Government Formation in Multi-Level Settings Comparative Territorial Politics
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Presentation by Chunta Aragonesista (CHA) on the Situation of the Aragonese Minority Languages (Aragonese and Catalan)
Presentation by Chunta Aragonesista (CHA) on the situation of the Aragonese minority languages (Aragonese and Catalan) European Parliament Intergroup on Traditional Minorities, National Communities and Languages Strasbourg, 24 May 2012 Aragon is one of the historical nations on which the current Spanish State was set up. Since its origins back in the 9 th century in the central Pyrenees, two languages were born and grew up on its soil: Aragonese and Catalan (the latter originated simultaneously in Catalonia as well as in some areas that have always belonged to Aragon). Both languages expanded Southwards from the mountains down to the Ebro basin, Iberian mountains and Mediterranean shores in medieval times, and became literary languages by their use in the court of the Kings of Aragon, who also were sovereigns of Valencia, Catalonia and Majorca. In the 15 th century a dynastic shift gave the Crown of Aragon to a Castilian prince. The new reigning family only expressed itself in Castilian language. That fact plus the mutual influences of Castilian and Aragonese through their common borders, as well as the lack of a strong linguistic awareness in Aragon facilitated a change in the cultural trends of society. From then on the literary and administrative language had to be Castilian and the old Aragonese and Catalan languages got relegated in Aragon mostly to rural areas or the illiterate. That process of ‘glottophagy’ or language extinction sped up through the 17 th and 18 th centuries, especially after the conquest of the country by the King Philip of Bourbon during the Spanish War of Succession and its annexation to Castile. -
The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years*
■ Assaig] ENTREMONS. UPF JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY Barcelona ﺍ Universitat Pompeu Fabra Número 6 (juny 2014) www.entremons.org The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years* Enric UCELAY-DA CAL (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) abstract The following essay examines the political development in Spain and Greece between the World War I and World War II, comparing these two Mediterranean countries and placing them in a broader European and global context. The conflict between the supporters of monarchy and republic as forms of government was extremely important in the political debate in both countries, and shaped their history in a quite remarkable way. The discussion of these intricate dynamics will help to appreciate the problems that Spain and Greece faced at that time, and can also contribute to a deeper understanding of some key features of the historical change in these two countries. resumen El siguiente ensayo examina el desarrollo político en España y Grecia en el período entre la Primera y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, comparando estos dos países mediterráneos y situándolos en un contexto europeo y global más amplio. El conflicto entre los partidarios de la monarquía y la república como formas de gobierno fue muy importante en el debate político de ambos países, influyendo en su historia de una manera muy notable. La discusión de estas dinámicas complicadas ayudará a apreciar mejor los problemas a los que España y Grecia se enfrentaban en ese momento, contribuyendo asimismo a una comprensión más profunda de algunas de las características clave del cambio histórico en estos dos países. -
7 Aquí Y Ahora
7 aquí y ahora Elecciones en Navarra. Zapatero decide Sabino Cuadra Lasarte En la novela Cien años de soledad, de Gabriel García Márquez, una comisión de políticos se presentó ante el coronel Aureliano Buendía para fijar los cambios a in- troducir en las bases políticas por las que se había estado luchando hasta entonces: “Pedían, en primer término, renunciar a la revisión de los títulos de propiedad de la tierra, para recuperar el apoyo de los terratenientes liberales. Pedían, en segundo término, renun- ciar a la lucha contra la influencia clerical para obtener el respaldo del pueblo católico. Pe- dían, por último, renuncia a las aspiraciones de la igualdad de derechos de los hijos naturales y los legítimos para preservar la integridad de los hogares. - Quiere decir -sonrió el coronel Aureliano Buendía cuando terminó la lectura- que sólo estamos luchando por el poder. - Son reformas tácticas -replicó uno de los delegados-. Por ahora, lo esencial es ensanchar la base popular de la guerra. Después veremos”. Navarra, cuestión de Estado. Miguel Sanz, pico de oro donde los haya, presi- dente del gobierno de Navarra y de UPN (Unión del Pueblo Navarro, franquicia foral del del PP), afirmó contundente, en Azagra, Navarra, en noviembre de 2006: “Hay que estar en un estado etílico alto para hacer afirmaciones como que el destino de Navarra lo decidirán los navarros, cosa que dice el PSN. Esto sólo satisface a los ingenuos”. El Amejoramiento del Fuero, actual Estatuto de Autonomía de Navarra cuyo 25 aniversario se cumplió el pasado agosto, se forjó en una negociación con el gobierno de UCD de la que se excluyó a un tercio de la representación parlamentaria navarra: agrupaciones populares, Herri Batasuna, ORT.. -
