German Political Refugees in the United States During the Period from 1815— 1860

Home , Anzeiger des Westens, Friedrich Hassaurek, Karl Heinzen, Ludwig Bamberger, Oswald Ottendorfer, Reinhold Solger

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German Political Refugees

In the United States during the Period

From 1815^1860,

BY ERNEST BRUNCKEN, MILWAUKEE.

Special Print from “Deutach-Amerikanische Ueschichtsbiatter.”

1904.

PUBLISHED BY:

R AND E RESEARCH ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS AND DISTRIBUTORS OF ETHNIC STUDIES 4843 MISSION STREET SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA AND i858i McFarland avenue SARATOGA, CALIFORNIA PUBLISHER, ROBERT D. REED EDITOR, ADAM S. ETEROVICH

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER

/ 0-754

REPRINT SAN FRANCISCO CALIFORNIA

1970

German Political Refugees In the United States during the Period from 1815— 1860. By Ernest Bruncken.

CHAPTER I. developing of the American people. This class is that of the political exiles, com- Introduction. prising not only those who were com- The population of the five states devel- pelled to leave their native land to escape oped out of the old territory northwest punishment for political offenses, but also of the Ohio, and in a less degree of many many who voluntarily expatriated them- other states in all sections of the Union, selves on account of dissatisfaction with contains a very large element of German the political conditions prevailing at birth or recent descent. The admixture home.

of this Teutonic element differs in im- The political refugees were mostly men portance in the different states, as well as of considerable intelligence and educa- in different portions of each state. Sta- tion, of enthusiastic and energetic tem- tistics, which of necessity show only the peraments, and, moreover, men with bare numbers of those immigrated from ideals to which they were ready to devote German countries, with their immediate their activities, as was proven by the fact descendants, are quite inadequate as a itself that they had risked their homes, basis for estimating the influence of this their possessions, and in many cases their element on the development and history liberty and^ lives in order to change the of these sections, for the reason that political condition of their country. Their many other factors besides numbers enter presence on this side of the Atlantic acted into the problem. Still, the census fig- on the inert mass of their countrymen in ures are of importance, and it will appear the United States like a leaven to give a

that the three states which have the higher and more varied life. This effect largest proportion of Teutonic inhabit- was shown first within the body of the ants, to wit: Wisconsin, Ohio and Illi- German residents themselves. Soon the nois, show the strongest and most numer- new vigor began to exercise its influence ous traces of German influence. 1 on the other elements of population, espe- Among the German immigrants of cially in the field of politics. Particu- these states, who arrived in this country larly, when the slavery question became between the years 1815 and i860, there a burning issue, the re-alignment of par- was a class, small in proportion to the ties after the rise of Republicanism was total number of arrivals, but of peculiar determined to a considerable degree by importance to the understanding of the the refugees, who by that time had be- part played by the German element in the come the leaders of a great part of the

*) An attempt at estimating1 the number of Germans and their descendants living in the United States is made by Theodore Poesche in Eickhoff’* “Aus der Neuen Heimath”, pfage 130. "Mr. Vbescne was ior many years statistican in the treasury department at Wash- ington, and is also a well-known writer on ethnologicical subjects, especially on account of his volume ^he Aryans”. (See also note 61.) From the table found in the place above mentioned it appears among other things, that from 1820 to 1800, inclusive, the number of Germans who came to the United States was 1,186,376.

German voters. After the civil war, the Anglo-American and German parent during which many of the refugees dis- stocks, languished and withered long be- tinguished themselves both in the field fore they could come into flower and and the council chamber, their direct in- fruit. i fluence on public affairs gradually de- It would be a misapprehension of the clined. But during the short period of situation if one were to infer from this their ascendancy they modified pro- lack of direct and open influence that our foundly the life and attitude of the Ger- national development was in no wise man element, and thereby the character affected by the presence of so large a of the American people. Nor is it diffi- number of Germans. The mere com- cult to find their vestiges in the institu- mingling of races must of necessity have tions, social, political and religious, of a had its indirect and physiological effects. large portion of the United States. Moreover, in the economic condition of The German element in this country, the country, the German, and in particu- numerically strong thqugh it had been lar the German farmer, began at an from early colonial times, had not, exer- early date to teach by his example better cised a noticeable direct influence on the methods to his neighbor of different public life and institutions of the nation, stock. But these influences, exercised until the advent of the class which forms unconsciously, are hard to trace in detail, the subject of this essay. It was aptly and could not have prevented the Ger- compared by Friedrich Kapp to an army man element from disappearing without without officers. Almost without excep- leaving vestiges that history can record tion the German immigrants devoted with any degree of precision. It was themselves diligently and exclusively to not till the political refugees began to the bettering of their materiaj condition. furnish officers to the Teutonic host that They were largely sprang from the poor- the Germans began to play a perceptible est and most ignorant classes of the part in the struggles of American life. Fatherland. They had neither time, in- The time when this new class of immi- clination nor ability to concern them- grants first made their appearance was selves with affairs outside of their farms that of the restoration following the over, or workshops. Their descendants either throw of Napoleon. It coincides almost disappeared in the general mass of the exactly with the time when German life American people—disappeared so com- in this country was at its lowest ebb. pletely that in many cases not even their During the period from the Revolution- names remain to testify to their German ary War to the War of 1812, there was ancestry—or they kept apart from the but little immigration from Germany. As general current of the national life so en- a consequence the amalgamation of the tirely that they might as well have dwelt German residents made very rapid on another continent for all the influence progress. German churches adopted they had, directly, on the national growth English as the language of Divine serv-

