaftile, of which he was governor, but with more beauty. The front prefents three fees of chambers, covered with Hates between the towers. The towers have flat roofs, covered with lead, with pinnacles, and the battle- ments alternately round and pointed; the fpouts are of the fame metal with caft cannon, and the inner fpouts^ which receive thofe of the corners of the houfe, are likewife of caft metal, eight feet high, terminating in dolphins heads. The grand Yol. V. 11 ftaifj tf)4 MEM O I R S Sup. flair-cafe is extremely large and luminous. At the firft florey is a large room, with the beams and joints gilt: as likewife the chimney, which is of beautiful workmanfliip. The apartments are very numerous, and have their chimnies gilt, and the greateft part of their pannels The park is inclofed ■with hone walls, and contains a great number of pools, and refervoirs- The gardens, which join the houfe on three fides, the courts, and court- yards, are all the work of the Duke of Sully. To give employment to the poor, who offered themfelves during a famine, and whom he thought it no real charity to fupport in idlenefs, he made a pond about feven hundred and twenty yards long, and a hundred and twenty broad. This he called Chapel Pond. The earth which was dug out, he threw up into four terraffes parallel to the canal, which reach to the new pond, another piece of water above the chapel pond. Between tbefe ter- raffes and the canal, were two levels of turf, which the prefent Duke of Sully has cut into fquares, into grafs-plots, and bowling greens. All thofe who offered were fet to work indifferently, even to little children, fome of whom did not carry, at a time, more than half a pound of earth: and for this purpofe an infinite number of hand- carriages of all fizes had been provided. To each ofthefepoor people was given in the morning a piece of bread ; at dinner time a diffi of foup: and at fupper-time another piece of bread; together with wages in money in proportion to their age and labour. This work, which the Duke of Sully never would have undertaken merely for the de- coration of his houfe, coft him fourfcore thoufand livres. f very body knows that he built the caftle of Roiny completely, furrounded it with dry ditch, exTctnely wide, where, when batteries were placed, the ihot croffed each other in a furprifing manner ; a OF SULLY. *9> a thing very rare at that time. He raifed that fine terrafs which runs acrofs the fea to a prodigious extent, and thofe great gardens filled with groves, with water works. He embellifhed Sully with gardens, of which the plants are the fineft in the world ; and with a ca- nal, very long and broad, which is fupplied with fre(h water by the little river of Sangle, which he turned that way, and which afterwards is loll in the Loire. He erefted a machine to convey the water to all the bafons and fountains, of which the gardens were full. The machine is yet in be- ing : but the water works have been fuffered to go to ruin. With regard to the caftle, he had it covered with flates : he wainfcotted, painted, and gilt, almoft all the apartments, and worked in the walls, the galleries, which pafs from the little lodges, at the gate, to the main caftle ; the court-yard, and a fecond court-yard, which was formerly called the Little Park, are likewife his work. There are, in this fecond court, feveral eminences, or enor- mous heaps of earth, which appear plainly to be the wwk of men. This expence, which produced no good, and of which the effeft is even difagreeable, might furprife thofe who do not know that the Duke of Sully had no other way of fupporting a multitude of poor people, who demanded work in a time of fcarcity. St Ithier was anciently a little church, almoft: clofe to the caftle : he removed it to the middle of a city, where he built, at his own coft, a very fine church covered with flate. I (hall not mention feveral other works for which this city is obliged to him : among others, an hofpital, which he founded there. The principal apartment of this caftle is that which he fitted up in memory of Henry the Great, and which is called for that reafon the King’s apart- ment. He determined to leave another monument ©f his gratitude to this great prince, in the great R Z hall »9(S MEMOIRS Sup- hall of Sully. This hall, which, next to that cf Montargis, is the largeft in France, has a profpeft of the Loire. Henry IV. is there painted, in a pi&ure of the firft fize, upon a very fine forrel horfe. This is the moft perfedt, and the moft like, of all the pittures of that prince. It is hung over the chimney, which is uncommonly large, adorned with carved work, and covered, both on the front and fnies, with fquares of painting, containing each an emblem or a device, relating either to the King or the Duke of Sully. One of thefe pieces has fomething Angular : it is in the front, where the fun is reprefented calling a weak and pale light, with the moon belotv it, Ihining with extraordinary brightnefs; and lower yet, the earth, which feems obfeured by the great brightnefs of the moon. This is the only emblem that has no motto; and may be therefore fuppofed to contain fomething mylte- rious. The Duke of Sully likewife repaired and enlar- ged the cafile of La-Chapelle D’Angillon, built by Mademoifeile D’Albert: he embdlifhed it with gardens and terrafles, and a-park about two hun- dred and thirty acres, furrounded with ftone-walls^ which, though ftrongly built, are now almoll ruin- ed by the negligence of his fuccefi'ors. Facing the meadow, is a great terrafs, remarkable for its height and length, all faced with hewn ftone, with pila- iters of brick and ftone from fpace to fpace, which contributed at once to the ftrength and beauty of the work. At the foot of this terrafs, was a mean church, which the Duke of Sully pulled down and. rebuilt, with great expence and magnificence, at the foot of the citadel of La-Chapelle, of which he is confidered not only as the Lord, but as the Foun- der. The caftle of Montignyis indebted tohim, among other embelliftunents, for a fine avenue of trees; and* O F S U L L Y. r97 and, behind the houfe, a wall or kind of court, very agreeable, with four rows of elms. To conclude, it was he that built, and cut in the rock, the famous caftle of Montrond, which was long confidered as impregnable. The way to it was by a winding path, very broad, cut likewife in the rock; as were alfo the outworks of the palace, within which, there was a well never dry, and fhel- tered againft all violence from without. The Prince of Conde, as has been already Ihown, obliged the Duke of Sully to give him up Montrond, which,, in the times of confufion, was his principal fortrefs againft the King, whofe army was flopped by it eighteen months, and at fall took it only by ftrata- gem ; after which the fortifications were blown up, and the place deftroyed. ft 3 THE C jps 1 THE TRIAL O F FRANCIS RAVAILLAC? FOR THE Murder of King HENRY IV. i6io». INTERROGATORIES exhibited to the pri- foner accufed of the murder of the late Xing, on the \ -jth of May 1610, at the fuit of the attorney- general, by Achilles de Harlay, JirJl prefdent ; Nicholas Potier, president; John Courtin and Profper Eavin, counfellors of our Lord the King, in his court of parliament, commijjioners appointed by the faid court for that purpofe. TH E prifoner is fvvorn ; and alked his name* age, rank, and place of abode ? He faid, that his name was Francis Ravaillac*. born and dwelling at Angouleme, between thirty- one and thirty-two years of age. He was afked, if he was married ? He anfwered, No. Whether he ever had been married ? He anfwered, No. How he bad fpent his youth; and to what he- ■rad applied himfdf l K2 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC 19* He faid, that he had been employed in foliciting law-fuits in this court. Whether he had been bred up to the praftice of the law? He faid, that he had folicited law-fuits for four- teen years; that he lodged at the Rats, oppofite to the green pillar, in Harp-ftreet, at a cobler’s, and near the Three Pair of Beads, in Calender ft reet. How long he had been in this city the laft journey ? He faid, about three weeks. Whether he has had any intention to go back again ? He faid, Yes. How far he had gone back ? He faid he had gone beyond the town of ftampes, at the lign of the Ecce homo. He was alked,. what made him return ? He faid, a defire to kill the King. He was alked, what was his motive ? He anfwered, that amongft other reafons there was this j that the King had not, as he was able to do, brought back-the followers of the pretended reformation to the catholic, apoftolic, and Roman church. He was alked, what other reafons he had ? He anfwered, that he was come.to this city to fpeak to the King, and admonilh him to bring back thofe of the pretended reformed religion to the Catholic church ; and for that purpofe he had been feveral times at the Louvre to meet with his Maje- fty •, that he had been at Madam d’Angouleme’s, to get fomebody to introduce him ; and likewife at the houfe of the Cardinal Du-Perron,. to whom he never fpoke, but only to his chaplains, whofe names he could not tell, but Ihould know them if he faw them; that he fpoke of it to Father Daubigny, a Jeftutjkin his laft journey, which was belore Chrift- mas > 430 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. mas ; he fpoke of it to the parfon of St Severin,. and to the Father of Saint Mary Magdalen, provincial of the Feuillants. It was afked him where he fpoke to Father Dau- bigny ? He faid, he fpoke to him in the church in Saint Anthony’s (treet, at the conclufion of mafs. He was alked at what time he talked to him ? / He faid, that he fet out from his own country thirteen days before Chriltmas; that he was four- teen days in coming to this city ; that three or four days after his arrival,, he went to the houfe of the Jefujts ,#iear St Anthony’s gate, where he faid Fa- ther Daubigny faid mah ; after which, he delired one of the lay brothers to procure him the means of fpeaking to the faid Daubigny ; which he did ; and he told him feveral vifions which had preceded the meditations that he had made by the permiflion of his provincial Francis Mary Magdalen of the Feuillants. He was aflced, why he ufed the expreffibn, My •provincial ? He faid, becaufe the faid Mary Magdalen had re- ceived him as lay brother at the Feuillants. It was afked, how long he had wore the habit of a Feuillant; and why he had quitted it ? Fie faid, that he had worn it about fix weeks ; and they had taken it from him, becaule he had vifions in his meditations On bung afked again about it, he faid he had defired it again, but it was refufed him on account of the lard meditations. Upon this he began to weep, and faid, God had given him that habit, and his grief was, that they would not reftore if to him. He was afked if he knew the fuperior, and his name ? He faid, that he did no1’ know him nor his name; but that he had alked for the habit again, only be>- caufe The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. lot caufe it being our Lord’s pleafure that he fhould continue in the world, from which it was his wilh to retire, he refclved to- ferve as a lay brother. This he uttered with tears. He faid, that he had a great deal of uneafinefs, in not having (laid with the Feuillants in the favour of God. He was afked, what vifions he had fpoke of to Father Daubigny ? He faid, that he had told him, that while he was a prifoner for debt at Angouleme, he had vifions, reprefenting fire, fulphur, and incenfe ; and being releafed from prifon, the Saturday after Chriftmas, having at night made his meditation, as was his cu- ftom, in bed, with his hands clafped, and his feet crofled, he felt his face and his mouth covered with fomething which he could not difcern, becaufe it was midnight ; and being in that Rate, he felt in himfelf a defire to fing the pfalms of David; he begun the pfalm, Dixit Dominus, and fung it through; and afterwards, Miferere^ and De profundis, at full length ; and that it feemed to him, that he had a trumpet in his mouth, which made a found as loud as that which is made in war. The next day in the morning, as foon as he got out of bed, having made his meditation on his knees, and recollected in God, as his manner was, he fat down in a low chair before the hearth, and having combed his head, it being not yet light, he perceived one of the fticks yet on fire ; and having finifhed dreffing himfelf, he found part of a bun- dle of twigs, which he put to the ftick that had kept fire, and kneeling down upon the ground, fet himfelf to blo'w it, when immediately, on both fide# of his face, both to the right and to the left, he faw by the glimmering of the fire, which was produced by his breath, hofts like thofe which are ufed at the communion of Catholics in the church of God; and below his face, at the right fide of his mouth. 2oz The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. he faw a roll of the fame fize with that which the prieft elevates at the celebration of divine fervice. Of this revelation he gave an account to Father Daubigny, who, fearing that his head was difor- dered, told him that he was not to think of all this, but to tell his beads, and pray to God : but that he was determined in his own mind, to addrefs himfdf to fome great man to fpeak to the King. It'was inquired, if he had afked Daubigny, whe- ther, if he fhould have vifions that incited him to kill the King, he ought to confefs them ? He anfwered, that he had faid nothing to him, but what he had already told, except that his pur- pofe was to fpeak to the King to drive out all the followers of the pretended reformed religion, and convert them to the Roman Catholic church. It was afked, what Daubigny faid to this ? He faid, that he fhould put all thefe things out of his head, fay his prayers, and tell his beads. It was afked,' whether he had no other converfa- tion with him ; and whether he never faw him but that time ? He anfwered, No. Why did he chufe to addrefs himfelf to Daubigny jather than to any otheri He anfwered, that it was becaufe, when he wad turned out of the Feuillants, he had a mind to be- come a Jefuit, or to intreat him to fpeak to his provincial to replace him among the Feuillants; but that, not having found him the firfl time, one of the lay brethren told him, that they never re- ceive into their houfe thofe who had been in ano- ther order. He faid farther, that, not having been able to fpeak to the King, he went back to the Jefuits to fpeak a fecond time to the faid Daubigny, and fpoke to him as he has already faid, and fliewed him a little knife on which there was a heart and a crofs, telling him, that tire heart of the King (houkfc The TRIAL of HAVAILLAC. 203 fhould be difpofed to make war amongft the Ku» guenots. He was asked, what hindered him from fpeaking to the King? He faid, that it was the Grand Provoft who had given him the torture with the gun, while he was kept prifoner at the Hotel de Retz. He was asked, to whom he had applied himfelf, that he might fpeak with th&King? He faid, to the archers ; and they carried him to fpeak to the Provoft, who told him that the King was fick. He was asked, when he was at the Louvre? He faid, that it was after Chriftmas; and fome two or three days afterwards he met his Majefty near St Innocent’s in his coach, and, defiring to fpeak to him, he cried out in thefe words; “ Sire, “ 1 fpeak to you in the name of our Lord Jefus, “ and of the holy virgin but the King put him back with a little ftick, and would not hear him. He then confidered of retiring into his own coun- try, and went away. And, being at Angouleme, he went to look for friar Gilles there, who had been formerly vifitor of the Francifcan friars in Paris-, to whom he confeffed his vifions and medi- tations, telling him, that he faw it to be the will of our Lord, to bring back the followers of the pre- tended reformation to the Cathclic church: that the vifitor told him, he need not doubt of it. A few days afterwards, and the firft Sunday in Lent, he went to mafs at the monaftery of the Francifcan friars in Angouleme, where he reconciled himfelf with God, made his confefiion to the friar of the order, whofe name he does not know, and in his confeihon told the voluntary murder. He was defired to explain what he meant by the word voluntary ? He faid, his meaning was, that he returned into this city with an intention to murder the King; which 204 The TRIAL of RAVA1LLAC. which, neverthelefs, he did not tell his confcilbr, who did not defire the meaning of thofe words. Upon being further queftioned, he faids that he had then loft that intention; but that when he re- turned to this city, he refumed his intention. He was asked, when he came to this city ? He faid, that he travelled on foot, and arrived eight days after his fetring out. He was asked, how he had employed himfelf du- ring his ftay in Paris? He faid, that he lodged at the Three Half moons, in the fuburbs of St James; and afterwards, that he might be near the Louvre, he went to lodge at the Three Pigeons, in the fuburb St Honore ; from thence he went to take a lodging at an inn near the Quinze Vingts, but, there being too many guefts there, he was refufed; upon which he took up a knife that lay upon a table, not upon account of his being refufed a lodging, but becaufe it feemed to him a very fit one for the execution of his de- fign, and he kept it for fome days, or three weeks, in a bag in his pocket. He farther faid, that, having defifted from his intention, he fet out upon his journey home, and went as far as Ellampes ; that, as he was walking, he broke the point of the knife againft a cart near the garden of Chantdoup, and, coming oppofite to the Ecce homo of the fuburb of Eftampes, he again took it into his head to kill the king; and, no longer refifting the temptation, as he had done formerly, he returned to Paris with that refolution, becaufe the King did not convert the followers of the pretended reformation, and becaule he had heard it reported, that the king intended to make war upon the Pope, and transfer the feat of the holy fee to Paris. He was then asked, where he lodged ? and who procured him lodgings in this city ? He The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 20; He faid that he had fought for an opportunity to kill the King ; and that, for this purpofe he fhar- pened, with a ftone, the point of the knife, which had been broke, and waited till the Queen was crowned, and came back to the city, fuppofing that there would not be fo much confufion in France, if he killed the King after her coronation, as if he had done it before. He was told, that, fmce he deferred killing the King through a hope that there would be fewer commotions after the coronation, the faid corona- tion could not prevent the trouble's which the King’s death muft neceffarily bring along with it. He faid, that he fubmitted that to the will of God. He was afked, where he went to meet the King ? He faid, that he went to the Louvre, where he had been feveral times fince he had refolved upon killing him ; that he went there laft Wednefday, and intended to kill him between the two gates, as he was going into his coach ; that he followed him as far as St innocent’s, near the place where he happened to meet him before, when he would not fpcak to him ; and obferving that the coach was flopped by two carts, and that his majefty turned his face and leaned towards that fide where Mon- fieur d’Epernon fat, he flruck him twice in the fide with his knife, pafling his arm above the coach wheel. He was afked, what was his own opinion of the sdlion he had committed ? He faid, that he thought he had committed a great fault, for which he afked pardon of God, of the Queen, the Dauphin, the whole court, and of every one who was injured by it. We (hewed him the knife, which lay before us ; it was double edged at the point, with the handle made of a flag’s horn. He acknowledged it to be the fame with which he had ftabbed the King, and that Vol. V. S it 303 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. k was immediately taken from him by a gentleiftatl cn horfeback. He was told he could have no reafon for com- mitting fo wicked and traiterous an a£f, and that he had certainly been incited to it by fome other perfon ? He faid, that no perfon whatever had incited him to do it, but that the common difcourfe among the foldiers, who faid, that if the King, who would not tell his defign to any one, intended to make war upon the Holy Father, that they would not aflill him, although they were to die for it 5 that for this caufe he yielded to the temptation which prompted him to kill the King, becaufe he made war againll God, in as much as the Pope is God, and God the Pope. He was afked, what time it was he heard this difcourfe among the foldiers ? He faid, it was after he went to lodge at the Three Half-Moons. It was objected to him, that he was guilty of a falfehood, in declaring that to be the caufe of his commiting the parricide, becaufe he had faid be- fore, that having laid afide his defign of killing the King, he fet out on his journey to his own country ; and that, when he came to Eftampes, he refumed that defign, upon the difcourfe of the foldiers. He anfwered, that he had fpoke to them before, notwithftanding which he had altered his intention ; but, when he came to Eftampes, he refumed it, upon remembering what the foldiers had faid to him. He defired us to fhew him a paper, which he had about him at the time he was feized, whereon was painted the arms of France, with a lion on each fide ; one holding a key, the other a Iword. We {hewed this paper to him, and he acknowledg- ed it to be the fame which he had brought with The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 207 him from Angouleme, with an intention to kiil the King. He was asked, whether, when he was at the houfe of a man whofe name was Beliard, he had heard the laid Beliard fay, that the Pope’s nuncio had told the King, in the name of his Holinefs, that, if he had made war, he would excommunicate him ? He faid, Yes; and alfo that his Majefty had an- fwered, that it was his predecefibrs who had placed the Popes upon the throne; and that, if the Holy Father fhould excommunicate him, he would dif- poffei's him of it"; whereupon he refolved to kill the King, and with that intention he wrote thefe lines over the two lions ; Ne fouffre pas qu'on fajfe en ta prefence An tiom de Dieu aucune irreverence. Do not fufFer the name of God to be profaned in thy prefence. He was asked, whether the knife, when he took it off the table, had the fame handle that it has now? He faid, No : that the handle was of whalebone, which being broke, he gave the knife to his land- lord’s brother, whofe name was John Barbier, a turner by trade, living in the fuburb of St James, and defired him to put a handle of horn upon it; but he did not tell him why he preferred that to any other. He was asked, if this Beliard was of the pretend- ed reformed feligioh ? He faid, No: that he was a Catholic : never- thelefs he held that difcotrrfe with him which puc it into his head to kill the King. He was told, that he ought not to have taken fo $ 2 wicksd. •2o8 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. wicked and abominable a refolution upon the dif- eourfe of one man only. He faid, he had taken a refolution to kill the King, not only upon what he had heard this man fay, but alfo upon the difcourfe of the foldiers at Paris, and that of Sieur de St Gorges, among others, who faid, that, if the King would make war upon the Holy Father, he would obey him, being thereto obliged; and that, if the King did wrong, he only was to anfvver for it. We fhewed him a heart of Coftmary root, which he acknowledged to have been 4 taken from him ; and he faid, it had been given him by Monfieur Guillebaut, canon of Angouleme, to cure him of a fever, faying, that there was within it a little bit of wood of the real holy crofs, confecrated by the capuchin friars, which had that virtue; and for that purpofe he had fent Mary Mofeau, his landla- dy, to the capuchins for it, and ever fince he had wore it about his neck. We ordered it to be opened in his prefence; but there was no wood to be found in the in fide. Upon which he faid, that it was not him who was deceived, but the perfon who gave it him. We fhewed him a pair of beads,, which, he faid, he had bought in St James’s Street feven or eight days ago ; that he has faid his prayers with them, and w'ore them ever fince conflantly. He was asked, what perfons he kept company with after he had refumed his intention to kill the King ? He faid, he kept company with none but the friars of his own country, who are at the convent of the Dominican friars, whither he uled to go to hear mafs and vefpers. He was asked, what difcourfe he had with them? and if he had fpoken to them of his vifions ? He faid, that he had told them what he had told to others. He The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 209 He was then asked, if he was acquainted with a man whofe name was Colletet? and what difcourfe they had had tpgether ? He faid, that he knew him only by lodging in the fame room with him ; that they lay together, but that he had not fpoke to him of his defign. He was asked, if he had any difcourfe with any other friars? He faid, not in this laft journey. If he had had any difcourfe with a Francifcan friar of Angouleme ? He faid, Yes ; but that he had not fpoke to him of his enterprife, and of his imaginations. He was told, that he did not fay the truth ; for that he had fpoke to him of his imaginations ; ask' ing his opinion whether he, who had fuch ima- ginations, ought to declare them to his confef- for. To this he anfwered, that he had not fpoke to a Francifcan of his own country, but to another whom he met near Bourg de La Royire, with whom he joined company; and, becauie he had no acquaintance in this city, he gave him part of hisown lodgings,and carried letters from his friends to procure him admiffion into the convent : that he alio carried his bundle for him; and that the name of this friar was Le-Febure. It was obferved to him, that during the reading of his examination, when the wounds he had gi- ven the King -were mentioned, he had asked par- ‘don of God for that crime, but that the true means to obtain it, was to acknowledge the truth ; that his pretence for committing that adfion was fo (light, that he muft certainly have been prompt- ed to it by fome one who was concerned in the fuc- cefs of that miferable ftroke, of which we feel the efieffs. He faid, that, fince he has been under confine- S 3 meat. 2io The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. ment, he had been urged by feveral perfons to make this confrffion, and even by the Archbifliop of Aix; but that he had been prompted by no per- jfon whatever, but by his own defires; and that, however lie might be tormented, he (hould never fay any thing eife; that, if torments could have forced him to confefs, he had fuflered fufficiently by the torture which a Huguenot of his own pri- vate authority gave him, when he kept him pri- loner at the Hotel de Retz, by which he had the bone of his thumb broke. He was told, that he had been chofe to commit this aclion as a proper inftrument of mifchiefj he whofe life had been wicked, and who had begun with ufing a father and a mother ill, and reducing them to beggary. He faid, that it would not be found fo; and that his father and mother, who were ftill living, would witnefs the contrary, as well as the people where he dwelt; that he had been indeed accufed and condemned for it; but it was by falfe vvitnefl'es ; for he was innocent. He was asked when he was at Bruflels ? He faid, that he never was out of the kingdom ; and that he did not know where Bruflels is. This examination being read to the faid Ravail- lac, he perfifted. in his anfwers, and figned his same RAVAILLAC. Thi The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 21s The examination taken next morning> at the palaccy by us the comijjioners, the jirjl prefident being fuk. THE prifoner being fent for as before, and his oath taken. He was afked what was his rank and condition ? and if he had a father or a mother alive ? He faid, that he is a praftitioner of the law, and that before his coniinement, he employed himfelf in inftrutting youth j and that his father is likewife a pra&itioner of the law, and that his mother is ft~ parated from his father. Y*re having again ordered his examination to be read to him, he perfifted in his anfwers, without adding or diminilhing any thing, except only that he omitted faying, as he did now, that he had been carried to the commiflion of that crime, be- caufe the King would not permit juftice to be done upon the Huguenots, for the attempt they made laft Chriftmas to murder all the Catholics, for which attempt many oft the Huguenots, had been taken priibners, and brought into this city ; yet, he had been told, by feveral perfons, were not puniflr- ed. He was told that this was falfe ; and that, al- though he had heard it, he fhould not have believ- ed it, nor have been induced to commit a deed fo wicked and abominable. He faid, that this was one of the circumftances which helped to ftrengthen the temptation. He was told, that it was the advice and inltruo tion of others which ftrengthened it. He faid, that no one was engaged in the defign . but himfelf. He 2i2 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. He was aflced, if he lived in the fame country •with his father and mother ? He faid, that he had lived with his father and mother, but that his father neither loved him nor his mother. He was afked, how he maintained himfelf? He faid, that he had eighty fcholars, and that, with what he gained from them, he fupported him- felf in the journies he had made to this city. He was aflced, if his father and mother obferved his conduft ? He faid, that his father had not lived with them thefe fix years; that he hated him ; and that he had lived with his mother only, his fitters having likewife left her. He was afked, what means he had of living ? He faid, that his father and mother lived upon alms, and he himfelf upon what he gained from his fcholars, one of whom gave him bacon, another flefh, another corn, wine, &c. and by what his friends furnifhed him with. He was afked, who were his friends ? He faid, that they were the fathers and mothers of his fcholars. He was afked, why he did not flay in his own country, fince he could get a livelihood there ? He faid, that he thought he fhould prefer the honour of God to all things. He was told, that it was not for the honour of God to kill his King, but that it was an afl of the devil. He faid, that it was a wicked temptation, which did not proceed from God, but was a punifhment to him for his fins. He was afked, if he was not filled with horror at the commiffion of an a£t fo abominable, and of fo fatal ccnfequence to all France ? He faid, that he was forry for having committed it, but that fince it was done, he implored God to give The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. give him grace, that he might he abieto continue till death in good faith, lively hope, and perfe£l: cha- rity ; and that he hoped God was more merciful, and his will to fave him more powerful, than the act which he had committed was to damn him He was told, that he could not be in the grace of God, after having committed fo wicked an action. He faid, that he hoped our all powerful Lord would not make him fuffer for it. He was told, that he ought not to hope for the mercy of God, unlefs he acknowledged the truth, and declared who the perfons were who had incited and perfuaded him to do fo wicked a deed. He faid, that his only reafon for committing it was what he had declared before at his exami- nation. He was alked, if he had imparted his intention to any one ? He faid, that he had not to any perfon what- ever He was told, that he was too mean and incon- fider .ble a perfon to have conceived fuch a defign, and that he muft have been advifed and fupported by others He faid, that no perfon had advifed him. He was t< Id, that he wras fo much the more wicked, if he undertook fuch an enterprife without being advifed to it; therefore he would do well to declare who were his advifers. To this he anfwered, that the reafon why he did not declare this pernicious intention to priefts, and men who have the care of fouls, was, that he was weiballured, if he had difclofed to them his defign of killing the King, it was their duty to feize his perfon, and put him into the hands of jultice; fince, whenever the public is concerned, priefts are obliged to reveal all confeflions ; for this reafon therefore he would not open himfelf to any per- 214 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. fon, through a fear that he might be pnnifhed with death, as well for his intention of killing the King, as if he had really done it, for which he alked pardon of God. He was told, that the church commands, that all evil thoughts Ihould be revealed in conieflicn, and to negleft it is a deadly fin. He faid, that he acknowledged this. He was told, that he had mentioned it. H faid, he had not. He was afited, if he had fpoken of it to a Fran- eifcan friar ? He faid, No. He was told, that he did not fpeak the truth; for that he had mentioned it to a Francifcan friar, afkinghim, whether, if a man had Itrange vifions, fuch as to kill the King, he ought to declare them in his confeffion ? He faid, that it was true he had confulteda friar upon this head, but did not tell him that he would do it. He was afked, who it was that he confulted ? He faid, a young Francifcan friar named Li- Febnre, to whom he put this queftion, Whether, if a man was aflaulted with a temptation, fuch as to kill a king, and fhouid confefs it to the peni- tentiary, he fhouid be under a neceffity of reveal- ing it ? but being interrupted by another friar, he could not know the friar’s opinion concerning the cafe that he put to him. He was told, that he did not fay the truth, and that the Francifcan did make him an anfwer ; and he was afked, if he would believe the Francifcan if he owned it ? He faid, that he would not believe him ; but that it was his opinion, that if the Friar had given him an aniwer, it was that he ought to reveal his imaginations : but he was interrupted, and there- fore would not give him an anfwer j neither did Tne TRIAL of RAXTAILLAC. 