EAJ-Pnvk Dio, Irmo Eta Tinko, NAFARROA BAI
Iruñea, MAYO 2008 MAIATZA L.G. NA-3474/02 Periódico nacionalista fundado en 1924 (2ª época) Nº 73 EAJ-PNVk dio, irmo eta tinko, NAFARROA BAI Para EAJ-PNV, NAFARROA BAI es una oportuni- de actitudes partidarias cortoplacistas, el proyecto de dad histórica que las fuerzas nacionalistas y de progreso NAFARROA BAI pueda plantearse como un proyecto tenemos para, desde planteamientos de pluralidad ideo- de largo recorrido. lógica, propiciar y potenciar la convivencia entre la ciudadanía de Navarra. Unidos para apostar de forma clara y firme por que sean los navarros y las navarras quienes decidan sobre su futuro. Desde EAJ-PNV queremos recordar que NAFA- RROA BAI tiene sólo 5 años de recorrido, de trayectoria. Es, por lo tanto, un proyecto joven, que va madurando y creciendo, haciendo camino al andar. En un proyecto de estas características, donde hemos confluido cuatro partido con trayectorias y culturas políticas diferentes, además de los independientes, es dificultoso el encaje de todas las piezas que lo conforman. Pero todos noso- tros y nosotras, por responsabilidad y por perspectiva histórica y de futuro, hemos de superar las diferencias partidarias en favor de un proyecto que aglutine a una parte muy importante de la sociedad navarra, ilusionada con esta apuesta de cambio. En EAJ-PNV somos conscientes de las necesidades AJk apustu argia eta irmoa egin du que la actualidad vigente genera, como es la necesidad NAFARROA BAI koalizioaren alde. de hacer un debate para alcanzar acuerdos que doten a EHasiera hasieratik argi eta garbi ikusi la coalición de un esquema organizativo, para procurar, dugu gisa honetako batasun baten beharra, partiendo de los 4 partidos, una organización moderna, Nafarroak hala eskatzen baitzuen eta horixe operativa y participativa, que de cauce y participación egiaztatu baita azken hiru hauteskundeetan. -
El Sentido Del Voto Según El Tipo De Elección
Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Empresariales Grado en Economía 2016/2017 Trabajo de Fin de Grado EL SENTIDO DEL VOTO SEGÚN EL TIPO DE ELECCIÓN: ANÁLISIS COMPARATIVO Presentado por: Beatriz Barrocal Sánchez Tutor Académico: Miguel Martínez Panero Valladolid, 24/02/2017 RESUMEN Este trabajo estudia la escisión de voto ocurrida cuando un elector (o el electorado en conjunto) decide repartir sus votos entre diversos candidatos en elecciones a distintas instituciones (elecciones multinivel) cuando estas son simultáneas o próximas en el tiempo. Además, se tratan otros sucesos de escisión de voto inherentes a los sistemas electorales estadounidense, francés y alemán. Se exponen diferentes modelos que aparecen en la literatura y su relación con el comportamiento electoral. El estudio comparativo se centra en el caso español, donde se realizan distintos análisis de correlación entre datos obtenidos en convocatorias al Congreso/Senado, Parlamento Nacional/Europeo, así como en elecciones Nacionales/Municipales. En cada caso se realiza un análisis paralelo por partidos de votos recibidos y escaños asignados. Así mismo, se cuantifica el número de votos válidos y la abstención diferencial. Se puede constatar a la vista de los resultados que hay distintos factores que propician la escisión de voto, tales como: la diferencia de los sistemas de votación empleados, el trasvase de voto hacia partidos de ideología similar (produciéndose incluso el llamado “efecto alerón”), asumir las elecciones como de primer y segundo orden, además del uso en España -
Revisiting the Populist Challenge
ARTICLES 5 Revisiting the Populist Challenge HANSPETER KRIESI* Abstract This essay makes another attempt to clarify the concept of populism and to discuss its causes and consequences. It argues that, at its core, the concept of populism refers to an ‘ideology,’ i.e. a set of beliefs about how democracy works and how it ought to work. It links this core concept to other, related notions of populism, which it considers complementary rather than competing. Given its intimate links to the promises of democracy, populism thrives in times of political and economic crises. In addition, it is facilitated by the way the media operate in contemporary democracies. The political crisis provides an opportunity for populists to point to the broken promises of democracy and to mobilize in the name of ‘the people’ who have gone unrepresented by the mainstream po- litical forces. Finally, the electoral mobilization by populists may have a corrective democratic effect, and populists in power do not seem to put democracy in danger as long as they have to cooperate in coalition governments with mainstream parties which are electorally more important. It is in (qua- si) majoritarian systems where populists gain power as the dominant force that they pose a threat to liberal democracy. Keywords: populism; concepts; crisis of representation; mediatization; populists in power; ideology; polit- ical strategy; communication strategy DOI: 10.5817/PC2018-1-5 1. Introduction We are living in a time when the term ‘populism’ has become a buzzword that is used by almost everyone in almost every conceivable situation. The concept has never been known for its exceptional clarity and academics have rather characterized it as ‘slippery’, ‘chame- leonic’ or worse. -