and character. It is true that where the ice ; German newspapers suspended or particularly strong, German element was were changed into English ones ; in many as notably in some portions of Pennsyl- neighborhoods where for almost a cen- - vania* tnere were not lacking ctre begin tury G erma t. had been the language of nings of activities not purely private and business and familiar conversation the economic. But these germs of intellect- younger generation preferred the English ual life, separated as they were from both tongue. But very soon after general

peace had followed the disturbances of changes in the character and attitude of the Napoleonic era, a new stream of im- the political emigration. As the year migration set in. Its character was at 1848 marks an epoch in the history of

first very much like the older one. As Germany, so it did in that of the Ger- formerly, most of the immigrants were mans in this country. The most natural ignorant and poor. For at least another division of our subject will therefore be decade a large proportion of them came into the periods before and after 1848.

as redemptioners, paying for their pas- We call these men political exiles. But sage by a period of what was practically nowhere can political movements be en- slavery. The cruel abuses and scandals tirely separated from religious and social did not connected with immigrant ships agitations, and least of all is this possible re- cease until after ocean steamers had in the case of the men we speak of. Few placed the slow sailing vessels. But soon political movements were ever So largely the character of immigration changed. determined by the religious and philo- the Beginning with the third decade of sophical tenets of its promoters as the century, an increasing number of well-to- movement for German unity and free- do country people came to take up the dom. To the Radicals who landed upon fertile agricultural lands of the west. It our shores liberty meant a great deal is not the purpose, at present, to write a more than merely a certain form of gov- history of German immigration, and con- ernment and a certain system of laws. sequently the various interesting features Quite as important as these was, to and incidents of this new stream of arriv- them, the freedom of thought and belief als need not further be touched upon, ex- concerning the greatest questions of cept so far as to remind the reader that human existence. As true heirs of the the overwhelming majority of the new- generation of Kant, Fichte and Hegel, comers continued to have no purpose be- questions of metaphysics seemed to them yond the bettering of their material con- very closely related to questions of con-

dition. . stitutions. This tendency to mingle theii But for the first time, during this religion, or lack of religion, ver^ inti- period, the Teutonic army had its offi- mately with their politics, became even cers,* composed of men of superior edu- more pronounced in this country, where cation, and with purposes in mind that they found themselves strangers in a looked beyond the gaining of a good live- strange land, and for a season were cut lihood and amassing of fortunes. To off from political activity because they explain the causes of this change, a had not yet acquired citizenship. We glance at the political and social condi- will, therefore, have considerable to say tions of the will Fatherland be a neces- about the attitude of the refugees to- sary part of our inquiry. The changes wards religion and the churches. that went on there determined the The bitter enmity of the majority of the political immigrants, at least of those Editorial Note.—This is rather too coming after to every kind of eccle- broad a statement, for it sounds as if the Ger- 1848, man immigrants before 1830 had had no in- siastical organization was one of the main tellectual leaders. Certainly Pastorius, factors that have perpetuated the division Muehlenbere, and a great many other minis- the mS Germ a n popu la t i on of the Un ited Tfefs OI the~“Gospel, who came 10 this country States into three distinct camps, approxi- in ante-revolutionary times, were men of superior education, and also wielded no small mately of equal strength. These camps nfluence in political matters. may be called those of the Catholics, the

Lutherans and the Liberals. Although of leadership which they continued to based primarily on differences of re- hold among large masses of their coun- ligious belief or unbelief, this division trymen in the United States. pervades to a greater or less extent all In the eyes of a majority of the Ger- relations of life, from ordinary business man element in this country, a certain affairs to party politics, on the one hand, glamor surrounds the memory of the and social gatherings on the other. It is “Forty-eighters,” a glamor which leads as noticeable to-day as it was fifty years many Germans to over-estimate both the ago, and persists to a considerable extent personal excellence and abilities of these even among the second and third genera- men and their influence on the history of tion of Germans in America. Of course the United States. An unbiased judg- it could not truthfully be said that the ment will declare that few of them pos- refugees created these divisions; but we sessed more than a respectable mediocrity shall find that they did much to empha- of talents. But at one critical juncture size and embitter them. The effects of of our national history their influence act- these circumstances will form an im- ually dictated the direction of our devel- portant part of our subject. opment. The success of the Republican The struggle for the abolition of party in the Northwest was made possible slavery was the means of drawing the because the “Forty-eighters” had suc- greater part of the refugees who came ceeded in winning a large proportion of after 1848 away from their hopes of re- Germans into its ranks. Without this newed revolutions in the Fatherland, element, Lincoln would probably not their anti-ecclesiastical warfare, and their have been elected. Again, it was the in- dreams of an ideal state. Many of them fluence of the refugees that kept Mis- threw themselves into that struggle with souri from joining the Confederacy. an ardor equal to that with which they Here are two conspicuous instances of had struggled for the freedom of their the work of these men, which make it native country ten years before. The imperative for the student to learn to opportunity for useful and practical understand them and their work if he activity in the political field, which the would correctly understand the history anti-slavery agitation afforded, reacted of our politics. Their influence on the favorably upon the refugees themselves. institutions of those states in which their