215 Ite, the accufed, propofe the queftinn to him, as if he was the man who had the temptation, but in general, as if it Ihould happen to any man. He was told, that he did not acknowledge the truth, and that he did declare his intentions to him. He faid, that it was very unlikely that he fhould do fo ; that he had applied, as well to laymen as to others, even to an equerry belonging to Queen Margaret, whofe name was De Ferrare; he de- clared his vifions to him, and entreated him to procure an opportunity to fpeak to the King ; that the equerry anfwered, he mull firlt have proofs that he was a good man, and one who was fit to fpeak to the King : to which he, the accufed, made anfwer, that he thought he was good enough to fpeak to the King. He added, that probably if he had fpoke to his Majefty, he would have loft his temp- tation. That he afterwards applied to the fecre- tary of Madame de Angouleme, who told him that the King was fick; yet he went again to the houfe of the Cardinal Du Perron, where he had the an- fwer he formerly repeated, That he would do bet- ter to return to his own houfe. He was told that that was good counfel, and he ought to have followed it. He faid, that it was true, but he was fo weaken- ed by his fins that he had no power over him- felf; and that the devil made him fall into this temptation. He was told, that the devil made ufe of others to tempt him. He faid, that no man had ever fpoke to him on. the fubjeff. He was told, that he could not hope for the grace of God, unlefs he difcharged his confcience. He faid, that he had fome fears, but .he alfo had great hopes of the grace of God. He h6 The TRIAL of HAVAILLAC. ^ He was told, that he could not expe£t it but by 'declaring the truth. He faid, that if he had been employed by any One in France, or by a foreigner, and (hould be fo abandoned by God as to die without declaring it, he fliould not believe that he would be faved, or that there would be any paradife for him, becaufe abiffus abifjunt) &c. as he had learned of the preach- ers of our Lord ; that one abyfs of fins leads into others ; that it was to double his crime, that the King, more efpecially the Queen, the whole houfe of France, the court, the nobility, and all the people, {hould, on his account, be induced to offend God, while their minds remained in a per- petual inquietude, fufpedfing, unjuftly, fometimes one, fometrmes another of their fubjr£ts; none of whom, he believed, were fo imprudent, as to entertain a thought of being difloyal to their princes. He was told, that if that was his opinion, he ought the more readily to declare who had per* fuaded him to the crime. He faid, that no Frenchman, foreigner, or any other, had ever advifed, perfuaded* or fpoke to him on this fubje£t; neither had he, the accufed, ever mentioned it to any one : he was not fo wick- ed as to have committed that deed for any other caufe than what he had declared to us, namely, that he believed the King intended to make war upon the Pope. He was told that this was a falfe pretence, He faid, that he was very forry for what he had done, and that he earneftly begged of every one to lay afide their fufpicions of his having been fet on to murder the King, and to believe that he only was concerned in that deed; and that they wnuld not look with an evil eye, or bear any one ill-will, fince he alone was guilty. He was alked, if he had ever been in fervice ? He The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 217 He faid, that he had ferved the late Monfieur flofieres, a counfellor of Angouleme; and that he had lived likewife with fome anomies, who were now dead. He was afked, if he had ever ferved any noble- man, as a page, footman, or valet de chambre ? He faid that he had not; but when he lived with Counfellor Rofieces, as his clerk, he likewife ferved him as valet de chambre. He was alked, if he had fcen the coronation laft Tuefday, and if he had followed the King ? He faid, he had not. He was afked, if he had been on the road to Saint-Denis ? He faid not this lafi: journey, but at Chriftmas laft, when he went to beg alms of the bakers. He was asked if he had been there laft week ? He faid, he had not gone farther than Saint Jeanin-Gfeve, and le Pent Notre-Dame. He was afked, if he had any magical characters about him ? and who had given them to him ? He faid, he fhould have thought it a wicked thing to have them. His examination being read to him, he perfifted ia his anfwers, and figned his name. RAVAILLAC; Underneath which he wrote thefe lines £hie toujours en man cceuri jefus Jolt le vanqueur. In my heart let Jefus be always conqueror. Father James Daubigny, prieft of the college of Jefuits, was this day fent for into court by u$ the commiflioners, in the prefence of Ravaiilac j both of them acknowledged the oaths they had taken. Vol. V„ T The ti8 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. The faid Ravaillac acknowledged, that the faid Father Daubigny was the perfon whom he had heard fay mafs fometime after laft Chriftmas, in their church in Saint Anthony’s ftreet ; that having been told he was the friend of Father Mary Magdalen the Feuillant, he went to feek him, to intreat him to procure his admiflion into that order; that after mafs was over, he fpoke to him by the means of a lay brother, and declared to him, that he had great vifions and imaginations, importing, that the King ought to reduce the fol- lowers of the pretended reformation ; and that he {hewed the faid Daubigny a little knife, whereon was a heart and a crofs, believing, that the King ought to bring back the followers of the pretend- ed reformation to the Catholic and Roman church. The faid Daubigny replied, that ail this was falfe, and that he had never feen the faid Ra- vaillac. The faid Ravaillac anfwered, By the fame token you gave me a penny, which you afked of one that was near you. To this the faid Daubigny anfwered, that the prifoner was a very bad man ; and after having committed fo wicked an aftion, he had fins e- nough to anfwer for, without being the caufe of an hundred thoufand others, which might be com- mitted. The prifoner was then told, that if he had any objeftions to make to Father Daubigny, he mult make them immediately. He faid, that he had none; that he looked up- on the faid Father Daubigny to be an honeft man, a good religious, and that he would believe him. In like manner the faid Daubigny being told of the ordnance, that he muft make his objections to the The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 219 the prifoner immediately, for they would not after- wards be received. He faid, that he had nothing elfe to fay, but that the prifoner was a very wicked man, and had ut- tered feveral falfehoods. The examination of the faid Daubigny being read in the prefence of the faid Ravaillac, he, the faid Daubigny, perfifted in his anfwers, and declared that they were true. But the faid Ravaillac declared, that he had fpoke to the faid Daubigny; that he went to look for him when he came out of the Louvre, and told him that he had temptations ; and that when he was in prifon, making his meditations, by per- miffion of Father Mary Magdalen, his hands and feet had fent forth a ftench of fulphur and fire ; which were proofs of the existence of a purgatory, contrary to the erroneous opinion of heretics 5 that he had vifions of the facred holts on each fide of his face, having before fung the Pfaimr of David; and, in a word, that he had related all thofe circumftances to him, which he had declared to us the day before in his examination : and that the faid Daubigny laid to him, in anfwer, that he, the faid Ravaillac, ought to apply to fome great men to admonifh the King : however, fince he had not done it, it was more proper for him to pray to God, he being of, opinion, that thofe vi- fic-ns he fpoke of were merely imaginary, and the efFedts of a difordered brain, as might be per- ceived by bis looks; that he ought to eat good foup, go to his own country, tell his beads, and pray to God. To this the faid Daubigny replied, that thefe were all dreams and lies. We having can fed the queftions that were put to the faid Ravaillac concerning the faid Dau- bigny, with his anfwers, to be read to him, in the T a prefence 220 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. prefence of Daubigny, the faid Ravaillac perfifted in his anfwers, and declared that they were true. The faid Daubigny replied, that all which the faid Ptavaillac had depofed againft him was falfe, as he had before declared to us. Upon this, RavaiTlac, being farther queftioned, replied, that he had never feen the faid Daubigny but that one time. Their examination being read to them, they per* lifted in their anfwers, and figned their names. The examination taken on the i<)th cf the faid month of May in the mornings at the palace^ by us the commijioners. r IHHE faid Ravnillac being brought info court, and his oath taken, he was required to de- clare who thofe perfons were that had prompted hinvto fo wicked an undertaking. He faid, that all which' now remained for him to declare was, his intention and earneft defire to free himfelf from the load of his fins ; that the whole, nation was, upon his account, led to be- lieve, that he had been bribed by the enemies of France to kill the iting, or by foreign kings and* princes, who were defirous of aggrandifmg them- felves, as was too common among the kings and great potentates of the earth, who do not confider whether their motive for making war is agreeable to the will of God ; or elfe through a covetous defire of appropriating unjuftly to themfelves the territories of other princes : but that the truth was, he, the prifoner, had not been incited to that a&ion by any perfon whatever; for if he could have been lo wicked as to have committed it for money, or for the intereft of foreigners, he would have acknowledged it in the prefence of God, before whom he now maintained the truth : The TRIAL of RAVAILLACL 2ii that he therefore intreated the Queen, the court, and the whole nation, to believe him, and not to charge his foul with the crime th.'y commit, in fuppofing he was prompted to that parricide by any other : for that this fin would fall heavy on him, the prifoner, for being the caufe of the uncer- tainty they were in which gave rife to their fufpi- cions; and he therefore implored them to lay thofe fufpicions afide, fincenoone but himfelf was able to judge of the fadf, and it was fuch as he had confefled. It was remonftrated to him, that fince he had neither been injured in his perfon or goods by any command or ordinance of the King’s, it was not probable he would make an attempt upon his facred perfon, whom he knew to be God’s anoint- ed, unlefs he had been perfuaded to it by fome other perfons, and had received money from them; he being a poor man, in want of the ne- cefiaries of life, and the fon of parents who lived upon alms. He faid, that it is fufficiently proved to the court, through the courfe of his examination, if he had, through the force of money, or by the perfuafions of perfons who are ambitious of the feeptre of France, been prevailed upon to murder the King* he would not have come three .times expiciaiy from Angouleme to Paris, which was a hundred leagues diftant from each other, to admonifh the" King to bring back the followers of the pretended reformation to the Cathode,. Apoftolic, and Ro- man Church, as being perfons who a£ted contrary to the will of God and his church •, for a man who- could be fo wicked as to lufler himfelf to De cor- rupted, through avarice, to afiaflinate his prime, would not have come three fever.d times to admo- nifli him, as he had done; and that, fince h§. had Committed this parricide, the bieur de La- Force,. captain of the guards, has acknowle. - 1 3, - cti, tit The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. ed, that he, theprifoner, had been at the Louvre j and earneftly entreated him to procure him the means of fpeaking to the King; and that the faid Sieur de La Force told him he was a furious Pa- pift, aflcing him if he knew Monfieur D’Epernon j to which he, the prifoner, replied, that he did know Monfieur D’Epernon, and that he himfelf was not a furious Papift ; but that, when he had taken the habit of the monaftery of St Bernard, Father Francis de St Peter was appointed to be his fpiri- tual father ; and, fince he was a true Roman and Apoftolic Catholic, he was defirous of living and dying fuch : and he intreated the faid Sieur de La- Force to bring him to the fpeech of the King ; lor he durft not declare to him the temptation he had fo long had to kill the King ; all he wanted was to tell it to his Majefty ; to the end that he might no longer be troubled with this bad intention. He was alked, whether, when he took thofe journies to advife the King to make war upon the followers of the pretended reformation, he defign- ed, in cafe his Majefty had not complied with his defires, to have committed the wicked act he had done. • He faid, be did not intend it in that cafe ; for he ihould bat e laid afide his defign, and have thought that it was better to make him that remonftrance than to kill him. It was objefted to him, that he had not chan- ged his wicked intention; fince, after his laft jour- ney from Angouleme, in Eafter, he had not fought for an opportunity to fpeak to the King, which was a proof that he left Angouleme with a refolution to do what he had done. He faid, it was true. He was afked, if, from Eafter-day to that on which he left Angouleme, he had received the holy communion l He The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. tif He faid, he had not; and that he received it the firft Sunday in Lent; but that he had, neverthe- lefs, caufed the holy facrifice of the mafstobe cele- brated in bt Paul’s church at Angouleme, which was his parifh church, as acknowledging himfelf unworthy of the moft hply and auguft facrament, full of myftery and incomprehenfible virtue, be- caufe he was troubled with the temptation which prompted him to kill the King, and would not, in fuch a Hate, approach the precious body of his God. It was obje&ed to him, that, Cnee he perceived he was not worthy of that myftery which he called incomprehenfible, he could not aflift with any de- votion at that holy facrifice celebrated by the prieft, of which all Chriftians participate, receiving fpiri- tually that which he who confecrates receives ac- tually. To this he was filent. He continued fome time penfive and in thought, and then faid, that he did not well know what to anfwer to their remon- ftrance ; but afterwards he faid, that he remem- bered it was his great affe£!ion for the moft holy facrament of the altar, which induced him to have it celebrated ; and that he hoped he (hould parti- cipate of the communion by means of his mother^ who was going to receive her God in that facrifice ; becaufe he was always of opinion, that fhe was more pious, and had more love for her God than he had. Saying this he fhed many tears. He was told, that he could have no reverence for, nor any faith in the holy communion and fa- crifice ot the mafs, fince he had, for a long time* been under the influence of the devil, and been ac- cuftomed to invoke demons, whom he caufed to aj pear to him, when he lodged in this city, about four years ago. tie laid, that he never had invoked demons. He tn 4 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. He was afked, if he knew a man named Dubois, born in Limoges ? and whether they lodged to* gether in this city, and lay in the fame chamber ? Hefaid, he did know him : that they lodged to* gether at the fign of the Rats, oppolite to the Green Pillar in Harp-ftreet. He was afked, if he would believe what the faid Dubois fhould fay ? He faid, Y cs, he would believe him. He was afked, whether, as he lay in bed with the faid Dubois, he did not ufe fome magical in- cantation invoking the demons; and in what man- ner ? He faid, that this was fo far from being true, that he did not even lie in the fame chamber with the faid Dubois, but in a garret over the room ■where he, the faid Dubois, lay : that, about mid- night, the faid Dubois, icpeating Credo in Drum, earneftly intreated him, feveral times, to come down to him ; faying, Ravaillac, my friend, come down ; and crying aloud, My God have mercy upon me: that thereupon he, the prifoner, would have gone down to him, to know why he cried out for help in fuch a manner, but he was hindered by fome perfons in the room with him, who were terrified with the cries of the faid Dubois : but that he, the prifoner, going down to Dubois fome time after- wards, he told him, that he had feen a black dog of a monflrous fize, and very terrible, which came and laid its two fore paws upon bis bed ; and that the terror this vifion threw him into made him ut- ter thofe cries, and intreat chat he, the prifoner,, would come into his room and flay with him ; up- o which he, the pri oner, advifed the faid Dubois t have recoin fe to the ceiebration of the holy fa- crifice of the altar, in order to get rid of ho hor- rible vifions, and to caufe mat', to oe laid the n xt, morning; and thit they went togeth: i . y the next, morning to the convent oi ih> : • n The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 225 friars, and caufed the holy mafs to be faid, to draw down the grace of God upon them, and to preferve them from the incurfions of the devils, the common enemies of mankind. It was objetted to him, that it was not at all probable that the faid Dubois fhould have called to him, who lay fo high ; or that he fhould have heard his voice. He anfwered, that nothing was more likely, it being one of the properties of the voice to afcend ; but that, fmce the court would not believe him, the truth of what he faid would be attefled by thofe perfons who were in the room where he lay, and who hindered him from going to the faid Dubois : that they were his landlady, Mary Moifeau, and a coufin of hers, named John Le blond, who came into his room, on account of the great noife they had heard, and for which he had quitted the room of the faid Dubois, where he had lain before. He was told, that he had no defire to get rid of his temptation, and therefore would not receive the communion on Eafter-day, left it fhould have the power to divert him from his purpofe. He faid, that his reafon for not receiving the communion was, that he had, on Eafter-day, ta- ken a refolution to kill the King, and upon that account he would not really, and in fa£t, receive the precious body of our Lord ; but had a defirp to hear the holy mafs before he fet out, believing that the facramenr, which his mother received that day, would he fufficient both for her and him, as he then begged of God that it might, and as he did now, and would to his death implore him, that he might be made partaker of all the holy commu- nions, taken by the religious of both fexes, by good men, feculars, and others in the Catholic, Apoftolic, and Roman church, receiving, in the faith of our holy mother the church, the precious l»ody of our Redeemer ; and that, being thus re- ceived *z6 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. eeived by them, he might be made partaker of it, as believing himfelf a member of one only Jefus Chrift. He was told, that, having refolved upon fo wicked an a£t, he was in the ftate of mortal fin, and in danger of damnation, and could not partake of the grace of God, and the communion of good Chriftians, while he continued to have this wicked intention ; and that he ought to have altered it, if he hoped to be in the grace of God, as a good Catholic and Chrifiian, as he would be thought to be. He faid, that he did not in the lead doubt, but that he was prompted to it by the motions of his own mind, againft the will of God, the author of all truth, contrary to the devil, who is the father of lies •, but that now, through the remonflran^e of the court, he acknowledged, that he either could not or would not refift that temptation, it being out of the power of men to hinder him from committing that wicked a&ion ; that he now decla- red the whole truth, without fupprefling or con- cealing any thing t therefore he honeef that God, who was all good and merciful, would grant him pardon and remiflion of his fins, he being more powerful to fave him, provided he made confeffion and received abfolution, thaa men were to hurt him ; and that he befeeched the holy virgin Mary, Monfieur St Peter, Monfieur St Francis, (here he wept), Monfieur St Bernard, and all the cele- ftial court of Paradife, to be his advocates and intercefibrs with the’ Moft Sacred Majefty, to the end that he might interpofe his crofs between his foul and hell; and by that he hoped to be made partaker of the merits of our Saviour Chrift’s paf* fion, moft humbly befeeching him, that he would give him grace to continue afibciated with the merits of all thofe treafures he gave to the Apo- ftoli© The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 227 ftolic power on earth, when he faid, Thou art Peter, &c. His examination being read to him, he perfifted in his anfwers, and figned his name RAVAILLAC. May 27,161 o, in the morning, at the palace. The confrontation of the -jjitnejfcs before us, Achilles de Harley, knight, frjl prefident; Nicholas Potier, prefident; Profper Bavin and John Cour- tin, counJellors% &c. PAul Nofter, exempt of the guards, was con- fronted with the prifoner; both of them ac- knowledged the oath they had taken. The accufed faid, that the witnefs was the perfon who took him prifoner, and the witnefs, that the accufed was the prifoner whom he took. The prifoner then was told, that, if he had any obje£tions to make againft the wit.nefs, he mult make them immediately, according to the ordi- nance of the realm. He faid, that he had none. The depofition of this witnefs being read to him, he perfifted in it; and the prifoner acknowledging that it was true, they both figned it. The prifoner was then confronted with James de Pluviers, Efq; of St Michael. The oath idem, &c. The prifoner was then confronted with Jerome de La-Robye, equerry to the King. The oath idcm,'dkc. The prifoner was then confronted with Gamaliel Edovart, one of the King’s footmen. The oath idem, &c. The prifoner faid, that he knew him to be one of the King’s footmen, but that he did not know if szS The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. if he the perfon who feized him, after he com- mitted the aft; and, being put in mind of the or- dinance, he faid, he had no objeftion to make to him. The prifoner was then confronted with Petef Dubois. The oath idem, &c. The prifoner acknowledged, that what he faid was true; but that it was by his advice that the witnefs had been to hear mafs at the convent of the Francifcan friars, at which he likewife was prefent. May 27, 1610, the court fat in the afternoon in the chamber de La-Beuvette. WE the prefidents, and feveral of the counfel- lors being prefent, the prifoner, Francis Ravaillac, was brought into court, who having been accufed and convifted of parricide committed on the perfon of the late king, he was ordered to kneel, and the clerk of the court pronounced the fentence of death given againlt him; as likewife, that he Ihould be put to the torture to force him to declare his accomplices. His oath being taken, he was exhorted to redeem himfelf from the torments preparing for him, by acknowledging the truth, and declaring who thofe perfons were that had perfuaded, prompted, and abetted him, in that piofl wicked aftion, and to whom he had difclofed his intention of commit- ting it. He faid, By the falvation I hope for, no one but myfelf was concerned in this aftion. He was then ordered to be put to the torture of the brodequin *; and the firlt wedge being drove, • he • The hrodc. uin is a ftrong woocen hux, maJe in the form of 2 boot, ju(t big enough to contain both the legs erf the crimin rl, \thid» The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 229 he cried out, “ God have mercy upon my foul, “ and pardon the crime I have committed ; I never “ difclofed my intention to any one.” This he repeated as he had done in his interrogation. When the fecond wedge was drove, he faid with loud cries and (hrieks, tc I am a finner, I know no “ more than I have declared, by the oath I have “ taken, and by the truth which I owe to God “ and the court: all I have faid was to the little “ Francifcan, which I have already declared : I “ never mentioned my defign in confeffion, or in “ any other Way : I never (poke ol it to the vifitor “ of Angouleme, nor revealed it in confdlion in wh rh heing pm therein, ; wooden wedge 5s then drove wirh a nidllet between his knees, and after that is forced ijuite thtough ; a fecond wedge, of a larger fize, is applied in the fame manner. Vol. V, U two *30 'The TRIAL of RAVaILLAC. two Doftors of the Sorbonne, being fent for, bis dinner was given him ; but before the divines en- tered into a conference with him, the clerk admo- nifhed him to think of bis falvation, and confefs by whom he had been prompted, perfuaded, and abetted, in the wicked adhion he had committed, and folong defigned to commit; it not being pro- bable, that he fliould of himfelf have conceived and executed it, without communicating it to any other. He faid, that if he had known more than what he had declared to the court, he would not have concealed it, well knowing, that in this cafe he could not have the mercy of God, which he hoped for and eSpedfed; and that he would not have en- dured the torments he had done, if he had any farther confeffion to make. He faid, he acknow- ledged that he had committed a great crime, to ■which he had been incited by the temptation of the devil; that he intreated the King, the Queen, the court, and the whole kingdom, to pardon him, and to caufe prayers to be put up to God for him, that his body might bear the punifhment for his foul And being many times admonifhed to re- veal the truth, he only repeated what he had faid before. He was then left with the doctors, that they might perform the duties of their office with him. A little after two o’clock the clerk of the court was fent for by the divines, who told him, that the condemned had charged them to fend for him, that he might hear and fign his confeffion, which he defired might be revealed, and even printed, to the end that it might be known to the whole world; which confeffion the faid do£tors declared to have been, that no one had been con- cerned with him in the aft he had committed ; that he had not been folicited, prompted, or abetted, hy any other perlon whatever, nor had difcovered The TRIAL of RAVAILLaC. 231 fiis defign to any one; that he acknowledged he had committed a great crime, for which he hoped to have the mercy of Cod', which was ftill greater than his fins, but which he could not hope to obtain if he concealed any thing. Hereupon the clerk alked the condemned, if he was willing that his confefiion fhould be known and revealed ? and, as above, admonilhed him to acknowledge the truth for the falvatioii of his foul. He then declared upon his oath, that he had faid all he knew, and that no one had incited him to commit the murder. At three o’clock he came from the chapel; and as he was carrying out of the Conciergerie, the prifohers, in great numbers thronged about him, with loud cries and exclamations, calling, him. Traitor, Wicked Wretch, Detejlable MonJicr9 Damned Villain, and the like : they would have ftruck him, had they not been hindered by the archers, and the other officers of juftice, who kept them off by force. When he was put into the tumbril, the croud was fo great, that it was with the utmoft difficulty the archers and officers of juftice could force themfelves a paffage; and as foon as the prifoner appeared, that vaft multitude began to cry out, as above, Wicked Wretch, Traitor, &c. The enraged populace continued their cries and execrations till he arrived at the Greve ; where, be- fore he was taken out of the tumbril to mount the fcaffold, he was again exhorted to reveal his ac- complices ; but he perfifted in his former declara- tion, that he had none ; again imploring pardon of the young King, the Queen, and the whole king- dom, for the crime he had committed. When he had afcended the fcaffold, the two doc- tors comforted him, and exhorted him to acknow- ledge the truth ; and after performing the duties of their fun&ion,. the clerk approached him, and U 2 urged 232 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. urged him to think of his falvation now at the clofe ' of his life, and to confefs all he knew ; to which he only anfwered as he had done before. The fire being put to his right hand, holding the knife with which he had (tabbed the King, he cried out, Oh Cod! and often repeated Jtyh AfarzV/ while his breaft, &c. were tearing with red-hot pincers, he renewed his cries and prayers ; du- ring which, being often admoniflied to acknow- ledge the truth, he perfifted in denying that he had any accomplices. The furious croud continued to load him with execrations, crying that he ought not to have a moment’s refpite. Afterwards, by intervals, melted lead and fcalding oil were poured upon his wounds ; during which he (lirieked aloud and continued his cries and exclamations. The doctors again admonifiied him, as likewife the clerk, to confefs, and were preparing to offer up publicly the ufual prayers for the condemned ; but immediately the people, with great tumult and diforder cried out againft it, faying, that no prayers ought to be made for that wicked wretch, that damned monfter. So that the doctors were obliged to give over. Then the clerk remonftra- ting to him, that the indignation of the people was a judgment upon him, which ought to induce him to declarethe truth, he perfifted to anfweras for- merly, faying, I only was concerned in the murder. He was then drawn by four horfes, for half an hour, by intervals. B< ing again queftioned , and admonifiied, he perfifted in denying that he had any accomplices ; while the people of all ranks and degrees, both near and at a diftance, continued their exclama- tions, in token of their great grief for the lofs of their King. Several perfons fet themfelves to pull the ropes with the utmoft eagernefs ; and one of the noblefle, who was near the criminal, alighted off his horfe, that it might be put in the place of one The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. one which was tired with drawing him. At length when he had been drawn for a full hour by the horfes, without being difmembered. the people rufhing on in crouds, threw themfelves upon him, and with fwords, knives, fticks, and other wea- pons, they flruck, tore, and mangled his limbs ; and violently forcing them from the executioner, they dragged them through the ftreets with the ut- moft eagernefs and rage, and burnt them in differ- ent parts of the city. May 21. 1610. HE jailor caufed the court to be informed. that he had heard the prifoner fay fomething of confequence ; upon which he was fent for, and the oath being adminiftred to him. He faid, That the evening before, carrying the prifoner’s fupper to him, with one of his men, the two archers who guarded him being prefent, he afk- ed the prifoner where he was when the Ring went out of the Louvre ? to which the prifoner replied, that he was fitting in the hall among the footmen : and being afked, why he committed fuch an a&ion ; the prifoner anfwered, “ Becaufe of a great “ but I will not tell you, but I will tell the court “ to morrow ; and I could not help doing it, as I “ {hall prove by my body.” Then archer of the provoft ofl’hotel, being fent for, the oath was adminiftred to him. He repeated what the jailor had faid, adding, that the prifoner faid, that his mother had a mark like his v for which reafon he could not avoid do- ing what he did ; and that perceiving the King’s coach to flop, he faw a vifion, which faid to him, “ Now is the time.” Then was heard upon oath archer like- wife of the provoft of I’hotel. ^ 3 He 234 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. He alfo repeated what the jailor had faid, adcL irrg, that the prifoner faid, he was under the ne- ce.Iity of committing that a£Hon, by a mark which he and his mother had, that it came from heaven, and that he would declare it to the court, &c. Sentence of death agalnjl Francis Ravaillac, May 28. 1610. Extracted from the regifers of the parliament. THE court, confifting of the great chambers of the Tournelle and the Edidf, being af- fembled, and having feen the criminal proceedings, formed by the prefidents and counfellors in that behalf, appointed by commiiTion, at the requifition of the King’s attorney general, againfl: Francis Ravaillac, a prattitioner of the law, of the city of Angouleme, prifoner in the Conciergerie of the palace ; as alfo the information made againft him, the interrogatories, confelhons, anfwers, and crofs- examination of witneiTes, and the ftate of the cafe by the King’s attorney general; and the faid Ra- •vaillac having been heard and examined by the faid court, touching the matters laid to his charge, and touching the verbal procefs of the interrogato- ries adminiltered to him on the rack ; which, by order of the faid court, he underwent on-the 25th; of this month, for difeovery of his accomplices.: On confideration of the whole, The faid court hath declared, and doth declare, the faid Ravaillac duly attainted of the crime of high treafon, divine and human, in the highelt degree, for the moft wicked, moft abominable, and moil deteftable parricide, committed on the perfon of the late King, Henry IV. of good and laudable memory; for reparation whereof, the -court hath condemned, and doth condemn him,. to The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC ns to- make the amende honourable^ before the principal gate of the church of Paris, whither he fliall be carried and drawn in a tumbril in his fhirt, bearing a lighted torch of two pound weight, and that he lhall there fay and declare, that, wickedly and trai,- teroufly, he hath committed the aforefaid mofl: wicked, mod abominable, and moft deteftable parricide, and murdered the faid Lord the King, by dabbing him twice in the body with a knife; that he repents of the fame, and begs pardon of God, the King, and the laws : from thence he fhall be carried to the Greve, and, on a fcaffold to be there eredted, the flefh fhall be torn to pieces with red hot pincers from his breads, his arms, and thighs, and the calves of his legs ; his right hand, holding the knife wherewith he committed the a- forefaid parricide, {hall be Icorched and burned with flaming brimdone; and on the places where the flefli has been torn with pincers, melted lead, boiling oil, Raiding pitch, with wax and brimdone melted together, {hall be poured: after this, he {hall be torn in pieces by four horfes, his limbs and body burnt to allies, and difperfed in the air. His goods and chattels are alfo declared to be forfeited and confifcated to the King. And it is further or- dained, that the houfe in which he was born fliall be pulled down to the ground (the owner thereof being previoufly indemnified), and that no other buildinglhall ever hereafter be erefted on the founda- tion thereof: and that within fifteen days after the publication of this prefent fentence, his father and mother {hall, by found of trumpet and public pro- clamation in the city of Angouleme, be banHht“d out of the kingdom, and forbid ever to return, under the penalty of being hanged and ftrangled without any farther form of procefs at law. The court has alfo forbidden, and doth forbid, his bro- thers, fifters, uncles, and others, from hence- forth to bear the faid name of Ravaillac, injoinkag them 2 36 The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. them to change it to fome other, under the like penalties: and ordering the fubftitute of the King’s attorney-general to caufe this prefent fentence to be publiflied and carried into execution, under pain of being anfwerable for the fame; and before the execution thereof, the court doth order, that the faid Ravaillac fhall again undergo the torture for the difcovery of his accomplices. Pronounced and executed the 27th day of May 1610. VOISIN. ExtraFt from the regijlers of Parliament. THE court, confifling of the great chambers of the Tournelle and the Edidd, being afl'em- bled, and proceeding to judgment on the crimi- nal procefs extraordinary, formed at the requifi- tion of the King’s attorney-general, on account of the moft wicked, moft cruel, and moft deteftable parricide, committed on the facred perfon of the late King Henry IV. and having thereupon heard the King’s faid attorney-general; hath ordered, and doth order, that, at the inftance of the Dean and Syndic of the faculty of divinity, the faid fa- culty fhall be aflbmbled, as foon as may be, to de- liberate : and having heard the tenor of the decree of the faid faculty of the 13th of December 1413, and the refolution founded on the opinion of one hundred forty one dodfors of the faid faculty, fince confirmed by the council of Conftance, That it is ■not lawfulfor any one, whoever he be, to make any at- tempt on the facred perfons of kings, and other fove- reign princes. The faid decree thereon to be made by the faid aflembly, fhall be fubfcribed by all the dodtors of the faid faculty, who fliall Jiave been pre- fent at the faid deliberations; and alfo by all the bachelors^ The TRIAL of RAVAILLAC. 137 bachelors, who are members of the body of divini- ty ; which faid decree being communicated to the faid attorney-genefal, and produced to this court, fuch order {ball be made tbereon as reafon fhall re- quire. Done in parliament. May 27. 1610. INDEX. A. ABBEYS taken out of the hands of the Proteftantsi Sully difpofes of his, v. 109. Benefices Abjuration of Henry IV. i. 236. And other particulars relating to this ceremony, ib. See. Abfolution of Henry IV. difficulty in prevailing upon the Pope to grant it, ii. 61. He grants it, at laft, upon certain conditions, ib. Remarks upon this ce- remony, 63 jlcademy Royale, propofed to be inftituted by Henry IV. iv. 346 Achmet, Emperor of the Turks, fucceeds Mahomet III. Troubles at Conflantinople during his reign* Obtains permiflion of Henry IV. to have a refident at Marfeilles, iv. 405 Aerfins, (Francis) ambaffador from the United Pro- vinces to France, carries on his hegociations with great fuccefs, iii. 73. Cardinal Richelieu’s faying of him, ib. Henry IV. fufpedted of having an in- trigue with his wife, ib. Gives information of a fup- pofed union of Spain and England to invade France, 144. iv. 24. Is deputed by Henry IV. to the Duke of Bouillon, 136. Makes prefents to the King and ‘Queen, and receives fome from them, 179. Returns to Paris to finilh his negociation, 206 Africa, Defigns of Charles V. of Philip II. and the houfe of Auftria, upon that part of the world ; and obftacles they meet with, iv. 115; Part of Henry’s great defign relating to Africa. See Political Defign Ageaux, (Des) Lieutenant de Roi of St Jean d’Angely, ferves Henry IV. at the battle of Coutras, i. - 37. Henry refufes to give his port to the Duke of Rohan, iii. 428. and bellows it upon I.a Rochebeaucourt,iv. 127. See Rohan, Rochebeaucourt Agelle INDEX. Ageiie (Mademoifelle d’) beloved by Henry IV. i. Agen taken by the Roman Catholics during the peace, i. 58. Taken a fecond time, ii. 101 Agouft, Henry’s opinion of this houfe, iv. 246. See Bonne, Crequy, Lefdiguieres Aides, abufes in this part of the revenue corredled by Sully, iv. 2, 3. Regulations for this purpofe, which make part of the cabinet of Hate, iv. 350. See Ca- binet of Hate Aiguebelle taken by Sully, ii. 333. An adventure there, by which Grillon became the fritnd of Sully, iii. 394. See Sully, Grillon Aigues-Mortes pawned by the Prince of Conde to Prince Cafimir, i. 69. Aine, the paffage of that river, and the advantage gain- ed there by Henry IV over the prince of Parma, i. 209. See Henry IV. Parma Aix, (Lewis d’) his party in Provence,!. 266. He at- tempts to deliver up Marfeilles to the Spaniards, ii. 28. See Marfeilles Albe Royale, in Hungary, taken by the Duke of Mer- coeur, ii. 413. Retaken by the Turks, iii. 64. Albigny, (Charles de Semaine d’) furprifes Geneva, and is driven from thence, iii. 62. See Geneva Albret, (houfe of) alliance between that houfe and the family of Rohan, ii. 100. Which, on failure of children in a direft line, are next heirs to the eftates of Albret, iii. 426. Henry IV. unites thofe eftates to the crown, iv. 217. Law-fuit betwixt Henry IV. and the houfe of Nevers for thofe eftates, 227. See Rohan, Nevers Aldegonde, (Philip Marnix de Saint) a Proteftant of- ficer, the Prince of Orange informs him of the de1- figned treachery at Antwerp, i. 83 Aldobrandin, (Cardinal) nephew and legate of Clement VIII. comes to France to treat of a peace. Sully’s reception of him, and his prudent advice to him, ii. 35°> 351- His conferences at Lyons with the com- millioners appointed b Henry IV. 353. Breaks them oft up 11 account of the demolition of Fort St. Ca* thenne, 355. Relumes the treaty with Sully, nd concludes I N D E X. concludes it, 557. 8. His friendfliip for Sully, itf. 16. SVtf Sully, Peace, Savoy AIen$on, Hertra feizes it for the princes : they join their forces there, i. 45. Taken from the league by Henry's forces, 184. See Hertra, Henry IV. Alexander (Father) a Jefuit, endeavours to procure the re-eftabli(hment ofhisfociety in France, iii. 237 Alexandrini (Cardinal)" called to the council, where they projedi the deltrudtion of the Proteftants, i. 25 Algiers, Spain endeavours to get pofleffion of it, iii. 20J •Alibour, firft phyfician to Henry IV. i. 203. Ahumd- rous dialogue between Henry IV. and him, concerning the fair Gabrielle, ii. 31. His death. Some circum- ftances relating to it, 32. See Henry, Eftrees, Sancy Al'incourt, (Charles de Neufville, Marquis of) governor of Pontoife, attempts to furprife Mante, i.