Second-Order Elections: Everyone, Everywhere? Regional and National Considerations in Regional Voting
Liñeira, R. (2016) Second-order elections: everyone, everywhere? Regional and national considerations in regional voting. Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 46(4), pp. 510- 538. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/219966/ Deposited on: 15 July 2020 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Second-order Elections: Everyone, Everywhere? Regional and National Considerations in Regional Voting Robert Liñeira University of Edinburgh [email protected] Abstract: Vote choice in regional elections is commonly explained as dependent on national politics and occasionally as an autonomous decision driven by region-specific factors. However, few arguments and little evidence have been provided regarding the determinants that drive voters’ choices to one end or the other of this dependency-autonomy continuum. In this article we claim that contextual and individual factors help to raise (or lower) the voters’ awareness of their regional government, affecting the scale of considerations (national or regional) they use to cast their votes at regional elections. Using survey data from regional elections in Spain, we find that voters’ decisions are more autonomous from national politics among the more politically sophisticated voters, among those who have stronger feelings of attachment to their region, and in those contexts in which the regional incumbent party is different from the national one. In their landmark article Reif and Schmitt (1980) drew a distinction between first and second- order elections. -
Organizational Change in Office-Seeking Anti-Political
Adapt, or Die! Organizational Change in Office-Seeking Anti- Political Establishment Parties Paper for Presentation at the Annual General Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association in Winnipeg, Manitoba, June 3-5, 2004. Amir Abedi, Ph.D. Dr. Steffen Schneider Department of Political Science Collaborative Research Center 597 – Western Washington University Transformations of the State 516 High Street, MS-9082 University of Bremen Bellingham, WA 98225-9082 P.B. 33 04 40 USA 28334 Bremen Germany Tel.: +1-360-650 4143 +49-421-218 8715 Fax: +1-360-650-2800 +49-421-218 8721 [email protected] [email protected] Draft version – not to be quoted – comments welcome I Introduction Over the last few years, the entry of radical right-wing parties into national governments in Austria, Italy and the Netherlands has made headlines around the world and sparked debates on the impact that the government participation of these formations might have on policy- making, political cultures and system stability in the affected countries (Hainsworth, 2000; Holsteyn and Irwin, 2003; Kitschelt, 1995; Luther, 2003; Minkenberg, 2001). There has been much less discussion about the effects of government participation on radical right-wing parties themselves. After all, they tend to portray themselves as challengers of the political establishment up to the moment of joining coalitions with their mainstream competitors. In this, they are comparable to new politics, left-libertarian or green parties, which began their life as challengers of the establishment as well but have joined national governments in Belgium, Finland, France, Germany and Italy over the last decade (Müller-Rommel, 1998; Taggart, 1994). -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
Document Downloaded From: the Final Publication Is Available At
Document downloaded from: http://hdl.handle.net/10459.1/67539 The final publication is available at: https://doi.org/10.1075/lplp.00045.tor © John Benjamins Publishing, 2019 The Legal Rights of Aragonese-Speaking Schoolchildren: The Current State of Aragonese Language Teaching in Aragon (Spain) Aragon is an autonomous community within Spain where, historically, three languages are spoken: Aragonese, Catalan, and Castilian Spanish. Both Aragonese and Catalan are minority and minoritised languages within the territory, while Castilian Spanish, the majority language, enjoys total legal protection and legitimation. The fact that we live in the era of the nation-state is crucial for understanding endangered languages in their specific socio-political context. This is why policies at macro-level and micro-level are essential for language