Most of them threw off some of their power was most strongly exerted is even radicalism and adapted their views and more profound, though less easily traced. purposes to act*\*l conditions. At the Taking it all in all, their presence cannot same time they became Americanized at be ignored in a complete and accurate a much more rapid rate than before. survey of American history, no matter Having found something to do, on this how carefully the investigator may guard side of the Atlantic, that was worth do- against unjustified racial predilections. ing, they ceased to long for a renewal of revolutionary movements in Europe. CHAPTER II. When the slavery controversy and the etrH war which followed it had come to a The Sources. triumphant close, not a few of the young The material for a monograph such as revolutionists the be- from Rhine had is attempted here must be gathered from come well-balanced, moderate, but pro- a large number of scattered publications. gressive men, entirely fit for the position mostly in the German language, and not.

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as a rule, easily accessible to the majority rials, particularly on political subjects, of students. As the subject consists not were mostly from the pen of Mr. Essel- merely of definite acts of individuals and len himself. An exceptionally valuable organized bodies, but to a considerable feature was the reviews of German- extent of tendencies, opinions, and what American newspapers and other publica- may be called the intellectual atmosphere tions which appeared from time to time. in which the individuals had their being, In these will be found many notes on the

it is not always easy to assign a definite smaller and more ephemeral publications source for each statement made. The and their editors, which are not to be resulting picture of the class of men de- found anywhere else. For most of the scribed, in their relation to the general publications of this class have become aspect of American history, is of the quite inaccessible, and of many of them

nature of a composite photograph, which not even a single copy is known to exist,

will be the more accurate the greater the let alone complete files. Yet some of

number of individuals from whom it is them would be of considerable interest taken. because they were edited by men who There are two principal classes of pub- later rose to prominence. A publication " lications from which a notion of our sub- somewhat similar in scope to the At- ject can be obtained. These are the lantis but lighter in tone and more newspapers published or edited in the given to fiction and feuilleton is United States by members of the refugee “Meyer's Monatshefte” published at class, and the large number of books New York. It contains occasional ar- either written by them or in which their ticles which throw interesting lights on doings are more or less fully discussed. the subject of this discussion.

In addition to the newspapers proper, In the very long list of German books there are a few other periodicals which of travel in the United States during the will furnish a large amount of material period here considered there is hardly one for our subject. One of the most im- in which some space is not given to the portant of these is the monthly magazine condition of the Germans in the country, “Atlantis,” which was published by and incidentally thereto many references Christian Essellen, a former member of to the political exiles and their doings 2 the German parliament at Frankfurt. appear. One of the most interesting of It appeared, with some interruptions, this class for present purposes was writ- during the years 1852 to 1858, its place ten by Moritz Busch 3 title of , under the of publication being successively Detroit, “IVanderungen swischen Hudson und Milwaukee. Davenport, Cleveland arid Mississippi It would be useless to at- Buffalo. It was really a high-class mag- tempt an enumeration of the large num- azine, having for contributors many of ber of books of this sort in which occa- the ablest Germans in the country. Natu- sional notes have been found with refer- rally much space was devoted to the dis- ence to the present subject. Some of the cussion of subjects specially interesting most important have been cited in foot to German-Americans. Leading edito- notes.

7 ' harv it H a t mm , Wo h alia, in IK33, became a member -of the- extreme Left in the Frankfort parliament, and died in an asylum for the incane in New York in May 1859. See chapter IV.

3) This is the Busch who later became well-known as Bismarck’s Boswell. He has published voluminous books of travel, as well as many magazine articles.

Not a few of the numerous Germans written and affords many glimpses into who at one time or another, during the the private and familiar lives of the ex- period from 1820 to i860, had to go into iles, such as are rarely found in the writ- exile for political reasons have published ings of men, who are preoccupied with their recollections. But among these are matters political. unfortunately few who made their home Among the recollections which touch in this country and took part in cis- directly on American matters may be Atlantic affairs. Still fewer have consid- mentioned those of Julius Froebel, a ered their rather obscure work in' exile leading member of the Frankfurt parlia- of as much importance to record as their ment of 1848. He spent a number of more dramatic and conspicuous acts in years in the United States without ever the revolutionary movements of the making this country his permanent home. the Fatherland.4 But nevertheless the stu- After he had become reconciled with dent should not neglect the memoirs even German authorities he returned to his na- of those who never touched American tive land and rose to considerable political soil, but spent their years in Switzerland, and official eminence. Among his nu- England or France. For in no other way merous writings the two works men- can so clear a picture be gained of the tioned in the note are of the greatest in- 6 typical characteristics of this class of terest for the present purpose . Very in- men. Many of the things which strike teresting are the recollections of Hein- 7 one as remarkable among the refugees rich Boemstein , which appeared origin- in America can be understood only by an ally in various German newspapers, espe- insight into the life and character of the cially the “Westliche Post” of St. Louis whole class, no matter where they had and “Der IVesten” of Chicago, but were 8 found a refuge, and who are free from afterwards published in book form ^ the modifying influences of cis-Atlantic One of the most interesting volumes of life. this sort, and in some respects a literary