-2 i7. Con- cludes a treaty with Henry IV. 313. Obtains the government of Lyons, 374. Henry refufes to give him the poll of grand mailer of the ordnance, ii. 158. The fum of money granted him by his treaty, 234. Is fent to Rome on occafion of the defigned marriage between Henry IV. and Vary of Medicis, 325. Gratuities and favours which he received from the Queen regent, v. 81. A great difpute in the coun - cil between him and Sully on the affair of Lyons, 83 Allegre (Chriflopher, Marquis of) takes Roden for the league, i. 187. Affaflinates Hallot, iv. 235 Allymes, (Rene de Lucinge-Des) the Duke of Savoy’s cqmmiflioner in the affair of Saluces, ii. 311. En- deavours to corrupt Sully by prefents, 312. See Sa- voy, Saluces, Sully Alpin (Saint) de Bethune, his example propofed to Sully by Paul V. iv. 22. See Bethune Ambaffadors and embaffies from Elifabeth and the Uni- ted Provinces to Henry IV. Political difeourfe of this prince upon this occafion, ii. 183. See Henry, Cecil, Nafiau, Elifabeth, &c. Of the Duke of Lux- embourg to Rome. See Luxembourg. Of Sillery to Rome. See Sillery. From the Grand Seignior to Henry IV. See Muflapha. From the Venetians to Henry IV. Venice. From the Archduke to Vdi.. V. X Henry. INDEX. £l£iiry. See Archdukes, Embaffy of Canaye Venice ; of Bethune to Rome ; of Marflial Biion to London, and to the Svvifs cantons. See thefe names. A folemn embaffy of the Swifs cantons to France. See Swifs cantons. Marquis of Rofny fent ambaf- fador extraordinary to King James I. See Sully, Jajne: I. Ambaffadors appointed by Henry IV. du- ring the war of Cleves, iv. 442 Amblife (Africanus d’Anglure d’) defeated by the Duke of Bouillon, i. 260 America, defigns of Charles V. and Philip II. upon that part of the world, and the obftacles they meet with, tv. 114, 5. Charles V. Philip II. Part of the great defign relating to this part of the world. See Political defign Amiens, Henry IV. makes his entrance into that city, ii. 12. He flays there feme time, 85. His anfwer to the deputies of that city, ib. Taken by the Spa- niards, 142. Difquiet it gives Henry, ib. His pre- parations to retake this city, 146. Begins the liege, 154. Solly’s endeavours to fecure the fuccefs, of it, ib. The Spaniards unable to prevent its being taken, 161, 2. Henry IV. goes there to conclude the treaty of Vetvins, 199 Anchin, (John de Bethune, Abbot d’) revered as a flint, i. j. See Bethune Anchorage (rights of) eilablilhed, notwithftanding the remonltrances of Sully, iii. 216 Andelot (Chvarles de Chatillon-Coligny, Marquis of) difputes Suily’s prifoners with him, i 195. A quar- rel between them on that occafion, 196. Henry IV. decides it for Sully, 2(51, 2 (Francis de Chatillon-Coligny, Marquis of) his three children all died or were murdered at one time, i. 212 (Guy de Laval d’) laved at the mafacre of St Bartholomew, and fled to Geneva, i. 32 Andrefy, conferences upon religion held at this place, i. 338. Names of thofe perfons who affilled at the conference, and the fubjedls treated of,/'K Anfr.ville, the Catholics drove from that place, i. 1S4 Anfreville INDEX. AnfreviIJe (N. d’) taken prifoner by Sully at tne bat- tle of Ivry, i. 193 Ange (N. de Saint) afiifts the King’s party in Limofrn, ii. 181. Contributes to the taking of Bourg, 326, 7. Solicits for Marfhal Biron’s pardon, iii. 29 Angely, (St John d’) the poif of King’s Lieutenant re- fufed to its governor, iii. 428, and given to La Roche-beau-court, iv. 127. Rohan obliges the re- gent to grant it to him, v. 173. See Rohan, Roche- beau-court. Angers, Prince of Conde fails in his attempt upon this place, i. 105. Henry IV. flays fome time there in his journey to Britany : the bufinefs he tranfa&s there, ii. 172, 3. See Henry, Mercoeur, &c. Angillon, (La-Chapelle d’) a houfe purchafed by Sully, v. 108. The improvements he makes in it, 196. Angouleme (Charles de Valois, Count of) and Duke of Auvergne. See D’Auvergne (Charlotte de Montmorency, Duchefs of) proxy for the Archduke at the baptifm of the Princefs F.li- fabeth of France, iv. 161. France. Employed in the amours of Henry IV. 186, 248, 56 Anjou (cities in) taken by Henry IV. i. 53 • (Francis de Valois, Duke of Alengon, fince Duke of) otherwife Monfieur. Plots with the King of Navarre to flrangle the Queen-mother, i. 12 They endeavour to procure a marriage between him and Queen Elifabeth, 39. Joins the malecontents, 41. Arrefled, ib. Recovers his liberty, 44. Great en- mity between him and Henry III 39, 44. Joins his forces with Henry IV. and the Prince of Conde, 43. Catherine difunites them from the Proteilants by the peace of Monfieur, 46. Defign of this princefs to make him King of Algiers. Negociations to this ef- fect. 73. His charafter, 76. See Sauves. Goes to Flanders. Received into Cambray, and takes the caftle by affault. His treachery to the governor, 80. Goes to England, 81. Returns to Flanders, where he is crowned Duke of Brabant, 82. Enters into a fort of engagement with Elifabeth, 8 r. H s refent- ment to the city of Antwerp, 84. Difobliges Sully X 2 and INDEX. nnd the Proteftants, 8^). He lofes his army, atict' returns to France, 85. Retires in difgrace to Cha- te.iu Thierry Sully vifits him there, 89. His death, 90. His titles, ib. Defigned to be married to the tiller of Henry IV. ii. 262. Philip II. motives for engaging him in the enterprife of Antwerp, iv. 241* See the names mentioned in this article Anjou, (Gallon John Baptiftde France, Duke of) third fon of Henry IV. afterwards Duke of Orleans. His birth, iy. 266. Henry propofes to marry him to the Princefs of Mantua,35 5. Hisfondnefs for Sully, v. 77 Anfpach, (the Duke of) Sully charged with holding a criminal correfpondence with this prince, iii. 417 Antirhrift, the Proteftants gave this name to the whole family of hledicis, i. 18. The Pope Antichrift. a tenet propefed to the fynod of Gap. Oppofed by Sully, iii. 220. Debates upon the fame tenet in the fyr - d of Rochelle, iv. 189 Anthony, (N.de St) Henry IV. fends him to the King; of England, iii. 192 Antonio, (Don Simon) deputy from Spain, oppofes a treaty between Sully and Villars, i. 357. The con- verfation betwixt Sully and him at the governor’s, 376. Villars obliges him to leave Rouen, 377 Antwerp, the Duke of Anjou is crowned there Duke Of Brabant, i 82. Infurredtion upon account of the Prince of Orange being wounded there, ib. Mon- fieur endeavours to feize it by furprife, and fails irt his attempt, 84- Caufe of the hatred the Dutch bote him, 82. See Anjou, Orange. The Prince of Orange makes an unluccefsful attack upon this city,. - iv. 203. Motives of the counfel given by Philip II. againft this city, 341 Arambure (N. d’) prefent at the battle of Aumale : the attack of the great convoy before Laon, i. 401. Attends Henry IV. in the campaign of Franche- Compte, ii. 39. 146. Treated with great familiari ty by Henry IV. v. 7 Archduke of Auftria, (Albert Cardinal) lofes an op- portunity of beating the French before Amiens, ii. 161, 62. Bon-mot of Henry on this occafion, 161. - Signs r INDEX. Signs at Bruffels the treaty of Vervins for the King of Spain, 200. Goes to fetch the Archduchefs of Gratz to Philip II. and conduits her through Mar- feilles, 260. Marries the Infanta Ifabella, and is made governor of the Low Countries, 261 He lofcs -the battle of Nieuport, 362. Befieges Ofte^d, 3^5. Sends the Count of Solre ambaffador to Henry at Calais, 379- Indifpofed at Bruffels, iii. 60. The difpofitioif and true political views of the Archduke in Flanders, with regard t.> Spain and the houfe of Auftria, 177 He favours the confpiracy of the Eng- lifli Lords againft King James, 202. Bad fuccefs in the war againft the Dutch, 208. He concludes the treaty of fufpenfion of arms between Spain and the United Provinces, iv. 208. Endeavours fincerely to bring about a peace, 306, His reception of the Prince of Conde after he left France, 384. Treaty of a truce for twelve years between him and the States-General, with the treaty of mediation of the Kings of France and England, 393. He fupports the intereft of the Prince of Epernon out of regard to Sully, 396. The letter which Henry IV. wrote upon his journey into Cleves, and the anfwer to it. 436- His motives for the little precaution he took againft Henry’s great defign, 445. Sends an em- baffy into France upon the death of Henry IV. v. 70. Permits the troops of the confederate princes for the great defign to pafs through his dominions, 166. See Cleves, Political Defign, and the other names men- tioned in this article Archdukes and Archducheftes, Princes andPrinceffes of of that name. See Auftria Archprieft, eftabliftied in England by the Pope, the caufe of great troubles, iii, iji. See Clement VIII. James I. and Jefuits Ardtmbourg, the Archduke Albert fails in his attempt- upon this place, iii. 350 Ardres taken by the Spaniards, ii. 60 Aremberg, (John de Ligne, Count of) ambaftador front the Archduke to King James, iii. 98. Cabals in Lon-- don, 103. Audience refufed him by the King of X 3 England INDEX. England till Sully hadhis, 118. Compliments and prefenta.which Sully and he make each other, 134. King James complains of his conduct, 131. Errors he is guilty of in his negociation, 157. Goes to Windfor, 196. The King delays giving him his fe- cond audience, 212. Continues to cabal at London, ib. 1 Argoulets, from whence called, i. 107 Argentan, the Duke of Montpenlier takes this city for the King, and defeats the Gautieres there, i. 184. See Montpenfier League Argenton, Henry IV. didodges the troops of the league from this place, i. 139 Argouges, (Florent d’), treafurer of the Queen’s houfe- hold, iii. 279. Brings a comptant to Sully, which that minifter refufes to fign, v. 64 Ariat (N. d’) fuccours the inhabitants of Villemur a- gainft the forces of the league, i. 267. See Joyeufe, Villemur Aileux, Monfieur attacks this paffage, Sully takes fome prifoners there, i. 8 . See Anjou, Sully Armagnac (county of) ereifted into a prefidial, ii. 167. Law-fuit loft by Henry IV. to the Sieur de Fontrail- les for this county, ib. firft gentleman of the bedchamber to Henry IV. ii. 2. iii. 12 AnnanJ, (Father) a Jefuit, labours fuccefsfully for die re-eftabliftiment of that fociety in France, iii. 237 Arms (wearing of) prohibited, ii. 203 Arnai-le-Duc, (encounter of) in which the Proteftants have the advantage, i. 3. Henry’s difeourfe upon this battle, ib. Arnaud, (the eldeft of four brothers) clerk of the coun- cil of finances, ii. 122 , (the fecond brother) fecretary to Sully. Mar- flial Biron’s converfation with him upon the fcaf- fold, iii. 28. Informations given him by a canon of Canterbury upon the intrigues of Spain in London, 103. Mary of Medicis makes him a member of her privy council, v. 22. Sully’s refentment againft him, 25. Sully fends him to Conchini to make him fome compliments INDEX. compliments in his name : what paffed upon thi* occafion, 41, 42. Favours bellowed upon him by the Queen-regent, 81. She makes him intendant of the finances. Sully’s advice to him, 95 (the third brother), Colonel, advice given him by Sully, 94 Arnaud, (the fourth brother), treafurer of France, and overfeer of the highways, makes his court to Con- chini, v. 42. Advice given him by Sully, 94 Arnes, (N. d’), a Proteilant gentlemen, elcapes the mafiacre of St Bartholomew, i. 27 Aro.the Proteilant party of tire Grifons hold an affem- bly there, hi. 368 Arpentis, (Lewis Du Bois des), governor of Touraine, i. 103. Services which Sully receives from him, 109 Arques (battle of), t. 176 Arragon, (Admiral of), aflills for the King of Spain at the publication of the peace of Vervins at Paris, ii. 201. Commands the Spanilh army in Flanders, 262. Unable to fuccour Grave, hi. 60,61. Arras, Sully’s ancellors have the title of prote&or of the church of, i. 4. Marlhal Biron the caufe that the attempt upon this place failed, ii. 75. Henry re- folves to befiege it in form, 76, 77. The taking of Amiens by the Spaniards obliges him to lay alide this delign, 140 Arfcot (Duke of) afilfts at the publication of the peace of Vervins at Paris, ii. 201 1 Arfenal of Paris, the Duke of Sully refides there, ii. 230. Repairs it, 306. Receives the King and Queen there, 36-'. Interlude prefented there, hi. 1. Works carried on by Sully, 337. and in the other arfenals of the kingdom, iv. 10. He eltablilhes a fchool for mili- tary exercifes, 98. Running at the ring, Henry’s fre- quent vilits there, 197, 8. Henry IV. Sully. A large hall and amphitheatre built there by Sully for theatrical reprefentations, 243. He entertains and lodges Heary there, who goes fre quently to vifit him, 312 : Arfon, deputy to the Duke of Bouillon in the affair of Sedan, iv. 132 Artois INDEX. Artois, (Counts of), the fovereignty of the earldom of St Dull conteftecf for by them and the Counts of Bo- logna, iii. 374. See St Paul Arts, a fcheme for the improvements of them, iv. 346. See Cabinet of State Arundel, (palace of), Sully lodged there during his embaffy to London, iii. 105 Afcoly, (Prince of), commands the Spanifh troops in Champagne, i. 220. Suffers Noyon to be taken,/<5. Afia, defigns of Charles V. of Philip II. and of the boufe of Auftria, upon this quarter of the globe, and the obftacles they meet with. Part of the great de- fign of Henry IV. relating to that part of the world. 6V,? Political Defigns Aftrology and Aftrologers, an adventure of the Duke of Sully with an aftrologer, ii. 80, 81. The fcience of aflrology very much, cultivated in the age of Hen- ry IV. 276. This prince makes La-Riviere calcu- late the Dauphin’s nativity, 391. See Henry,Sully, La-Broffe, &c. Avantigny, a Proteftant officer, Monfienr withdraws his confidence from him, i. 83. Prefent at the com-- bat of Sauveufe, 164. At the battle of Arques 177 Aubagnac, agent to the Duke of Bouillon, iv. 82 Aubepine, (Charles de 1’), Marquis of'Chateau-neuf, refufed the office of grand mailer of the ordnance, ii. rjS. vailed to the council to deliberate upon the affair of recalling the Jefurts, iii. 237- Upon the re- cflabliffiment of the public revenue, 335. Upon the affairs of the United Provinces, iv. 205. Appointed by Henry one of the regents, 407. Admitted by Mary of Medicisinto her ordinary council, v. 23 Aubeterre, (N. d’), flanders raifed upon account of Sully’s friendffiip for him, iii. 416 Aubigne, (Theodore Agrippa d’), ill affeAed to the patty of Henry IV. i. 99. ii. 55. The methods ufed by him to raife an infurre&ion amongthe Proteflants, 181. Obferves Sully’s conduct in his journey into Poitou, iii. 298. Lays the foundation of a Prote-- Rant republic in France, iv. 65. Aubignyy r N D E X. A'abigny, (Father), a Jefuit. See Jefuit, Parricide, Henry Auguftus, the conformity .between the reign of Henry IV. and his, iv. 254 Auguftus (order of) inftituted, iii. 220 Av ignon, a difpute concerning the bridge of that city, between the Pope and the King of France, terminated in favour of the King, iii. 370, 1 Avila, (D. John Alvares), admiral of Spain, killed in a naval fight with the Dutch, iv. 208 Aumale, (battle of), i. 234. Prince of Parma’s fpeech. upon the battle, 240 Aumale, (Charles de Lorrain, Duke of) aflifts the league, i. 174. Narrowly efcapes being taken pri- fonei by Sully, 184. Defeated before Novon, 214, 2ij. His wife treats with Sully about his return to the King’s party, 354, 5. Serves the Spaniards in Flanders, iii. 208 (Claude de Lorraine, Chevalier d’) fights for the league at Ivry, i. 193. Is killed at the attack of St Dennis, 260 (Mary de Lorraine, Duchefs of) treats with' Sully about her husband’s returning to the King, i. 3J4> 5 Aumont, (John d’), Marftra! of France, i. 103 Takes an oath of fidelity to Henry IV. after the death of Henry III. 172. Surprifes Meulan, ib. Attacks the fuburbs of Saint Germain, 182. The vidtory oflv- ry partly owing to his valour, 189. Greatly caref- fed by Henry, 196. Confers with the King about his converfion, 314. His exploits in Britany, ii. 13. His death, ib. Anneau, (defeat of the foreign troops at), accounted for, i. 14 Auftria, (houfe of), the author’s fentiments of its ori- gin, i. 4. From whence it defeended. Diftin<5fion between the original and the fecond houfe of Auftria. Names of the feveral princes of this houfe : errors in all thefe refpedfs redlified, ib. See Habsburg. Eftates brought into the Houfe of Auftria by that of Be- thune, ii. 94. That houfe hated by the Proteftants INDEX. of the north, iii. 114. The complaint of King Jante$ againft it, and the project concerted between him and Sully to humble it, 146. Countries fubject to' it. ib. See Charles V. Philip II. The neceffity and means ofhumbling it, 173. Solly the firft contriver of this fcheme, 252. Strengthened by its alliances 361. Its defigns of acquiring univerfal monarchy, iv. 114. Its firft advancement, origin, and great fucceffes, 117. Henry IV. and Sully think of means to put a ftop to them, 116. Alliance of the houfe of Bethune with the hpufe of Auftria, 402. See Bethune, Coucy. Pre-eminence of the houfe of Bourbon over the houfe of Auftria, ib. See Bourbon, How it got poffeflion of the earldom of Guclders, 407, 8 Death of the Duke of Cleves.and the fuc- ceffion of his dominions ; reafons for endeavouring to fet it alide, 411. See Political Defign, Cleves, Elifabeth. States and princes in Europe oppofing the houfe of Auftria on this oceafion, 459. Confpi- racy againft the life of Henry IV. in which it is con- cerned, 471. .SVr Spain, Henry, Parricide, &c. Suf- fers Juliers to be taken, and the fucceffion of Cleves to be divided, v. 59. The view of the grand defign of Henry IV. in regard to it, 141. Juft fubjeds of complaint for all Europe againft it, 163. Conjeiftures on what meafures it would have taken with refpedt to the grand defign, and what would have been the confequence of it, 163. Political Defign, Spain, Rodolph Auftria, (Albert of) See Habsburg, and Auftria (hoafe of) ■ (Albert, Cardinal and Archduke of). See Arch- duke, Low Countries — (Andrew, Cardinal of) lieutenant-general in Flanders till the arrival of the Archduke, ii. 262 — (Anna Maria Mauricetta of) .SVe Spain (chil- dren of) (Catherine of), by her marrying into the houfe of Bethune, it became allied to the houfe of Auftria, iv. 402 — (Don Carlos of) See Carlos, Spain, Philip II. —(Charles INDEX. 4 -(Charles IV. of). See Emperor -(Charles of) Marquis of Burgaw. See BurgaW* Cleves (Claire Ugenie of). See Spain (children of) ■ (Erneft, Archduke of) See Erneft (Ferdinand of) See Ferdinand, Emperor (Ferdinand, Archduke of) beaten before Ca* nife, ii. 413 — (Frederic III. of). See Emperors, Frederic (D. John of). See John (Don) — (Ifabella of) See Spain (children of) (Leopold, Archduke of). See Leopold • (Margaret of) Archduchefs of Gratz, marries Philip III. ii. 260. Paffes by Marfeilles, 261. See Philip II. Philip III. (Mary of) marries'William Duke of Juliers, iv. 412. See Cleves • (Matthias, Archduke of). See Matthias Auftria, (Maximilian I. and II. of). See Maximilian, Emperors (Rodolph, or Raoul of) See Habsburg, Au- itria, (houfe of) • (Rodolph of) Emperor See Rodolph Autun, taken by Marflial Biron, ii. 40 Auvergne, account of Henry IV’s j -u ney to that pro- vince, iv. 80. See Henry IV. Bouillon, Rebels (Charles of Valois, Count of) prefent at the battle of Arqu s, i. 178. Joins with the feditious, ii. 147. Stilly watches and difconcerts his defigns, ib. He traveries Henrv’s amour with his lifter, 298. See Verneuil (Marchionefs of). His correlpondence with Spain, 376. Signs an affociation with Bouillon nd Eiron, 4,0. Incites the people to mutiny againft Henry IV 406. Waits for an opportunity of feiz- inu Saint Flour, 407. The refolution of arrefting him taken at Blois,iii 3. He is arrefted, 23. Henry grants him his life, but imprifons him, 33. He is afterwards reftored to liberty, 34. Henry’s motives for adting thus, 3 ,. Auvergne again betrays the Kmg, 36. i: charadt 37. Continues his intrigues, CiS. Lofes his fuit againft Queen Margaret, for INDEX. 'the fucceflion to Catherine of Medicis, 290, t. En- gages with Spain in a wicked plot againft the ftate and perfon of Henry 292. Demands his pardon of the King, and at the fame time proceeds in his con- fpiracy with Spain, 306, 7. Meafures ufed to arreft him, 308. His fears and irrefolution, 310. His let- ters to and from Sully, 314. How he was arrefted, 315. Henry again pardons him : the real and fup- pofed motives for this clemency, 379- He endea- vours to efcape from theBaftile, 380. <5^ Entragues. Favours granted him in prifon, iv. 381. Involved in the-parricide committed by Ravaillac, 486 B BAbort de la Bourdaifiere. St? Eftrees, Sourdis Bacqueville employed in the affair of Adrienne de Frefnefs, iv. 152 Baden, the Catholics of the Grifon league hold their af- fembly there, Hi 368. See Grifohs ■ (Duke of) and de Dourlak, Sully accufed of holding criminal correfpondences with thefe princes, iii. 417. The lhare they were to have in the great defign, v. 145 Badefou. See Saint Genies Badet (company of) ufed as the forlorn hope at the bat- tle of Ivry, i. 188 Bailiwicks, offices to be eredted in them in cafes of ne- ceility, iv. 352 Baionne, the malecontents endeavour to feize upon this place, iv. 31 Balls and feaifs at Paris, during the winter of 1597, H. 141 . Balagny, (Lamion Montluc de), Duke of Eguillon, and he, rivals in amours. Is alfaffinatedby the Duke. Indignation expreffied by Henry IV. and Sully on this aflaffination, iv. 277, 8 • (John de Montluc de), Monfieur gives him the government of the caltle of Cambray, i. 81. Heads the forces of the league at the battle of Rouen, 233. Made Sovereign Prince of Cambray, 386, 7. The Spaniards drive him from Cambray, ii. 60. Bon-mot of INDEX. of Henry IV. upon this occafion, 65. The fum paid him for coming over to Henry, 234 Baltazar, his attachment to Sully. Memorial which he delivered him upon the battle of Fontaine Frangois, ii. 52 Balzac. See Entragues, Verneuil Banchi (Father Seraphin) difcovers to Brancaleon the defign of afiaffinating the King, i. 337 Bankruptcy and bankrupts, Sally’s feverity to Jou/Te- aume. .SVir Jouffeaume. An edid againll fraudulent bankrupts, iv. 369 Baptifm of the children of France, an account of prepa- rations for this ceremony, iv. 159. See the Dauphin and children of France Bar, (Henry de Lorraine, Duke of), his marriage with the Princefs Catherine oppofed by the Pope and the clergy of France, ii. 263. See Princefs Catherine, OfTat, Clergy. Her great expences, iii. 235. Henry and he take meafures, after the death of the princefs, to fecure her effefts, 235. Henry propofes to mar- ry him to the princefs of Mantua, iv. ry Bar, fuppreflion of its officers, ii. 373. Sully complains of the luxury of the gentlemen of the law, iii. 22S. Regulation upon the droit annuel, iv. 350. Reafons for and againft: this regulation, ib. Abufes to be correfted in it with refpeft to the judges, advocates, and attorneys, 354 Barbary, Spain defigns to invade it, iii. 205 Barberini, the Pope’s nuncio in France, iv. 19. Em- ployed by Henry in adjufting the differences between Paul V. and the Venetians, and rewarded for his good offices, 148. His praifes of Sully, 216 ! Barenton, an engineer fent by Sully to demoliffi the caftle of Uffon, iv. 98. See Margaret de Valois l Barlaymount, (Count of) grants a pafTnort to Sully,i.86 ■ (Countefs of), refufes her confent to the marriage of Mademoifelle de Melon with the Mar- quis of Cceuvres, when defired by Henry IV. iii. 430 l Barnard the Marchionefs of Bellifle enters into the or- der of the nuns of, ii. 291 . Barnevelt, (John Olden de), principal deputy of the Vol. V Y Uaitetf INDEX. United Provinces, to James I. The firft converfatioit which he had with Sully at London ; his confidence in Sully, and the meafures which they take together, iii. 119. & feq. Gives advice of the pretended union of Spain and England againft France, 140. Dif- gufted with the Engliih minitleis 160. His confer- ence with Sully upon this fubjeft, in which he in- truits him with the private refolutions of the States- General, 161. His conference with Sully and the Englifli minifters, in which nothing is refolved upon, 162. Ses Cecil. A quarrel between him and the Prince of Orange, occafioned by the truce, iv, 176 Barrault, (Emerick Gobier de), attempts to enforce the obfervation of the treaties, iii. 206. Endeavours to find out the treachery of La Hote, 254. An in- flance of his boldnefs and refolution, lb. Rafis in- forms him of the treafon of La-Hote, 255:, 6. Gives advice to Henry IV. 257. Inftrudions given him by Sully, iv. 202 Barre, (Madame de la), gives bad counfel to the Prin- cefs Catherine againft Sully, ii. 91—99 Barreaux, (Des) one of the members of the new coun- cil of finances, ii. 43. He fupports the financiers, who had been guilty of unjufl pradfices, 169 Barriere or Barre, (Peter) his plot to afiaffinate Hen- ry IV. how difcovered and punilhed i. 337. Par- ticulars relating to this plot. The Jefuits juftified, ib. Bartholomew, (mafiacre of Saint), fcheme of this maf- facre, i. 22, 23. Obfervations upon it, ib. The manner in which it was executed. How Henry IV. the Prince of Conde, and Sully preferred their lives, 31, 33. Refledtions upon this adHon, 28. Names of thofe who were maffacred, and other particulars, 32 Baifignac, or Vaflignac, (Gideon de), a Proteftant gen- tleman, cabals againft Henry at the fiege of Amiens, ii. 155 Lkmenant and agent for the Duke of Bou- illon, iv. 82 Buftc, (George), general of _ the Imperial troops in Tran- INDEX. TranlTIvania, defeats Vaivodes, Battery, and Michael, ii. 413. A noble aedion of this general, iii. 64 Baitile, Stilly made governor of it, ii. 410. Henry IV. lays up his treafures there ; regulation upon this oc- cafion, iii. 323 Battles and encounters at Jarnac, at Arnai le due, at Leucon, at Loudon, at Lepantlie, at Saint-Quintin, at Meaux ; before Beaumont, at Coutras, Saveufe, Arques, Dieppe, and Pollet, Ivry, Iffoire ; at the pafi'age of Aine ; againft the Gautieres. i'c’i* Mont- penfier. OfAumale. Sc’t all thefe names. Hiflo- rians feldom agree in the account they give of battles, i. 240. Encounters and ikirmifhes before Rouen, 244.—250. See Parma. Of Villemur, of Villers Colerets, before Dourlens, at Fontatne-Franjoife, at Nieuport. Naval battle gained by the Dutch againlt the Spaniards. Site Spain, the Low countries. See alfo {kirmidtes, lieges, and the other names mentioned in this article Battori, Vaivode of Tranfilvania, defeated by George Balle, ii. 413. He continues the war againd: the Emperor, iii. 63 Bavaria, (Ele«£tor of), projeft to make him Emperor, iv. Baudelonis (Yvon) takes a Spaniih fliip, which Henry IV. caufes to be reftored, iv. 26 Baugy, agent to Henry IV. for the management of the grand defign, v. 153 (lands of), awarded to Sully. He vilits them, »• 37,3 Baumevielle, the advice he gave to Henry IV. concern- ing the Duke or Bouillon, iv. 234 Bazeile (Sainte) taken by the Duke of Maienne, i. 1x3 Bearn, the mafs abolilhed there. See Navarre. Th- mafs reftored ; afterwards the Jefuits, iv. 291. The quarrel with Spain relating to its boundaries, termi- nated to the fatisfadlion of Henry, 312 Beaudifner, (Galliot de Cruflbi de), a Proteftant gentle- man, i. 2i. Killed at the malfacre of StBattholo- mew, 29 Beaufort, (Duchefs of). See Eftrecs (Gabriel d’) T s Ens- INDEX. — Enemy to Sully at court, iii. 413 JBeaugrard of great ufe to Sully at the taking of Loviers, i. 219 Beaugency, one of the five cities which continued faith- ful to Henry III. i. 156. Granted to Henry IV. as a place offecurity and paflage, 158 Beaulieu, (convent of), where is delivered the edift of fixty-three articles, i. 46. See Peace, Anjou Beaulieu, Henry IV refufes him the poll of Lieutenant de Roi of St John d’Angely, iv. 157 Beaumont, (Chriilopher de Harlay, Count of), ambaf- fador from France at London, gives advice of the death of Elifabeth, iii. 79, 80. King James is pre- judiced againll him, 94. He is of great fervice to Sully in his embaffy, 100. Sully lodges with him, 104. Denies his requeft in favour of Combaut,io7. Fie difluades Sully from appearing in mourning at his audience of the King of England, 126. Admit- ted to dine at the table with King James, 168. His eulogium upon Sully’s embafly, 184. Fie continues to give advice of the ftate of affairs in England after the return of Sully, 196. His praifes of Sully,197. CAher important advices fent him from London, 200. He exerts himfelf in the affair of the prohibition of commerce with Spain, 346. As hkewife in the treaty between England and Spain, 354. He brings with him to France letters from King James to Henry IV. and Sully, and gives an account of his negociation, iv. 28. He praifes the King of England, 29 Beaune (inhabitants of) rife againfl the Duke of Mai- enne, and drive him from thence, ii. 14 Beaune (Renard or Bernard de) of Semblan$ai, Arch- bifhop of Brouges, receives the abjuration of Henry IV. i. 328 Beaupre, (Saint-Germain de) one of the heads of the difaffedted Proteflants, i. 99. Made governor of Ar- genton for Henry IV. 160. His intrigues during the liege of Amiens, ii. 155. He endeavours to get fup- prefl'ed (in the fynod ot Gap) the tenet of the Pope's being Antichrift, iii. 220. He oppofes Henry’s en- terprife upon Sedan, iv. 120 Beau- INDEX. Beauvais, (N. de) governor to Henry IV. perfuades the Queen of Navarre and the Proteftant chiefs to go to Paris, i. 16. He is killed at the matl'acrc of St Bartholomew, 29. A duel between his fon and Uffeau, 72, 73 Beauvais-La Node, (John de La-Fin de) deputed by the Proteflants to Charles IX. i. 14. He efcapes the maffacre of Saint Bartholomew, 27. He is part- ly the caufe of the defeat at Auneau, 145^ Beauville, firft prefident of the chamber of accounts in Provence, iv. 273 Beauvoir, the Count of Garnache is made prifoner there by his mother, i. 123 Bee, (N. du) Archbilhop ofRheims, ii. 21 Beholens, or Begoie, a Proteilant officer, attached t# Henry IV. i. 49 Bell, (John Le) a Jefuit, involved in the procefs of Chatel, ii. 39 Belgic, (republic) eftabliffiment of this republic in the grand delign, v. 148 Belin, (Francis Faudoas d’Overton de Serillac, Count of) governor of Paris for the league, made prifoner by Henry IV. at Arques, i. 177. Employs himfelf ufefully for Henry in the affair of his converlion,3i4. He is deputed by the Catholics to Henry, 325. An- other deputation to demand a truce, 342. He is in- clined to funender Paris to Henry, upon which the Duke of Mai nne deprives him of the government of that city, 367. A decree of parliament highly honourable to him, i!>. He is deprived of his places for furrendering Ardres, ii 60 IBelin, (Geoffroi de Saint) Biffiop of Poitiers, his letters in junification of Sully, in the affair of the college of Poitiers, iii. 388, 89 iBeilefond defeated at the head of the garrifon of Soiff fons, ii. 39. The government of Caen given him by Henry IV. iii. 218 : Belie arde, (Roger de Saint-Larry, Duke of) grand ecuyer of Franct, acknowledg.s Henry IV. for King after th.'death of Henry III. i. 171. Wasoneof the faveurites of Henry III. ii. 16, 147. Heisrefufed the Y 3 honour INDEX. honour of marrying Mary de Medicis, by proxy for the king, 325. His familiarity with Henry IV. 372, 3. Is made lieutenant for the Dauphic in Burgundy, iii. 29. Is made fuperintendent of the mines, 56. Goes to his government of Burgundy, 505. His friendship for Sully, 306- He is involved in the intrigues at court, 409. Called to the coun- cil upon the expedition to Sedan, iv. 128. Proteus the Jefuits, 344. Conchini jealous of him, v. 61^. His quarrels with the nobles and minifters, 69 Bellemaniere, his company defeated by Henry lV.i.131 Bellengreville ( Joachim de) made governor of Meulau, i. 174. Afliftsin defending Mante, 218, 221 Belles-Lettres, (eftabliihment for the improvement of) by Henry IV. ii 203 Bellezuns fights for Henry IV. at Coutras, i. 137 Bellievre (Pompons de) labours to convert Henry, i. 314. Oppofes the malecontents, 394. Admitted into the council of finances, ii. 32. Provides for the fecurity of Picardy, 170, 74. Signs the peace of Vervins, and alfills at its publication at Bruffels,200. Manages, with Silfery, all domeftic affairs, 227. Is made chancellor, and the feals delivered to him, 277. Made one of the commifiioners for the King’s mar- riage, 301 As likewife in the affair of the marqui- fate of Saluces, 310. Oppoles Sully’s reafoas for a war in Savoy. Takes La-Fin’s depofit ons againft marfhal Biron, 410. Advifes Henry to arreft the heads of the difaffefted party, iii. 9. Affifts at the council when Sully received the inftrufHons for bis embaffy to London, 90. His fentiments upon re- calling the Jefuits, 239. Sully endeavours to per- fuade him to tolerate different religions, 267. He foficits a cardinal’s hat for M. de Viilars and de Marquemont, 267. His advice to Henry IV. con- cerning the Marchionefs cf Verneuil, 320, 1. Made one of the commiffioners for the prohibition of com- merce with Spain, 345. As likewife for the pur- chafe of the earldom of St Paul. Henry takes the feals from him : his infirmities, iv. 181. Particular oiresmflancis relating tp him : his eulogium, 182. Summoned INDEX. Summoned to the council upon the affairs of Flan- ders : his death, 391 Bellifle, (Antoniette de Orleans de Longuerille, Mar- chionefs of) takes the habit of a nun of the order of Saint Bernard : caufe of her retreat : her eulogium, ii. 291 Bellozane, (John Touchard, Abbot of) one of the chiefs of the third party, i. 281. Sully treats with him, 294 Beilujon, propofed for deputy-general of the Proteftant* in the affembly of Chatelleraut, iv. yf, but rejected, 69. Employed by Henry IV. in the affair of Orange and Blaccons, 74 Belly, Chancellor of Savoy, commiflioner in the affair of the marquifate of Saluces, ii. 310 Benefices, Henry IV. propofes to reform the abufes io them, iv. 346. See Clergy, Cabinet of State, Abbey* Benon, (foreft of). Sully defeats in this place a fquaj dron of the Duke of Joyeufe’s army, i. 130 Berault, a Proteffant miniffer, his intrigues at Chatelle- raut rendered ineffectual by Sully, iv. 69 Bergen-op zoom taken and loft again by Du-Terrail, iv. 25 Bergerac, treaty made with that city. Set Peace o 1577. Services performed by this city to Henry IV' iii. 222 Beringhen (Peter de), Henry IV. confides to him the projects of the league and of the third party difco- vered by the papers intercepted by Sully, i. 280. His fcheme for taking La Fere, ii. 73. He is of fervice to Sully upon his entering into the council of the finances, 107. Made comptroller of mines, iii. y6 Bernet (Du.) King’s advocate in the parliament of Bourdeaux, iv. 236 Berniers, counfellor of the parliament of Rouen for the King, ii. 8y Berney (Matthicu Brulart, de) his negociations in Flan- ders, iv. 176. He fupports the intereft of the Prince of D’Epinov with the archduke, 398 Berry, regulations for the niarechauffces of this pro- vince, iv. 224 Berfot, INDEX. Berfot, one of Sully’s enemies at court, iii. 413 Bertauville propofed for one of the deputies for the city of Pons, iv. 192 Berthier, agent for the clergy. His obftinate endeavour* to procure an amendment of the edid of Nantz, ii. 270 Berrichere (La) affifts the Duke of Sully at the attack of Cahors, i. 65- Cabals for the Proteftaats during the fiege of Amiens, ii. 155 BefFais, his intrigues with the Proteftant party, ii. ij'j BeiFes a difafFeded Protellant, iii. 301 Bethune, a city and firib barony of the earldom of Ar- tois, i. 4 (houfe of), its origin : alliances with the houfe of Bourbon, Aultria, and the principal houfes of Europe: and the great men it has produced, i. 4, 5. Errors upon this iubjed redified./i. Etfates brought by this houfe into that of Aullria, ii. 94. Its alli- ances with the houfe of Bourbon and Luxembourg, 176. Praifes bellowed upon it by Henrv IV. 397. Defcended from the Counts ot Flanders, iv 22. Its alliances vlith the houfes of Auftria and Coucy, 402 Bethune, feverai perfons of this name, anceflors to the Duke of Sully, i. 5 (Antoine de) his adions, i. J — -- ■ ■■■— (Caefar de) fecond fon of the Duke of Sully, v 107. The fltare which Sully gives him of his e- ftate : his death, 180 Bethune, (Charles de). See Rofny (Francis de Bethu- ne de) -- ■ — (Coene, or Conon de. His great adions. Made regent of the empire of Conftantinoplc, i. 5 (Ftancis de). See Rofny and Orval (Jacqueline de) bifltop of Cambray, i. 5 • (James de) Archbilhop of Glafgow. See Glaf- gow (John de) Abbot of Anchin, i. y — (Jol'in l^e) head l*ie b™00!1 from whence the Duke of Sully defcended, i. 5. Allied with the houfe of Auftria by tout of Coucy, iv. 402 Bethnne, INDEX. Bethune (John dc) grandfather to the Duke of Sully, his alliances, i. 6 (John de) brother of the Duke of Sully. See Rofny — (Lewis de. See Mirepoix (Marquis of) (Margaret de). See Rohan (Duchefs of) — (Maximilian de). See Sully, (Duke of) (Maximilian II. de) Marquis of Rofny. See Rofny (Maximilian III. Francis of) Prince of Hen- richemont, See Henrichemont — ^ Philip de) the Count of Bethune, brother of the Duke of Sully. One of the favourites of Henry III difgraced, 90. Difconcerts the enterprife of the Duke of Ma'ienne upon Loudun, 216. Sent ambaf- fador to Rome, ii. 395. Henry refufes to give him the poll: formerly enjoyed by the Baron de Lux, iii. 427. He gives advice of the death of Clement VIII. iv. 16. Fraifed for his condudl in Italy, and honours conferred upon him by the Pope, 17. Henry IV. admits him into his council, 190. He is again fent ambaffador into Italy, 442. Is deputed by the Queen-regent to Sully, v. 15. His advice to Sully after Henry’s death, 34. Endeavours to perfuade him not to refign his employments, 39. Sully refigns to him the abbey of Jaro, 109 ——— (Robert de) anceilors of Sully, who bore this name ; and their adtion, i. 4 • (Solomon de) brother of the Duke of Sully, one of the favourites of Henry III. difgraced, i. 90. He turns Roman Catholic, 90. Sully obliges him to open the gates of the caftle of Rofny to him, 166. Is made governor of Mante, 201. Prevents this place from being taken by the Duke of Ma'ienne 216. His death, ii. 159 1 Beuillaque, (Marquis of), envoy from theGrand Duke of Tufcany, gratuities bellowed upon him by Henry IV. iv. 215 i Beyne, or Bays, defeats a body of troops belonging to the league, ii. 39 Beze (Theodore de) makes a fpeech to Henry IV. at the INDEX. the head of the deputation from Genoa. Their re ception from Henry, ii. 3^3. His death : his efteem of Sully; and the proofs which he gives him of it, iv. 88 Beziers, defigns of the malecontents upon this city, ir. ,4J Bisofe or Visofe, deputed by Henry IV. into the di- ftrids, ii. 1 ij. Lieutenant of the highways in Guy- enne, iii. 275 Bigot, agent for the Duke of Guife in his treaty with the King, ii. jy. Birague (Rene de) chancellor, advifes the ma/Tacre of St Bartholomew, i. 25 Biton (Armand de Gontault, Marfhal of) deputed by Charles IX. to the Proteftants, i. 3. Fortifies him* felf in the arfenal during the maffacrc, 32. Concludes a truce with Henry IV. in Guyenne, 50. Commands the royal army, 68. Attacks Nerac, 71. Endea- vours to diffuade the Duke of Anjou from the trea- chery meditated againft Antwerp, 84. Submits to Henry IV, after the death of Henry III. 171. His important fervice upon this occafion, 173, Good counfel given by him at Arqucs, 176. He brings forces to his afliftance, 184. Takes Evreux, ib. Con- tributes to the victory of Ivry, 196. A bon-mot of his to Henry IV. ib. He unfeafonably attacks the fort St Catherine at the liege of Rouen, 225. Is ac- cufed of having endeavoured to ruin this enterprife, ib. Foments a fedition among the Roman Catholics, 229. An attack in which he fights valiantly, 231. Occafions the railing the fiege of Rouen, 242. Hen- ry’s refpeft and confideration for him, ib. His mali- cious and obftinare difpofition, 278. His fpeech to his fon, r'L His bad advice to Henry, 259. Befiegcs Epernai, and is there killed, 271. His charadter and eulogiura, ib. ■■ — (Charles de Gontault, Marllial of), Henry IV. faves his life, i. 209. He defeats a detachment of the Duke of Aumale’s army, 215. Attacks the Prince of Parma’s intrenchments, and carries them, 248. Employed in the conveilion of Henry IV. 314. Af- fronted, INDEX. fronted by Grillon, 346. Interefted in the treaty with Admiral Villars, 359. Made Marfhal of France, 373. Defeats the grand convoy before Laon, 400. His arrogant and prefumptuous boafts, 402. Henry dilfatisfied with him, refufes him the govern- ment of Laon, 403. He makes Sully watch him carefully, 404. Biron aflifts the inhabitants of Bur- gundy to drive out the Duke of Ma'tenne, ii. 14. Takes Beaune, Nuys, Autin, Dijon, 40. Attacks the caftJe of Dijon and of Talan. Motives of thofe who perfuaded Henry to go into Burgundy, i&. Drives the league from Dijon and Talan, 53. His adions at the battle of Fontain-Frangoife, 57. Oc- cafions the lofs of Arras, 74. A fpeech of Henry’s in his praife, 169. Made Duke and Peer of France, and affifts at the ratification of the peace at Bruffels, 201 His plots in Guyenne, 294. One of the com- mifiloners in the affair of the marquifate of Saluces, 310. Takes the city of Bourg without intending it, 327. Endeavours to deftroy Sully in an ambufcade, 329. Gives bad advice to Henry, 347. Informs the Duke of Savoy of all that paffes in the council and in the army, 349. Has a defign to have Sully killed before Fort St Catherine, 351. Confeffes to the King his plots in Spain and Savoy, 376. Aiks pardon of his Majefty : conditions of his treaty with Savoy, 399. Refumes his plots, ii. Henry endea- vours to teclaim him by kindnefs, 401. Sully en- deavours likewife, but to nopurpofe, ii. Sentambaf- fador to England : his imprudent difcourfe with Queen Elilabeth, 404. Sent ambaffador extraordi- nary to Switzerland, ib. His chara&er, ib. Binds himfelf in a criminal affociation with Bouillon and Entragues : renews his intrigues with Spain apd Savoy: raifes an infurredtion : his defigns upon the principal cities in France : relies upon La-Fin, who betrays him, 406, 7. Sully mentioned in this cabal, 409. Endeavours made ufe of to arreft Biron, iii. 4. He comes to Fontainebleau, 14. Refills all the coun- fels of Sully, 19. Arrcfted, 23. He is tried and beheaded, 26. Particulars of hi* execution, his cha- racter,. I N D E 5^ rafter, and his family, 26, 27. In what manner he fpoke of Sully, 28. Solicitations of his relations, 29. The excefies which he allowed his retinue to commit when in London : the occafion of the hatred that nation difcovers towards the French; and the bad treatment Stilly’s retinue received, 106. Biftrith, a noble adtion of George Bathe’s at the taking of this place, iii. 64. Blaccons, governor of Orange for the Proteflants and the Prince of Orange, ft’. 