maintenance and equality. In this article, we carry out an in-depth analysis of 57 documents: international and national legal documents, education reports, and education curricula. The aims of the paper are: 1) to analyse the current state of Aragonese language teaching in primary education in Aragon, and 2) to suggest solutions and desirable policies to address the passive bilingualism of Aragonese- speaking schoolchildren. We conclude that the linguistic diversity of a trilingual autonomous community is not reflected in the real life situation. There is also a need to Comentado [FG1]: Syntax unclear, meaning ambiguous implement language policies (bottom-up and top-down initiatives) to promote compulsory education in a minoritised language. We therefore propose a linguistic model that capitalises all languages. This study may contribute to research into Aragonese- Comentado [FG2]: Letters can be capitalized, but not languages. -
UC Berkeley Working Papers
UC Berkeley Working Papers Title Germany 1994 : the year of elections Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3n00x0hz Author Glaser, Ulrich Publication Date 1994 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California /f7 i/]0. ^ ///^,/f^ Germany 1994: The Year of Elections Ulrich Glaser University of Erlangen-Nurnberg Germany Working Paper 94-14 INSTITUTE OF GOVERNMENTAL STUDIES LIBRARY DEC 0 1994 university ofCALIFGRWI;^ ICS INSTITUTE OF GOVERNMENTAL STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT BERKELEY Germany 1994: The Year of Elections Ulrich iGlaser University of Er4-aCfigen-Nurnberg Germany Working Paper 94-14 Working Papers published by the Institute of Governmental Studies provide quick dissemination of draft reports and papers, preliminary analysis, and papers with a limited audience. The objective is to assist authors in refining their ideas by circulating research results and to stimulate discussion about public policy. Working Papers are reproduced unedited directly from the author's pages. GERMANY 1994: THE YEAR OF ELECTIONS Ulrich Glaser University of Erlangen-Nxirnberg Hofmannstrasse 15 91052 Erlangen Tel. 09131-209334 Fax. 04131-862717 Harris Seminar Institute of Governmental Studies University of California at Berkeley 3/22/1994 T. Introductory Remarks Since I do not believe in the predictive powers of Political Science (and even less in my predictive powers), most of what my remarks will to be rather general comments on the current German situation, on the German party system and on the recent and upcoming elections. 1994 will be a record setting year in German electoral history: Never have there been that many elections in one year. Of course there are different levels of importance, but since the most ' important elections; the vote for the federal parleuaent (the "Bundestag") takes place at the very end, All the other elections are taken as predictors of the things to cbme. -
National and Subnational Democracy in Spain: History, Models and Challenges
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital.CSIC 2010 Working Paper 07 INSTITUTO DE POLÍTICAS Y BIENES PÚBLICOS (IPP) NATIO N AL A N D SUB N ATIO N AL DEMOCRACY IN SPAI N : HI S TORY , MODEL S A N D CH ALLE N GE S ELOÍ S A DEL PI N O CSIC-Ins TITUTE OF PUBLIC GOOD S A N D POLICIE S CÉ S AR COLI N O UNED-FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIE N CE A N D S OCIOLOGY INSTITUTO DE POLÍTICAS Y BIENES PÚBLICOS, CCHS-CSIC Copyright ©2010, Del Pino, E. & Colino, C.. All Rights reserved. Do not quote or cite without permission from the author. Instituto de Políticas y Bienes Públicos Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas C/ Albasanz, 26-28. 28037 Madrid (España) Tel: +34 91 602 2300 Fax: +34 91 304 5710 http://www.ipp.csic.es/ The working papers are produced by Spanish National Research Council – Institute of Public Goods and Policies and are to be circulated for discussion purposes only. Their contents should be considered to be preliminary. The papers are expected to be published in due course, in a revised form and should not be quoted without the authors´ permission. How to quote or cite this document: Del Pino, E. & Colino, C. (2010). National and Subnational Democracy in Spain: History, Models and Challenges. Instituto de Políticas y Bienes Públicos (IPP), CCHS-CSIC, Working Paper, Number 7. Available: http://hdl.handle.net/10261/24408 2010 Working Paper 07 INSTITUTO DE POLÍTICAS Y BIENES PÚBLICOS (IPP) NATIO N AL A N D SUB N ATIO N AL DEMOCRACY IN SPAI N : HI S TORY , MODEL S A N D CH ALLE N GE S ELOÍ S A DEL PI N O CSIC-Ins TITUTE OF PUBLIC GOOD S A N D POLICIE S ELOI S A .DELPI N O @CC hs .C S IC .E S CÉ S AR COLI N O UNED-FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIE N CE A N D SOCIOLOGY CCOLI N O @POLI .U N ED .E S *A reduced version of this working paper will be published as “Spain: Strong Regional Government and the Limits of Local Decentralization”, in The Oxford Handbook of Subnational Democracy in Europe, Oxford: Oxford University Press.