Among such works some of the most curiosity, is an autobiography by Charles interesting and instructive may be men- G. Reemelin of Cincinnati. Mr. Reeme- tioned. One of these is by Ludwig Bam- lin (originally spelled Ruemelin) was a the berger , who lived at Paris and after native of Heilbronn, Wuerttemberg, and amnesty returned to Germany, to become came to the United States in 1832, barely a leading figure in the parliamentary life 20 years old. He was not, strictly speak- of his native country. Another is writing, a political refugee, but left his native ten by a woman, Malvida v. Meysen- country in consequence of a widespread bug®, who was on intimate terms with movement which had originated in politi- many of the members of the exile colony cal discontent, as will appear in the next in London. Her work is charmingly chapter. In his new home he acquired a

4) Erinnerungen von Ludwig Bamberger. Herausgegeben von Paul Nathan. Berlin, Georg Rainer, 1880.

5) Memoiren einer Idealistin, von Malvida v. Meysenbug. Schuster & Loeffler, Berlin und Leipzig. 5th edition, 1900. 3 volumes. 1850. 6) Aua Amerika. Erfahrungen, Reisen und Studien. 2 volumes. Leipzig, Ein LebenalauL_ Stuttgart, 1890 2 volumes r) Heinrich Boemstein was forced to leave his native country and thereafter for a while published an extremely radical paper at Paris. After the coup d’etat by Napoleon he came to the United States. He served with distinction in the civil war. neuen Welt. 2 volumes, 1881. 8) Boemstein, Fiinfundsiebenzig JTahre in der alten und

comfortable fortune and became a politi- a lawyer in Belleville, Illinois. In 1845 cian of considerable local importance. In he was elected a justice of the Supreme

"his old age he published the story of his Court of his adopted state. In 1852 he

life, in a quaint English style which reads became lieutenant governor; he joined

like a literal translation from the Ger- the Republican party upon its organiza-

man. The little book is very entertain- tion, organized the Forty-third Illinois ing because of the frank egotism of its Volunteer Infantry and was appointed author, who evidently deems the smallest colonel on General Fremont’s staff, be-

detail of his business or private life of as came minister to Spain under Lincoln, much interest as the weightiest public and was a Grant elector in 1868. His question. For this very reason the book book covers the period from 1818 to 1848 * furnishes much valuable material. The and seems to have been intended, in part, marry persons with whom Mr. Reemelin to remove the impression that nothing came into opposition during a long pub- worth mentioning had been done by Ger- lic career seem to him to have been in- mans in this country between the days variably villains of the deepest dye. The of the Revolutionary War and the com- author has written a number of other ing of the “Forty-eighters.” This notion books, and frequently contributed to both was at one time widely prevailing, as a German and English newspapers in this result of the rivalries between the latter 9 country . element and the older German leaders

There are a few books that treat ex- (See infra, Chapter V). Mr. Koemer’s pressly of the history of the German ele- book is the result of a great amount of ment in the United States, and in which personal correspondence, and is full of much material will be found concerning valuable biographical matter on a great the subjects of the present discussion. number of prominent Germans in all These books were founded on original parts of the country.

investigation, and as the material col- Another valuable work of this class is lected by their authors, so far as it was Franz v. Loeher’s “Gcschichtc und Zu - 11 unpublished, has disappeared, or is at staende der Deuts'chen in Amerika” . least not accessible, the books of this This was really the first attempt to write class must he considered as primary evi- a history of the Germans in the United dence in the same sense m which Livy is States, from the days of Pastorius down. a primary source of Roman history. But the larger part of the book is taken Among these books the most valuable is up with a review of the “Zustaende”

Koerner’s “Das Deutsche Element in den rather than the “Gtschickte” and is based 10 Vcreinigten Staaten” . Its author was largely on the personal observations of one of the most eminent Germans who the writer. The latter spent two years ever lived in the United States. Coming in the country as a traveler and visitor to this country in 1833, at the age of 22, rather than an immigrant. After his re- after having been concerned in the turn to Europe he became a professor in Frankfurt riots of that year, he became the universities of Goettingen and Mu-

9) Life of Charles Reemelin, in German: Carl Gustav Ruemelin. From 1814 to 1892, written b himself, in Cincinnat i, between 1-099 1902-. y and Cincinnati , -Weter St Dalket, printers, 356 Walnut Street, 1892. 10 ) Das deutsche Element in den Vereinigten Staaten von Nord-Amerika, 1818—1848. Von Gustav Koemer. Cincinnati, A. E. Wilde A Co., 1880. 11) Cincinnati und Leipeig, 1847. 2nd edition, Goettingen 1855.