41. Is facrificed by the intrigues at court to Lefdiguipres, notwithftanding the reprefentations of Sully, 73- Orange, Cha- telleraut. Blanc, (Francis Le), the Duke of Bouillon’s agent at London, iii. 124. Blancard (John de Gontault,- de Saint), Biron’s advice to him upon the fcaffold, iii. 28. (John de), fteward to the Duke of Bouillon, difcovers to Henry his fecret pradtices, iv. 86. Blanchefort, a faying of Henry IV. upon this houfe, iv. 246. Blancmefr.il (Nicholas Potier, de) prefdent of the par- liament of Paris, draws up the procefs againft Mar- fhal Biron, iii. 2J. Blavet, or Port Louis, the Spaniards driven from this place, ii. 175. Blerancourt, a gentleman in the train of the Duke of Sully at London, iii. 107. Blois, the ftates of this city fend a deputation to Hen- ry IV. i. 56. Duke of Guife murdered here. The views and defigns of the {hate, is S’ 41 ^ee Henry III. Guife, League Sully negociates there a union be- tween the two kings, 157. See Mornai. Motives for Henry’s journey there, ii. 294. A fecond journey of his to this place, and the reafons for it, iii. 2. Re- folutions taken there to arreit the leaders of the male- contents, 3. See Bouillon, Epernon, Auvergne, See. Henry IV. takes a violent refolution at this place a- gainft the Queen and her Italian domelhics, hut is diffuaded INDEX. dirtuaded from it by Sully, 13. Henry pafles through it in his way to Auvergne, iv 86 Blood (princes of), their plots with the ftates of Paris, i. 307. See League, States of Paris. They make a' ftrange propofal to Henry IV. in prejudice of the royal authority, ii. 66. See Montpenlier. Sully takes from them the farms of the King’s revenues : the caufe of their hatred to him, 241, 2. They are difgufted at the King’s giving the Duchefs of Mantua precedence of them, iv. 159. Their divifions and quarrels after the death of Henry IV. 278. They pay no regard to Sully’s advice, v. 48. Quarrels av mong them, and with their minifters, 69. Grants which they extort from the Queen-regent, 79. They all confpire to ruin Sully, 86. They rebel, 176. See upon this article Bourbon, Conde, Conty, Soif- fons, Montpenller. See alfo the French Lords, Se- ditions, &c. Bodillon affadinates Chilperic : the reafons, iv ■'02 Boeffe, one of the King’s officers, his courage in the taking of Bourg, ii. 326. He declares himfelf in the council for Suliy’s advice for the expedition of Se- dan, iv. 128 Bohemia, the view of the grand defign of Henry IV. in regard to this kingdom; accedes to the union, v 149. Forces and money to be contributed by this crown, 158. Sfr1 Dellgu Political Bois-Dauphin (Urbain de Laval, (de), one of the four Marffials of France made by the league, i. 303. The fum which he received from Henry IV. by his treaty, ii. 230. Sent ambaflador to Vienna, iii. 2 Bois-Rofe (N. de Gouftinel de), the furprifing manner in which he made himfelf matter of Fefchamp, i. 339. He delivers the fort to the King, 341. His fhare in the treaty with Admiral Villars, 359. His comical adventure with Sully at Louviers, 380 Boiffec, fteward of the houfehold to the Princefs, ii, 95 , a Proteftant gentleman, efcapes the mattacre of St Bartholomew, i. 27 Eoiffiere (Chriftopher de Lanoy,deLa) brings fuccours Voi.. V. Z to INDEX. to the Duke of MaVenne, but does not arrive till af- ter the battle of Ivry, i. 195. Has fotne fltare in the defeat of the Duke of Aumale, 21J fcoifife, the French agent with the hereditary Princes of Cleves, iv. 413. Ads ufefully in this affair, 423. See Cleves. Is fent ambiffador to Denmark and Sweden, v. 153 Bolduc, the Prince of Orange befieges this place a- gainft the advice of Sully, and raifes the fiege, ii. 375- *“• 74 Bonacolfi, Lord of Mantua,- killed by the Gonzagues, iv. 160 Bongars, (JahiCS de), the French agent in Germany, ii. 2J2. Informations given by him, Ir. 179. Hen- ry IV. difcontinues to employ him. Memorial fent by him to Sully upon the fuccellion and the affairs of Cleves, 407. A bon-mot of him, 420. See Cleves. Is lent ambaffador to Germany, v. 153 Boniface (Captain) teeeives the Duke of Sully into Fort St Catherine to treat with Admiral Villars, i. 343 Bonne, a faying of Henry IV. upon this houfe, iv. 24^. .SVeLcfdiguieres, Crequy Bonnefort, engineer to the King, iv. 233 Bonnet (N. de Saint), receives Sully into his houfd when he went to treat with Admiral Villars, i. 343 Bonneval, (battle of). See Saveufe Bonneval, a courtier, in great familiarity with Henry IV. iv. 169 Bontempts gives in a depofition relating to the effeds of the Duchefs of Bar, hi. 236 Bontin, Sully vifits his eftates in this place, i. 211 Boquemare, prefident of the parliament of Rouen, well difpofed to the King’s party, i. 375, 6 Borde (La) employed by Henry IV. to difcover the in- trigue between the Count of Sommerive and Madame de Moret, and ill-ufed by Sommerive, iv. 272 Bordes (Des) propofed at Chatelleraut for the deputy- general of the Proteftant party, and rejeded, iv. 70. Employed againft the Jefuits by Sully in the affair of Metz, 150 Borghefe, (Cardinal). S^ PaulV, Borgia INDEX. Borgia (D. Inigo de) commands the Spanifh troops in Flanders, iii. 207. Bories (Des) unable to prevent the taking of La- Mothe-Saint-Eloy, i. 129. Born (John de Durefort de) commands the artillery at the fiege of Rouen, i. 224. At the liege of Laon, 388. Lieutenant-General of the ordnance, ii. 305. Boftkay obliges the Emperor to grant him the lordlhip of Tranfilvania, iv. 213. iSVoRodolphus Botheod (William de Gadagne de) affifts at the rati- fication of the peace of Vervins for the Duke of Sa- voy, ii. 201 Bouc, (La Tour de), a fort purchafed by Henry IV. from the Duke of Mercceur, iv. 13 Bouchavannes, (N. de Bayancourt de), a Proteftant Lord, i. 2t. Charles IX. pardons him, 29 Bouillon (principality of) given to the Duke of Bouil- lon by his wife, ii. 2. See Bouillon, (Duke of). Bouillon, (Duchefs of) Sedan. Bouillon, upon this account, claims a right to precede the Dukes and Peers of France, but is not regarded, iv. 160 ■ (Charlotte de La-Mark, Duchefs of) marries the Vifcount of Turenne ; political reafons for this march, i. 221. Her death; the Duke of Bouillon informs Henry of it, ii. 2. His opinion of her will, 11 (William-Robert de La-Mark, Duke of) Sea Marck, (La-) (Henry de La-Tour de Auvergne, Vifcount of Turenne, Duke of), enters into the party of the King of Navarre, i 49. His hatred of Sully, ib. Is challenged to fight by the Prince of Conde, 58. He fights with him, 62. With Duras, /£. Reflec- tions upon this duel, 63. He difconcerts the de- figns of the Prince of Conde, 70. Is taken prifoner before Cambray, 79 Forms a project for eftablifli- ing a Proteftant republic in France, 99. His cha- radler, if>. Commands a body of troops in Guyenne, 112. His troops behave ill in the battle of Coutras, 138. His defigns after this battle, 142. He fails in his attempt upon Sarlat, ib. Takes Caltillon, 146. Defigns to tlifmember the monarchy, 156. Z 2 Rader, INDEX. Raifes the German horfe, 223. Marries Mademo’- fehe de Bouillon, 221. Political reafons for this mar- riage, ib. See March (La-). Henry IV. ufes the foreign forces brought by him at the fiege of Rouen, 225. Raifes a mutiny amongft the German forces, 226. Prevents the purfuit of the Duke of Parma, after he had paffed the Seine, 255. Takes Dun and Srenia, and defeats the Sieur de la Guerche, 261. His ingratitude to Henry IV. ii. 1. Informs the King of the death of his wife, 2. Motives which induced Henry to fend Sully to him, 3. He endeavours to it:-r ip Sully in a converfation they have together, 6. His intrigues and political projects, ib. His charac- ter and maxims, ib. Refufes to let Sully perufe the Duchefs’s will, 10. Opinion upon the donations in it, ib. His defigns in advifing a war againft Spain, 36. Commands the forces in Picardie, 42. His jealoufy of the Duke of Nevers, the occafion of the misfortunes of this campaign, 47. His juftification, 48- Defeated before Dourlens, 51. Drlferent opi- nions upon his conduft, ib. Juftifks himfelf badly to the King, 69. Sent ambaffador to London, 70. The object of his intrigues during the fiege of Ami- ens, 155, 6. Endeavours to raife an infurre<5t:on among the Proteftants in Britany, 181. Reproached by Henry IV. 186. The fubtile article which he gets inferted in the edift of Nantz, and the purpofe of it, 271 His hatred to Sully upon account of fupprefling this article, 274. He cabals with the lords of the kingdom, 356, and with Spain, 372. His aflbciation with Marflial Biron and the Count of Auvergne, 376. Defign of arrefting him : he art- fully eludes Henry’s propofal for continuing at court, iii. 6. His letters to the King and Sully upon this fubjedl, 40, 41. He employs the Eletfor Palatine to folicit Henry for him, but to no purpofe, 76. Sully is charged to make the King of England ac- quainted with his praflices, 94. Whom he wants to gain over to his interefl, I2 3" Continuation of his intrigues at the court of the Palatinate at Lon- don. and in the Protefhnt aflemblies in France, 268. and INDEX. and with Lefdiguieres, 296. He fixes himfelf at the court of the Eleftor Palatine, 303. His deputies excluded from the affembly of Chatelleraut.iv. 58, 9. Sully renders ineffe&ual his endeavours to eftablilh a Proteftant republic in France, 65. Henry IV. difconcerts them, by feizing his cities. So, and de- figns likewife to take Sedan, 1x7. Artifices of the courtiers to ward off the blow, 119, Letters betwixt Sully and him upon this fubjed, 125. All the cour- tiers intereft themfelves for him, 128. Sully makes public his behaviour to the King, 130. His hatred to this minifter, 132. Other artifices to prevent Henry from approaching Sedan, ib. He at laft fub- mits and treats with Yilleroi, i. 7. Articles of the furrender of Sedan, 138. The gracious reception he meets with from Henry, upon his paying homage* 141. He attends this prinee to Paris, 145. Infills upon precedency with the dukes and peers, 160. Henry reltores Sedan to him, and withdraws his garrifon, 241. He renews his intrigues, 282. Henry IV. oppofes his taking the title of Sovereign Lord of Sedan, 399. He returns to France after the death of Henry the Great, and is admitted into the coun- cil of Mary of Medicis, v. 23. He difengages the Prince of Conde from Sully, whom he feeks to ruin, 53. Oppofes Sully’s advice, with regard to the ar- mament of Cleves, 57. Mutual fervices between him and Conchini, 62. A quarrel between him and Sully in full council, 67. Gratuities which he pro- cures from the.Queen-regent, 80. The hatred he difcovers againlt Sully in the alTcmbly of Chatelle- ratit, 169 Bouillon, (Robert de La-Mark,Duke of). .SVeMark, (La-) ■ (Duchefs of), is in Sedan when Henry IV. went to beliege it, iv. 1 38 ■ (Mademoifelle de) propofed for a wife for the Marquis of Rofny, iv. 245. Henry IV. prevents Sully from accepting of it, 246 Boulaye, (Charles Echalard de La-), governor of Fon- sec&i for the King’s party, attends Henry IV. into Z 3 Francbe- INDEX. Franche-Comte, ii. 59. His fon marries Made- moifelle de Marais, daughter-in-law to Sully: pre- fents given, and favours refufed him by Henry IV. iii. 427, 8 Boulogne, a confereace in this city between the Spa- niards and the Englilh, which produces nothing, ii. 205 Boulogne, (Counts of),, lords paramount of the earl- dom of St Paul, with the Counts d’Artois, iii. 374 Bourbon, (houfe of), its great apannages,.i. 6. Eftates carried into this houfe by the houfe of Bethune, ii. 94. The alliance of the houfe of Rohan with it, 100. The neceffity and means of uniting it with the houfe of Stuart, to humble the houfe of Auftria. See Political Delign. Re-union of all thefe eftatea in the houfe of France,, iv. 217. Henry IV. forbids Sully to marry his fon into the houfe of Bourbon, 246. See Rofuy Bourbon-Conde. See Conde Bourbon-Conte. See Conte Bourbon-France. See France Bourbon Montpenfier. See Montpenfier Bourbon-Rubenpre. See Rubenpre Bourbon-Soiflon. See Soiflbn Bourbon (Alexander de) fecond fon of Henry IV. and the Duchefs of Beaufort, legitimated, ii. 208. Is baptized as a fon of France, and called Monfieur, ib. Is received into the order of the Knights of Malta, iii. 375. Sf!? Eftrees, Henry IV. Sully (Antliony de) King of Navarre. See Navarre — (Catherine Henrietta de), daughter of Henry IV. and the Duchefs of Beaufort, legitimated, ii. 281. See Eftrees. Henry defigns to marry her to the Marquis of Rofny, iv. 249. But afterwards marries her to the fon of the Conftable, 253. Pre- fents which he makes her, 368 (Charles, firft cardinal de), oppofes the mar- riage of the Prince of 'Navarre with Margaret de Valois, i. 25. See Hemy IV. Margaret. The conference with Cath rine of Me ici^after the day of the barricadots, 152. Is put in prifon at the death INDEX. death of the Guifes : he reproaches Catherine of Medicis, ib. See Guife, Medicis, Henry III. De- Ugned to be made King by the league : his death and character, 217. See League Bourbon (Chatles, fecond Cardinal de), defigned by the third party to be made King, i. 281. He treats with Sully in favour of Henry IV. 300. His mar- riage with the Infanta of Spain propofed by the ftates of Paris and reje<5ted, 308. Endeavours the converfion of Henry IV. 328. See Abjuration. Sully is deputed to him in Paris : their converfation, 390. He fupports the Jefuits in their procefs with the uni- verfity and curates of Paris, 304. Letters betwixt him and Sully, 498. His death : regretted by Hen- ry, ii. 15. Hisabbevs: his charafter, ib. Henry IV. difpofes of his benefices, ib. • (Charles de), natural fon of Antony King of Navarre, Archbilhop of Rouen, refufes to marry Catherine, ii. 263. Pleafant converfation between him and Roquelaure upon this fubjett, 266, 7. Set Bar, Madame, Roquelaure * (Henry de) Duke of Verneuil. See Verneuil (Madame Catherine de). iSeeMadame (Mademoifelle de), daughter of Henry I. Prince of Conde, her death, ii. 278 Bourdeaux, letters from this city upon the perfon of Henry IV. i. 8. It fhutsits gates upon this prince, 17 Bourg-en-Brefie, taken by Marfhal Biron in fpite of himfelf, ii. 326. Strength of its caftle, 336 Bourg, a manufacturer fent for to Paris by Henry IV. iii. 224 ——(Antoine-Du, Maine du), defends Laon againfl Henry IV. Refufes to deliver up the Baftile, i. 388. Laon furrendered, ii. 12. (N. Du), the advice which he gives againft LefdL- guieres, iii. 296 Bourges taken by the Proteftants, i. 18. Delivered up by La-Chatre to Henty IV. 342. Sum paid for its reduction, ii. 2'24 , Bourfault (N de), a Proteftant gentleman, advifed by John d’Albert to go to Paris, i. 16 Bouvens* INDEX Bouvens, governor of Boung-en-Brefle, he could not prevent its being furprifed,' although warned, ii. 327 Barbant, Monfieur is declared Duke of it, i. 82 Braconnier deputed by the city of Metz to the Duke of Sully againft the Jefuits, iv. 150 Brancaleon difcovers the defign of Barriere to affaffi- nate Henry IV. i. 337 Brandenburg, (Albert Frederic Ele&or of) his right to the fucceffion of Cleves, iv. 410. Divides this fuc- ceffion with the Palatine ofNewburg, v. 59. See Cleves .— (John George d'e), a war and procefs be- tween him and the Cardinal of Lorraine for the' bi- fhoprick of Strafburg, terminated by Henry IV. iii. 69 , . . . (Marquis of), Henry’s reception of him at Paris, iii. 2. He comes to fee Henry at Mentz, 69 Brandis, governor of Montmelian, delivers up the caftle to Henry IV. by capitulation, ii. 349. in which his wife has fome fhare, 346 BrafTac. See Rochebeaucourt BralTeufe a Proteftant officer, i. 120. Prefent at the battle of Arques, 177, and likewife at Ivry, 194 Breaute (Charles de) fights in the combat of twenty French againft: a like number of Flemifh, ii. 362 Brederode, deputy from the Flemings to Henry IV. v, 153, c. CTAbiriet of ftate, Henry IV. and Sully emplby j themfelves in compofing it. Idea and object of this great and ufeful work, iv. 344 Caen, Henry IV. vifits this place. He takes the govern- ment of it from Crevecoeur, and confers it upon Bel- lefond, Hi. 218 CahorS taken by Henry IV. i. 64, 67 Calais acquired to France by the Duke of Guife, i. 10. Befieged by the Spaniards, H. 60. And taken, not- withftanding all the cares of Henry IV. 65. PartH culars of this fiege, ib. Henry’s journey thither, and his motives for it, 376. Another journey, Hi. 59 ■ (port an{l paffage of) feized by Henry IV. i. 136 Calatagirone, (Bonaventtlre de), patriarch of Conflanti- noplej exerts himfelf fuccefsfully for the peace of Vervins, ii. 171. Attempts to hinder Sully from being a commiffioner in the affair of Saluces.but fails, Calderon,^ 313 the offer which, he made Henry IV. from Spain, i. 88 Calignon, (N. de), employed in the compofition of the edidf of Nantz, iit 156. Henry oppofes an article in that ediif, which is obliged to be altered, 271. Admitted I N D E 3t Admitted into the council held for the return of the Jefuits, iiu 237. As likewife into that for the proving of rents, 335 Calveyrac (John de Sudre de) informs Henry IV. of the plots of the malecontents, ii. 406 Cambray, the prince of Parma raifes the fiege, i. 79. Taken by the Spaniards, who drive out Balagny, ii. 60. Sum paid by Henry IV. for its redudtion, 234 Campo (Alonfo del) defeated by the forces of Queen Elifabeth in Ireland, ii. 411 Canada, a colony eltablifhed in oppofition to the advice of Sully, iii. 231 Canals for the joining of rivers, very ufeful, iii. 332, Of Brevie. See Brevie, Seine, Loire, Saone Canaye (Philip) De-Frefhy, ambaffador at Venice, ii. 395. See Grifons. Gives intelligence of the diffe- rence of the Venetians and Paul V. iv. 145. Inftruc- tions which he gives Sully in this affair, 148 Canife taken by the Knights of Malta, ii. 413 Canify, (N. de), gratuities granted him by Henry IV. iv. 12. Regretted by Henry, 236 Canterbury, Sully’s reception in this city by the nobili- ty, iii. 102. The advice of a canon to him, 102. Henry IV’s opinion of this advice, 140 Capelle (La-) befieged and taken by the Spaniards, i. 387. Retaken, ii. 49, 60 Capuchins deputed by the Parifians to Henry III. at Chartres, i. xyi. Accufed of endeavouring to af- faflinate Henry IV. 336. They embroil the Prote- ftants with the Catholics and Grifons, iii. 69 Carces, (Gafpard de Pontevez, Count of), his party in Provence, i. 266. Gives advice of the defigns of the Duke of Savoy, ii. 298 Cardinals, promotion of Trench Cardinals, iii. 266. Sent to the conclave after the death of Clement VIII. They a<5t well for France, iv. 19. Promotion of, 1606, 149. Their prerogatives in Italy, 321 Carlos, (Don), Prince of Spain, Philip II. caufes him to be executed, i. ij. Motives of this aftion, ii. 258 Carmelites (barefoot) eftablifhed in France, iii. 220 Carnavalet INDEX. ■Carnavaiet (Madams de) gives good advice to flenry IV. i. 45 Cafaubon, Henry fends for, and fixes him at Paris ii. 204 Cafaux, (Charles), his party in Provence, i. 266. Is killed in endeavouring to deliver up Marfeilles to the Spaniards, ii. 28 Cafe, (La-) a Proteftant, his intrigues during the fiege of Amiens, ii. 155 Cafimir (the prince) enters France with an army, i. 44. Is bribed to depart. See Medicis, Monfieur’s peace. Cities given in pledge to him by the Prince of Conde, 69 Caftinet takes Bourg-en-Brefie, though oppofed by Marlhal Biron, ii. 326 Caftets, Marfhal de Matignon obliged to raife the fiege of this place, i. 111 Caftile, receiver-general of the clergy, is accufed of a mifdemeanor, iii. 330 Is made comptroller-general after the death of Henry IV. Sully complains of him, v. 24 Caftillon taken by the Duke of Mai'enne, and retaken by the Duke of Bouillon, i. 146 Cateau-Cambrefis, the Duke of Anjou takes this place by ftorm, i. 79 Catelet (Le-) taken by the Spaniards, ii. 48, 60 Catherine (Fort de Saint) attacked improperly at the fiege of Rouen, i. 224. See Biron. Sully is recei- ved there as he went to treat with Admiral Villars, 343 — (Fort de Saint-), in Savoy, befieged and taken by Sully, ii. 351. Demolilhed at the intreaty of the republic of Geneva, 353 Catholics of the party of Henry IV. the moft powerful in his council, i. 210. Defign to revolt at the fiege of Rouen : their views, 228. Their oppofition to the Proteftants occafions the raifing this fiege, 254, 25?. See Biron, Bouillon, Proteftants. Refufe to purfue the Prince of Parma, 256. Oblige Henry IV. to refufe the offers of the league, 303. The w fe condudt of Henry IV. with regard to them, 335. Vox-.V. A a Their INDEX. TJieir jeaJoufy of Sully, 337. They murmur at hia embaffy to London, iii. 82'. The Catholic power ifl Europe, compared with that of the Proteftants, and the power of each party, 173. D. DAnguin (Caprtam) of great ufe in the affair of the revolt of the Moors, iv. 314 Danville (Admiral de) receives an important fervice from Conchini, v, 66 Darius, an anecdote relating to this prince and Zopi- rus, iii. 233 Dauphin, his birth; rejoicings upon that account, ii. 389. Henry IV. orders La Riviere to calculate his nativity, 391. Carried through Paris in his way to Saint-Germain, 39,3. The government of Burgundy given INDEX given him by Henry IV. iii. 29. Brought to Fon- tainebleau, and (hewn in Paris, 375. His letters to Madame de Montglat, iv. 108. Medals prefented to him by Sully, 109. Ceremony of his baptifm, i6t. Queen Margaret gives up to him the eftates of Ca- therine deMedicis, 219. Sick at Noify, 239. In- trigues at court to procure a marriage between him and the Infanta of Spain, 330. Defigned by Henry < for the heirefs of Lorraine, ib. See for what remains of this article Lewis XIII Dauphiny, fuccefs of the Royalifts at this place, ii. 40. Fortrefles yielded up to Henry IV. by the treaty of Lyons, 3 $9. Procefs of the third eftate againft the clergy and nobility, rii. 51 Dele taken by the Prince of Orange, hr. 60 Delfin, ambaffador from Venice to France, ii. 379, Henry IV. fends him ambaffador to Florence, iv. 403 Denis, (Saint), the forces of the league defeated as this place, i. 260. Henry IV. makes his abjuration there See Abjuration. Grants a fecond truce to the Parifians, and receives an envoy from Spain, 332, 3. Efcapes being ahaffinated there, 336, 7. Mary of Medicis crowned there. See Medicis Denmark (Anne of), Queen of England, her charadter and condudt, iii. 115. She comes to London in oppofition to her hufband, 135. See James. VaueeJas is appointed to deliver to her the letters of the King and Queen of France, 190. Prefents made her by Sully, 192. Her arrival in London, 200. She changes all on a fudden her condudt and policy, ib. • (Chriftern IV. King of), his ambaffadors in London, iii. 117. Bad policy of this court, 138. Enters into the alliance againft the houfe of Auftria, iv. 434. Boiffife fent ambaffador to this prince, 442^ Deodati fends Beze’s tranflation of the New Teftament to Sully, iv. 89 Deputies-general of the Proteftant party at court, iv. 36, 7. A pradtice only tolerated. The origin of this cuftom, and regulations to be made in it, 40. Debated in the general aflembly at Chatellcraut, 46. Terminated to the advantage of the King, 71 „ See Chatelleraut, INDEX. Chatelleraut. The fame difputed in the fynod of Rochelle, 189. See Rochelle. In the general af- fembly at Gergeau. See Gergeau Defportes treats with Sully in the name of Medavy, i, 338. Concludes the treaty, 354 Defpuilles lhamefully furrenders Saint-BazeilFe, i. 113. His company defeated before Rochelle, 1.29 Devefe, (La-), a fingular combat propofed betwixt him and Lavardin, i. 62 Deux-Ponts (John II. Duke of) vifits Henry IV. at Metz, and marries there Catherine de Rohan, iii. 69. Sully accufed of holding criminal correfpon- dence with him, 417 - (Duchefs of), prefents made to her by Henry IV. iv. 14 Dijon taken by Marihal Biron, ii. 40. Its parliament difobedient to the King, iv. 220. See BrdTe Dinteville, (Joachim de), governor of Champaign, treats with the Duke of Bouillon about the furrender of Sedan, iv. 137. Regretted by Henry IV. 236 Dizimieux furrendeis Vienne and Mondluel to the King, ii. 40 Domaine of the King, abufes corredled in it, iii. 329. Ufurpations of it difcovered by Sully, iv. 1. Re- gifters of Languedoc re-united to it, 219. Sully redeems feveral parts of it, 225. The principal riches of the King does not confift in his domaine, 302 Ponawert, the Emperor feizes this city, iv. 317 Dourlach, Prince of Baden, accufed of a criminal cor- refpondence with Sully, iii. 417 Dourlens, the French defeated before this place, ii. 49 Dreux taken by Henry IV. i. 202. Retaken by Suljy, 320. The government of it denied hirn, 322. He intercepts papers belonging to the league, 276 Droit annuel, different opinions upon this eftabliihment, iv. 350, 1 Duels, edia of Henry IV. againff them : fentinvmts of Sully upon this tdidt, iii. yy. His memorial upon the origin, cuftorr, and the pra<5tices of different na- tions, in duels. Henry’s eafinefs tn pardoning them, the INDEX. the caufe of their being fo frequent, iv. 278. Other edi&s againft them, and what pafled in the council on that occafion, 370 Dunes, a French officer, goes into the fervice of the Archduke, iv. 26 Duras, (John de Durefort, Vifcount of), one of the Proteflant chiefs, i. 21. Charles IX. pardons him, 29. Goes over to the Catholic party, 62. Fights a duel with Vifcount Turenne : various opinions up- on this duel, ib. E. E Ast, Solly’s opinion of this empire, v. 118 Eaufe, taken by Henry IV. i. 52 Eclipfe in the fun, in 1605:, iv. 88 Edifices built or repaired by Henry IV. iii. 8t. Sums expended in thefe works, iv. 219. In the city of Paris, 292 Edmonds, Qi^een Elifabetb’s agent in France, fent by her to Calais, to compliment Henry IV. ii. 380 Ed ward III. (King of England), fentiments of Sully upon this prince, iv. 322 Edouville (N. d’), ii. 17. Defeats the forces of the league, 39 Egmont (Amorald d’) beheaded at Bruffels, i. 790 (Count of), his valour at Ivry : killed there, i, 190. .SVelvry Eguillon (Henry de Lorrain, Duke of) fatisfies Henry with regard to his brother, iv. 274. See Sommerive, Moret (Countefs of). Procures Balagny to be affaf- finated, 276. See Balagny; (Damien). Quarrels with Conchini and the minifters, v. 72. Grants made him by Mary of Medicis, 80 Elboeuf (Claud de Lorraine, Duke of) commands the army of the league in Normandy, i. 96. Fights for Henry IV. at Fontaine-Frangois, ii. 57, 8. Sum received by him on making his treaty, 233. Attends Henry IV. in his expedition to Savoy, ii. 352 Eh& rs, Henry IV.’s defign of reftoring them to all their privileges, v. 145 Elifabetfe I N D E X. EliAibeth of France, Queen of Spain, fufpeAed of ha- ving been poifoned by Philip II. i. jj Elifabeth Qu^een of England, negociations to induce her to marry Monfieur, i. 15. Sends an army to the affiftance of Henry IV. 181. She demands Ca- lais, which he refufes her, ii. 65. Sends an embafly to this prince to diffuade him from the treaty of Ver- vins, 174 Comes to Dover, 380. Beheads Elfex: her converfation with Marlhal Biron on this fubjeift, 404. Motives for her journey to Dover. Letters which paffed between Henry IV. and her upon this occafion, 381* S;e Political Defign. Subdues the rebels in Ireland, 411. Congratulates Henry IV. upon his quelling Biron’s confpiracy, iii. 43. Her death. Henry’s grief for it : her eulogium, 79, 80. A treaty of commerce made by her with Charles IX. 94. King James endeavours to tarnifh her memory, 126. Her policy praifed, 131. Supports the Englifh priefts againft the Spaniih cabal, 151. The King of England fpeaks contemptucully of her and her council, 158. .See James. Afayingof this princefs upon the union of France, England, Sweden, and Denmark, 177. Debts contra&ed during the league by Henry IV. to her, iv. 7. Her fhare in the con- trivance and difpofition of the grand defign, v. 132 Embden, the Spaniards, in vain, endeavour to make themfelves mailers of this place, iii. 61, See. Emibon (Saint) taken by Henry IV. i. 61 Empire and Emperor, their true policy with regard to Spain, iii. 175, 6. Henry IV. is fuppofed to aim at being Emperor, iv\ 28. Pretenfions of feveral empe- rors upon Cleves, 407, &c. Henry’s grand defign in regard to the empire and emperor. Their true rights eilablilhed. See Political Defign England and Englilh, the Proteftants deliver Havre de Grace to the Engliflt, i. 17. An Englifh army comes to the afiiilance of Henry IV. 181. Serve him at the fiege of Rouen. Sc? Rouen. The Englilh aflilt Marlhal d’Aumont in Britany, ii. 13. See Aumont. They join France againil Spain in the war of XS95> 36 ; but do no great fervice. A con- verfatios INDEX. verfation between Henry IV. and the Englifh and Dutch ambafl'adors, 182. See Cecil. Henry takes the farms of his revenues out of the hands of the Engliih, 241. Piracies committed by the Engliih upon the French veffels, iii. 98. Sully infulted by their vice-admiral, 99. The charadter of the Englilh, 10®. They hate the French, 109. A continuation of the charadter of that people, ib. The manner in which we ought to adt with them, no. The Englifli jealous of the Scots, 137. Pretended claims of En- gland, upon Normandy, Guienne, Poitou, 141. The manner in which the King of England is ferved at table, 158. Oppofition made by the Englifh minifters to Sully’s negociation, and to the interefts of the United Provinces, 162. Sully complains of them to King James, 169. Prefents made by Sully to the principal lords and ladies of the Englifh court, 192. A confpiracy in London againft King James, 202. Henry gives penfions and prefents to the minifters and noblemen in this court, 204. The Englifli take advantage of the prohibition of commerce between France and Spain, 343. Treaty between England and Spain, 337. State of the debts of France to England dining the league, iv. 7. Another con- fpiracy againft King James, 179. Paul V. forbids the Englifh Catholics to take an oath of •fidelity to King James, 215. Debts of France to England, 218. Jean- nin is appointed ambaffador to England during the war of Cleves, 442. Part of the great defign relating to this kingdom. Forces and money to be contributed by the Engliih, 140, 8. See alfo the names men- tioned in this article Enhalt (Prince of) brings the German forces to Henry IV. at the fiege of Rouen, i. 223. It is propofed to marry the Princefs Catherine to him, ii. 263. He joins in the great defign, v. 153 Entiagues, (Francis de Belzac d’), his intrigues with the Caiholics againft Henry IV. i. 288. He intro- duces the Spanifh ambafl’ador to Henry IV. and Sully, 33.5. See Nugnes. He cabals againft Henry, 388. Thwarts Henry’s love for his daughter. See Ver- ne dl INDEX. neuil (Marchionefs of). Enters into an afTociation with Bouillon, Biron, and Auvergne, and endeavours to raife an infurre&ion, ii. 405. His intrigues at the court of London, iii. 124. Farther account of his intrigues, 264, 91. Procures a Marlhall’s ftaff, 307. Arrefted, 316. Anecdote concerning Henry’s love for his fecond daughter, 324. Motives which in- duced Henry IV. to pardon him, 379, F. FArms, (large), Sully takes them out of the hands of foreigners and the French lords : the method and order he puts them in, ii. 241. iii. 336. His labours in this part of the government, iv. 1, 2, 3. See alfo Finances, Gabelle, Aides, &c. C c 3 Faye, INDEX. Faye, (La-), a Proteftant preacher, Kenry IV’s an- fw.er to him, i. 32^ Ferdinand I. of Auffria, Emperor, Philip II. endea- vours to deprive him of the empire, ii. 254 Ferdinand of Caftile, propofed by Sully to Henry IV. as an example for him to follow, iv. 423 Fere (La-) taken by the Proteftants,i. 63. Retaken by Matignon, 69. A great convoy of Spaniards de- feated near this city. See Laon, Biron. Henry be- gins the liege of it, ii. 72. Circumftances relating to this liege: a great caufey built: Henry feized. w th an indifpolition : the place furrenders, 74 Feria (Laurent Saures de Figueroa, Duke of,) pleni- potentiary from Spain to the flates of Paris : his plots and the errors he commits there, i. 306. See League, States of Paris, &c. Leaves Paris upon its furrendering to Henry IV. 371- His fpeech of Henry IV. and Henry’s of him, ii. Fernandes (Edward) a Portuguefe banker, lends money to Henry IV. and the courtiers for play, iv. 293^ The debts Henry owed him difcharged, 367 Ferrand, an officer of the chamber of accounts, profe- cuted by Sully, iv. 366 Ferrier, a Proteftant minider, one of thofe concerned in the fedition, iii. 220. (Du) deputed to Sully by the aflemblyof Chatelleraut, iv. 286 Fervaques (William de Hautemer de Grancy de) Mar- ffial of France, Pent to the court of Henry III. to demand the Princefs Catherine, i. 45, 74, 78. De- mands Mademoifelle de Sully in marriage for M. de Lavel, ii. 141. See Laval, (Guy de), Bethune, (Margaret de). Sully’s friendfhip for him calumni- ated, iii, 416. Summoned to the council upon the deligred expedition to Sedan, iv. 128. Cured of a dangerous indifpolition, 296. Appointed one of the members of the council of regency by Henry IV. 443 « , , . Fefcamp taken by the league, and retaken in a very extraordinary manner by Boif-rofe : a dilpute about this fort, i. 35o,.&c. See Yillars (Admiral de), Bi- ron Feydeau INDEX. Feydeau (Denis) fanner-general of the aides, his pro- ' cefs againfl the city of Lyons, iv. 227 Fiefs mafculine and feminine, make a very important dirtimdion for tire duchy of Cleves and the United Provinces, iv. 407, &c. See Cleves Fin, (James de La), his chara&er, ii. 407. Betrays Biron, 408. His examination and depodtions, in which he impeaches Sully, ib. Continues to deceive Biron, iii. 16. Dn Perron folicits his return into France, iv. 21 Finances and financiers, diforder in the finances, and a new council eitablilhed, i. 200. ii, 15. Rogueries of the financiers, and caufes of the abufes in the finances, ii. 22, 78. Hatred of the financiers to Sul- ly. Ses Council. Their fraudulent practices, 106. They endeavour to irnpofe upon him, but do not fucceed, 121, 22. Sully’s labours in the finances, 218, 19. He undertakes to produce a reformation in the finances, ib. A fine portrait of a good ma- nager of the finances, 220, 21. See Miniilers. The finances of France charged with exceffive debts,233, 236. Foreigner^ excluded from any fhare in the farms, 240. The frauds committed in the finances examined into: alterations made in the management of them. 244, 5. The poll of fuperintendant of the finances eltablilhed in favour of Sully, 277. Re- gulations made in this part of the revenue. See. 364. .Againlt the luxury and exceflive wealth of the finan- ciers, 370. Offices of the financiers fupprefied, 373. Sully profecutes the fraudulent financiers, iii. 51, Luxury and magnificence of the financiers, 228. Se- veral operations of Sully in the finances, 330, &c. His great care and affiduity in the difeharge of this office, 334. His labours in the finances. General abftracts of them prefented by him to Henry IV. iv. 168, 74. Other details and operations : the debts owing to the contractors acquitted, &c. 221. New regulations made by Sully in the finances, 297. Me- moirs and fchemes upon this fubjedt. See Cabinet ,of State, 345. Methods of raifing money in cafes ofneceffity, 353 Many different affairs and details C c 3 of INDEX. of the finances, 36 J. The form of government in- the finances totally changed after the death of Henryj IV. v. 23 Flanders, the Low Countries, United Provinces, Charles IX. fends an army thither : deceives the Proteftants, i. 15. Catherine de Medicis endeavours to obtain the fovereignty of the Low Countries for the Duke of Anjou, 73. Origin of the revolt of the United Provinces, 74. They offer themfelves to the Arch- duke Matthias ; afterwards to Monfieur, ib. The expedition of that prince to Flanders, 78. The treachery at Antwerp renders him odious, 84. The Flemmings fend fifty veflels to the aflitlance of Hen- ry IV. while he is engaged in the fiege of Rouen, 223. They are very ufeful to him at this fiege, 226.. Unite with France againft Spain in the war of 1595', ii. 40. A converfation of Henry IV. with their am- baffador, 182. Set Naffu, Nantz, &c. Philip If. gives thefe provinces as a portion with his daughter the Infanta Ifabella. The Archduke Albert renews the war, 262. Henry IV. fuccours them private- ly> S0?’ Expeditions during this war, 362. The defeat of Spinola’s fquadron, and a further account of this war, iii, 61. The deputies from the States- General to the court of London meet with a bad re- ception from James, 113. Sully’s converfatioa with thefe deputies, 119. See Barnevelt, La Fontaine,. &c. A propofal faid to be made by Spain to the U- nited Provinces, to unite themfelves with her againfl: France, 141. Sully reprefents to the King of Eng- land the neceflity of fupporting them, 147 ; but the council of this prince oppofe his arguments, 154.