The Life and Mentorship of Confucius
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SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 72 May, 1996 The Life and Mentorship of Confucius by E. Bruce Brooks Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series edited by Victor H. Mair. The purpose of the series is to make available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor actively encourages younger, not yet well established, scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including Romanized Modern Standard Mandarin (MSM) and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. 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Issues from no. 1 to no. 170, however, will continue to be sold as paper copies until our stock runs out, after which they too will be made available on the Web at www.sino-platonic.org. _______________________________________________ The Life and Mentorship ofConfucius Sino-Platonic Papers 72 (May 1996) The Life and Mentorship of Confucius E Bruce Brooks University ofMassachusetts at Amherst It is obvious that the accooot ofConfucius in Shr Jl ~ ~c (SJ) 47 is in part mythological; the placement ofthe Confucius chapter in the series ofSJ ruler lineages rather than individuals suggests as much. It is less clear how one should proceed to work backward to a more credible account. So harmless a detail as the number ofhis disciples turns outto be surprisingly difficult to state. An official figure would seem to be given by the statues in the Temple ofConfucius, but this inventory too has its variant forms. Early text sources ~ive conflicting infonnation, with the numbers 70 and 72 both mentioned. This problem may be connected with the question of Confucius's age at his death, where again accounts vary, over the range 70, 72, and 73. A seasoned investigator may suspect that one of these categories (number of disciples, age at death) is emblematic forth'e other, but which for which? The number 72, which turns up in both problems, is numerologically attractive (for one thing, 23 x 32 = 8 x 9 = 72), suggesting that there may be a drift toward certain numbers. But 70 also has claims. It is in fact hard to find a number wholly without numerological interest, as witness the famous story - famous among mathematicians! - ofRamanujan and 1729. In this uncertain situation, how can we detect the direction ofan evolution from a possibly real number toward a probably symbolic number? The age of Confucius is in tum connected with the birthdate of Confucius, in which problem eclipses of the soo, both real and imaginary, seem to be involved. From a calendrological perspective, a possible connection with the five 72-day periods into which the Chinese solar year is divided (5 x 72 = 360) suggests itself. These multiple contacts with astral symbolism might well lead a rational investigator to abandon the problem altogether. There,is nevertheless a reason to continue. Ifanything definite about Confucius can after all be extracted from the meager evidence, it would add to our knowledge ofa major figure, and perhaps indicate the pressures that were brought to bear on the historical Confucius image to create from it the emblematic Confucius image ofHim and afterward. The present study will make this attempt, taking as a first focus the question ofthe disciples. In the course ofpursuing this goal, it will also become necessary to consider such matters as Confucius's ancestors, the number and longevity ofhis successors (beginning with Dz-sz T I~\)' and the evidential value ofsome ofthe text sources, notably the KilngdZ Jya-yW fLT~m. For the dates ofother texts, I will here assume the suggestions in Sino-Platonic Papers #46 (1994), some ofthem as refined in The Original Analects (for these and other citations, see the final list ofWorks Cited). I am grateful to my colleague A Taeko Brooks for her contribution to the long program ofjoint research on whose results I have freely drawn in the present study. For segmentation and dating ofthe Analects and other texts here cited, see Brooks Prospects and Brooks Original (short citations ofthese and other works, in the fonn Author Surname Title Keyword, are expanded in the list ofWorks Cited). These conclusions are the starting point for the present paper. Spellings ofChinese words are in the Common Alphabetic system (consonants as in English, vowels in Italian, plus re as in "cat,", vas in "cut," r as in "bird," z as in "adz," and yw (after n- or 1-, simply w) for the "umlaut u" vowel sound. This convention, which is compatible with the unproblematic one long in use for Japanese, and which is capable ofextension to other modern and premodern fonns ofChinese, is recommended herewith to the consideration ofboth scholars and teachers. Years BC are given with a zero prefix, as "0320," years AD simply as the number. This culturally neutral fonn is recommended, over the alternates BC and BCE (and their even more overt equivalents in French and other modem languages), in the interest ofa more inclusive international dialogue. 1 The Life and Mentorship ofConfucius Sino-Platonic Papers 72 (May 1996) 1: The Analects Disciples It will be useful to begin with the Analects, by general agreement the most authentic source for the historical Confucius. It contains no early, that is, no 05c, statement about the size ofthe group around Confucius. Waley (Analects 19) notes that "in the Analects some twenty people figure, who might possibly be regarded as disciples, in so far as they are represented as addressing questions to Confucius." From the Analects material as a whole, we should deduct those questioners who are rulers or members ofthe other great clans ofLu, since these may well reflect an aggrandizing tendency in the mYth ofConfucius's official importance in his lifetime. Ifin addition we limit ourselves to those portions ofthe Analects which, on the accretional view ofthe text here adopted, were composed within living memory ofConfucius, namely LY 4-6, we get a modest but suggestive initial count ofprobably genuine disciples: LY 4 (c0479). Assuming that the accretional account of this text is correct, the sixteen noninterpolated sayings in this chapter (LY 4:1-14, 16-17) are the only material which closely reflects the historical Confucius. It is noteworthy that in these possibly genuine sayings no disciples are named, and no contact between disciples is implied. The sayings are remarks such as might have been made, on separate occasions, to a single hearer, and the sayings themselves give no clue to the identity ofthat hearer or hearers. They thus do not collectively imply the existence ofa Confucian "school" in the sense ofan organized learning experience for more than one person. Such a "school" is implied in the early posthumous chapters LY 5-6, but it is doubtful ifwe are justified in assuming a similar organization during the lifetime ofConfucius. What the LY 4 sayings do imply is an intense concern for principled, even honorable, conduct both in and out ofoffice, not for virtue in any abstract sense, or with personal morality as such. The sayings might easiiy have been addressed by a senior mentor to a young aspirant to office, and some ofthem, notably the first group, 4:1-7, only make sense on such an assumption. On this evidence, we should substitute, at least for the LY 4 material, a mentor/protege picture for the master/disciple one with which readers typically approach the Analects. LY 5 (c0473). Here for the frrst time we find a group ofpersons engaged in conversation, and even rivalry, with each other.