nich, and wrote numerous books on travel It should be observed that none of and allied subjects, as well as some poet- these attempts at a historical treatment ical work». of the German element have special ref- A third volume belonging to this class erence to the particular class of immi- 12 is “In der Neuen Heimath” . Its editor grants with which we are concerned. But

and principal contributor is Anton Eick- the members of that class have furnished hoff, late a representative in Congress so large a portion of the leaders of their from New York. Among other contrib- nationality in this country that a history utors are the late Oswald Seidensticker, of the German element must of neces- of Pennsylvania; H. A. Rattem^apn, of sity deal to a very large extent with po-

Ohio, and P. V. Deuster, of Wisconsin. litical refugees.

The volume is less exclusively biograph- In addition to the works just men- ical than Koerner’s book, but contains tioned, a number of local histories will be many facts drawn from the personal rec- drawn upon by every student of the sub- ollections of the contributors. ject. Such histories, among others, are

Biographical notes regarding men of Rudolf A. Koss, “Milwaukee” ; Stierlin, prominence that do not come within the “Der Staat Kentucky und die Stadt

period covered by Koerner are apt to be Louisville” ; Schnake, “Geschichte der found in “Schem’s Deutsch-Amerikan- Deutchen Presse in St. Louis” ” isches Conversations-Lexikon 13 to A series of writings by various men , which a number of the best German- belonging to the “Forty-eighters,” which American writers have contributed. throw considerable light on the mental The fifteen volumes of the “Deutsche attitude of that class of men towards ” Pionier 14 will furnish some material, al- American institutions before they had be- though it is quite noticeable that the sub- come somewhat acclimated, is known as ” 15 ject we are dealing with here is not a the “Atlantische Studien . Among the favorite with the contributors, to that contributors to this collection Friedrich

publication. There is far more to be Kapp is easily the most important. This " ” found in the Pionier concerning the writer is best known as the biographer older periods than the time covered by of Generals Steuben and DeKalb, and this monograph. Very likely the doings one of the pioneers in the study of Ger- of the political refugees may have seemed man-American history during the colo- too recent for historical treatment. Many nial period. He lived in the United

of the contributors to this little magazine States from 1850 to 1870, took an active were themselves of the refugee class, and part in the early history of the Repub-

it is to be regretted that more of them lican party, was a Lincoln elector in

have not considered it worth while to i860, and held the office of immigration publish their recollections of their early commissioner for the state of New York. days in the adopted country, and espe- But he never ceased to be a European at cially of their and their friends’ partici- heart and finally returned to his native pation in the struggle against slavery. country. His voluminous writings have

12) In der Neuen Heimath. Geschichtliche Mittheilungen iiber die deutschen Einwan- derer in alien Theilen der Union. Herausgegeben von Anton Eickhoff, New York, 1884. 13 ) New York, 11 volumes. 1869 to 1874. H) A mommy magazine devoted to German-American history, edited by Henry A. Rattermann, at Cincinnati, between 1869 and 1884. 15 ) Atlantische Studien von Deutschen in Amerika. 8 volumes, Goettingen, 1853 to 1855.

”

avowedly for their principal object the regarding the enemy need not be ex- strengthening of the liberal and national pected of them. A few typical know- sentiment in Germany, and his views of nothing books may be mentioned here, American events and institutions must be as some of them have been cited occa- considered with that qualification in sionally in this monograph. mind. Although Kapp never became an John P. Sanderson published “Repub- American at heart, he got rid quicker lican Landmarks; Views of American 17 than most of his colleagues of those rad- Statesmen on Foreign Immigration” .

ical and impracticable extravagances The object of the book is stated to be which during a number of years distin- “to give the opinions of others, not the

guished the majority of the refugees of author’s own.” But the promise is not 1848 (See infra, Chapter IV). The wri- adhered to. In default of better mate- tings of Kapp which are most important rial the volume may be of some use, be-

for the purpose of learning the mental cause it prints translations of some of attitude of the German Republican- lead- the platforms and manifestoes of the ers of the ante bellum period, ui which Radicals, notably the program adopted they are in most respects typical are the by the “Freie Deutsche organization at

following : “Die Politik der V er Staaten Louisville in 1854 (page 219). How ” unter Praesident Pierce in Atlantische well informed the author is regarding