^ See Cecil. Several conferences on this fubjedf, 160. Sully, in a private conference with James, again in- fills upon this point, 169. Methods propofed for driving out the Spaniards from the Low Countries, 178. The King of England promifes to aflift them, and receives their ambaffadors favourably, .182, See, Form of the treaty in which the Kings of France and England provide for their mutual defence. They rejed the propofals made them by Spain, 186. Beat INDEX. Beat the Spanlfh fleet twice, 204 ; and Kkewiie the Portuguefe galleys, 208. Their concern in the.af- fair of thirty per cent. 348. They defend themfelves- bravely againll Spain : the war very expenlive to them : their obligations to France, 351. Spain £eems to treat them favourably, with a view to make an agreement with England, 354. Malicious report taifed againft Sully, acculing him with carrying on criminal correfpondencies with the Flemmings, 417. Debts contracted by France to them during the league, iv. 7. Farther account of their wars with Spain, 23. The firfl: propofals towards a peace or a truce, 176* Henry IV. by advice of Sully, refufes to receive their towns in hoflage, and other offers’ made him by the States, 177. The Dutch prefent the King, by Aerfens, their agent, an account of the voyage they had lately made to the Eaft Indies, 179. The United Provinces renew the offers.they had; made to Henry IV. to fubmit themfelves to the French domination, and to give certain towns in hoftage, which Sully diffuades him from accepting, 207. A great naval battle gained by them againft the Spaniards, 208. The treaty for a fufpenfion of arms concluded, 209, it. A long truce negociated, 305. The ingratitude of the Flemmings to Henry IV. 308, 9. The fuccours he gives them, 393. Treaty for a truce, and the mediation of the Kings of France and England, ib. Contains an article in favour of the Prince of Epinoy, 396. The United Provinces join the confederate Princes aflembled at Hall upon the affair of Cleves, 423 ; and aflill them in taking Juliets, v. 56. That part of the great de- fign which related to them, conhifed in eredling them into a.republic, 148. What forces they agree to contribute towards its execution, 138. See Belgic (republic), Political Defign, See Fleche (La), Henry’s journey thither, ii. 198. He gives that houfe to the Jefuits, iii. 248. His liber- alities to them, iv. 151. He confents that bis heait fhould be depofited in their chapel: a bon-mot on this occafbn, 196. A gratuity granted by Henry r isr d e x IV. to this college, 325. Another, denied by Sul- ly, 329. A confpiracy formed in this city againit Henry’s life, 391 Flurtiing, the hatred which the inhabitants of this place bear to the Englifh, ii. 356 Fleury (Stephen), counfellor of parliament, deputed to the ftates of Paris, maintains there the rights of Henry IV. to the crown of France, i. 310. Draws up the procefs again!! Marlhal Biron, iii. 25 Font (La), Sully’s valet de chambre, procures him the acquaintance of Mademoifelle de Courtenay, and perfuades him to marry her, i. 92. Employed by Sully to prevail upon Admiral Villars to treat with Henry IV. 230. He enters again into Sully’s fervice after the death of Villars, ii. 32. Employments and gratuities bellowed upon him by Henry IV. iv. 366*. The advice which Sully gives him upon his quitting the adminiftration, v. 96 Fontaine Fran$oife (battle of) ii. 55 Fontainebleau, Henry IV. in danger of his life there, i. 337. A phantom, called the Great Hunter, appears there, ii. 200. Henry IV. firll hears of the death of the Duchefs of Beaufort there. See Ellrees (Ga- briella de). Gives a magnificent reception to the Duke of Savoy there, 308. A difpute between Du* Perron and Du-Pleffis at that callle, 316. Henry makes a difcovery there of L’Hote’s treafon, iii. 258. Henry IV embeliifhes that place, iv. 9. Makes fre- quent journeys thither, 94. Orders the ceremony of the baptifm of the children of France to be per- formed there, 161. New embelliihments made there by Henry IV. 292 Fontange, his daughter forcibly carried away : he be- fieges the callle of Pierrefort, iv. 233 Fontenay-Le-Comte. taken by the Duke of Montpen- fier, i. 40. Befieged and retaken by Henry IV. A comical adventure which happens during this liege, 118,9 Fontenelles (Guy-Eder de Beamanoir, Baron of) broke upon the wheel, iii. 29 Force (James Nompar de Caumont, Duke de La-) im- plores1 INDEX. pfores a pardon for Marlhal Biron of the King, iii, 29. A quarrel between his family and that of St, Germain, 289. The fervices he does the King in Navarre and Bearn, 373 Fortifications built or repaired by Henry IV. after the peace of Vervins, ii. 202. Sums delivered out of the treafury by Sully for that purpofe, iv. 2 18 . Fountains built or repaired in Paris by Henry IV. iv. 165. S?e Edifices Fourges, a gentleman in Sully’s fervice, caufes Gizors to be taken, i. 210. His father is feized by Sully with a boat richly laden, 221 FoufTac (Raymcnd de Sognac, de) foiieits a pardon of Henry IV. for feveral gentlemen concerned in the re- bellion, iv. 82 Fiance, the deplorable condition to which the civil wars had reduced this kingdom, ii. 168. The true policy to be purfued by her, 183. Henry labours, in con- jun&ion with Sully, to reftore her to her former grandeur, 232. Policy of Philip II. with rcfpe G. GAbelle, Henry IV. otcafions fome murmurs by his defign of eftablifhing this tax over all the king- dom, iii. 3. Sully’s maxims with refpedt to this branch of the finances, iv. 4, 5. Several regula- tions, 221. Augmentations to be made in it when necelTary, 351. iSVv Salt, Salt-pits Gadancourt I N t> E X. Gadancourt (N. de) defeats the forces of the leagu'Cs ii. 39. Goes with Sully to London, iii. 107 Galaty, a Swift colonel, the faying of Henry IV. to- him at the battle of Arc}ties, i. 178 Galigai (Stephen) obtains the archbifhopric of Tours, v. 30. An account of his perfon and chara&er, ib, (Leonora), comes into France in the Queen's train, ii. 361. See Italians. Henry IV. diflikes both her and her hufband, iii. 278, 82. She mar- ries Conchini: Henry intends to fend them to Italy, which the Queen will not confent to, iv. 263. See Conchini. She engages in the confpiracies againft the defigns and life of Henry IV. 337. Gratuities procured for her by the Queen, 367. Admitted in- to the fecret council of the Queen-regent, v. 22. See Medicis (Mary de). Whofe favourite fhe is, - 6.' She quarrels with the nobles and miftifters of Hate, 69 Gap (fynod of), Where the Proteftants propofe the dodfrine that the Pope is Antichrift, iii. 220. The dodtrine of Gap fefumed in the fynod of Rochelle, iv. 192 Garde (Baron de La) endeavours to feize Rochelle by ftratagem, t. 17. Surrenders Caudebec to the Prince of Parma, 246 Garnache (Nemours de La) takeh by Henry IV. i. 123. Taken again by that Prince, 157 ■ - (Nemours de La) takes his rhother prifoner, and is taken by her in his turn, i. 123 Garnet. (Henry) a Jefuit, what (hare he had in the confpiracyagainft the King of England, iv. 179, 2fj. See James, Englilh Gatine ^Philip de), tumult about the crofs of Gatine, i. 18 ■Geneva, Sully vifits that city during the war with Sa- voy. and frees the inhabitants from their apprehen- fions, ii. 352, &c. Henry IV. permits them to de- molifh Fort St Catherine, 355. The Duke of Sa- voy fails in his attempt upon this city, which is fol- lowed by a treat : f peace through the mediation of the Swifs cantons, iii. 62, &c. Henry IV. takes Geneva INDEX. Geneva under his protedHon, and forms magazines there, iv. 214. Du-Terrail, in endeavouring to furprife this city, is taken prifoner, and beheaded, 400 i Gergeau taken by the two Kings, i. 166. General af- fembly of the Proteftants held in this city : Sully does the King great fervice there, iv. 285 i Germain (fuburb of Saint) taken by Henry IV. at the firft onlet, i. 182 ! Germain-en-Laye, (Saint), the friends ofthe two princes make an attempt to carry them off from that place; but fail, i. 40. Henry IV. builds Chateauneuf there, hi. 81. Other works and embellifhments made by him there, iv. 9. Henry’s refidence in this caftle ; and his indifpofrtion there, 36. Sends the childrea of France to refide in it, 239 1 German horfe and foot, their march into France im- prudently concerted, i. 119. Defeated at Anneau, 145. They and the Lanfquenets betray Henry IV. at the battle of Arques, 177. Fire their pieces in the air at the battle of Ivry, 191. They are flaugh- tered, 194. The Duke of Bouillon makes a new levy of thefe forces, 223, and leads them to the fiege of .Rouen, ib. Where they mutiny, 226. They refufe to purfue the Prince of Parma, 256 I Germany, its ancient dukes defcended from the houfe ofHablburg. See Habiburg, Auftria. Henry’s de- fign advantageous for the eledtors and princes of Germany, hi. 173. Their true policy with regard to Spain and Auftria, iii. 176. They rcfolve to. unite with Henry, 364. Cuftoms of duels in Ger- many different from thofe in France, iv. 103. Hen- ry makes new allies, 117. Debts of France to the princes and cities in Germany difeharged, 218. Af- fairs of Germany, and the commotions that happen there, 317. Henry engages the princes in his in- terefts, 335. They fend a deputation to him from Hall, on occafion of the fucceflion of Cleves, 423. See Cleves. They enter into a more ftridt alliance with France, 433. Ambaffadors appointed to refide there during the execution of the great defign, 442. Voc.V. Dd 4L INDEX. See Henry, Political DeGgn, Rodolphus. Part of the great defign which iclates to its princes and cir- cles, v, 141. Forces and money to be contributed by them, 140, 58 Gifors taken by Sully : he is denied the government of it, i. 210. Henry’s kindnefs to the poor receiver there, ii, 168 Givry (Anne D’Anglure, de) attaches himfelf to Hen- ry IV. after the death of Henry III. i. 173. His eulogium, 234. Defends Neuf-Chatel but indiffer- ently, 244 Defeats the fupplies which the Spa- niards endeavour to throw into Laon, 400. Aflifts at the defeat of the grand convoy, ib. Draws the army into danger by fome falfe advices, 413 (cardinal of), lends money to Henry IV. iv. 236. Is propofed for the bifhopric of Metz, 290 Glafgow (James de Bethune, Archbifhop of), recom- mended to Sully by the Cardinal of Bourbon, i. 292. Anecdotes relating to his extra&ion and his life, ib. Henry IV. grants him his proteftion, 398. Sully’s letter to him upon the acceffion of King James to the crown of England, iii. 90 GJafs, (manufactory of), eflabliihed by Henry IV. iv. 13 Gondy, (Peter, Cardinal of), Eifhop ofParis, the Pope refufes to give him audience when fent to him by Henry IV. i. 312. He goes back again to Rome to pay obedience to the Pope in the name of Henry IV. 329. Is made head of the council of reafon, ii. 136 Gontier, cr Gonthery (father), a Jefuit, his character, iii. 237. His plots at court to ruin Sully, 383. See Jefuits, Courtiers. Henry IV. gives him a fevere reprimand for his feditious manner of preaching, iv. 3,26 Gonzague, origin of the grandeur of this houfe, iv. 160. See he vers, Mantua Gournay (Madcmoifdle de) gives information of the confpiracy againft Henry IV. iv. 451, &c. See Coman, Schcmbcrg Government after the peace of Savo r, Henry IV. and Sully apply themfelves afTidacufly to the cares of it, ii. INDEX. ii. 363. Maxims and refkftions upon governnient, 370. iii. 46, no, 224, 364. The gentlenefs of Henry IV’s government, 425. The great difficulty of cot reding the abufes which had crept into it be- foie his reign, iv. 227. Maxims for good govern- ment, 30!, Sic. Schemes for a reformation in fe- veral parts of it. See cabinet of ilate. Judgment upon the different governments which followed each other in France. See France (Kings of), Defcent. See alfo Politics, Police, Finances, See. Governors of provinces in their own right and heredi- tary propofed to Henry IV. ii. 66. See Princes of the blood, Lords, Montpenfier. Their rights in their governments to quarters, iii. 174, 6 Grain, regulations concerning it, ii 203 Giammont, (Antony II. de), Suliy’s friendffiip for him calumniated, iii. 416. The fpoils he takes from the Spaniards, iv. 203 Grands-Jours, (chamber of) held by Sully in Limofn, iv. 87 Greffes, edids concerning them in favour of the Count of Soiffons, iv. 12. Sully reunites them, and the clerks offices, at the court of Languedoc, to the crown-lands, 219 Gregory XIII. Pope, rejoices at the maffacre of St Bartholomew, i. 28 Gregory XIV. fends troops to the affiftance of the league, i. 231 Grey, Lord, confpires againft K. James iii. 202 Grillon (Lewis Barton de) gives Henry good counfel on the day of the barricadoes, i. 146. Henry writes a letter to him after the battle of Arques, 178. His valour, and the wounds he receives at the fiege of Rouen, 231. He rails at Marffial Bironin the King’s prefence, 345. Bon-mot of his upon the faperin- tendant D’O, ii. 17. The adventure at Charbon- niers, which creates a friendffiip between him and Sully, iii. 394. His chatader, 393. An .affair be- tween him and Sully, relating to the poll of the co- lonel of the guards, likely to be of dangerous con- fcqucnce to that minifter, 397, His whimfical hu- D d 2 mour, INDEX. mour, and arrogant manner of fpeaking to tTie King, 398. The affair of the colonel’s commiffion termi- nated to the King’s fatisfadlion, iv. 423 Gril'oflS, Henry IV. unites them with the Venetians, iii. 38. Origin of their differences with Spain, 363* See Valteline, Fuentes. Farther account of thefe affairs : they declare againft Spain, 370. They break formally with that crown, and enter into a league with France and the republic of Venice, iv. ib. The debts due to them by France difeharged by Sully, 218. The bad conduct of Refuge, envoy from France to the Grifons, 404. Caumartin fent ambaffador there, 442. How concerned in the great defign, v.143 Guele (La) diffuades Henry III. from having the Duke of Guife affaffinated, i. 147. Kills James Clement, 168 Guiche (Diana D’Andoins, Countefs de La) beloved by Henry IV. i. 88. Sends him forces at her own expence : the anfwer made by her fon to this prince, ib. Henry prefents her with the colours taken at the battle of Coutras, 143. She favours the loves of the Princefs Catherine and the Count of Soiflbns, 347. Gives bad counfels to this ptincefs, ii. 9t. Guignard (John) a Jefuit, is hanged on account of his being concerned in Chatel’s confpiracy, ii. 39. An examination of this fa HAbfburg (Raoul, or Rodolphus d’) fiift author of the grandeur of the houfe of Aultria, i. 4. The Stttts conquered by him, iv. Harlay, INDEX. Harlay, (Achilles de), lirft prefident, his refoluterepfp to the Duke of Guife, after the adion of the barri- cadoes, i. 149. He draws up the procefs againft Marfhal Biron iii. 2J. Oppofes the return of the Jefuits, 238. Appointed one of the council O; the regency by Henry IV. iv. 443 Havre-de-Grace delivered up to the Englifli by the Proteftants, i. 18. Taken by the forces of Henry IV. 184. Surrenders to this prince, 379. The lutn paid for its redudlion, ii. 233 Heemlkerk, (Jacob) the Dutch vice-admiral, gains a great naval victory over the Spaniards; killed in the battle, iv. 207 Henry II. King of France, a faying of his to the Prince of Navarre, i. 8. A rupture between this prince and Philip II. 10. He is killed in a tournament, 11. Value of the taille in his reign, iv. 303. He fuccours the German princes .againft Charles V. 417 Henry III. King of France, accufed of being the au- thor of the Prince of Conde’s affaffination, i. x. The difcourfe of this prince to Miron, his firft phyfician, 22. He is eletted King of Poland, and raifes the liege of Rochelle, 38 At his return from Poland, he declares war againft the Huguenots ; raifes the liege of Livron, 43. Marries the Princefs of Vau- demont, ib. His avcrfion to Monfieur, ib. He con- cludes the peace of 1577,001 of hatred to the Guifes. His conduit, a mixture of devotion and voluptuouf- nefs, 58. Rofny deputed to him by Henry IV. Gives Monlieur, at his return from Flanders, a cool reception, 89, 90. He quarrels with, and is after- wards reconciled to the league : forced to unite with- it, 95, 96. Lofes an opportunity of re-uniting the Low Countries to France, 98. Supports the league through timidity, 103. Beginning of the negocia- tion for the union of the two kings, 115. A faying of Henry III. concerning the Proteftants and the league, 114. His condudt the caufe that the foreign troops were defeated at Auncau, 117. Bad policy ©f his council, 125, &c. He puts the Duke of Joy- eufe at the head of his army, 128. Day ol the barrica- does : INDEX. does : errors committed on this occafion, 14$. Converfation between him and Sully, whole advice he rejects, 151, 2. He caufes the Duke and the Cardinal of Guile to be alfaffinated ; judgment upon this aftion, 153. New faults committed by this prince ; the extremity to which he is reduced, 156. Sully negociates with him for an union between the two kings, 159, 60. This treaty is concluded, and they have a conference together. Military exploits in the neighbourhood of Tours, 162. Henry IV. praifes Henry III. 164. The fuccefs of his arms ; he befieges Paris, 167. Is wounded at St Cloud, and dies : the friendfhip he exprefiesfor Henry IV. 168. Particulars relating to this event, ib. The error he committed, by giving the government of Britany to the Duke of Mercdeur, 181. His favou- rites, ii. 16. It is propofcd to him to marry the princefs Catherine, 262. Debts contrafted by him through the league, iv. 8. Augmentation of the taille under his reign, 304, Henry IV. King of France, commands the Proteftant troops at the encounter of Arnai-le-Duc, i. 3. Par- ticulars relating to his birth, his education, and his happy qualities, 7. Titles born fuceeilivefy by him,. 8. Other accounts of his infancy and jouth, ib. His talents for war, 7. He is declared chief of the Proteftant party; the powerful enemies he has to op- pofe, 12. Plot between him and the Duke of Alen- 500 to flrangle Catherine de Medicis, ib. He goc s to relide at Rochelle, after the peace of 1570, ib. A projett of marrying him to Margaret of Valois, 14. Overhears fomething concerning the relult of the conference at Ba’ionne, 17. Marries Margaret, 24. Cannot be prevailed upon to leave Paris, 27. In what manner be efcaped death at the maflacre of St Bartholomew: Charles IX. obliges him to charg: his religion, and keeps him prifoner, 33. Means made ufe of by the Queen-mother to embroil bint with Monlieur, 44. Reje<5ts w't horror the propo- fal of murdering that prince : h s frierdihip with the Duke of Guife, 445. He eicapes from urt, and joins INDEX. joins Monfieur and the Prince of Conde, Is a- bandoned by Monfieur. 46. Takes up arms again, but with little fuccefs, 47. Lofes Marmande, 50. Love carries hint to Bearn, 51. He takes Eaufe by ftorm, 52. Other military exploits, 54, 55. A bold a&ion of his at Nerac, 57. He quarrels with the Prince of Conde ; and cannot prevent the taking of Brouage, 58. Has a conference with the Queen- mother : propofals accepted and refufed, 59. His reply to Catherine de Medicis; his gallantries with her maids of honour, ib. See Ageile. He takes pleurence and Saint Emilion, 61. His aftonifhing valour at the fiege of Cahors, which he takes by aflault, 64. He renders the Prince of Conde’s fcheme ineffedtual, 69. Takes Monfegur, and Ihtns himfelf up in Nerac, 70. The friendfhip he conceives for Sully, whom he reproves for his faults, and after- wards pardons him, 73. Catherine conceives a de- fign of treating with him for his claims upon Na- varre, 73. A converfation between him and Sully, in which he foretells what will happen to Morrfieur and him in Flanders, 73, 76. The reception he gives him at his return from that expedition, 87. Sends him to court, to communicate the advanta- geous offers which had been made him by Spain at Hagemau, 89. and to obferve the motions of the league, 90. His anfwers to the {harp letters he re- ceives from Henry III. 89. They give him poifon, which produces no effeft : he is again in danger, from Captain Michau, 94. He makes preparations for refiffing the forces of the league : his indignation at the treaty of Nemours, 96. His confidence in Sully, 101. Deputies fent him from the court, 102. His true femiments concerning teligion, ib. His party worfted at Angers, 104. Fights againft the three armies of Mat'enne, Joyeufe, and Matignon, ill. Goes to Rochelle, 112. Takes Talmont, 118. Chizay, Sanzy, Saint-Maixant, and Fontenai : hin- dered by an accident from being informed of the ar- rival of the foreign troops, 119, 20. Takes Maille- amis, Mouleon, La-Garnache ; lofes Nyort, Parthe- nai. INDEX. nai, and retires to Rochelle, 125. He has confer- ences with the Queen-mother at Cognac, Saint-Brix, Saint-Maixant, 126. The anfwers he gives this : princefs: the danger he is in at Saint-Brix, ib. Joy- eufe takes Saint-Maixant and Maillezais from him, 129. The advantages he gains over this army, 131. ' He wins the battle of Coutras, 136. Actions and layings of this prince, and other particulars relating, to him, during this battle, and immediately after it, 137, 8. The faults he commits, which hinder him from deriving any advantage from this victory, 140. He goes to Bearn, and there makes a difcovery of the plots of the Count of Soilfons, 143. His grief for the death of the Prince of Conde : juftifies Char- lotte Catherine de la Tremouille, 146. Offers his perfon and forces to Henry III. after the aftion of the barricadoes, 150. A faying of his upon the af- : lalfination oftheGuifes, 154. He endeavours to difconcert the defigns of the chiefs of the Proteftant party, falls fick at La-Mothe-Frelon ; deputes Sully to Henry III. and takes Garnache and Nyort, ijy.; and afterwards Chatelleraut and Argenton, j 59. Has a conference with Henry III. after the treaty of Plellis-lez-Tours; the counfels he receives, and a faying of his upon this fubject, 162. Forces the Duke of Maienne from Tours, 163. The fuccefs of the arms of the two kings, 167. The great fervices he does Henry III. and the danger to which he ex- pofes himfelf, ib. Henry III. jealous of him, ib. He vifits this prince when wounded : the marks of affe&ion which he receives from him, 168. He afks advice from Sully, 170. Henry IV. acknowledged King of France by fome of the chief officers in the royalilf party, and abandoned by others : meafures taken by him in this juncture, 17 1. His reafons for going farther from Paris : he furprifes Meulan, takes Clermont and other cities of Normandy, 174. Gains a vidlory at Arques ; particular account of this bat- tle, 176. Bon-mot of his upon this occalion, and other anecdotes during and after this adlion, 176-78- He harafles his enemies j the danger he is in at Diep- pe. INDEX. pe, 181. He lofes Vernon, and advances towards Paris ; caufes the fuburbs to be attacked, but with- out fuccefs, 182. Takes Eftampe, and feveral other towns, 183, 4. Caufes the fiege of vleulan to be raifed, 186. Not able to prevent the lofs of Rouen, 187. The battle of Ivry : particulars concern ng this battle, and the behaviour of this prince there, 190—93. Careffes Sully highly, and confers the order of knighthood upon him, 199. Takes Dreux, and lofes Sens : caufes of his not taking advantage of this vidlory, 203. He carries the fuburbs of Paris and lays fiege to the city, 203. Raifes the fiege through tendernefs to the inhabitants, 204, 5. Com- mits an error by polling himfelf at Chelles, 206. He takes Clermont, 208. and purfues the Prince of Par- ma at great advantage : faves the life of the Baron de Biron, 209. Goes to Cceuvres to vifit the fairGa- briella, ib. His party is increafed, 210. He takes Chartres, 212. and Corbie, 214. His paflion for Mademoifelle d’Eftrees, ib. A letter from Henry IV. to Sully, 213. The taking of Noyon, and other advantages gained over the league, 214. Henry IV.’s prefence at Mante is the caufeof Sully’s failing in an enterprife he had meditated againft the Duke of Maienne, 218. He furprifes Louviers, 219. Takes pofieffion of one part of Normandy, 220, Goes to Compcigny to vifit the fair Gab iella, ib. His rea- sons for favouring a marriage between the Vifcount de Turenne and Mademoifelle de Bouillon, 221. Sec Bouillon, Mark (La). He undertakes the fiege of Rouen, 223. Errors committed in the attack, 225. Valour of this prince in the afiault, 227. The Catholics in his army difeontented, 228, 9. He goes to meet the Prince of Parma, 231. A faying of his upon the death of Sixtus V. 232. Marches and encampments of this prince, 233. He defeats a fquadron of the Duke of Guife’s, 234. Battle of Aumale; particulars relating to this achon, in which he is wounded, 239, 40. He forces the Duke of Parma to repafs the Somme, 241. Mutiny in his army, 242. He raifes the fiege of Rouen, 243. He offers INDEX. offers the Prince of Parma battle in vain, 244. Di- vides his forces, 24j. Joins them again, and defeats the advanced guard of his enemies, 247. Gains o- ther advantages, 248. Remarks upon thefe expe- ditions, and upon the errors attributed to Henry, 249. The Prince of Parma makes his retreat, 259. and Henry’s army refufes to purfue him, 254. He is greatly perplexed how to keep them together, 25y. Dilbands his army, and leads the Proneflant troops into Picardy, 259. His fecret motive for this jour- ney, 260. He difconcerts the plots of the Count of Soiflbns in Bearn, 262. Henry IV. takes Epernay, and dilbands his troops, 271. Sully difcontented with him; the occafion of it, 272. Difcovers, by Sully’s means, the fecrets of the league, and of the third party, 280, 1. The great confidence he places in Sully, who is the chief author of his eonverfion, 283, 4. Converfations between him and Sully, wherein tire latter urges him to change his religion ; the motives which determine him to it, 286, See. Henry obliges the Proteftants to confent to a nego- ciation with the Catholics, 291. Conditions propo- fed to him by the league, 301, which he reje<5ls, 303. His claim to the crown incontellable, 311, 312. He raifes the fiege of Selles, 312. His ambaffadors re- jaded at Rome, ib. He endeavours to gain the Pope, and agrees to a conference with the Catholics, which produces nothing, 313. Sully prevails upon him to come to a refolution, 318. He is prefent at the con- ference held between the Catholics and the Prote- ftants, 320. Befieges and takes Dreux, 321. The fincerity of his converfion, 323. His conduft to- wards the Proteflants, 325. The letter he wrote to his miftrefs on this fubjeet, 326. Particulars re- lating to his abjuration: Sayings of this prince, 328. He fends a deputation to Rome, 329. The wife condudl he obferves with Spain, with the league, and the Huguenots, 330, 1. He grants a truce to the deputies from the city of Paris, 332. Receives a Spanifli deputy, 333. .SVeNegn s, D’En- tragues. Saying of his concerning his abjuration, 33=- INDEX. '^52. Deputes La-Varenne unfeafonably to Man- tioce, 334. Bon-mot of La-Varenne, 335. PI ts of the monks againft Henry IV. 336. See Jefuits, Ca- puchins. He refumes his confer 'nces upon religion : the Catholics jealous of the Proteftants about his perfon, 337. He commences a treaty with Admiral Villars, 338. Succours Fefcamp, 342. Is received into Meaux, &c. ib. Is capable of fopprefling his refentment : an anecdote on this fubjedt, 34J. Caufes himfelf to be crowned at Charters, 346. Reconciles, by means of Sully, the Duke of Montpenlier and the Count of Soiffons, ib. and gets die contract of marriage out of their hands, 353. Villars fubmits to him, 366. He is received at Paris, where he pardons all his enemies, 37c. Particulars and bon- mots of his on this fubjedt, ib. He reftores order and regularity, and pardons the Duke of Montpen- fier andBiron, 372. Prefent made by him to Sully, 382, 3. His reception of Villars : feveral cities fub- mit to him, 384. He goes into Picardy, where the Spaniards had taken La-Chapelle, 387. Lays liege to Laon, 388. The great fatigue and labour he fuftains at this liege, 397. Prevents the Spaniards from fuccouring Laon, 359. Biron difeontented with him, 403. His army in danger of being fur- prifed by the Spaniards, which obliges him to make his retreat, 405. The military qualities of this prince extolled, 406. He conceals the caufes he has for complaint againft Bouillon, and deputes Sully to him, ii. 2, 3. Laon taken : makes his entry into feveral towns in Picardy : the fuccefs of his arms in -The provinces, 12, 13. The Duke of Guife returns to his obedience, 18. Henry’s obliging behaviour to him, and the praifes he gives to the ptinces of that houfe, 23, 24. The familiar manner in which this prince lives with his courtiers, 24. His amours with the fair Gabriella : converfation between him and Alibouft upon this fubjedt, 31. Change Which he makes in the council of finances, 32. He declares war againft Spain, 36. Is wounded by Chatel : Particulars relating to this horrid attempt, and to Vol. V. E e the INDEX. ilie banifhment of the Jefuits, 38, 9. Fitft faccefa of his arms againft Spain. 40. He goes to Burgun- dy, ib. His amours with the fair Gabiieha, 41. A new council fettled during his abfence, 43. Conver- fation between him and Sully at Moret, 44. The Count of Soilfons difgulled, 45. Campaign of Bur- gundy : battle of Fontaine-Francois, 50 Henry returns to Paris, and with Sully deplores the mif- fortunes which happened in Picardy, 60. Condi- tions upon which the Pope grants him abfolution, 61. Cannot prevent the Jofs of Calais, which he had refufed to yield to Elifabeth, He provides for the fecurity of Picardy, 66. He reproaches the Duke of Montpenher with the part he had in the criminal defigns of the grandees, 67. Reproves the Duke of BouHlon, whom he fends ambaffador to London, 68, 9. Is delirous of fending Sully with him, but he is unwilling to go, 71. He lays fiege to La Fere, 72. Is feized with an indifpolition, 74. Lofes Arras : fucceed- better in other expeditions, 75. Angry with his council for fuffering him to be in want of ncce/faries during this campaign, 77, 78. Henry gives audience to the deputie from Provence and Languedoc, 85. Commiffions Sully to break off the marriage between the P incefs Catherine and the Count of Soiffons, 86. Is angry with Sully upon this occafion, and without caufe ; but makes him reparation, 95, 96. The different fortunes of ids arms in feveral provinces, 101. After much irre- iblution, and many obftacles, he obliges the council of finances to receive Sully amongfl: them, 102. The Duke of Ma'ienne makes a treaty with him, and comes to pay him his obedience, 108. He orders Sully to vifit the diflrids, 110. Recals him, in confequence of fome bad counfels he had received ; does him juftice, rewards and fupports him againft Sancy and the council, 114, 15. His fpeech to the affembly Des Notables, 127. The prudent condud he ob- ferves towards them by the advice of Sully, 131. Projed for railing the liege of Arras, 140. The great concern he expreffes for the lofs of Amiens, 142. INDEX. 142. Sully diredts him to the means of regaining this place, 143. An extraordinary council called upon this occalion, 1^7, 8. He leaves Sully at the head of the council, and departs for this expedition, 1 50. His labours at this fiege : he carries his miftrefs thither : his folicitude for Sully’s fafety, whom he makes ufe of to difconcert the pernicious defigns of the Proteftants, 154, 5. He beftows tire poll of grand mailer of the ordnance upon D’Eltrees, after having promifed it to Sully; to whom in recompencc he gives the government of Mante, 159. Particu- lars relating to the fiege of Amiens; it is taken, not- withftanding all the endeavours of the Archduke to prevent it, 162. Letters of Henry IV. ib. Several military expeditions, in which he has different fi.ic- cefs, 166. The King returns to Paris, and makes preparations for his march into Britany, '69 A fine faying of Henry Is with regard to Marfhal Biron, ib. He liftens to negociations for a peace, 171. Suffers himfelf to be moved in favour of the Duke of Mercceur : the freedom with which Sully expati- ates upon his error, 173. He pacifies Britany, and makes himfelf be obeyed there, 173. Labours for the edidt of Nantz, r8o. A bon-mot of his upon Elifabeth, the Archduke, and himfelf, 181. A fine converfation which he holds with the Englilh and Dutch ambafladors, upon the neceffuy of a peace, 183. He puts the laft hand to the edidl: of Nantz, 186. Speaks and ads with authority to Bouillon and the Proteftants, ib. Refides feme time at Rennes : a curious converfation between him and Sully upon the difl'olutioh of his marriage, 189. The extreme weaknefs of this prince with relpedt to his miftrefs, 193, 4.* He goes into Picardy, 198. His pleafant replies to thofe that harangue him, 199. He figns the peace of Vervins at Paris : praifes of this prince, and a bon-mot of his upon this treaty, 200. Henry applies himfelf to the affairs of gover»- ment ; regulations and eftablifhments which he makes in the militia, fortifications, police, and the belles-lettres, 203. He inteiefts himfelf in the q-oe- E e 2 fticu INDEX. ilion of the true or falfe Don Sebaftian, 20$. CaufeS a conference to be held at Boulogne, between;the deputies of Spain and England, and names two cardinals, 205. The Duchefs of Beaufort abufes his indulgence in the ceremony of the baptifm of her fecond fon, 208. Henry lupports Sully againlt her, and reconciles them: a curious converfation between them three, 212, 13. This prince danger- oufly ill at Monceaux, 253. The polls he bellows on Sully, 224. His great confidence in hint, 227. Sums paid by Henry to the chiefs and cities of the league at their treaties, 233, 4. He takes Sully’s part againft D’Epernon, 238, and the grandees,241. Talents of this prince for government, and his great kno.vledge in the finances, 248. Marriage of the Princefs Catherine with the Prince of Bar, in which he is ill ferved by D’Offat: he caufes the ceremony to be performed by the Archbifiiop of Rouen, not- withHanding the oppofition of the clergy, 263, &c. Henry reforms the edidt of Nantz, 270. His pru- dent conduft in the affair of Martha Broffier, 273. He makes Sully fuperintendant of the finances, buildings, and fortifications, and grand furveyor,, 277. Death of the Duchefs of Beaufort, 279, 80. Henry’s prefage of her death, 281. His excefiive grief ; is comforted by Sully, 288. A bon mot of this prince to father Ange, 290. Henry IV. goes to Blois : the occafion of this journey, 29.5. He writes to Margaret upon the diffolution of his mar- riage with her, and caufes this affair to be profecu- ted diligently, 296. He falls in love with Made- moifelle D’Entragues, 297. Is weak enough to give her a promife of martiage, 299, which Sully tears in his prefence, 300 His difcontent when Sully informs him that the treaty for a marriage between him and the Princefs of Tufcany is concluded, 302. An Italian who attempted to llab him is feized, ib. He gives the poll of grand mailer of the ordnance to Sully, 306. His reception of the Duke of Savoy, 308. Prefents made by thefe two Princes to eaclv other, 3iQ, Henry fupports Sully againllthe com- miffaries. INDEX. miflarie?, and avoids the fnares laid for him by the Duke of Savoy in the affair of the Marquifate of Sa- luces, 313. Is prefent at the difpute between the bilhop of Evreux and Du-Pieflis Mournay, 319. The letter he writes to D’Epernon upon this occafion, ib. His departure for the expedition of Savoy : takes the Marchionefs of Verneuil along‘with him, 320. He is flopped by the artifices of the Duke of Savoy, 324. Takes Chamberry, &c. 328. Is married by proxy to the Princefs of Tufcany, 325. Relies upon Sully for the management of this war, 329. Comes to the fiege of Charbonniers, 330. To that of Montmelian, and expofes his perfon there impru- dently, 345. The reception he gives to the depu- ties from Geneva : ceiemonies and particulars of his marriage with Mary de Medicis, 353, 54. Ill ferved by the commilfioners for the peace, 354. His per- plexity occafioned by the intelligence between his courtiers and the Duke of Savoy, 356. He concludes an advantageous treaty, and returns to Paris, taking the Queen along with him, 360, 61. He corredts the abufes in money and trade, &c. 366. Prohibits the wearing of gold and filver fluffs : the introduc- tion of thofe fluffs into France : the fimplicity of his own drefs, 367. Prohibits likewife the tranfporta- tion of gold and filver coin out of the kingdom, 368. Eflablifhes a chamber of juflice, 369, from which he draws but little advantage, 372. Plenty’s IV.’s ad- vice to the Prince of Orange ; and the journey he takes to Orleans, 373, 4. Motives of his journey to Calais, 376. His ambaffador at Madrid infulted, for ■which the Pope procures him fatisfadion, 376. The magnificent titles which the Grand Signior gives him by his ambaffadors, 378. An embaffy from the Venetians : his anfwer to the Spanilh ambaffador, 379. Reciprocal letters which pafs between him and Elifabeth; the reafons which hinder them from conferring together perfonally, 380. They are ca- lumniated on this account, 381. Henry fends Sully to Dover to confer with Q^een Elifabeth, 382. He informs Sully of the birth of the Dauphin, 389. E e 3 Procures INDEX Procures a reftitution of the ifles of Promegue, See. from the Grand Duke, 393 Appoints the Count of Bethune ambaffador to Rome, though Villeroi and Siliery oppofe it, 396. Letters from this prince to Sully upon D’Ornano, and upon his ftud of horfes at Meun, 397> 8. Endeavours to fix Biron in his allegiance, 399. Gives him a confiderable gratui- ty, 401. Sends him ambafl'ador to London, and to Switzerland, 404, 5. Receives notice of his con- fpiracy againft him, 406. Letters which he wrote Sully, and the converfation he had with him upon the depofitions of La-Fin, 408. The amufements of this prince at the arfenal, iii. 1. Is attacked by a fit of the gout: goes to Blois, and difconcerts the defigns of Biron there, 2. See Malecontents. A grand council held to determine upon the manner of arrelling bouillon, D’Auvergne, and Biron, 8. Sully diffuades Henry IV. from arrefting D’Epernon, 9. Another fecret affair between him and Sully concerning the Queen and the Italians, 13. He Iliows himfelf in Poiton, Limofin, and Guienne, 14. He caufes Biron and Auvergne to be arrefted : par- ticulars relating to their detention, 17, 18. The trial of Biron, 25. His fpeech to the relations of this marfhal, 29. Caufes the Baron de FontenelJe be executed, and grants a pardon to all the other confpirators, 30. To Hebert and the Baron de Lux, 2 1. To the Count of Auvergne : his motives for his clemency, 33. To the Prince of Joinville, whom he puts under confinement, 38. He endeavours, but in vain, to draw Bouillon to court, 39. Reproaches Spain on account of Marihal Biron’s confpiracy, 43. Converfation between him and Sully, upon the bounds he intended to put to his benefactions to him, ib. Affair of the advocates terminated peace- ably, 48. His adventure with the attorneys, whom he caufes to be whipt, 51. Operations with regard to money: reflections upon them, 52. Gold and filver mines difeovered in France, 56. Edict againfl duels, 37. His journey to Calais, 59. Henry le- gitimates his fon by the Marchionds of Verneuil: is inmfpofed 'index. indifpofed at Monceaux, 60. Goes to Metz, 66. Banillies the Soboles, 68. Reconciles feveral Ger- man princes who come to pay theii refpedts to him there, 69. Receives the Jefuits there favourably, and promifes to repeal their banilhment, 70. Frees the Pope from his apprehenfions, on account of his armaments, 73. Henry IV. continues to fupport privately the Flemmings againil Spain, 75. His an- fwer to the Eleftor Palatine, who wrote to him in favour of Bouillon, 77. Sully’s letter to him on this fubjeid, 78. His grief for the death of Queen Eli- fabeth, 80. His converfation on this fubjeift with Sully, whom he determines to fend ambaifador to London, ib. His buildings, 81. The private and public inftruclions which he gives to Sully : the great importance of this embaffy, 86. Henry dan- geroudy ill at Fountainebleau : his great confidence in Sully: he recovers, 86, 7. Henry’s letters to the King and Queen of Englajid, 95, Letters between the King and Sully during his flay in London, 97. Infult given to the French flag, 98. Sully removes the King’s apprehenfions on account of a fuppofed union between England and Spain, 144. This prince’s reafons for taking the part of the Englifh priefts, 132. Sully acquaints the King of England with the great defign, 170. See Political Defigo, James. King James emulous of Henry IV. 181. The error of not giving a charte-blanch to Sully, 183. Form of the treaty of alliance between the two kings, 186, &c. Prefents made by Sully to the king, the Queen, and the court of England, 192. Hen- ry cardies Sully highly at his return from London, 193. Praifes him in public, andjuftifies him againft the malicious afperfions of the Count of Soiflbns, 197. Meafures taken againft the intrigues of Spain at London, 205. Remonftrances made by Sully to Henry IV. upon the abufes of fmall edi&s, 210. He tetrads a grant which he had been furprifed into by the Count de Soiflons, and defends Sully againft the refentment of this prince and the Marchionefs of Verneuil, 2iij&c, Sully receives his Majefty at Rofny : INDEX. Rofhy : an accident occafioned by the rifing of the waters, 217. Henry vifns Normandy, 218. Is taken ill at Rouen, ib. New difcontent given him by Bouillon and the Proteftants, 219. He gives the government of Poitou to Sully, 221. Eltablilhes filk manufadtures : converfation on this fubjedt between him and Sully, by whom he cannot be difl'uaded from this defign, 224. His great expences at play, for his miftrefies, &c. 231. Sends a colony to Canada,Medals prefented to him by Sully, 232. Death of the Duchefs of Bar : an examination into the effedts of this princefs, made by Henry and the Duke of Bar, 233. A fine anfwer made by Henry to the nuncio on this fubjedt, 234. He recalls the Jefuits, 237. Notwithftand- ing all the' reafons urged by Sully again!! it, 245. To whom he promifes all forts of fatisfadtion from them, 24y. He gives them La-Fleche: makes Father Cotton his confefior : other favours which he be- ftows upon them, 248. His ftay at Chantilly, 249. He difeovers the treafon of L’Hote, and caufes him to be purfued, 258, 61. His treatment of Villeroi, 258. He reftores him to favour, and comforts him for what had happened, 262. Henry fends his car- dinals to the conclave, 266. Makes frequent vifits to Sully at the arfenal : his converfation with him upon his domeftic difquiets, 268. He is offended with Sully for his refolute oppofition to him, 270. Makes him an apology for if, ib. Confides to him his uneafinefs, occafioned by the Queen and the Marchionefs de Verneuil, 272. Writes a letter to the Marchionefs full of reproaches, ib. Demands from her the promife of marriage, which fhe refufes, 273. The faults he attributes to the Queen, 274. Sully procures a reconciliation between him and the Queen, with whom he is again embroiled, 279, 80. Cannot refolve to ad! with authority in his domeffic affairs, 281. His weaknefs with regard to Madame de Verneuil, whofe artifices put Sully in danger of lofing his confidence, 284. She attempts to get the King’s marriage with Mary ds Medicis cancell d. INDEX. 