Studien, Vol. Ill, page 1 ; “Die Politi- the men about whom he writes may be schen Parteicn in den Ver. Staaten/' At- judged from the fact that on the same

lantische Studien, Vol. I, page 81 : “Die page he apparently confounds Carl Sklavenfragc in den Ver. Staaten ge- Heinzen with Heinrich Heine. schichtlich entwickclt,” Goettingen, 1854 A book of the same type is “Immigra- (appeared at first serially in Atl. Studien, tion ; Its Evils and Consequences,” by Vols. to VIIl) this work was later 18 V ; S. C. Busey, M. D. The learned doc- extended and republished under the title tor’s accuracy becomes evident from the “Geschichte der Sklavcrei in den Verei- difficulty he has with German names. nigten Staaten” Hamburg, 1861. A valu- On page 32 he spells the German orator able characterization of Friedrich Kapp, from Texas, Wipprecht, first “Wip- with, a bibliography of his writings, has pretcht,” and afterwards “Whiptretch,” appeared in the “Deutsch-Amerikanische calling it naively “a real jaw-breaking Magazin,” Vol. I, page 16, by the pen of German name.” Kinkel appears repeat- the editor, H. 1 ®. A. Rattermann edly as “Kinkle.” In blissful ignorance The sometimes rather extravagant do- of the relation between German and ings of the refugees attracted the atten- Dutch, he delights in giving honest tion of “knownothings” during the per- “High Dutch” citizens the appellation iod when that and other organizations “Mynheer”

hostile to foreigners flourished, and oc- There is a very large number of books casional notes regarding them may be from which occasional notes regarding found in publications of that character. the subject in hand may be culled. Many These publications are all of a bitterly of them have been cited in the footnotes partisan tone and accuracy of statement to this essay. Of hitherto unpublished

Of this excellent quarterly one volume only appeared. (Cincinnati, 188(1.) Its con- tents deal principally with the colonial and revolutionary periods. 17 ) Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1850. 18) New York, DeWitt & Davenport, 1850.

manuscript material the writer has had occurs but at long intervals in the his- the opportunity to use nothing except tory of any people. But as soon as Nap-

the letter of Carl Schurz which is found oleon had been defeated and the French in footnote 90 to this essay. But in this left the soil of the Fatherland a reaction connection attention should be called to began. The recollection of the Corsican the fact that with events and men so re- despot began to retreat into the back-

cent as those treated here there is a cer- ground of men’s consciousness, and its tain amount of knowledge to be gained place was taken by that of Robespierre from personal intercourse with those who and the Jacobins. A wave of reaction have known those men personally. This from the revolutionary fever swept

sort of traditional knowledge is too throughout Europe, and both the gov- vague to be trustworthy with regard to ernments and the masses in Germany

definite facts and dates. But it has some felt its full force. Both had but one de- value for the purpose of obtaining a sire, tranquillity at any price. It was the true notion of the general characteristics era of the Holy Alliance, the purpose of of men and events, and sometimes cor- which was to keep things in exactly the rects inaccurate impressions apt to be condition in which they were put by the received from written accounts. Of Congress of Vienna. such traditional knowledge the writer The current Liberalism of Germany has acquired a fair share and tried to has been inclined to represent the mat-

make use of it in order to make his pic- ter as if this quietistic tendency had be- ture of the political refugees as true as longed to the governments only, and had possible at the taken ; same time he has been forcibly imposed upon the^German honest care not to let a personal bias be people. But a slight acquaintance wLh created thereby which might distort the the period must convince an unbiased

historical perspective. student that the contrary is true. The great mass of the people were for a while entirely satisfied with the system CHAPTER III. of guardianship under which Prince Metternich, the leading statesman of the Before the Year 1848. Holy Alliance, kept them. The 'truth The years following the overthrow of was, the great majority of Germans Napoleon are, for the people of Ger- were not interested in public affairs. many, a period to which they cannot They left those things to their Kings and look back with anything but dissatisfac- Grand Dukes, and to the officials who tion, so far as political life is concerned. were paid to attend to them. They The time of the foreign oppression had themselves attended to their private

helped to revive the feeling of German affairs, or, if they were intellectually in- nationality that had been almost choked clined, took a share in the grand philo- to death under the crumbling rubbish sophical, scientific and literary activity heap of the Holy Roman Empire'. The which in this as in the preceding gen- succeeding War of Liberation had given eration absorbed the greater part of the that national sentiment a tremendous best intellects. There was no public life, impetus, and for a briet period the no speechmaking, no popular elections, masses, especially in North Germany, hardly any political journalism. This had been raised to a height of enthusi- was especially true of the two great ab- asm and patriotic self-devotion such as solute governments, Austria and Prussia,

;

Tiaraly less so of the minor startes, in schaftlich”) spirit among its members. which there existed various kinds of The atmosphere prevailing in it was that representative institutions of more or of an ardent, impracticable, somewhat less antiquated pattern. The fact alone vague enthusiasm, just such a spirit as that most of those local Diets met be- one might expect among persons of the hind closed doors, and newspaper re- adolescent age. The comprehension of ports of their proceedings were prohib- political affairs, among the great mass ited, made a true political life of the peo- of these youths, was about as mature as 19 ple impossible . that of an average American schoolboy.

Yet it was not to be expected that Within this innocent organization, among a great and cultivated nation the however, there was an unorganized nu- seed of political liberty, which the cleus of young men, among whom Karl French revolution had scattered broad- Follenius (Charles Theodore Follen) cast over the world, should not meet and his brothers, Adolph and Paul, were

some ardent souls in .which it could find the leading spirits, whose aim was more

a congenial field. Nor was it strange that definitely political. They had no more such receptive hearts were found espe- practical understanding of politics than cially among the educated youth. Among the rest. But while others were satis- those men who had labored for the re- fied to dream about the ancient glories generation of Germany in the days of of the German race, sing patriotic songs the French occupation, university pro- and wear the absurd dress which the fessors had been conspicuous: Fichte, faddists of the hour called “alt-deutsch,” Luden, Fries, Oken. Some of these, this inner circle was anxious to do after the War, formed a center of Lib- something to restore the former splendor eralism at the University of Jena, where of uermany. Their aims were as vague the Grand Duke Karl August, by far as possible. Some believed in a Ger- the noblest among the German princes man republic; others wanted to restore of the time, gave them all the support it the empire ; some wanted to do away was in his power to give. Through the with tne federal feature of the German influence of these men and others of constitution more to the ; meant preserve similar tendencies at other universities federal principle, but desired to there sprang up among the students a strengthen the central authority ; all movement for the improvement of the united in condemning the constitution of educated youth in their moral and intel- the German Confederacy, as it had come lectual lives, which crystallized itself in out of the hands of the Congress of the organization of the students’ soci- Vienna, and in this sentiment at least ety known as the “Deutsche Burschen- they were entirely right. None of them schaft.” This was not at its beginning, had a clear conception of the means to and never really became, properly a po- bring about whatever political change litical movement. The declared objects they desired. Although a great deal has were the fostering of high moral ideas, of been written about these matters, our patriotism and a truly scientific (“wissen- actual knowledge of the aim and acts of

»» Aber Ttn war Mfgends eltte ^ geschlossene Parte i zunnden, da gab es keine Geseil- schaft, St&nde und Klassen, die die offentliche Meinung zu bffentlicher Rede gebracht h&tten der Beamtenstand fdrchtete und mied die Presse; der Adel arbeitete im Stillen fur sich und seine Sonderzwecke, die das Licht des Tages scheuten; der Biirgerstand harrte in gewtrtra- tem Schweigen.” Gervinus, Geschichte des neumehnten Jahrhunderts, Band 2, p. 359.

12 this group of “Blacks/' or “Absolutes," pamphlets about the Eisenach celebra- as they were called, is exceedingly vague, tion followed each other thick and fast. for the reason, undoubtedly, that there It is characteristic of the absurd nerv- was nothing definite to record. ousness of the Metternich government that these boyish pranks were consid- On the 1 8th of October, 1817, the ered dangerous to existing institutions. Deutsche Burschenschaft met at the lit- It is equally characteristic of the views tle town of Eisenach, hallowed by recol- at that time prevailing in Germany re- lections of Martin Luther, to celebrate garding popular participation in public the 300th anniversary of the Reforma- affairs that even the great Stein, him- tion. A part of the ceremonies was the self a distinguished reformer and a hero kindling of a bonfire on an adjacent hill, in the eyes of these very youths, bitterly opposite the historic Wartburg, where condemned the doings of the Burschen- a number of speeches were made. These schaft. were of a religious and patriotic nature, But it was an occurrence of far more but hardly contained a definite political serious character which brought about allusion. When the official program the persecutions that sent the first wave was over, a number of students carried of political exiles from Germany to the in a basket full of books. Their titles United States. August von Kotzebue, a were read, and it appeared that they mediocre writer of great notoriety, one were writings considered unpatriotic by of whose plays (in its English version the students. With some more or less known as “The Stranger") was long enthusiastic, but very far from incen- immensely popular on all the stages of diary speeches, these books were con- Europe, was by many people considered signed to the flames. Among the stu- a spy of the Russian government. On dents taking active parts in this bur- March he was stabbed to death, lesque auto-da-fe were Robert and Wil- 23, 1819, at his home in Mannheim, by Karl Sand, liam Wesselhoeft. Both of these were a student, a member of the Burschen- some years later forced into exile, the schaft and a close friend of Karl Follen. former after having been incarcerated a The assassin was imbued with an almost number of years for alleged seditious insane enthusiasm, with a mystical re- acts, and both became distinguished phy- ligious zeal, and undoubtedly acted un- sicians in New England. der a mistaken notion of patriotic duty. The German governments, and more On the part of the Liberals there was a particularly Prince Metternich, had for tendency to excuse his deed, and to sym- some time watched the doings of the 20 pathize with him personally . This Burschenschaft with a jealous eye. The crime was the occasion or pretext for incident of Eisenach intensified this sen- severe measures of repression on the timent, although for the time being part of the Metternich government nothing was done to suppress the move- against what few traces of political in- ment. A vigorous feud between the terest there were among the German Liberals and the supporters of the gov- people. At a conference held in Carls- ernments broke out, and for a while bad the representatives of the two great

20) Varnhagen tells how, when the news of the murder became known, the populace at Mannheim made demonstrations in Sand’s favor, and the murderer was even praised as a martyr, “especially by the numerous Englishmen and Englishwomen who were at Mannheim at the time.” K. A. Varnhagen v. Ense, Denkwiirdigkeiten des eigenen Lebens, vol. C, p. 82*