288. His health endangered by thefe domeftic troiN bles, 289. Favours Queen Margaiet in her procefs for her mother’s eftates, 290, 1. Labours to pre- vent the plots of the Count of Auvergne with Spain and the Proteftants agyinft him, 292- Henry ge s the promife of marriage, which had made fo much noife, out of the hands of Madame de Verneuil, 307. He caufes the Count of Auvergne to be arrelted : his reply to the Countefs of Auvergne, Likewise D’Entragues and the Marchionefs of Verneuif, 316. Cannot refolve to banifh the Marchionefs ; and for her'fake pardons the two criminals, 320, 1. Parti- culars relating to this affair, The gallantries of this prince, and the dangers he runs by vifiting his miffreffes, 324. Henry depofnes his money in the Eaftile: his fpeech in full council upon this occaffen, 326. Fie undertakes to have the rents regiftered, 333, 4. Eftablifhes a chamber of juffice, 335. Ci- ther operations in the finances, 336, and regulations in the militia The royal hofpital for difabled fol- diers, 339. Talents of this prince for government, 340 His too favourable maxims for war, 341. He unfeafonably prohibits any commerce with Spain, 343. He repairs this error by concluding a treaty of commerce, for which he rewards Cardinal Bufa- lo, 346, &c. He continues fecretly to fupport the United Provinces, 351. His difcourfe with the conffable of Caftile, upon the agreement between Spain and England ; and with Sully upon the fame fubjeft, 358. The reception given to this ambaffa- dor, 363. Germany and Italy favourably difpofed toward his great defign, 364. He gets poffefiion again of the bridge of Avignon, ->72. Henry pur- chafes the earldom of St Paul from the Count of Soiflons, 373, Procures his natural fon to be re- ceived into the order of Malta, 37;. His buildings for his manufactures, ib. The religi us oiders he allows to be eftabliihed in France, ib. He renews his correfpondence with the Marchionefs of Verneuil : pardons the Counts of Auvergne and D Entragues, notwithftauding Sully’s adwce to the contrary, 376. Qu_arre!s INDEX. Quarrels again with the Queen, 380. Permits the JeTuits to demoliih the pyramid : particulais oi this’ affair, 382. Does Sully juffice in the great difyute he has with Father Cotton for the college of Poi- tiers, and reconciles them, 385, &c. His great pe- netration and exaff judgments of men, 384 He- reconciles Sully and D’Epernon, 395. A dilpute with Grillon about the pofl of colonel of the guards, in which the courtiers and Jefuits give him ill im- preffions of Sully, 397. Suliy’s letter to him and his anfwer to it, 402. He difcovers his error, and excufes himfelf to Sully, 406. The interefting con- verfation between them, 410. His too great pro- penfity to raillery and witticifms, 413. And In's credulity in believing falfe reports, 414. He places all his confidence in Sully, and gives him the firft place in his friendfhip, 420. Jollifies him againff the Handers of the courtiers, 422. Quarrels with him, and is again reconciled, 424. Henry concludes a marriage between Mademoifelle de Sully and the Duke of Rohan, 425. Gratuities and favours which he bellows upon Sully, 427. Denies him others, which he had folicited for his brother and fon-in- law, ib. Orders Sully to demand Mademoifelle de Melon in marriage for the Marquis de Cceuvres, but the offer is rejeilted by her relations, 429. Great plenty and opulence in France during his reign, iv. 6. An account of the debts of the llate at his ad- vancement to the throne, 7. Public edifices repaired or built by him, 9. Order and fubordination ella- blilhed in the government, ic. Henry’s llyle in writing his letters to Sully : donations to feveral perfons, 11. He ellablilhes filk manufactures, 13. Becomes a mediator between the princes of Europe; prelents made by him to them, 14. Has the prin- cipal fhare in the election of Pope Leo XL and Pope Paul V. Rejoicings on this occafion, 18. Gives orders to Spinola, who is palling to Flanders, 25. Dilfatisfied with his fubjeCts who ferve in the Arch- duke’s army, 26. \ aufes fome prizes taken from Spain to be reftored, ib. His politics difapproved INDEX. by his council, 29 Thought to have a defign of making himfelf emperor, ib. Receives notice offome feditious plots againft him, 30 His uneafinels about the afl’embly of Proteftanrs held at Chateileraut; determine- to fend bully thither; the general and particular inftrudion^ given to Sully, 32, &c. He is attacked by a fit of the gout at Saint Germain, 36. Receives fome informations againft the afl'embly at Chatelleraut, 45. Letters from Henry to Sully, 50. Sully explains the King’'- intentions to the af- fembly, 52. He is dilfatisfied with them for not making Sully prefident, 53. Bouillon makes an at- tempt to impofe upon him, but fails, 56. Hecaufes the Luquifies to be arrefted, 61. Is very attentive to the motions of the Proteftant aflembly, 63. Sully removes his apprehenfions -of the plots of the faction, ^7, and terminates, to his fatisfadion, the debates relating to the deputies general, 70, and to the cau- tionary towns, 72. Henry complies too much with the defires of Lefdiguieres in the affairs of Orange and Blaccons, 73. The reception he gives oulf, at his return, 79. He makes preparation for his jour- ney into the fouthern provinces of France, 80. The route he takes: he feizes feveral fortreffes be- longing to the Duke of Bouillon, 84. Particul rs -and motives of this journey : he caufes the chamber des grand jours to be held by Sull^ in Limofin, and returns to Paris, 87. He decides in favour of Sully, in his difpute with the Count ot Soifl'ons for the quarters of grand mafter of the ordnance, 9a. His obliging behaviour to the deputies from Rochelle, 92. Sully, at his return from Limofin, gives lum an account of his condud, 94. Du Laurens firft phyfician, ib. Honours paid by Henry to Queen Margaret, 96. He caufcs tbe caftle of Uffon to be difmantled, ib. His too great indulgence'for duels: his blameable notion concerning the predetermina- tion of the laft moment 104, 5. Several inftanccs of good fortune which he had met with, 106. John de 1’Ifle attempts to flab him; he pardons him, ib. Sully prefents medals for the year 1606 to the King INDEX. I and Queen; a converfation between them, !t)6, 7. Henry’s engaging and tender behaviour to his Queefi, 108. Sully receives new-year’s gifts from him, 113. His converfation with Sully relating to the means of humbling the houfe of Auftria, 114. Henry’s inten- tion of taking Sedan, 117 Creates Sully duke and peer, and honours the entertainment he makes oa this occafion vvnh his prefence, 117, 18 His irre- folution with regard to the affair of Sedan, 120. He is at length determined by Sully, 124, whom he orders to write firfl to Bouillon, 125, and to take proper meafures with the Proteftants, 131. His de- parture, and the route he takes, 132. Difpofitions made for the fiege of Sedan, 136- Confents to the conference propofed by Bouillon, 137, and concludes a treaty unknown to Sully, 138. Bouillon comes to pay him homage, 142. Sully endeavours to make him turn his arms againft the towns of the eatldotn of Saint Paul, but cannot prevail, 143, and offends the King, by oppofing his public entry into Paris, X 44. A faying of Henry upon the reduftion of Se- dan, 145. He fuppons the city of Metz againftthe Jefuits, 150. His donations to them at La-Flcche, 151. He blames Father Cotton in the affair of A- driennede Frefne, 152. Refufes the clergy to pu- blifh the council of Trent, 156. His fpeech on this fubjeft, 155. He reftrains the Proteftants alfo, and terminates by Sully the difference betwixt them and the Catholics at Rochelle, 156. Difgufted with the family of Rohan, 157. Ceremony of tjre baptifm of the children of France, 159. He fends them to Fleury, 161. Efcapes drowning at Neuilly, 162. Henry’s gaiety and fprightly fayings on this occa- fion, ib. Gratuities granted by him to Sully and Other perfons, 163. Regulations for the finances, 164. His expences for play, 167, for public works# ib. A converfation between him. Sully, and feme of the courtiers, upon different fubjeds, 169. He afks Sully’s advice concerning the affairs of Flanders, 177. The calm and peaceable life of this prince, 180. He takes the feals from Bcllievre, and gives them INDEX. them to Sillery, 181. His ter.dernefs for his chil- dren, i32. Birth of his fecond fon, ib. His fond- tiefs for hunting, 183. He flays a long time at Fon- tainebleau, 184. His friendfhip and efleem for Sully, 185. He puts a flop to the profecutions for the young d’Epinoy, t86. Quarrels with Sully, but imme- diately after makes a reconciliation with him, 187, 8. Employs him in the fynod of Rochelle, and in the difpute between Father Seguiran and the Rochellers, 195. A converfation between him and Sully, con- cerning the plots of the court in favour of Spain, 198, 9. His hatred of the family of Lorrain: Sully reaffures him, and they labour together to fupprefs thefe cabals, 200, 1. He confents that after his death his heart fliould be carried to La-Fleche, 196. The part he takes in the treaty for a truce between the United Provinces and Spain, 209. Caufes the fort of Rebuy to be demolilhed, and fupports the garrifons againft Spain, 212. Henry prote&s the republic of Geneva, 214, and the Italian princes, ib. Reconciles Pope Paul V. and the Venetians, 215. Reunites the finances of Navarre to thofe of France, and pays the debts of the nation, 217, 18. Punifhes the difobedience of the parliaments of Touloufe and Dijon, 220. Amount of the fums expended in pre- fents till the year 1607, 218. A bon-mot of his upon PArgentier, a farmer of the revenue, 227. A fuit at law between him and the houfe of Gonzague for the eftates of the hoafes of Foix and Albret, 227. Difapproves of Sully’s advice to compofe the coun- cil of men of the fword, 229, and contrary to his opinion eftablilhes a chamber of juflice, 230. He reaflures Sully againft his accufers, 231. Aflills Fon- tange in the fiege of Pierrefort, 234. His great care to bellow public employments upon men of merit, 236. Gratuities to feveral perfons, debts difcharged, and his Ioffes at play, 237. His expences in build- ings and manufactures, ib. Henry’s frequent jour- neys to his feveral palaces, his indifpofitions, his tendernefs for his children fometimes indifcreet, 238, 9. Quarrels between him, the Queen, and Vot. V. F f Marchionefs INDEX. Marehionefs of Verneuil : his letters to Sully to this fubje<5t, 240. He reftores Sedan to the Duke of Bouillon, 241. Occupations and amufements of Henry IV. 243. He propofes to Sully a marriage between the Marquis of Rofny and Mademoifelle de Crequy, 246. Makes him great offers upon condi- tion that he will embrace the Roman-Catholic reli- gion, 249. He reaffures him againff the artifices ofhis enemies, 254. The great wifdom of this prince in diflipatiog fa&ions, ib. His amours and miffref- fes, 255, 6. A long converfation of Henry’s upon political and domeftic plots formed againft him in the Queen’s houfehold, by the family of the Mar- chionels of Verneuil, &c. 259, 60, 61. His refpefl for the Queen, 26?. Birth of his third fon, 266. The friendfhip he (hews Sully upon this occafion, ib. Employs him in the cabals of court, 268. Baniihes the Prince of Joinville for his gallantries with Ma- dame de Verneuil, W'ith whom he quarrels, and is afterwards reconciled, 271. Joinville has another intrigue with Madame de Moret, 272. He difgraces Sommcrive for an intrigue with the fame lady, ib. and d’Eguillon for procuring Balagny to be affaffi- nated, 273. Other quarrels in his court, occafioncd by his ealinefs in pardoning duels, 278. He obliges the family of Mcrcceur to accomplifh the marriage between MaJemoifellc de Mercosur, and the Duke of Vendome, 281. Receives informations againit the houfe of Guife, and a new fatfion, 282. Sends Sully to the affembly of Proteffants at Gergeau, 283. Henry’s refidence in his feveral palaces, the private life and indifpofitions of this prince, his tendernefs for his children, 288. He gives the bifhopric of Metz to the Duke of Verneuil, 290. Demands made by the clergy, fome granted, others refufed, 291. Public works and buildings in Paris, 292. He re- lieves the people after the rifing of the Loire, 295. Difpofes of the biihoprics according to Sully’s re- commendation, 296- He obliges Spain and the Duke of I onain to make rellitution of their ufurpa- tkns upon his frontiers, 297. Regulations in the finances, INDEX. finances, 298. Oeconomy and diminution of the impofts under his reign, 304. His reception of the Duke of Mantua, 305. The part he has in the agreement between Spain and the United Provinces, 306. A pleafant faying of his to Don Pedio, in. He follows Sully’s advice in this affair, 323. He obliges Spain to do him juftice with regard to the boundaries of Navarre and Bearn, 311. Refufcs to have any hand in the revolt of the Moors, 313, Papers and medals prcfentcd to him by Sully, 317. He ffays two days at the arfenal, 319. He accufts Sully with indifcretion concerning the fecrets reveal- ed to him by Father Cotton, 324. Goes to th« ar- fenal to communicate his uncafineffes to Sully : a long converfation between them, 330, &e. Upon the public news, and upon his palfion for Mademoi- felie de Montmorency, 331. Upon the plots againft his life dilcovered in Spain by Vaucclas, 332. Upon thofe caufes of complaint which the Queen gave him upon this fubjett, Villeroi, &c. 335. Upon his de- figns of marrying his children, 336. Upon the re- solution he takes to renounce the Princefs of Conde, 338. Sully endeavours to remove his appreheniions, advifes him, excufes the Queen, and labours to make her alter her condudt, 339, 40. Henry battens the execution of his great defigns, 344, and employs himfelf with Sully in compofing a cabinet of flate, ib. Converfation between them upon the feveral methods of railing money, 349, 50. Ellablifbment of poft-horfes and Itage-coaches, ib. Of the droit annuel : refledlions upon this operation, ib. Defign of reftoring the office of the ancient Roman cenfor, 354. Of deftroying all tricks and unfair pra&ices in the law, and other pieces of the cabinet of Rate, 306. Another converfation upon this fubjedf, 359. Henry’s charaifter of his three minifters, 363, 4. Debts difeharged, and gratuities and expcnces of this prince in play, buildings, See. 367. Ediff againfF fraudulent bankrupts and duels, 369. The Prince of Conde and the King complain of each other ; high words pafied between them on account of the F f 2 Princds INDEX. Princefs of Conde, 376. Plots againft Henry, for which his paflion for that princefs is the pretence : Sully gives him notice of the Prince’s defigns, 377. &c. Henry’s grief for the Prince’s flight : feveral particulars relating to this incident, 388, &c. Falfe informations given him againft the Proteftants, 389. Confpiracy againft his perfon at La-Fleche, 390. This report ill founded, 392. Henry’s journeys to his feveral palaces, ib. Treaty, by the mediation of the Kings of France and England, between Spain and the United Provinces, 416. He confoies the Queen for the death of the Grand Duke, 401, and contrails a friendfhip with his fucceffor, 403. Per- mits the Grand Signior to have a refident at Mar- feilles, 406. A converfation between Henry and Sully upon the death of the Duke of Clcves, &c. 407. The Emperor Rodolphus feeks his friend- fhip, and promifes to aflift the princes interefted fa this affair againft the houfe of Auftria, 412. The plots of the courtiers to diffuade him from his great defign, 422. The princes of Germany fend a de- putation to him : his converfation with Sully upon this fubject, 423. He fuffers himfelf to be prejudi- ced againft the counlels given him by Sully : another converfation between them, 429. Preparations made for the execution of the great defign : letter to the Archduke on this fubjeft, 436. He talks of his de- figns indifcreetly before his courtiers, 438. Conver- fations and letters between him and Sully : other difpofitions and preparations for the great defign, 439. Confpiracy againft this prince : the report of it fpread every where, and the difeoutfe on this fub- jed, 446. Pretended prognoftics, and Henry’s own foreknowledge of his approaching death : converfa- lions between him and Sully, and other particulars, 447, 48. Information of a confpiracy given by Schomberg, and the affair of La-Coman, 451. Hen- ry afftfts at the coronation of the Queen, 455. Ma- licious reports fpread againft him concerning his motives for making war, 457. He fends La-Varcnne to the arfenal, 458. He himfelf in his. way thither INDEX. is murdrred, 459- Particulars relating to him a few days before his death : his prefages of his fate : the manner in which this parricide was committed by Ravaillac, 464. &c. The different opinions concern- ing the authors, and the caufes of this afTaffination examined into, 464, Sec. Sully complains of the neglect that was fhown in profecuting them, v. i. The charafrer of Henry IV. His clemency, his gaiety, his pleafant repartees, his great qualities, and his faults, 2, 3. The ten wifhes of this prince, 5, 6. His death greatly regretted, 10. Different fentiments of the courtiers upon his lofs, 17, 18. The new council governed by maxims of policy very dif- ferent from his, 23. The great defign broken by his death, 32. Th£ ingratitude of the court and the minifters with refpeft to him, 37 Henrichemont (Maximilian III. Francis de Bethune, Prince of) grandfon to Sully, his undutiful behavi- our the caufe of his death, v. 182 Hefle (William, Landgrave of) comes to vifit Henry IV. at Metz, iii. 69. Sully is accufed of holding a criminal correfpondence with him, 417. Caumar- tin prejudices him againfl the Duke of Bouillon : he refufes to aiTiil him, iv. 60. Gains France fome al- lies in Germany, 172. His claim to the fuccefSon of Cleves, 410 Holland. See Flanders. Manufaft ry for linen cloth in Paris of the fame knl as that made in Holland, iv. 238 Holilein (Duke of),- fatisfa&ion which he gives Henry IV. iv. 15 Honorio (brother) a capuchin friar, gives Henry IV, information of a confpiracy againfl: his life, ii. 302 Hofpitals built or repaired by Henry IV. iv. 9. Scheme for a regal hofpital in the cabinet of ftate, 346 Hote (Nicholas 1’) one of Vdleroi’s fecretaries, an ac- count of his treafon, iii. 25;3- Difcovered by Rafis, 254. They endeavour to Lize him, 259, He e- fcapes, 64. and is drowned n the Main', 260. Particulars relating to this affair, i&. See V Ileioi 1 award (Lord) Admiral of England, r.ceives the E f- 3, Count I N D- E X. Count d’Arernberg,. iii. 103. Serves the Spanifh faction againft Sully, 113, 33, 82 Huberfon (Jane) and her coufin difcover the confpira- cy againft Henry IV. carried on at La-Fleche, iv. 390 Hugh Capet, Sully’s opinion of this King, iv. 322 Hume (Lord) engaged in the Spanifh faction at Lon- don, iii. 113. Conduits Sully to Greenwich, 145, 68 Humieres (Charles d’) brings fuccours to the Duke of Ma'fenne after the battle of Ivry, i. 199. He forces the Spanifh camp at Ham, and is flain there, ii. 4.9, His eulogium, ib. Hungary, the Emperor Rodolphus makes war againft that people, ii. 303. and againft the Turks, 362. Further account of this war, iii. 64. Part of the grand defign relating to that kingdom, iv. See Po- litical Dctign I. JAcob, agent and commiflioner from the Duke of Sa- voy, in the affair of the marquifate of Saluces, comes to compliment Henry and Sully, ii. 292, 310. Difcontented with the Queen-regent, v. 35. See Saluces, Savoy, &c. James Stuart, King of Scotland, afterwards of Eng- land, the great importance of feeuring his friemdfhip after the death of Elifabeth, iii. 82, 3. He eaufes his acceflion to the throne of England to be notified to France, 89. The defign of Sully’s- embaffy to this prince, 91. He is prejudiced againft the Count of Beaumont, 94. and againft Henry IV. and Sully : his chandler and conduit, 115. The French Pro- teftants endeavour to engage his protedlion, 123.. He fends to compliment Sully upon-his arrival, 124. Obliges him to alter his intentions of appearing at court in mourning, 125. Gives him his firft audi- ence : honours which be pays to Sully,, and the pu- blic con-vetfation between them. 127. His invedtive again ft the King of Spai.i and his council, 129. Ftaifo Henry bV, 130.. His jaffion for hunting, ib. INDEX, He gives a fecond audience to Sully, who gains his approbation of Henry’s defigns upon Spain and the United Provinces, 146. He promifes not to fupport Bouillon, 150. Complains of Henry’s having fup- ported the Englilh priefts, 152. Reciprocal civili- ties between the Pope and him, 153. He is diffa- tistied with the Count d’Aremberg and the Spa- niards, 156. He invites Sully to dine with him : particulars of this entertainment, 1 58. He promifes Sully to give fatisfa&ian for the piracies of the En- glilh, 160. He gives Sully a third audience, and has a long converfation with him, in which Sully difco- vers to him the artifices of his minillers, 169. and difclofes to him the great defign of Henry IV. 171„ James takes Sully’s part againft his minifters, 182. and figns the form of a treaty, 186. Sully has his audience of leave : the obliging behaviour of James to him, and the promifes he makes him, 191. Re- ciprocal prefents made by the King and Sully to each other, 192. The fears of this prince upon the arrival of the Spanilh ambaffador at London, and his irrefolution, 196, 200. His clemency in punch- ing the confpirators againll his life, 202. New troubles in his court : he banithes the Jefaits from his dominions, ib. Sends the treaty figned to Sully, 204. Henry makes him a prefent of fome fine horfes, ib. A fcheme laid by the Pope, Spain, and the Je- fuits to dethrone him, 250. James takes advantage of the prohibition of commerce between France and Spain, 343. and afterwards endeavours to compofe this difference, 344, Is prevailed upon to make an agreement with Spain contrary to his treaty with Henry, 349, &c. He gives the name of Great Bri- tain to his dominions t the bad confequences of his pacific difpofition, 356. He procures a treaty be- tween Spain and Flanders, ib. He again feeks the afiiflance of Henry and Sully againft Spain, iv 27. His friendfhip for Sully, 29. He difeovers and pu- nches a corrfpiracy againft his life, 179. He pro- te Invincible* INDEX. invincible, a fleet of Philip II. fo called, vanquiihed and difperfed, ii. 253 Joannini cabals in the Queen’s houfehoid with the Spaniih party, tv. 12. Sully’s converfation with him upon the infult received by our ambaffador at Rome, front the Duke of Tufcany’s ambafiador, 401 John (Don) of Aullria gains the battle of Lepanto, i. 9. Lays the fcheme of the league with the Duke of Guife, 93 John I. King of France fubmits to the authority of the Rates of the kingdom, iv. 303 Joinville, (Claude de Lorrain, Prince of), cabals with Spain : is arreftcd, and pardoned by Henry IV. at Sully’s itttreaty: his character, iii. 37, 38. Dif- graced for his gallantries with the Marchionefs of Verneuil and the Countefs of Moret, iv. 271. His quarrel with the Prince of Conty, 278. Grants which he procures from the Queen-regent, v. So Jon (Du) one of the courtiers whom Henry IV. allow- ed to live familiarly with him, v. 7. His advice to Sully after the death of that prince, 11 Jouffeaume, receiver-general of the finances, arrefled at Milan by Sully’s diligence, and hanged, iii. 52 Joyeufe, (Anne Duke of), Marfhal of France, leads the royalift army againff the league, and fuddenly turns it againft the Proteftants, i. 96. His difcourfe to Sully on this occafion, ib. Leads the army of Henry III. and the league into Guyenne, in. Marches againft Henry IV. into Poitou, 124. The Defign of Henry III. by giving him the command of this army, 128. He takes St Maixant, Maillezais, &c. 129. Sully defeats one of his fquadrons, and narrowly mifles taking him prifoner, ib. His troops ill treated in his abfence, 131. He returns and puts himfelf again at their head, 135. An inflance of his generofity, 134. He is defeated and flain at the battle of Coutras : the errors he'committed theie ; and the particulars of this battle, '39, fcc. He was one of the favourites of Henr/ijl. ii. 16 ■ —(Antony Scipio, Knight of A aita, afterwards Lu;e of), his party in Provence, i. 266- Fie be* (leges INDEX. (leges Villemur, 267. Is defeated there and drown' ed in the Tarn, 270 Joyeufe, (Francis de) Cardinal, endeavours to iuftify, at Rome, the affafiination of the Guifes, 1. 153. Commiffioned by the Pope to difiblve the marriage of Henry IV. with Margaret de Valois, ii. 297. Em- ployed by Henry to compofe the difference between the Pope and the Venetians, iv. 216. He prejudices Henry againft Sully in the affair of the armament of Cleves, 428. Is appointed by that prince one of the council of the regency, 443. Mary de Medicis makes him one of the public council, v. 23 Joyeufe, (Henry Count of Bouchage, Duke of), a capuchin friar, and cardinal, one of Henry III.’s favourites, ii. 16. Concludes a treaty with Henry IV. 75. Sum paid him at his treaty, 235. He marries his daughter to the Duke of Montpenfier, and enters again among the capuchins : a fmart fay- ing of Henry’s upon him, 290. His death, 291. • (Henrietta Catherine de) marries the Duke of Montpenfier, ii. 291 Ireland, Elifabeth fubdues the rebels there, who had been fupported by Spain, ii. 411 Italy, part of the great delign relating to it, iii. 179. Henry IV. gains the friendfhip of the princes of Ita- ly, 374. See Political Defign. The debts due by France to Italy difcharged by Sully, iv. 218. The princes and iiates of Italy unite with Henry againff the houfe of Auffria, 336. Ambaffadors appointed for Italy, 442. Part of the great defign relating to Italy with refpedt to religion, v. 137. and policy, 156. See Political Defign Juliers, duchy and dukes of this name, a difpute con- cerning the fucceffion to it, iv. 407. See Cleves. Siege and reduction of this place by the confederate princes, v. 59 JurifdidHons, offices to be created in them upon occa- fion, iv. 333. Bar, Bailiwicks, Sovereign Courts. Ivry, (battle of), phtenomena which preceded it, i. 188. Errors committed there : a particular ac- count of this battle, 190 Juvigny, INDEX. Juvigny, or Divigny, one of Sully’s enemies, Hi. 413.' His memorial, 415. Henry IV. punilhes him, 422 . K. KInlos, one of the Scotch faction at London, iii» 1x2. Deputed to the Count of Aremberg, 157 Kintore favours the French intereft, 200 L. LAmbert fent to France by the Prince of Orange, to break off the negociations for a peace between Spain and the United Provinces : his artifices, iv. 107 Langlois, Iheriff of Paris, contributes to get Henry IV. received into that city, i. 370. Agent for Margaret de Valois in the diffolution of her marriage with Henry IV. ii. 296 Languedoc, deputies from this province to Henry IV. ii. 85. Henry transfers the ftates to the Lower Languedoc, 397. This province an ancient fief of the crown ; not alienated, iii. 371. Its regifters u- nited to the domain: a difpute on this fubje<5t be- tween Sully and the parliament of Touloufe, iv. 220 Lanfquenets, they betray Henry IV. at Arques, i. 178. Are cut in pieces at the battle of Ivry, 194. They mutiny at the fiege of Rouen, 226 Laon befieged by Henry IV. i. 388. The fuccours which Maienne endeavours to throw into this place defeated : the great diligence and labours of Henry IV. at the fiege, 397. He refufes to give the go- vernment of Laon to Biron, 403. The Spaniards march towards it with all their forces, 408. But cannot prevent its being taken, ii. 10 Lavardin, ( John de Beaumanoir de), Marfha! of France, i. 48. Takes Sully’s part againft Frontenac and Bouillon, 49. A fingle combat propofed to be fought between him and La-Devefe, 54. He quits the par- ty of Henry IV. 62. A trick played him by Chi- cot, 97. La-Tremouille forces him to abandon the port of Coutras, 136. He commands the King’s forces in Burgundy, iii, 29. Is made governor of Vol. V. G g Perche INDEX. Perche and MaVenne : refigns the government of Poitou in favour of Sully, 221 League, (the) caufe of the great power of the Guifes, i. 58. Raife the ftandard of rebellion, 94. Its 0- rigin, weak beginnings, and its progrefs, 95. The heads of the league affemble at Chaalon, 98. O- blige Henry III. to join them, and difpofe of his troops as they pleafe, 103. They fend three armies againU: Henry IV. 113. Towns and fortreffes which they take and lofe, 123. They defeat the foreign forces at Auncau, 145. The day of the barricadoes, on which Henry III. is obliged to leave Paris : their infolence before and after this adtion, 146. The weaknefs and the errors of this prince’s condudl give them courage, and they oblige him to grant all their demands, iji, ,55, He puts himfelf under their Jsrotedlion, after the murdet of the Guifes, 155, 56. The fuccefs of the arms of the two kings againft them, t66. and of Henry IV. after the death of Henry III. 181. Sixtus V. foretells their defeat, ib. They lofe Meulan, and take Pontoife, 185. Seize Rouen, 187. and are beaten at Noyon : other lolfes fuftained by them, 214. Henry deprives them of great part of Normandy, 220. They fend troops to the fiege of Rouen, 235. They make propofals and offers to Henry IV. Their troops defeated at the attack of St Denis, and at the pals of La-Vien- ne ; but they gain the battle of Craon, 261. Lef- diguieres difconcerts their defigns upon Provence and Dauphice, 266. Their troops defeated at Vil- kinur, 269. Conditions propofed by them to Phi- lip II. and his anfwer to them, 27?. Their diffrult of one another, 279. Sully negociates with them for Henry IV. 293. The conditions which they want to impofe upon the King, 301. They difugree w ith the Rates of Paris, 307. Their plots, and the oath they take againft Henry IV. 316. They fend a deputation to this prince, 322. The wife conduft: he obferves with them after his abjuration, 330. They employ feme monks to murder Henry, 336. 'They retire to SoiiTons at theredudfionofParis, 37 j. Lyons, INDEX. Lyons, and feveral other cities, forfake them open- ly, 385. They fupport the Jefuits in their procefs againft the univerfity, &c. 394. Their partifans for the Duke of Ma'/enne in Burgundy defeated, ii. 14. They oppofe the declaration of war againft Spain, 36. Are driven out of Dijon and Talon, 53. De- feated with the Spaniards at Fontaine-Francoife, 55*—58. They fubmit to Henry IV. 75. Military expeditions indifferent provinces; ibine fuccefsful, others unfortunate, tot. A lift of the treaties made, and funis paid by Henry IV. at the extiniftion of the league, 233. Their partifans let Martha Broflhre to work, 276. They murmur at Sully’s embalfy to London, hi. 81. A powerful fadlion in Euiope conduced upon the maxims of the league, 252. 7’heif motives for hating Sully, 4U. Debts con- tradled by France during the league, iv. 7. The partiians of the league cabal with the Spanifh am- baffador againft the power of Henry, and his de- figns, 196. Debts contradled on account of the league paid by Sully, 218. The averfron of Henry to the policy and favourers of the league, and to their fchemes, 282. They labour to difluade him from his great defigns, 422. See likewife upon this ■whole article, Guife, MaYenne, Villeroi, Jeanin, Je- fuits, Pope, Spain, Courtiers, &c. Lennox, (Earl of), one of the Scotch faflion at Lon- don, hi. 112, 35 Leo X. (Pope), his condufl blamed by Sully, iv. 147 Leo XL (Pope), great rejoicings in France for Iris ad- vancement to the pontificate : his death, iv. 18,19 Leopold, Archduke of Auftria, the Emperor Rodol- phus gives him the inveftiture of Cleves : his pro- ceedings with Henry IV. upon this affair, iv. 412. See Cleves Lefdiguieres, (Francis de Bonne de), Conftable, com- mands the forces of Henry IV. in Dauphine, i. 112. Difconcerts the defigns of Spain and the Duke of Savoy in Provence, 266. He drives the Duke of Epernon from Provence, ii. 28. Other exploits a- gainft the Duice of Savoy and Epernon, 102. He G g 2 informs INDEX. informs Henry IV. of the Duke of Savoy’s defigns-, 307. His fervices during the campaign of Savoy, 33 r, ct Jcq. Is made marfhal of France, and gover- nor of Piedmont, by the advice of Sully, 357. Ac- cufed of correfponding with Bouillon, iii. 296 Lewis, (Saint), his edift againft duels, iv. 100. He commands Iris fon to abolifh the tailre, 302. Charac- ter of this prince, 322 Lewis Hutin, takes an oath, at his coronation, to fub- mit to the authority of the Hates of the kingdom, iv. 3^3 Lewis XIII. his fondnefs for Sully, v. 17. He holds his bed of juftice, and confirms there the regency of Mary de Medicis, 19. Preparations made for his coronation, 56, Quarrels among the grandees and minifters at this ceremony, 72. Tire reception he gives Sully, his happy difpofitions, 76. fie rewards Bully's fervices, by giving him tire flail of a marfbal of France, 179. He is againft him in his procefs witli his grandfon, which is the caufe of his death,, 182, 3. Sully’s auitere reply to him, 191 Lhuillier, (John), Lord Mayor of Paris, contributes to get Sully received there, i. 369 Libels, (fatirical), againit the government, very com- mon in the reign of Henry IV. iii. 412 Lifle, (John de), a madman, wh.9 attempts to a/raf- finate Henry IV. iv. 105 Loire, advantages from joining it with the Seine and the Saone, iii. 332. The canal ofBriare, 342. See Briare. A great inundation of this river in t6o8, iv. 294 Lombardy, (kingdom of), a projedt for. eflablifhing it in favour of the Duke of Savoy, iv. 1 ij London, Sully’s magnificent reception there, iii. 104. The hatred of the citizens to the French, toy. Breaks out on occafion of the fadl committed by Com- baut, 107, 8. Factions which prevail there : not cuftomary to treat amba/Tadors, 127. 1 he people rife againft the Spaniards, and praife Sully’s con- dudt, 135. Honours he receives at his departure,. 192 Lorrain* INDEX. terrain, the forces of Lorrain defeated, and Dun, Stenay, &d. taken by the Duke of Bouillon, i. 260. Lorrain feparates from Spain, and unites with France, ii. 35. Succefs of the arms of Lorrain in the war of 1595, 39. Reftitution made by Lonain of its ufurpations upon the frontiers of Champaign, iv. 297. Henry IV. defigns to reunite that territo- ry to France, by marrying the heirefs to the Dau- phin, 335. Part of the great defign which relates to Lorrain. -See Political Defign. -See alfo Lorrain, (Charles II. Duke of) (Charles, Cardinal of), he forms the fcheme of the league at the council of Trent, i. 95. His real fentiments upon religion, 102. His prctenfions upon Metz, 148 (Charles-, Cardinal of) Bilhop of Strasburg, Henry IV. puts an end to the war, and the procels between him and the Prince of Brandenburg for this bilhopric, iii. 69. His death, iv. 291 — (Charles II. Duke of), his plots with the Rates of Paris ufelefs, i. 307. His treaty with Henry IV. at the extin&ion of the league, ii. 233. The Princefs Catherine refufes to marry him, 263. He makes an agreement with Henry for the polfeffions belonging to the Duchefs of Bar, iii. 235. Comes to France, and Rands godfather to the Princefs ChriRina, iv, 161* Henry IV. obliges him to make a reflitution of all that he had ufurpcd upon the frontiers of Champaign, 297- His delign of marry- ing his daughter to the Dauphin, 335. Difputes with him concerning the boundaries of the country of Mellin terminated, 368. Grants made him by the Queen-regent, v. 80 Lorram (Ducbefs of) falls dangeroufly ill : compli-- ments made her by the King and Queen, iv. 304, j Love, why this pafiion is dangerous to princes, iii. 322 Lux (Edmund de Malain, Baron de) negociates the converfron of Henry IV. i. 315. The part he had in the battle of Fontaiue-F.tancoife, ii. 56. He ad- vifes Biron to go to court, iii. 15. Obtains hi uar- don, after he had made a free cor.feflioji to Henry g j; IV. INDEX. IV. and to Sully, 31. Is deputed by this prince the parliament of Dijon, iv. 220 Luxemburg, alliances of this houfe with the houfe of Bourbon and Betbune, ii. 176 — — (Henry de) Duke of Piney, ambaffador to Rome, ii.- 206. His procefs with the parliament, iii. 4* Lyons feizedby the princes, i. iS. Surrenders to Hen* ry IV. notwithftanding the efforts of the Duke of Nemours to prevent it, 385. Henry folemaizes hb nuptial's with Mary of Medicis there,, ii. 353 M. M Adame Catherine de Bourbon, Duchefs of Bar, is lent back by Charles IX. to her brother, i. 45. Her tafte for diverfions, 51. Her love for the Count of Soiffans, 142. She is the caufe of his journey to Bearn, 262. She gives him a promife of marriage, 347, which {he afterwards puts into Sul- ly’s hands, 353. Sully is fent to her by Henry IV. to break off this marriage : converfations between them, ii. 85, See. She endeavours to deprive him of the King’s favour, 96. Henry takes the farms from her which (lie enjoyed in his name, 239. Several matches refufed by her: fie at length confents t© marry the Duke of Bar: oblfacles raifed to this marriage by Rome and the clergy, 263. A confe- rence is held to perfuade her to change her religion, but to no purpofe, 264. She comes to vifit the King at Metz, and receives him at Nancy, iii. 69. A dif- pute between Henry and the Duke of Bar, On ac- count of the fucceflion to her eflates, 233. Parti- culars relating to her death, her chara&er, and the difpenfation for her marriage, ib. ■ Maes, the utility of joining this river with the Saone, lit. 3.32 Mahomet III. his charafler : the janifaries and the city of Condantinople revolt againfl him, ii. 413 Iviaieone (Charles ofLorrain, Duke of) takes Brouage, i. 57. Commands the army of the league in Guv- enm j takes fame towns there, but cannot fivrprif; Henry INDEX. Henry IV. 112, 13. Marches to Tours, where he narrowly miffes taking Henry III. and is driven from thence by Henry IV. 163. His troops defeated at Arques, 180. Forced to abandon Dieppe, and marches towards Paris, 182. A faying of Sixtus V. upon him and Henry IV. 181. He takes Pontoife, and lofes Meulan, 185. Lofes the battle of Ivry. Faults committed by him there : particulars of this battle, 190,1. Encounters at Noyon, &c. where his troops are beat, 214. He lofes Mante and Houdan, 216. He punilhes the infolence of the fixteen, 232. Joins his forces with thofe of the Prince of Parma, 243. His advice the caufe of the checks this prince meets with in the neighbourhood of Rouen, 247. Memorial of the propofals made by him to the King ©f Spain, and the conditions which he was willing to impofe upon the league, with the anfwers to them, 277. The arts he pra&ifes againft the Spanifli party and his own nephew, and the faults he com* mits at the meeting of the Rates of Paris, 303. The parliament oppofe him, 310. The meafures taken by him to exclude Hesry IV. from the throne, 312. He endeavours to render the King’s abjuration ufe- iefs, 329. Oppofes the deputation from the Parifi- ans to this prince, 331. Demands a new truce t which is denied him, 342. Takes the government of Paris from the Count of Belin, and gives it to Brilfac, by whom he is betrayed, 367, 8. Marches to the affiftance of Laon, but cannot hinder it from being taken, 396. Endeavours to fecurc Burgun- dy, ii. 13. Which revolts from him, 14. Errors in his conduft upon that occafion, 53. He makes his treaty with Henry IV. who treats him with great kindnefs at Monceaux, 109. Sum of money paid him upon making his treaty, 233. He gives Henry fatisfaftion for the behaviour of the Count of Somerville his fon: fervices done him by Sully on this occafion, iv. 273. Henry accufes him with op- pofing the marriage between Mademoifelle de Mer- coeur and the Duke of Vendome, 279. He refufes tp fell his domain of Antibes to the King, 297. Hen- INDEX. »y appoints him of the c uncil of the regency, 443. Mary de Medicis makes h m one of her public coun- cil, v. 23. Grants which he procures from the Queen-regent, 80 Ma'ienne, (Mademoifelle de), Henry IV. refnfes to con- fent to her marriage with the Marquis of Rofny, iv. 245 . . Maignon, Solly’s valet de chambre, gives him a fea-r f ’’able afliilance at the liege of Paris, i. 167. Saves Ms life at the battle of Ivry, 191. Carries him in ti.umph to Rofny, 197. Of great *fe to him at the liege of Rouen, 227 Mailfes (Andrew Hurault de), his fervices againft the rebels, i. 394. He is admitted into the council of finances, ii. 32. Where he unites with Sully, 138. Is appointed one of the commiflioners in the affirm of the marquifate of Saluces, 310. Prefent at the council wherein Sully receives his inllruclions for his embaffy to London, iii. 90 Malta (Knights of), they take Canife, and deftroy Paffava, ii. 413. Henry IV. procures his fon Alex- ander to be received into that order, iii. 375 Mandoce (Bernardin de), propofals and offers made by him from Spain to Henry IV. i. 88- Other offers from Spain made by d’Entragues, 333. Henry IV. fends La-Varenne thither, 334 Manicamp (Philip de Longueville de), lieutenant for the Duke of Vendome in tire government of La-Fere, ii. 74. Sent to Flanders upon the Prince of CondeV flight, iv. 388 Mansfield (Charles) leads a Spanifli army into France during the fitting of the Hates of Paris, i. 306. Takes Noyon, 312, and La-Capclle, 387. Unable to pre- vent the lofs of Laon, 396. Is defeated by the Duke of Bouillon, ii. 40. Lofes an opportunity of fight- ing with the army of Henry IV. at Amiens, 161 Mante, the government of it refufed to Sully, and given to his brother, i. 201. 1 he Duke of Maienns fails in his attempts upon this city, 16. Henry IV. rehdes there before the reduftionof Paris, 220. Conferences upon religion held ihere, 320, and an afle'mbly of Prote Hants, INDEX; Proteftants, 331. The value of this government ia money given to Sully, iii. 223 Mantua, in what manner this principality pafled into the family of Gonzague, iv. 160 x ■ (Vincent de Gonzague, Duke of), brother-in- law to the Queen, the reception given him by Henry IV. at Paris, iv. 305 • (Eleonora de Medicis, Duchefs of), godmo- ther to the Dauphin, comes into France to perform this ceremony : they give her the precedence of the princes of the blood, iv. 159 (Margaret de Gonzague, Princefs of), Henry IV. propofes a marriage between her and the Duke of Bar, iv. 15. She is taken ill, iv. 304 Manufactures of fine fluffs do not fucceed at firfl at Tours, ii. 304. Reflections on this fubjeCt, ib. Henry IV. eflabHilies them contrary to the advice of Sully* iii. 227 Mar (Earl of), one of the Scotch faction at London, iii. 112. Deputed to Sully, 154, 68 Marc d’or, a fubfidy deflined by Henry IV. for the maintenance of his houfehold, ii. 165 Margaret de Valois, Queen of France, celebration of her nuptials with Henry IV. i. 24. She leaves him* and returns to court, where fhe quarrels with her mother and brothers, 89. Negociations for the dif- folution of her marriage commenced, ii. 189. Sully endeavours to procure her confent to it by letters* which fhe anfwers favourably, 197. Particulars re- lating to her life, 198. Her hatred to the Duchefs of Beaufort, 209. The affair of the diffolution of her marriage refumed and completed : praifes of her eonduCt on this occafion, &c. 296. Particulars of her life: her death: her good and bad qualities, iv. 96,97. Prefents which fire makes to the Puke and Duchefs of Sully, 103. She affifts at the baptifm of the children of France, 161 Marine, the deplorable condition it was in at the time of the peace of Vervins, ii. 232. Regulations for its eftablifhment, iv. 233 Schemes fot this purpofe, 347. iSVe Cabinet of Rate Mark INDEX. Mark (La), earldom and counts of this name : how this principality became united to the duchy of Cleves, iv. 407 Markham (Lord) confpires againft the King of Eng- land, iii. 202 Marquemont (Denis de) Archbifhop of Lyons, endea- vours to procure a diffolution of the marriage be- tween Henry IV. and Margaret de Valois, ii. 189.’ Is refufed a cardinal’s hat, iii. 267 Marfeilles, its redu&ion by the Duke of Guife, ii. 28. Deputation from thence to Henry IV. 85. Sum paid at its furrendering, 233. Biron’s party endeavour to get poffefficn of this city, 407. Defigns of Spain upon the ifles, iii. 205. Infurre&ions which happen there upon the prohibition of commerce with Spain. 343. Schemes of the difaffedted party to feize it, iv. 31. The troubles in this city pacified, 171 Marthe (Meffieurs de Saint) friends of Sully : their let- ters juflify him againft the calumnies of Father Cot- ton in the aft'air of the college of Poitiers, iii. 389 Martigues (Mary de Beaucaire, Duchefsof) leaves the Duke of Mercceur with Henry IV. ii. 172. Vifits Sully, 176. She raifes obftacles to the marriage of the Duke of Vendome with Mademoifelle de Mer- cceur, m 279 Matignon (James de) Marfhal of France, he takes Montgomery prifoner, i. 41. Judgment upon his procedure, ib. He commands an army in Guyenne ; lofes Coftets, no. Henry IV. efcapes him, 113. Joyeufe fights the battle of Contras without his af- fiftance, 133. He refufes tofuccour Villemur, 268. Henry makes him one of the council of finances, ii. 32. He defeats the Crocans, and raifes the fisge of Blaye, 101 Matthias, Archduke of Auftria, the United Provinces offer him the fovereignty over them; but are after- wards difgufted with him, i. 74 Maurier (Benjamin Aubery du), his letter to Bouillon, iii- 42- The fervice he does him in the affair of Se- dan, iv. 124. Benefits conferred on hinrby Sully, and INDEX. and his advice to hira after the death of Henry IV. v. 96 Maximilian I. (Emperor), Philip II. endeavours to de- prive him of the empire, ii. 254. His claims upon the Low Countries conteftable, iv. 408 Medavy (Charles Francis Ilouxel de), one of the gene- ral officers of the league, i. 174. He commences a treaty with Sully, 339. Concludes it, 354. Diffi- culties raffed to this treaty, 356. The money paid him, ii. 234 Medicis (Alexander de). Cardinal of Florence, nego- ciates for the peace of Vervins, ii. 171. Sully receives him at Paris, and at St Germain, 217. He is made Pope. See Leo XI. Medicis (Catherine de), Queen of France, unfuccefsful in the war againft the Proteftants, i. 2. Deceives them by the peace of 1570, 3. Favours the Princes of Lorrain through her hatred to the houfe of Bour- bon, 11. Occahon of her interview at Baionne with the Duke of Alba, 17. Her artifices to draw the Huguenots to Paris, 18. The meafures ffie takes to ruin the Proteftants : maffacre of St Bartholomew, 25. Particulais and reflections on this fubjeCt, 28. The grandees join the Huguenots againft her, 39. Her fchemes for the eftabliffiment of her children, ib. Charles IX. hates her, ib.' Her artifices to dif- unite Henry IV. and Monfieur, 44. She deceives them both by the peace called Monfieur’s peace, 46. Conferences in feveral places between her and Hen- ry IV. but without efFeCt, 59. Methods made ufe of by her to draw every one of his officers from him, 62. Her letter to the Prince of Conde, in which fhe thanks him for having taken arms againfl the King, 60. Her fchemes to procure the fovereignty of the Low Countries and the kingdom of Algiers for the Duke of Anjou, 73. Her treachery in treat- ing w>th Sully, 89. She lofcs an opportunity of fupprefiing the league, and of uniting the Low Countries to France, 98. R fleCtions upon her bad pohcy, 1 26. She goes into Poitou, and has feveral cocferen;es w th henry IV. Sully penetrates into he/ INDEX. her fecret defigns, 127. A faying of hers which proves that (he was very indifferent'about religion, 128. Several negociations between her, the Duke of Guife, &c. after the adtion of the barricadoes, 146, 7. She reconciles Henry III. and the Guifes, 152. Her death, 155. Difadvantageous charadter of this princefs, ib. Her laft will in favour of her daughters, iii. 290. The value of her eftates, ib. Margaret difpofes of her inheritance in favour of the Dauphin, iv. 219 Medicis (Come II. de) Grand Duke of Tufcany, fuc- ceeds Ferdinand : infult given by his ambaffador to the ambaffador from France at Rome, for which Henry obliges him to give fatisfadtion, iv, 401. Hen* ry engages him in his interefts, 403 (Ferdinand de) Grand Duke of Tufcany, mar- ries Mary de Medicis in the name of Henry IV. if. 325;, He furrenders the ifles of it to this prince, 393. Plots of his ambaffador at Madrid againft the deligns and perfon of Henry Ilf. iv. 333. His death, 401. Henry IV. comforts the Queen for it: fpeech of Fer- dinand to the French ambaffadors, ib. • (Francis Marie de) Grand Duke of Tufcany, marriage of his daughter to Henry IV. propofed and concluded, it. 301 *- (Mary de), a marriage propofed between her | and Henry IV. ii. 301. The Grand Duke marries her in the name of the King, 325. She arrives at Lyons, where her marriage is completed. 35:3. She comes to Fontainebleau, afterwards to Paris, where Sully entertains her at the arfenal : Italians in her train, 361. Goes to keep the jubilee at Orleans, 373. Becomes pregnant, and is delivered of the Dauphin : a fpeech of Henry’s to her, and fome particulars re- lating to the birth of the child, 389. He gives her M onceaux, 393. She follows the King to Blois, iii. 2. 1'his Prince takes a fevere refolution againft her and the Italians, 13. He difclofes to her his ddign ofarrefing Biron, 21. Birth of the Princefs Elifabeth of Fiance : Henry’s extreme tendernefs to the Queen during her lying-in, 59. tie takes her with INDEX. with him to Metz, 67. His advice to her when he thought himfelf dying, 88. Prefents made to her by Henry IV. and to the officers and women of her houfehold, iv. 11. She attends the King in his journey to Auvergne, See. 87. Vifits and honours paid by her to Queen Margaret, 96. A curious converiation between her, the King, and Sully, up- on their difputes, 107. She makes complaints of Henry, 111. A pleafant faying of this prince to her upon the birth of her fecond daughter, ib. She re- fufes to take thofe meafures which Sully propofes to terminate their quarrels : prefents made by her to Sully, 113. She favours the Spanifh policy againfl that of the King, ti6. Attends this prince in his expedition to Sedan, and favours the Duke of Bou- illon, 132. Procures the Duchefs of Mantua pre- cedence of the princes of the blood, 159. Efcapes being drowned at Neuilly, 162. A familiar dialogue between her and the King, 174. Birth of her fecond fon, 182. New quarrels between her, the King, and the Marchionefs of Verneuil : fhe pawns her jewels, 241. Sully again endeavours to compofe their quarrels : particulars and anecdotes on this fubjedl, 256, 7. Henry’s complaifance to her. Birth of his third fon, 266. She gives the King danger- ous advice againfl: the Proteftants, 283. She goes to Chartres, 325. Her friendfhip for father Cotton,. 326. Plots againfl: the life of Henry IV. carried on among the people of her houfehold, 337. She per- mits the dukes to enter the courts of the Louvre in their coaches, 344. Grants which (lie procures for Leonora from Sully, 367. Confequenccs of her jealoufy, of the Princefs of Conde, 374. Henry IV. comforts her for the death of the Grand Duke, 401. He appoints her regent during the execution of his great defigns, 443. She infifls upon being crowned in oppofition to the defires of Henry, ib. Jollifi- cation of this princefs, and other particulars relating to her in the account of Henry’s afiaffination, 454. She fends for Sully to the Louvre: the reception fhe gives him, v. 16, 17, The parliament declare her Vqj,, V, H h regent, INDEX. regent, 19. Her fecret council coropofed of perfons whofe maxims of policy are dire&ly oppolite to thofe of Henry IV. 22 Mercosur (Philip-Emanuel de Lorrain, Duke of) is by Henry III. imprudently made governor of Britany, i. 181. Defeats the Royalifts at Craon, 261. His fchemes difconcerted by Sully, 276. His plots with the ftates of Paris ineffeftual, 307. His fuccefs in Britany, ii. 13, tot. Henry iV. makes prepara- tions for a journey into that province, to drive him from thence, 170. A bon-mot of his, with regard to his pretended claims upon Britany, ib. Methods which he makes ufe of to obtain his pardon, 178. His party in Britany fuppreffed, 175. The fum he receives upon making his treaty, 233. He goes into Hungary to ferve the Emperor in his wars, 303. He is made lieutenant-general there, 362. He takes Albe-Royale from the Turks, 413. Particulars re- lating to lus death : his eulogium, iii. 63. Henry IV. purchafes the tower of Bouc from him, iv. 13. His fon ferves in the expedition of Sedan, 135: Mercceur (Frances de Lorrain de) contracted to the Duke of Vendome, ii. 173. Great difficulties in ac- complifhing their marriage, iv. 279 (Mary de Luxemburg, Duchefs of), the me- thods Are makes ufe of to move Henry IV. in favour of her husband, ii. 173. Sully is reconciled to her, 476. Obftacles railed by her to the marriage of her daughter with the Duke of Vendome, iv. 279 Meulan taken by D’Aumont and Sully, i. 172. The league make a fruitlefs attempt upon it: Henry IV. runs great dangers in fuccouring it, 185, 6. Other dangers which he efcapes there, 336 Michau (Captain) an adventure which Henry IV. has with him, i. 94 Mignon (Nichole) attempts to poifon Henry IV. her punifhment, ii. 315> 16 Military, (affairs and regulations belonging to it), the miferable condition to which the civil wars had re- duced it, ii. 232. Eftablifliments for the invalid foldicrs, and other regulations, iii. 338, 39. Order ' in INDEX iji military difcipline reftored, i». n. Schemes for this purpofe, 34S. A ufeful regulation in military difcipiine projefted by Henry IV. v. 165 Minifters of ftate, charafter of a perfeft minifter, ii. 219. What fort of perfons were then called mini- fters and fecretaries of ftate : the title of minifter not much in ufe, 227. Maxims of Sully upon this em- ployment, iii. 400. How Kings ought to behave to minifters, iv. 189. Faults which they often com- mit. Qualities neceffary to be poflcffed by minifters of ftate, 34S Miftrefles of Henry IV. their names: the children he had by them, iv. 255 Money, that of Spain very common in France, i. 338. Abufes in it corre&ed, and new regulations, ii. 366. Foreign money prohibited, 367. The carrying of coin out of the kingdom prohibited, 368. The value of it raifed, and reckoning by livres eftabliihed, iii. j2. Maxims and refleflions upon thefe operations, ib. Edifts concerning the coin, troubles occafioned by them, ib. Montbazon, (Lewis de Rohan, Duke of) the recep- tion he gives Sully, i. 109. Prefent at the battle of Saveufe, 16 j — (Hercules de Rohan, Duke of), Sully’s friendftiip for him cenfured, iii. 416. Henry IV. lives with him at Livry, iv. 329. Appointed one of the regents, 443. Involved in Ravaillac’s con- fpiracy, 463. Deputed to Sully by the Queen-re- gent, v. 15 Monte, (Horace Del-), commiflioner from the Pope for the difiblution of the marriage between Henry IV. and Margaret de Valois, ii. 297 Montgomery (Gabriel Count of) kills Henry II. in a tournament, i. 11. Efeapcs at the maifacre of St Bartholomew, 29. Returnsdnto France, 40. Is taken and executed : the opinion of the author con- cerning the promife that was faid to be given him by Matignon, 41 Montigny (Francis de la Grange de), prefent at the de- feat of the grand convoy fent to Laon, i. 400. Henry H h 2 IV. INDEX. IV. is wounded by Chatel as he was giving him ati- dience, ii. 37. That prince refufes him the poft of grand mailer of the ordnance, 158. Makes him governor of Metz, and the country of Meflin, iii. 68 Montmelian, a converfation between the Duke of Sa- voy and Sully, concerning this place, ii. 309. Cre- quy takes the city, and Sully makes preparation for befieging the caftle, 328. He lays fiege to it, and \ obliges it to capitulate : the labours he endures, and the dangers he expofes himfelf to during this liege, 341 Montmorency, (Anne de), Conftable of France : he rekindles the war, i. 10. Is very powerful in the reign of Henry II. an account of his miniftry, ib. (Charles de), De Danville, admiral : an important fervice done him by Conchini, v. 66 (the Chevalier de) feizes the LuquilTe* and other rebels, iv. 62 (Francis de), called the Marlhal de Montmorency, fent to Rouen to punilh the injuries committed againR the Proteftants, i. 13. Sent to London to treat of a marriage between Queen Eli- fabeth and the Duke of Alen5on, 16. Refufesto come to court, 28. Charles DC. fpares the lives of his brothers at the maffacre of St Bartholomew, that he might not provoke them, 29 — (Henry de), called fucceffively Marlhal de Danville, Marlhal and Coultable de Montmoren- cy : he joins the Proteftants, i. 43. His opinion of the duel between Turenne andDuras, 63. He gives the Proteftants good counfel, 101. Commands the troops of Henry IV. in Languedoc, 112, 19 Sup- ports his party in Dauphine, 266. Succours Ville- luur, 268. Is made conftable : his fuccefles in Dau- phine, ii. 40. His reafons for intreating Henry to come into Burgundy, ib. He oppofes Sully’s en- trance into the council of finances, 104. He gives a ball at court, 141. Sully gains his approbation of his method of managing the finances, 243. The death of his fecond wife, 27b. He is appointed one of the commiftioners in tiie affair of the marquifate INDEX. of Saluces, 510. And for the peace of Savoy. Serves the King but indifferently on that occaiion, 353, 54. Commands the troops left in Piemont, 360. He is fuipeffed of being an accomplice with Birqn, iii. 30. Henry IV. reftores him to his favour at the intreaty of Sully, 33. He and his family intercede for the Count of Auvergne, 34. He coes Sully a fervice, 59. He offers his fervices to Sully after the death ef Henry IV v. 16. The Queen regent makes him one of her council, 23. He affifls at it, and takes Sully’s part againfl Bouillon, 6^. His quarrels with the grandees and the miniflers, 70 Montmorency (Charlotte Margaret de), Henry IV. will not confent to her marriage with the Marquis of Rofny, iv. 246, but deflines her for the Prince of Conde, 279. She is married to him contrary to Sul- ly’s advice : motives of this marriage, and the paffion of Henry for this princefs, 331. Henry promifes Sully to renounce his paffion, 338. Sully’s prudent advice to him on this occafion, 343. The plots and difeontent of the Prince of Conde, 376. Her huf- band carries her to Flanders : particulars relating to their flight, 380. Difadvahtageous reports raifed againft the honour of this princefs, 3S5 Montpenfier, (Francis de Bcnibon, Duke of), raifes the ftege of Livron, i. 42. Attends Monfieur in Flanders, 81, and endeavours to diffuaue him from the treachery he committed at Antwerp, S3 (Henry de Bourbon, Duke of), commands the royal forces in Normandy, i. 182. An account of this expedition, 220 Henry III. to blame in ta. king the government of Britany from him, 181. He lofes the battle of Craon, 260. Is wounded.at the liege of Dreux, 322. Sally reconciles him and the Count of Solffons, 347. The party he has in the treaty with Admiral Viilars, 359. Receives a re- compence from Henry IV. 373. He propofes to this prince to make the governments hereditary, and fo- vercignties, ii. 66. He acknowledges his fault, and rep rs it, 67 —1 - — (Catherine Maria dt Lorrait^. Duchefs of), H h 3 the INDEX. the clemency and generofity of Henry IV. ta this lady, i- 371 Montpenfier (Maria de Bourbon), only daughter of Henry Duke of Montpenfier : Ihe is contradted to the fecond fon of France, iv. 336 Moors, in Spain, i. 9.. They revolt* and implore af- fiftance from France; which they cannot obtain, iv. 315. They are banifiled out of Spain, 3.16 Moret, (Jacqueline de Beuil, Countefs of), prefents which file receives from Henry IY. iv. 1 l. Her cha- radler : anecdotes relating to her life, ii. Other prefents made her by Henry, 167. He goes to fee her, 183. Her children by him, ayj. An intrigue between her and the Prince of Joinville, 272. She endeavours to ruin Sully, 372 Mornay (Philip) Du-Pleflis, i. 168. He cures Henry IV. at La Mothe-Frelon, 157. He is made gover- nor of Saumur, 160. A letter which Henry IV. fent to him upon his treaty of union with Henry III. 161. A letter from him to Henry IV. after the battle of Aumale, 240. He interpofes in the converfion of Henry IV. 315. Serves Villeroi in his treaty with the King, 373. Cabals in the Proteftant party during, the fiege of Amiens, ii. ijy. Caufes an article to be inferted in the edidt of Nantz, by which it is obliged, to be amended, 274. His public difpute with Du- Perron,. 316. His plots at London, iii. 124. The King of England fpeaks-to Sully in his favour, 133. He plots in favour of Houillon, and againfl: the Pope, 219, 20 He excites the Proteftants to rebellion, ib. Morofini, (John Francis), the Pope’s nuncio,.Henry IIL dares not oppofe him, ii 158 Mulberry-trees ordered by an edidt to be planted in the kingdom, iii. 57. Henry has them cultivated con- trary to. Sully’s advice, 224. Stuffs made of the batk of thcfe trees, iv. 13 N. NAntz (edidt of) extorted by theProteft its.ii.iyy* Henry IV. employs him.<.lf in drawmg up arti- cles^. INDEX. *]ej, 169. His ftay at Nantz for that purpofe, 179. Oppofition made to its being regiftered, 186. They find it neceflary to make feme alterations in it : treachery of tbofe who were employed to compofe it, 270. The edift is at length regillered, 275, and propofed by Henry IV. as a fundamental writing in the aflembly of Chatelleraut, iv. 37 Naflau (Henry de), ambaflador from the United Pro- vinces to London, James refufes to acknowledge him, but afterwards treats him better. Hi. 129 — (Juftin de) ambaffador from the States-General to France, a converiation between Henry IV. and him, ii. 182 ■ (Philip de), brings troops to the afliftance of Henry IV. at the fiege of Rouen, i. 223. He defeats the Count of Mansfield, ii. 40 Navarre (kingdom of) ufurped by the Spaniards, i. 9. Defign of Catherine de Medicis to purchafe it from the Honfe of Albret, and to exchange it with Spain, 73. Claims of the houfe of Rohan upon the eftates poffeffed by that of Albret there. Hi. 426. The fi- nances of Navarre are reunited to thofe of France, iv. 217. A difpute concerning the boundaries of this kingdom terminated to Henry’s advantage, 311, Part of the great defign which relates to this ftate. See Political Defign Navarre, (Antony de Bourbon, King of), i. 1. Hij death, 10. Particulars relating to his life, ib. — - (Henry d’Albret, King of), particulars re- lating to this prince at the birth of hisgrandfon, i. 7 — (Henry de Bourbon, Prince, afterwards King of), afterwards King of France. See Henry IV. (Jane d’Albret, Queen of), i. 7. Retires to Rochelle at the peace of 1570, 12. Motives which determine her to go to Paris, 14. Her death, 25. Opinions concerning it, ib. Nemours, (Charles Emanuel de Savoy, Duke of ), fights for the league at Ivry, i. 193. Defends Paris againll Henry IV. 204. His party in Provence unfuccefs- ful, 266. As likewife his defigns and plots at the ftatea INDEX. ftates of Paris, 307. The Conftable de Montmo- rency defeats his troops, and takes his towns, ii. 40. Sum paid him at his treaty, 233 Nevers (Charles de Gonzague, Duke of), is wounded at the fiege of Buda : his eulogium, iii. 64. He ferves in the expedition of Sedan, iv. 135. Procef- fes between him and Henry IV. for theeftates of the houfe of Albret, 226. He is fent ambaffador to Rome, 290. Tlic minifters treat him ill, v. 72. Grants which he procures from the Queen-regent, 80 — (Lewis de Gonzague, Duke of), makes himfelf dreaded by Henry HI. i. 158. Attaches himfelf to Henry IV. after the death of that prince, 173. Brings troops to the King, and endeavours to pro- cure the chief fway in his council, 209. Excites the. Catholics to mutiny at the liege of Rouen : the caufe of another misfortune which happens to the King at Bully, 235. He becomes one of the heads of the third party, 281. His plots with the ftates of Paris, 308 (Duchefs of) engaged in the intrigues of Henr ry IV. iv. 338 Noailles, (Francis de), the occafion of his embalfy to the Porte, i. 73. He commands the forces at the liege of Pierrefort, iv. 234 Normandy, places taken by the royalifts in that pro- vince, i 184. Military operations. See. by the Duke of Montpenlier, 220. See Gaut rs. Normandy fends fupplies to Her ry IV. for the fiege of Rouen, 223. Its towns and governois fubmit to that prince, 366, 79 North, (courts of the), their had policy dilapproved by ' Sully, iii. 139 Northumberland, (Earl of) one of the fadious lords at London, iii. 114. He conduds Sully to his lirft audience, 127. His abilities: Sully gains his frirnd- Ihip, 133. He receives fome advice of imporMnce from him, ib. Sully is conduced by him to h fe- cond audfnee, 143, and is appointed one of the commifliom rs to confer with h.m, 15 ;. Sul nukes him prefenis, 193. He intuits Colonel Vere, 20r No ie, INDEX. Noiie, (Francis de La-), Catherine de Medicis private- ly countenances his defeat in Flanders, i. 25. Eulo- gium of this officer, ib. He takes the fuburb St. Germain by aflault, 183. Henry’s great generofity to him, 370. iii. 11 Nolle, (Odet de-la-), propofed for deputy-general cf the Proteftants, iv. 57, and accepted, 69. He is a- gainfl: the expedition of Sedan, 131. Is employed by Sully in the affair of Metz againfl: the Jefuits, 150. Serves the King in the fynod of Rochelle, 190 O O (Francis d’) de Frefne, 3cc. fuperintendant of the finances, attaches himfelf to the fervice of Henry IV after the death of Henry III. i. 171, but go- verns bis finances badly, and fuffers him to be in want of every thing, 201. Endeavours to have the chief fway in his council, 210. Hinders the Catho- lics from obeying him at the fiege of Rouen, 229 ; and raifes a mutiny among them, 256. He becomes one of the heads of the third party, 281. Inter- pofes in the affair of Henry’s converlion, 315. Pro- cures the government of Paris, 369. Oppofes the Cardinal de Bourbon and Sully, 392. Solicits for the Jefuits in their procefs with the univerfity, 394. His profufion : his vices, ii. 16. Particulars rela- ting to his death, iS. He rents the farms under bor- rowed names, iv. 2 Offices, creation of, to be made upon occafion, iv. 353 Officers of the crown and others, Sully alters the form of their payments and penfions, ii. 239. Suppreffes part of them in the finances and the bar, 373 Olivari (Seraphin) Cazailla, his reply to Clement VIII. who refufed to give Henry IV. abfolution, i. 329. Sully procures a cardinal’s hat for him, iii. 267 Oft-Frife (Prince of) fupports Embden with the U- nited Provinces againfl: Spain, iii. 62 Orange, (William de Naffau, Prince of) takes Mons from the Spaniards, i. iy. Lieutenant-general to tl)e Archduke Matthias, 74. He efcapes being mur- * dered INDEX. Orleans (N. de France, Duke of), his birth, iv. 182. He is taken ill, 28^. Is contracted to Mademoifelle de Montpenlier, 366. Conchini takes the govern- ment of Normandy from him, v. 62 Ornano, (Alphonfo d’), Marlhal of France, he gives Henry III. good advice on the day of the barrica- does, i. 147. He fupports the party of Henry IV. in Dauphine, 266. Supports the Lionnois againfl: the league, 386. Helps to defeat the troops of the Dukes of Savoy and d’Epernon, ii. 102, 47. Ser- vices done by him to Henry IV. after the death of the Duchefs of Beaufort, 281. The King is dif- gufted with him, 397 Orval (Francis de Bethune, Count of), Henry FV. makes him a very confiderable prefent, v. 107. Re- ceives fome ftrvices from him : employments which he pofTeffed : the lands of Orval ereCted into a duchy in his favour : the duchy of Sully goes into his hands, ii. His (hare in the divifions Sully made of his eftates : other particulars concerning him, t8i Ofiat (Arnaud d’) cardinal, accufed of favouring the league, ii. 63, 64. An examination into his con- duct and fentiments, 62. Employed in the diflblu- tion of Henry’s marriage with Margaret de Valois, 189. and obtains a difpenfation for the marriage of the Princefs Catherine and the Duke of Bar, which he was accufed of endeavouring to hinder, 264. He ferves Henry IV. at Rome in the affair of Martha Broffier, 277. Further particulars of his negocia- tion for diffolving Henry’s marriage, 296 P. PAlatine (EleCtor), the heads of the Proteftant party form a delign to make him the proteCtor of the French Proteftants, i. 99. Henry refufes to pardon Bouillon at his requeft, iii. 77. He continues to fup- port Bouillon, and endeavours to procure him the protection of King James, but in vain, 123, 50, 219. His INDEX. His fears occafioned by the expedition of Sedan, iv. 134. He writes a polite letter to Sully, 304 Pare (Ambroife), furgeon to Charles IX. his conver- fation with that prince concerning the maflacre of St Bartholomew, i. 35 Paris, Huguenots maflacred in that city. See Bar- tholomew (Saint). The exercife of the Prote- ftant religion forbid within ten leagues round it. .See Peace of 1577. Tranfadtions there on the day of the barricadoes, i. 146. The general coniler- nation there, after the departure of Henry III. The Pariiians fend a deputation to that prince, 151. The two kings inveft Paris, 167. Henry IV. attacks the fuburbs, 182. He takes them by aflault, and be- fieges the city : he raifes the liege in compaffion to the inhabitants: the horrors of this liege : other particulars concerning it, 203, &c. The Hates are held in that city : their convocation, tumult, and confulion there, 30j. See League, Guife, Spain, &c. The curates of Paris inflamed againft Henry IV. 311. Their joy at this prince’s abjuration of his religion : the Pariiians fend a deputation to him, contrary to the inclinations of Ma'ienne, 332. The reduftion of this city ; and particulars relating to Henry’s entry there, 370. Procefs againft the Je- fuits carried on by the, univerlity and the curates of Paris, 394. The fovereign courts of Paris oppofe the regiilering of the edidt of Nanfz, 269, which is altered, and at length regiilered, 275. The recep- tion given to the Queen by this city, 361. The Dauphin is carried publicly through Paris, 393. Prefents which this city made to the Queen on oc- cafion of the Dauphin’s birth, ih. Parliament of Paris, the league can; * engage it in their fchemes on the'day of the barricadocs, &c. i. 1 51. It oppofes the defigns of Maienne and the league, upon the Hates of Paris : a decree given by it upon the fucceflion to the crown : what peifons h id molt (hare in this dectee ; and other particulars relating to it, 310. It is recalled from Tours, 373. ' Plots carried on in the parliament in favour of the Jefuits, INDEX. Jefuits, agalnft the univerfity and curates of Paris, 394. Sully is made honorary counfellor of the par- liament of Paris, ii. 22$. It is obliged to alter the editt of Nantz, and to regifter it after great oppo- fitioo, 275. The parliament fupports its ad\ocates againft the King, Hi. 49. Oppofes the edi&s upon money, 52. And the recal of the Jefuits, 241. An arret iiTued by it againft the Prince of Conde, iv. 388. Conduft of the parliament upon the death of Henry IV. Particulars relating to the procefs againft Ravaillac and others, on occahon of this parricide, 468. et feq. The parliament confirm the regency to the Queen, v. 19 Parma (Alexander Farnefe, Duke of) raifes the blo- cade of Cambray, and makes a fine retreat, i. 78. He forces Monfieur to quit Flanders, 85. A fpeech of his upon the barricadoes, 149. He obliges Henry IV. to raife the fiege of Paris, 204, &c. Takes pof- felfion of an advantageous poft, and a QUentin (St) the battle of St Quentin loft by the Conftable Montmorency : an account of what followed afterwards, i. 10 Henry goes to St Quen- tin to fee Mademoifelle D’Eftrees, 214 Rafis INDEX. R. RAfis (John de Leyre, called) difcorers tfie treafon of L’Hote, iii. 255. Gives information of it to Barrault, and efeapes out of Spain, 257. Comes to Henry IV. and gives him proofs of it : rewards which he obtains for this difcovery, ib. Raleigh, Sully fees him at Dover, ii. 3-82. One of the malecontents at London, iii. 202. Information given by him to Sully, 140. He confpires againft the King of England, 202 Rambures (N. de), murders the young D’Epitroy: Henry IV. and Sully fuller this affair to deep, iv. 185 Ratifbon (diet of), w'here a conference is held between the Catholics and Proteftants upon the means of reconciling the two religions, ii. 412 Ravaillac, (Francis), the proceedings at his trial fup- preffed, iv. 4J4. Other faults attributed to his jud- ges, and remarks upon this conduift, ib. A parti- cular account of the affaflination of Henry IV. 460. Examination of the different opinions concerning the caufes of the authors of this parricide, ib. Ravaillac’s punifhment: particulars on this fubject, v. 1, 2. His trial, 198, &c. Regeiveia, general and particular, Sully gives them rules, and punifhes thofe who aft contrary to them, iv. 221. The regulations to which he fubjefts them, 223. Receivers to be created upon occafion, 353 Religion, Sully’s redeftions upon policy refpefting reli- gion, ii. 180. Part of the great delign of Henry IV. relating to religion : divifion of the feveral religions, and the means ‘of keeping them in tranquillity, v. 137. See Political Defign See alfa Sully, Pope, Catholics, See. Republic (a Proteftant), fcheme of eflablifhing it in France formed by Admiral Coligny. See Coligny. The heads of the party endeavour to put it into ex- ecution, iv. 6?. F:ouillon feeks to engage the Prince of Conde in Uic uciign, v. 33. Froieflants Retz, INDEX. Retz, (Albert de Gondy, Duke of), one of the coun- fellors of Catherine de Medicis, i. 25. Henry IV. takes from him the cognifance of the treaty with the Duke of Guife, ii. 20, and makes him one of the members of the new council of finances, 32. He is employed in the affair of the ifles with the Grand Duke, 394 Revenues (royal), eftimation made of them in the af- fembly des notables, and divided between the King and the Rate, ii. 131. See Finances, Forms, Taillej Imports, &c. Rheims revolts from the Duke of Guife, and furrenders to Henry IV. ii. 22. The reception given by this prince to the deputies from Rheims, ib. This city refufes to admit the Jefuits, iii. 383. Lewis XIIL is crowned there, v. 70 Rhone, the borders of this river as far as Lyons, ceded to the King by the treaty of Lyons, ii. 358. Hen- ry IV. fecures to himfelf this poiTeffion, iii. 371. See Avignon Richelieu (Francis du Pleflis de) endeavours to injure Sully during his journey to Poitou, iii. 297. Henry employs him to reconcile this minirter and Father Cotton, 391 Richelieu (Cardinal de) follows the political fyftem formed by Sully for humbling the houfe of Auftria, iii. 252. He occafions the lofs of a law-fuit to Sul- ly, which haftens his death, v. 183 Rignac, (Peter de), lieutenant for the Duke of Bou- illon, his plots in the Proteftant party during the fiege of Amiens, ii. icy. Sent by Bouillon to Hen- ry IV. iii. 42. Promifes to defend his towns againft this prince, but abandons them, iv. 82 Rochelle, a ftrong town given to the Proteftants, i. 3. Catherine de Medicis endeavours to get poffellion of it by ftratagem, 17. The Duke of Anjou is forced , to raife the fiege of it, 38 A treaty is made with Rochelle, ib. Honours paid by the Rocheliers to Henry IV. 47. Pernicious defignsofthe Proteftants aftembled there againft Henry IV. 156. Henry prai- fes Rochelle, iii. 222. Honours paid by it to the King I N D K X. King in the perfon of Sully, 299. Henry’s kin3 reception of the deputies from Rochelle, iv. 92 Rochepot (Antony de Silly de la-) is fent ambaflador to Spain : infulted at Madrid, ii. 376 Rochefter, the hatred of its citizens to the French, iii; 104 Rodolphus (Emperor), his wars with Hungary and the Turks, ii. 413. ! he King of Spain deprives him of Final, iii. 61. An account of the war againft the Hungarians and Turks, 64 He feizes upon Don- awert unjuftly, iv. 317. Examination of his claim upon the principalities of Cleves and Juliets, &c. 410, &c. He gives the inveftitute of them to the Archduke Leopold; and endeavours to gain over Henry to his intereft, 41,2- He occafions an infur- region of the German Prjteftants by his cruelties to them, 434. Suffers Juliets to be taken by the -confederates, v. 59. and fhares the fucceflion of Cleves between the Elector of Brandenburg and the Palatinate of Newburg, ib. See Cleves. The on- ly part left for him to take by the great defign of Henry IV. 164. See Political Defign. See alfo Empire, Germany, Auftria (houfe of) Rohan, (houfe of), alliances of this houfe, its claim to the fucceffion of the houfe of Albret, for the appa- nages of Navarre, Foix, and Armagnac, ii. iox. The pretended heir of this houfe. See Tancrede Rohan, (Henry II. Duke of), the Princefs Catherine propofes a marriage between him and Mademoifelle de >ully, ii. 101. Henry IV. gives his confent to this match, iii. 218. The Duke of Rohan’s cabals in the Proteftant party, and with the King of Eng- land, 291. His reception of Sully in 1 oitou, 300. Sully in the King’s name forbids the aflembly of ( hatelleraut to .admit his deputies, iv. 54. He ob- tains his pardon of Henry IV. 157 and does the King feme fervices in detedling the plots of the cour- tie-s, 202, 66. He commands the Swifs troops in Cleves, 444. Oppofes Sully’s defign of refigning his employments, v. 39. Is made Marfhal de camp general of the army feotto the fiege of Juliets, 58. Mary INDEX. Mary de Medicis makes ufe of his intereft with Sully to prevail upon him to leave Montrond, 74 He purchafes the government of Poitou from Sully, 109, and openly fupports his caufe in the afiembly ef Chatelleraut, 172. His difpute with the Queen- regent about the King’s lieutenancy of Saint John d’Angely, 173 Rohan (Catherine de Parthenay, Duchefs of), gives bad advice to the Princels Catherine concerning Henry IV. and Sully, ii. 91. She alters her opinion, and favours this minifter, 100. Her plots with the Proteftant party, 180 Rohan, (Margaret de Bethune, Duchefs of), a mar- riage between her and the Count of Laval is pro- pofed, and afterw'ards with the Duke of Rohan, ii 100. Henry IV. approves of this marriage, iii. 218, and caufes it to be celebrated : gratuities given by him to the new-married couple, 426. An anec- dote concerning the fuppofititious fon of this mar- riage. See Tancrede Roquelaure, (Antony de), Marfhal of France, one of the heads of the Proteftant party, i. 49. His cha- rafter : a humourous dialogue between Henry IV. and him ; another between him and the Archbilhop of Rouen, on the fubjeft of the princefs Catherine’s marriage, ii. 266, &c. He affifts in forcing Henry from the Duchefs of Beaufort, when they were ob- liged to part, 281. He is one of the favourites of Henry IV. 372, and a friend of Sully’s, iii. 222. Henry fends him to compliment Queen Margaret in bis name, iv. 96. He is fummoned to the council on the affair of Sedan, 128. Quarrels between the family of Roquelaure and Noaille, appeafed by Sul- ly, 163 Rofny, caftle and eftate of Rofny belonging to Sully, i. 3. Where he receives the Duke of Joyeufe, 96. A plague at Rofny: Sully forces his brother to open the gates to him, 166. Narrowly miffes taking the Duke d’Aumale prifoner there, 184. Returns thi- ther in triumph after the battle of Ivry, 198. Du- ring his ftay there, is informed of the death of the Duchefs INDEX. Dvichefs of Beaufort, ii. 284. Receives and enter* tains the King there : an accident diilurbs the en- tertainment, iii. 217 Rofny, (Francis de Betbune, Baron of), father of the Duke of Sully, lie retires thither at the peace of 1570, i. 3. His alliances, 4. State of his family and domeftic affairs, 6, 19. He attends the Queen of Navarre, 20. His advice not lillened to, 21. He makes his efcape at the maffacre of St Bartho- lomew. His letter to his fon on that occafion, 32 — ( 'aximihan II. de Bethune, Marquis of), el- deft fon of the Duke of Sully : Henry IV. fends Du- Laurens to him during hh indifpofition, 185. Se- veral great matches propofed for him, 245. The King mairi s him to Mademoifelle de Crequy : un- eafinefs caufed by this alliance to the father and the fon, 246. Particulars lelating to this marriage, and to the private conduff of Rofny : the King propofes to give him Mademoifelle de Vendome in marriage, 249, See. He refufes to change his religion, 253. Henry IV. reconciles the Duke of Vendome and him, 433 He gives him the reverfion of the port of grand jnafter of the ordnance : and he commands the ar- tillery in the expedition of Cleves, 444. He prevents . his father from refigning his employments, v. 39. Mary de Medicis makes ufe of his interefl to prevail upon Sully to leave M rnirond, 74. The fortune he received with his wife, 107. Sully lends him mo- ney, and pays his debts, 110. The uneaGnefs which his diffolute conduct gives to Sully, 17(7 Roubais (Mary de Melun, Lady de), refufes to give her cOnfent to a martiage between the Marquis of Coeuvres and Mademoifelle de Melun, iii, 430 Rouen, the Proteftants take poffeffion of it, i. 18, and d’Allegre retakes it for the league, 187. Henry IV.- prepares to invert it, 220. He begins the ftege, and makes an unfuccdsful attack, 226. the trenches forced at different times by that prince and .Admiral Villars, 227. Henry is obliged to raife the Gege, 243. Villars treats with Sully for the furrender of Rouen. Voo.V. Kit 358. INDEX. Sum paid by Henry for the furrender of Rouen, 233. That prince goes to Rouen, and is taken ill there: motives foi this journey, 313. Bully caufes a bridge to be built there, tv. 296 S. SAHgnac (John de Gontault de), his duel with Ro« fan, i. 62. One of the heads of the Proteftant par- ty, ii. 176. Solicits a pardon for Hiron, iii. 29. Ambaflador to the Ottoman Porte, 376 Salt-pits, Henry IV. is flandered with having intended to feize them, iii 3. Sully undeceives the people in this relpefl, ib Salic law, an erroneous opinion of"Sully’s concerning t is law, iii. 361 Salt, the price of it increafed to fifteen fols three bu- fhels, ii. 145. The courtiers far m this fubfidy under borrowed names, iv 2. Edift upon (alt in favour of the Duke of MaYenne, 13. Regulations upon this part of the revenue, 163. Are Gabelle Saluces (marcjuifate of), a difpute concerning it : this article not decfied in the treaty of Vervins, ii. 200. Artifices of the Duke of ^avoy to elude the rtftiru- tion of it, 291. Commifiioners appointed to fettle this affair, 3 IO Sancy, (Nicholas de Har'lay de), one of the heads of the Proteftant party, i. 291. Serves Villeroi in his treaty: his charaAer, his fervices, ii 30. His rail- lery and bon mots upon the fair Gabriella, prevent his being made fupeiintendant of the finances, 32. He does the King feveral fervices in Lorrain and Swifferland, 35. His motives for urging Henry IV. to march to Burgundy, 40. He refuics to rellore Calais to Elifabeth, 65 Sardinia, a fcheme for obtaining the fovereignty of it for the Duke of Anjou, i. 73 Sault, (Chriftian d’Aguirre, Countefs of), her party in Provence, i. 266. Aflifts in driving out the D ukes of Savoy and d’Epernon, ii 102. She en- deavours to procure a marriage between the Mar- quis INDEX. quis of Rofny and Mademoifelle de Crequy; and to hinckr Solly’s converliun, iv. 253. Engages in Hen- ry’s amours, 255, '*ho refufes h^r a giant which Ihe had lolicited, 282 Sauraur, one of the five cities which continued faithful to Henry III. i. 1 56. Given to Henry IV. as a cau- tionary city by the treaty between the two king?, 160. Mornay obtains the government of it, which had been rtfufed to Sull , ib. Savoy, Henry IV. carries the war thither, the taking of towns and other particulats relating to this war : treaty of peace, ii. 358 (Charks-Emanuel, Duke of), he unites with Spain and the league, and has b~d fuecefs in Pro- vence, i. 266. His plots with the Rates of Paris in- tfE dfual, 307. He fuppotts the party of the Duke- of Nemours in Lyons, but cannot hinder it from being driven from thence, 385. Victories gained by Lefdiguieres over the Duke O' Savoy, ii. 13, by the Conftable de Montmorency in Duuphine and Lyon- nois, 40. Other encounters in whuh the troops are defeated by Lefdiguieres, 102- He figns the maty of Vervins at Chamberry, 201. He demands die Piincefs Catherine in marriage, 263. His artifices to avoid making a reftitution of the marquifate of Saluces, 291. He refolves to go to Paris for that purpofe, 294. A faying cf his concerning this jour- ney, ib. He arrives at Pans, 309. He returns to Savoy in difeontertt, 329. Bieaks through his en- gagement, 315: rufpends, by new artifices, Hen- ry’s march againft him, ib. He is comforted by a prediction that is made him, 324. Towns and forts taken from him, and a particular relation of the whole campaign, 332. His correfpondsnccs with Bi- ron, the com tiers and connnifiionets, tending to re- tard the peace, 349. Countries and forts given up by him, in exchange for Saluces, and purport of the treaty made with him. 358. He continues his plots againft France, iv. 23. Defign of Henry IV. to make him King of Lombardy ; and to marry bis daughter Elilabcth to the ion cf Savoy, 117. pr«- K k 2 fents INDEX. fents made him by his Majefty, 214. He congraui-* lates Henry upon the birth ot the Duke of Anjou, 304. An alliance between the two courts projected, 336. Sully’s comicAions with the Duke of Savoy calumniated, 399. He joins in the deputation lent to the King by the princes affentbled at Hall, 423. iSee Cleves. He makes a treaty of alliance with France, 434. Bullion is fent ambaflador to him, 442. Mary de Medicis breaks all thd'e engagements, and betrays this prince, notwithftanding Sully’s re- prefentations, v. 36. The humiliating meafures •which this procedure obliges him to take with the King of Spain, 37. Part of the great defign con- cerning him : he is to be declared King of Lombardy, 140, 49 Sauves (Madame de) N. de Bentme de Samblancy : Henry IV. and the Duke of Alen9on rivals for this lady, i. 77. She introduces Sully to Catherine de Medicis, 89 ; and informs him of her defigns, 127. Informations fent by her to the Duke of Guife and the Hates of Blois, 1 53 Schomberg (Gafpard de), Count of Nanteuil : Henry IV. confults him upon his converfion, i. 283 Makes him one of the members of the council of finances, ii. 32, 108, which he leaves. His death occafioned by a very extraordinary Gcknefs: eulogiumi, 149. Fie is employed in the compofition of the edi& of Naotz, 1S6 His death, 277 ,m— (Henry de) Marfhal of France, Sully’s friend- fliip for him calumniated, iii. 416. He is appointed arabaiTador to Germany, iv 442. Gives informa- tion of Ravaiilac’s confpiracy to Henry IV. and to Sully, 454, See. He is deputed to Sully by the Queen-regent, v. 15 (Theodore), a Swifs colonel fla-in at the battle of Ivry : a fine fpeech of Henry’s concerning him, i. 196 Scotch guard acknowledge Henry IV. for King, i. 17* Sebaftian (Don), Henry IV. interefts himfelf in the de- bate concerning the true or falfc Don Sebaftian, ii. 205. Some remarkable circumftances relating to the refemblance INDEX. refer.-iblance of the pretended Don Sehaftian to the true, 411 Secretaries of ftate, how different from minifters o£~ Rate, ii. 227 Sedan, (city and principality of), given by the Duchefs' of Bouillon to her hufband : motives for Sully’s jour- ney thither, ii. 1, 2. Sully’s opinion of this forfefs, 4. Henry IV foims a defign to take poffelfion of it: the courtiers oppofe it, iv. 116. Sully fiices him in his refolution to attack it, 123, and (hows him the faults in the fortifications, 128 Seditious Party (the) headed ey Bouillon, Biron, D’Au- vergne, D’Entragues, La-Tremouille, Du Pleffis- Mornay, the Ma chionefs of Verneuil, &c See thefe names, ii. 399. Writing of affociation figned by them, 405. Methods made ufe of by them to excite a rebellion among the people, 406. They en- deavour to feize fome to.vns 407. Council held at IJlois for arrefting the heads of the cocfpiracy, iii. 8. Henry IV. after the death of Biron, pardons all the reft, 33. Their plots with the King of England, 268. Their cabals in France. Motives for their hatred of Sully, 412 Seine, the pafiing this river by the Prince of Parma confidered as a remarkable aftion, i. 230. Utility of its being joined to the Loire, iit. 332. Canal of Briare undertaken for this purpofe, 342. See Canals- Sidney (Lord of Stafford), fent by Queen Elifabeth to Calais with letters for ftenry IV ii 380. Is ap- pointed to receive Sully in London, iii 103 Sigifmurrd King of Sweden dethroned by Charles hb uncle, ii. 303 Silk, Henry IV. caufes it to be cultivated in France, iii. 57. Sully’s reafons for oppofingit, 224,28 Sdk. manufaflures eftablilhed, iv. t4. Set vianufaftuxes. Fine Stuffs Sillery (Nicholas Brulat de), chancellor, deputed from the Comt to Henry IV. i.'10: 7 Oppofes Su ly’s admiffton into the council of finances, ii. 10.:. and compliments him upon h;s entrauce into it, 108. K k j Quarrels J N D E X. Quarrels with him in the council, 152. Labours to pacify Picardy, 170, and concludes the peace of Vervins, 174. Advifes Henry- IV. to marry the fair Gabriella, 196. Signs the treaty of Vervins, and prevails upon the Archduke to fign it, 200. Is fenfr* ambadidor to Rome, where he is employed by Mar dame de Beaufort to folicit her marriage with Hen- ry IV. 207. Is made minister of date. His policy with refpeft to Spain contrary to that of Sully’s, 377. He endeavours to hinder the Count de Be- thune from being fent ambuffador to Rome, 396. Labours in the council and the court to procure aa repeal of the Jefuits banilhment, iii. 239, His opi- nion concerning toleration of religions, Cv>otrary to that of Sully, 26?. His plots to procure two car- dinals hats for Villars and Marquemcnt, in oppoli- tion to Du-Perron and Olivary, 267. Henry IV. • makes ufe of him to pacify hisdomeftie troubles, 284. - Sully obliges him to (ign the treaty of commeree with Spain, 349. He is appointed one ot the com- miffioners for purchaling the county of St Paul, 374, Ke unites with the courtiers and Jefuits in the affair of Grillon to ruin Sully, 401, for whom he lays a great many fnates, 407. Henry IV. acquaints him - with the plots formed againff his life, iv. 340. He has another difpute with Sully, 361. Henry’s judg- ment upon his good and bad qualities, 364. He preju- dices that prince againd: Sully with refpeft to the armament of Cleves, 428. His grave reply to the Queen upon the death of Henry IV. 466 He is ad- mitted into the fee ret council of Mary de Medicis, v. 2,2. and gives her maxims of policy quite contrary to thofe of Henry theGreat^j. He endeavours to ruin Sully, 61, who reproaches him with having made a fraudulent ufe of the feal, 66. He is fevertly re- proved by theDukeofNevets.and advifes theQuctn- regent to recal Sully from Montrond, 72. Gratu- ities from the Queen icgenr, 80. He fupports Villeroi and d’AIincourt againft .Sully in the aftair of Lyons, 84. See Miniffers, Blood (Princes of). Lords, &c. Sixtus V. a bon-mot of his to Cajdinal joyeufe upon Henry III, i. 58. He excommunicates the Prote- daats Aitrts and all that were enemies to the royal autho- rity, 96. See Treaty of Nemours. A faying of h:s upon the barricadoes, 149. He excommunicates- Henry III. after the murder of the Guifes . his real fentiments upon this aiftion, and upon the conduct of the heads of the league, 161. His fayings and predictions concerning Henry IV. the Duke of Mai-• enne, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, JSi. Henry’s fpeech upon the news of his death, 232. His character : a bon-mot upon him, iv iy. Sbiflons (Charles de Bourbon, Count of ) joins Henry IV. and takes the Duke of Mercceur’s baggage, i. 132. He behaves bravely at the battle of Coutras, 138, but hinders Henry from taking advantage of his victory, 1 40. His delign of marrying the Frin- cHs Catheriae contrary to the will of Henry, 142. He quits him after the barricadoes, and offers his fervice to Henry III. jyo, by whom he is received very coldly, 152. He endeavours to prevail upon Sully to quit the party of Heory IV. 160, and ad* vancts flo.vly to the alfiftance of that prince at Diep- pe, 181. Goes to Bearn with an intention to marry the Princefs Catherine, but does not fucceed, 261. His charaHer, 262. He becomes one of the heads of the third party, 2S1. His views and plots with the (fates of Paiis,. 309 Sully reconciles him with the Duke of Montpenlier, 346, a^d gets the ccr>- traft of marriage paffed by him and the Princefs in- to his own hands, 353. &c. He defeats the troops which the Spaniards were endeavouring to throw into Laon, 396. He is made great mailer of the houfehold to the King after the death of the Duke of Guife.ii 21. He demands to be made prefident of the council of finances, but is tefufed, and is o- bliged to attend the King into Burgundy, 43, and afterwards quits him, 45. His officersinfult Sully-, 46. Sully endeavours to break off his marriage with the Princefs Catherine, 87, &c. He difeovers the plot of Mignon to poifon the King, 3 i y. Dppofes Sally’s opinion with regard to the war of Savoy, 33 H 45» md bears him a grudge on account of his having INDEX. having diffin ed tlie King from purchafing Iiis eflates- in Piedmont, ay5 Sommerive (Charles Emanuel de Lorrain, Count de) defends Laon again!! Henry IV. i. 388 Surrenders the place to him, ii. 11. Is banilhed by the King for his amours with the Countefs of Moret, iv. 273 Sourdis (Ilabella Habou de la Boardaifiere, Marchio- nefs of) miftrefs to the Chancellor de Chivetny, ii. 153. Procures a cardinal’s hat for her fon, 206. Seconds the Duchefs of Beaufo t’s plots to bring a- bout a marriage between her and Henry IV. 208 Southampton (Earl of) efcorts Sully to London, iiu 104- In great favour with the King of England, 138. His quarrel with Lord Grey, 202 Spain. The Spanifii army joins the Duke of V’aienne, i. 187. They behave well at the battle of Ivry, 191. Make propofals of union with Henry IV 257. De- feated at Craon, 261. Worded in Provence and Dauphine, 265. Affift the league, 277- Their plots in the afl’embly of the dates at Paris, 306. They endeavour to render ineffetflual Henry’s ab- juration, 330. Their policy with regard to reli- gion, ib. The fnares laid by the council of Madrid for Henry IV. 331. They offer him the Infanta in marriage, 334 They leave Paris, 370. Villars o- bliges them to leave Rouen, 377. They fend fuc- couis to the Duke of Nemours. They befiege and take La-Capelle, 387. Affift the Jefuits in their pro- cefs .viththe univerfity, 394. Their grand convoy defeated before Laon, 400. Unable to hinder the place from being taken, 404. Their expeditions in- to Britany, ii. 16. They endeavour to edablidi Bur- gundy into a kingdom for the Duke of Maienne, 14. D riven from Marfeilles by the Duke of Guife, 28. Henry IV. declares war againff them, 37. They endeavour to adaffinate him, 38. They take La- Catelei and La-Capelle, 48. Defeat the French at Domlens, ib. See Nevers, Bouillon, Villars. They enter Franche Comte, and are defeated by Henry IV. at Fontaine-Fran$oife, 58- TJTey furprife A- miens, 143. Retaken by iienry IV. 162. They are driven INDEX. driven out of Britany, 17J. See Mercoeur. T)if» contented with the Duke of Savoy, 307. Refufe to give him fuccours againfl Henry IV. 360. Continue the war againft the Dutch, 362. Henry di'gufted with them : they infjlt his ambaffador, 376. Of- fenaed with Henry’s journey to Calais, 379. Sup- port the Fiench rebels, 407, as likewife thole in Ire- land, 411. Continuation of theit war with the Dutch, iii. 60. Their fquadron defeated by the Dutch, 61. Their expedition into the Le v Coun- tries, 74. Their plots in England after the death of Queen Elifabeth, 81. They endeavour to gain James, 103. Spanifh faction in London, 113. James’s hatted and jealoufy of them, 129. He accufes them of confpiring againll his life, 134. T hey make him great offers to induce him to forfake France, 141. They fupport the Englifh priefls, and endeavour to dethrone him, iji. C ontinuation of theit war in Flanders, iv. 23. New plots carried on by them a- gainft James, 27. They build a new aimament of galleys, 62. The Queen and courtiers promote their intereft, 1 16. Continuation of their war with the Du tch, 175. Propofals for a truce, 176. They plot againft Henry in his court, 196. He orders a cap- tuie to be teftoted to them, 203. Continuation of the war in Flanders, 204 A g eat naval fight gair.el by the Dutch, 208. Sufpenfion of arms, 209, The affair of the Valteline and Grifons, 213. Sully obliges them to make reftttution of fome incroadi- ments made by them on the confines of Champaign, 297. Negociations for a truce with Holland, 32$. The weaknefs of this crown in fixing the bounda- ries of Navarre and Bearn, 311. As likewife in the revolt of :he Moors, 312, whom they oblige to leave their ftates, 316. Their deteilable plots againft the life of Henry IV, 332. A treaty of truce conclu- ded between him and the Dutch, 393 Stuart (James VI.) King of Scotland, the Princefs Catherine refufes to marry him, ii. 89. He con- gratulates Henry IV. upon the difeovery of Biron’s confpiracy, iii, 43. See James King of England Stiart ? N D E X. Stuart (Arabella) propofed for a wife to Henry-IV ii, 190 Sully (Maximilian de Bethune, Marquis of Rofny, af- terwards Duke of), particulars relating to his an- ceftors, his family, and his birth, i. 4. fie is brought up in the reformed religion : Goes with the court of Navarre to Paris, 6. is prefented to the King of Navarre : his ifudies, 21. Sully efcapes the mafi'acre of St Bartholomew, gr His education, 3 g. His firft exploits in arms, 46. He defends Perigueux and Villeneuve : he is in danger at the liege of Ville- franche, &c. 47, 48- He quarrels with Fronterrac and Turenne, 49. Follows Henry IV. to Bearn : his ceconomy : he is well received by the Princefs Catherine, 51. He is at the taking of Eaufe ; at the battle before Mirande; that before Nerac ; and 0- ther encounters ; where he is often in danger, 52, fee. His behaviour during the jundion of the two courts of Catherine de Medicis and the King of Na- varre, 60. He is in danger at the redudion of Ca- hors, 64, and before Marmande, 69. He defends Monfegur, 71. Is made counfellor of Navarre, and chamberlain in ordinary to Henry, 72. His motives for going with Monfieur into Flanders : converfa- tion b-tween Henry and him upon this journey, y y, 76. He entertains feveral gentlemen in his train, 78. Falls in love with Mademoifelle de Saint-Mefmin, 91, and marries Mademoifelle de Courtenay, 93. His domelbic employments during the firff year of his marriage, ib. He returns to the Xing ol Navarre, and carries him a fupply of money, 94. The King of Navarre, by his advice, makes head againlt three armies in the neighbourhood of Rochelle, 112 He th rows himfelf into Saint Bazeille, 114 -Is deputed to Saint-Maur to Henry III. to negotiate a union of the two kings, 115. He treats likewife with the Swifs ; and f r the life of the foreign troops in France, 1 16. He is prefent at the fkge of Talmcnt,. 118, and at that of Fontenay, 120. A comical ad- venture which happened to him during the liege, 122, Defeats a fquadron belonging to Joyeufe, 129, INDEX. arid takes advantage of his abfence to harrafs Tils troops : fervices which he does his brother, 130. He goes to Paris to the affiftance of Madame de Rof- ny : dangers to which he is expofed there, 134. He returns to the King of Navarre, and ferves him in the battle of Coutras, 137, &c Anecdote on this fubjeft, 159. His-wife advice after this battle, 144. bully is deputed to the Prince of Conti, in. Re- flexions upon the aXion of the bamcadoes, and the conduX of Henry HI. g. His advice to Henry IV. upon his interview with Henry HI. 16i. He helps to defend Tours, 162. The part he has in the battle of Saveufe, 164. He goes to the aifittance of his wife : his exceffive grief for her death, 166, 167. He returns to he army of the two kings, where he expofes himfelf to the greateft dangers3 ib. Henry IV. tells him that Henry III was wounded, and takes him with him to Saint Cloud, j63, 9. He afks Sull/’s advice upon the death of this prince, 170. Services which he does to Henry IV. by retaining the leaders of the royalift army, 171, 2. He feizes Meulan, 172, the government of which is denied him, ib. Fails in his attempt upon Loaviers for want of fuccours, 174. Goes to re- connoitre the Duke of Makane’s army, 17 j Pre- fent at the battle of Atques, where he is in danger, 17Q Fails in his attempi upon Vernon, 182. Storms the fuburbs of Saint Germain, ib. Preferves the country of''ante againft the troops of the league, 184 His motives for writing his memoirs, ih. He contributes towards railing the liege of Meulan, 186. Defends Pafiy, 188. Prefent at the battle of Ivry, wounded there, and takes feveral p-rifoners, 102, 3. D’ Antelot difputes them with him, 196. He faves the life of Clermont-.Tonnore at Joignv, 211. His adventure at Chaitres, where he narrowly efcapes being {lain, 213- Receives a letter from Henry IV. from Saint-Quentin, 213. This prince begins to trull him with his fecrers : Henry is the caufe of an enterprile failing which he had projeXed at Mante agamli the Duke of Maienne, 218. He vifits Ma- dame INDEX. dame Chateaupers, 221. Seizes a boat richly laden, ib. Attends Henry IV. to the fiege or Rouen, 223. Oppofes Biron’s opinion concerning the manner of attacking the place, 225. Is prelent at the attack of the trenches, 227. Is prefent in the battle of Aumale, 238, and at all expeditions in the neigh- bourhood of Rouen, 24$ ft* declares himfelf for purluing the Prince of Parma, after his paffage 0- xcr the Stine, 252. He marries Madame de Cha- teaupers, 172 Sully retires to his feat in difguft, ib. He treats with the Duchefs of Aumale for her holband's lurrender, ^55, with Medavy, 35 T. TAille, Sully labours in this part of the revenue, ii. 244. Part of it is remitted to the people: abufe and vexations, iv. 2. Refledliotis upon them, and upon the means of remedying them, ib Re- gulations upon the taille, 299. Brevet of the taille expedited in full council, 300. Faults in this re- fpe<5t redified, 301. Origin and changes of the taille in this kingdom, 303 Tancrede the pretended heir to the houfe of Rohan, iii. 423 Tapeftry-workers (Flemifii), fent for to Paris, iv. 238. See Manufactures Tardieu, a commilfary reprimanded by Sully, iv. 223 Tarn, the Duke of Joyeufe is drowned there, i. 270. See Villemur, Joyeufe Taxis, (John Baptift, Count of) one of the Spanilh plenipotentiaries to the States of Paris : his plots unfuccefsful: faults which he commits there, i. 306. The offers made to him by Henry IV. after his ab- juration rejected, 330. See Spain, League Terrail (Du) commands the light horfe in the army of the league at the battle of Ivry, i. 190. Goes with Sully to London, iii. 107. Enters into the fervice of the Archduke : takes Bergen-op-zoom, and lofes it again, iv. 25. Fails in an attempt upon Sluys, 275- Endeavours to furprife Geneva: is ta- ken there, and beheaded, 400 Third party, names of thofe that compofe it: they are accufed of endeavouring to get rid both of Henry IV and of the Duke of Majenne, i. 281 Thou (James Auguftus De) Prefident, a converfation between him and Montagne, upon the characters of Henry IV. and the Duke of Guife, i. 102. Confult- ed by Henry IV. upon his converfion, 283. Em- ployed in compoh’ng the edict of Nantz, ii. 186. The Prince of Conde’s letter to him after his flight, iv. 408 Toleration 4>f religion advifed by Sully, iii. 265 Toulouie, its reduction, ii. 75. Sum paid for its treaty, 233. The chamber of requefls fupprplled by its parliament, INDEX- parliament, iii. 217. Henry IV. difgufted with its parliament, 220. Its anciest counts vaffals to the Kings of France, 371 Tours, one of the five cities which continued faithful to Henry III. i. 1 $6. The treaty of Pleffis les Tours negociated by Sully, 160. Concluded by Du-Pleilis Mornay, ib. The two kings have a meet- ing near the city, t6t. Duke of Ma'ienne invefts it, and obliged to retire by the two kings, 162. The Duke of Guife efcapes from the caxtle of this city, 220. The firft manufaftories of rich ituff do not fucceed, ii. 304 Tremouille (Claude, Duke de La-) taker Talmont, i. 118. Fights at Coutras, where his troops behave ill, 138. Gives bad counfel to the Prince of Conde, 140. Has a great fhare of the victory gained at I’ontaine-Fran^ois, ii. 57. Is fufpefted of being a- mongft the feditious, iii. 4. He quits the court, 6. lie engages with Bouillon, 77 His intrigues with th- King of England, 219, and amongft the Prote- fbnts againft the ftate, 292. Sully vifits him at Thouars, and difconcerts his Ichemes, 301. His death, 303 Turks Turky, they carry on a war in Hungary, ii. 362. The Grand Seignior’s embafly to Henry IV. the magnificent titles they give him, 378. Conti- nuation of their war in Hungary, 413, iii 64. See Rodolphus, Mercoeur, &c. They give fuccour to the Moors in Spain, iv. 316. Montglat fent ambaf- fador to this court, 442. The grand defign, fo far as it relates to them, v. 139. Political Defign, Mahomet III. Achmet, Conllantinople V. VAflendonck, the Spaniards driven from this place by the Prince of Orange, iii. 74 Vair (William Du-) counfellor of the parliament, his opinion for the hereditary fuceeffion of the crown, L 310 Valentia (the council of), edi£t agaiall duels, iv. too. M m 2 Valentis INDEX. Valentia in Spain, an infurredion there, upon account of the expulfion of the Moors, iv. gij Valentinian III. Sully’s opinion of this Emperor, v. 117 Valette (Bernard de Nogaretde La-) admiral of France, particulars of his life, and of his government, in Pauphine : killed at the fiege of Rcquebiune, i. 265 Varenne (William-Fouquet de La-) imprudently fent by Henry IV. to Mandoce, i. 335. Particulars re- lating to his fortune : a bon mot upon this fubjeift, ib. Services done by him to the Princefs Catherine, ii. 98. Henry IV. recommends the Duchefs of Beaufort to his care, 281. His letters to Henry IV. and to Sully upon the tragical death of this lady, 285. Henry’s affeftion for him, 372. He is em- ployed in arrefting the Marfhal Biron and Auvergne, iii. 23. He is fent by Henry IV. to the Marchio- nefs of Verneuil, 322. He is deputed by Henry IV. to Queen Margaret, iv. 44. His letters to Sully during the expedition to Sedan, r 38. Gives infor- mation to Henry IV. of the plots of the Spaniards againfthis perfon, 332, 82. This prince fends him to vifit Sully the day he was murdered, 458. His fpeech to the Jefuits upon the death of this prince, 477. Sent by the Queen-mother to Sully, v. 15 Vaucelas (Andrew de Cocbefilet, Earl of) fent by Sully to the Queen of England, iii. 190. Difco- vers in Spain the plots of the Queen’s party, againlfc the life of Henry IV. and informs him of it, iv. 332 Velafque (John Ferdinand de) Conlfable of Caftile, fent ambafiador extraordinary from ' pain to Lon- don, iii. 132. Plots againft Henry IV. 201. Em- ployed to conclude the affair of thirty per cent. 346. Concludes, at London, the agreement betwixt Spain and England, 349. Henry IV.’s reception aud con- verfation with him at Paris, 358 Vendome (Casfar de Bourbon, Duke of), fon of Henry IV- and the fair Gabriella, legitimated, ii. 31 De- fign of giving him the fovereignty of Franche- Comte, 41. He is made governor of La-Fete, 74. Betrothed w Mademoifelle de Mercceur, 173. Dif- Fculties I N D E X. Acuities in accomplifhing his marriage with Made- moifelle de Mttcceur, iv. 279. He accufes Sully of oppofing his legitimation, 371. Henry IV. recon- ciles him with Sully and Rofny, 433. His appre- henfions of the plots againft this prince, 461 Venice no longer concerned in farming the revenues, ii. 240. The reception and prefents made us am- bafiador, 379. Unites with the Grifons againft Spain, iii. 58. Valteline.. Sully’s conference with the Venetian refident at London, 123. Its advantage in the execution of the great defign, 179. See Po- litical Defign. Their great veneration for a luit of armour given by Henry IV. to their refident, 209. The intereft they had in the affair of Valteline, 367. . See Fuentes. Prefents given by Henry IV. to its anibaffador, iv. 1 y.. Confederacy between France and this republic, 336. They join the deputation fent this prince by the German princes affembled at Hall, 423. See Cleves. Bullion named for this embaffy, 442; • The grand defign fo far as it regards this republic, v. 140, i6cr Ventadour (Anne de Levis, Duke of) made prifoner before Cambrai, i. 79. His fuccefs againft the league in Languedoc, ii. joi. He intercedes with Henry IV. for the Count of Auvergne, iii. 35. Sully ca- lumniated upon account of his friendfhip for him, 416. Debts of the King to him difeharged, iv. 12. He complains of Sully, 267 Vere (Colonel), the Earl of Northumberland gives* him a blow upon the face, iii. 202 Verneuil (Henry de Bourbon, Duke of), the king gives hint the bilhopric of Metz : the difficulties raifed by the Pope upon this occafion, iv, 289. Particulars of his life, ib. Verneuil (Catherine Henrietta de Balzac d’Entragues, Marchionefs of) miflrefs of Henry IV. the begin- ning of her amours with this prince, ii. 291. Her charaifter, ib. Her artifice to make him give her a promife of marriage, 298. She follows him to the campaign of Savoy, 320. Is delivered of a dead child, ib. She procures to the Count of Auvergne M m 3 pardon INDEX. pardon and liberty, Hi. 34. Henry gives her the caftle of Verneuil, 59, and legitimates the children he had by her, 6c. >SVr Verneuil (Henry de Bour- bon, Duke of). Her hatred of Sully, whom Henry fupports in oppofition to her, 212. Prefents which fhe receives from this prince, 231. Her plots with the malecontents, 268. Her unequal and bad tem- per, 311. Henry reproaches her in his letters : fhe haughtily refufes to deliver him his promife of mar- riage, Hi'. 273. Her converfation agreeable to the King, 274. Henry will not allow of her quitting France, 321. Anecdotes upon this fubjeif, ib. She makes the King pardon Auvergne and Entragues, and diftates her own conditions, 319. Caufes of her hatred to Sully, 409. Other quarrels between the King, Qtmen, and her, iv. 240. Her children by the King, 255. This prince communicates to Sully his uneafinefs upon her account, 261. Her fon made bifhop of Metz, 289 Vic (Dominique de) defeats d’Aumale, and attacks St Denis, i. 260. Vice-admiral of France, ii. 156. Appointed to treat with the Swifs ambaffadors, iii. 58, 76. His refentment of the affront offered by the vice-admiral of England, roo. Ambaffador to the Grifons, 369. Approves of Sally's advice for the expedition to Sedan, iv. 128, 87. Demolifhes the fort of Rebuy, 212. Admitted into the public council of the Queen-regent, v. 23. His death oc- calioned by his grief for the lofs of Henry IV. ih. Villars (Andrew de Brancas) Admiral ofFrance, makes preparations for the defence of Rouen againff Henry IV. i. 223. His vigorous defence of this city, 227, tic. Suliy endeavours to begin a negociation with him, but does not fucceed, 230. ■SVe Font (La-), Other great actions of this governor, which obliges Henry to raife the fiege, 242. Refufes a challenge from the Earl of Eflex, 244. The beginning of Sully’s negociation with him, 339. Broke off, 342. Refumed, 343. Character of this governor, 34^. The conditions of his treaty with the King, 358. liis rage againft Sully, 362. Commands the King’s forces INDEX. forces in Picardy, H 42. His bravery before Dour- lens, 49. He is killed, 51. Examen of his beha- viour upon this occafion, ib. See Bouillon. Henry’s great grief for his death, 60. Villeroi (Nicolas de Neufville de), minifter of ftate : he makes propofals from the league to Henry IV. i. 257. One of the chief of the third party, 281. His real fentiments of the league, of Spain, and of Hen- ry IV. 292. Other conditions offered by him to Henry IV. from the league, 301. Rejefted, 303. He oppofes Sully’s entrance into the council of the finances, ii. 104. Difappointed of being made grand mailer of the ordnance, 158. Defends Picardy, 170. Advifes Henry IV. againft marrying again, 196. Manages foreign affairs, 227. The fum he received for his treaty, 234. One of the commifficners for the marriage of Henry IV. with Mary of Medicis, 301, and for the marquifate of Saluces, 310. Op- pcfes Sully during the campaign of Savoy, 339. Summoned to the fecret council held at Blois, for arrefting the heads of the feditious, iii. 9. Attends the King to Metz, 67. Summoned to the council in which Sully receives his inftrudlions for his embaffy to London, 90. Sully’s fufpicions of his clerk, upon occalion of fome of his difpatches being loft, 189. Endeavours to ruin Sully in the affair of Meffre-de- camp, 401 His hatred to this miniffer, 407. Com- pofes the public inlhudtions given to Sully for the affembly of Chatelleraut, iv. 36. Letters between them during the continuance of this affembly, 68, Other letters between tlvm during the expedition to Sedan, 132. Concludes the treaty with Bouillon: Sully’s complaints of him upon this occafion, 138. Plenty fends him 10 do bufinefs at Sully’s houfe, 18 1, 89. His fentiments upon the law upon lliip- wrecks, 203. Employed in the truce between Spain and the Dutch. 308. Favours the Spanifh policy in oppofition to the defigns of Henry IV. 335. This prince’s diffidence of him: and conceals from him the advices he receives of plots againft his perfisn, 340, INDEX. 340. Infpircs the Queen-regent with a policy quite oppofite to that of : lenry the Great, with regard to the houfe of Auftria, the Duke of Savoy, and the other allies of the crown, v. 36. Endeavours to ruin Sully, 38. He is affronted by the Duke of Ne-- vers and the nobles, and advifes the Queen-regent to recal Sully from Montrond, 72. Gratuities whicu he receives from her, 81 Yilliers a Proteftant minifler, the Prince of Orange in-- forms him of the intended .treachery at Antwerp, i. 83 Vitry (Lewis de L’Hopital de) employed in the con-- verfion of Henrv IV. i. 315. Surrenders Meaux to the King, 342. Hts fpeech to the Duke of Ma'i- enne, ib. He promotes the treaty with Villars, 358, 75. Attends the King to the campaign of Eranche-- Comte, ii. 59. The fum of money he received for his treaty,. 234. He arrefts Marfhal Siron, iii. 23,. 312. Services rendered by him to the itate, upon the death of Henry the Great, iv 462, &c. His great grief upon this occaGon. The advice he gave to Sully, v. 12 Univerfity of Paris, its procefs againft the Jefuits, i. 394. It oppofes the recal of this fociety, iii. 348 W Ales (Prince of) his charafter, iii. 116’. Prefents made him by Sully. 193. His fondnefs for Henry IV. iv. 172. Henry’s defign of marrying his eldeft daughter to him, .336 ■Weftminfter (palace of), Sully receives here his audi- ence of leave of the King of England, iii. 191 Wirtemberg (Duke of.) no longer concerned in farm- ing the revenues, ii. 240. Henry’s politenefs to his ambaffador, iii. 364. Sully accufed of holding a criminal correfpondence with him, 417. Henry IV. protedis him, iv. 179 YVymmes (Thomas) governor of Dover, his brutality to Sully, iii. 101 ■ Zamet INDEX Z. ZAmet (Sebaftian) makes propofah to Henry IV., from the league, 1. 257. Of great ufe in the converfion ef Henry IV. 314. it. 106. Henry re- commends the Duchefs of Beaufort to him, 283. who is taken ill at his houfe, and dies, 285. Parti- culars relating to his fortune and family,ii. Henry’s affeftion for him, 3/2. He employs him to accom- modate matters betwixt the Count of Soiflbns and Sully, Hi. 21$. Grants made him by this prince, iv. 167, 87, and debts which he pays him, 218. Sul- ly vifits the Queen-regent along with him, v. 75 Zamet the younger advifes Henry IV. of the plots Spain againft bis perfon, iv. 332. y 1 n i s. t wn r 7. a . .. n-.-v. . ■ ■ ’ ■ ; .. A ■ : • i . I » ^ . £ .»/ > u \i ;iiii y-J mi.< s'-- ; i - . .T ,frid f ■' ?' ’ C • £ .?# iC ■ i w*- *• _ 1- - • /_ I >: t \ ■ » ' ••x: r«: f t .^r r. P'.:" xv. :1 v^>:'-; : : . . > ; .>-7 •-v*. ■rM 'jr,, ■ ■ /? V ■ 'A / ' '