13 powers, Austria and Prussia, agreed on time an element in the German immi- a program which they forced upon the gration to the United States. lesser states of the confederacy, much The men belonging to the class we against the will of sofrie of them. A have just described were few, compared severe censorship of the press was es- to the hosts of refugees who came after tablished, and a special commission, with the revolutionary movements of 1830 ill-defined but very extensive powers, and 1848. They came, moreover, at a was established to investigate “dema- time when the immigrated German ele- gogical intrigues” (demagogische Um- ment was not yet of much importance triebe). This commission, during ten in this country. As a consequence, these years, harrassed and persecuted every- exiles very soon lost themselves in the body suspected of liberal leanings, with native American population, entered an utter disregard of justice and even fully into the American life, and exerted common sense, worthy of the most tyr- what influence they had on our history, annical days of the Russian “Third Sec- not by virtue of being Germans, but of tion.” Members of the Burschenschaft being able and worthy men. They are, proscribed of therefore, hardly a part of present found themselves ; youths our twenty who had never committed worse subject, and perhaps all that is required things than to sing bombastic songs in this place is to mention a few of those about a mysterious abstraction they who afterwards rose to distinction. called Liberty, or wearing the tricolored Facile princeps of these, and perhaps ribbons of the Burschenschatt (black, of all Germans who ever lived in the red and gold), were kept in prison for United States, is Francis Lieber, whose years, often without ever being tried on work as a publicist is known to every specific charges. Men of high standing, student of American scholarship. Next who had been among the leaders in the to him comes Karl Follen, who arrived popular rising of 1813, and had deserved in Cambridge in 1825, to become pro- well not only of their country, but of fessor of German in Harvard. He after- the sovereign princes who now perse- wards was a Unitarian minister, and a cuted them, men such as Jahn, Arndt, zealous anti-slavery orator. His friend Goerres, fared no better than the stu- Karl Beck, who came in the same vessel

dents ; even Stein the greatest and with him, also obtained a chair in Har- noblest of the German statesmen of the vard University. The brothers Wessel- time, did not escape annoyance. As a hoeft have already been mentioned. result many of the ablest and best young Friedrich List, the poetical economist men of the country were forced to seek and advocate of protectionism, lived a safety in foreign lands. Switzerland, number of years in Pennsylvania, after France, the Netherlands, and especially having been sentenced to ten years' im- England, offered a more or less secure prisonment and pardoned. He after- refuge to the exiles. Some -of them, wards was United States consul, first at however, resolved to shake the dust of Hamburg, afterwards at Leipsic, and the old world from their feet, and thus never returned to America. Dr. Edward the political refugee became for the first Rivinus21 became a distinguished physi-

21 ) Rivinus was the first to publish a quarterly magazine, such as afterwards became common, for the express puipose of acquainting Europeans with American affairs. An excellent sketch of this distinguished Philadelphian is found in Rattermann’t Deutsch-Ameri- kanisches Magazin, page 327.

cian and philanthropist at Philadelphia. class of emigrants, moved entirely by William Lehmann, who had escaped economic reasons, and recruited mostly from the fortress at Julich by the aid of from the poorer class of country people, the son of the commanding officer, whose does not particularly concern us at pres 22 tutor he was, became professor of an- ent . The new political emigration, in cient languages in the University of contrast with the refugees proper of Georgia, but afterwards settled on a whom we have spoken above, did not farm in Wisconsin. Many others with readily disappear in the native popula- similar careers might be mentioned. tion. They came in more or less closely organized groups and bodies, and al- The indirect effects of measures for most always settled on the lands beyond the repression of a popular movement the Alleghanies, very much like their are often of far greater importance than poorer countrymen, although with far the direct ones, and, moreover, are apt less prospect of making a success of to be of a character quite unexpected to their attempt at pioneering. The organ- the promoters. This happened in the izing of colonization societies is a char- case of Mettemich and his persecution of acteristic of this period. Scores of them “demagogues.” The injustice done to sprang up all over Germany. Many of so many of the best young men of the them had no political object in view. country led numbers who would other- Some of them had a strongly religious wise have been content to live on with- tinge. But some, and those are the only out a thought of political affairs to be- ones interesting us at present, were of come discontented. This was the case a decidedly political character. The£ in- especially in the Southern states, Baden, to the nucleus of a new Ger- Wurtemberg, Bavaria and Hesse-Darm- tended be many in the Mississippi Valley. They stadt, where there were at least traces of wanted to form German states, which participation in public affairs by the might or might not be parts of the people.^ But although, during the third North American Union, but in which the decade of the century, political dissatis- German nationality should be predom- faction spread rapidly from the univer- inant, where German should oe the lan- sities throughout the educated middle guage of business, school and govern- class, the Metternich system prevented ment, where a purely German culture all open manifestations, and to many should flourish under the beneficent pro- minds all chance of improvement seemed tection of free institutions such as these cut off. men despaired of ever seeing established Under these circumstances not a few in the Fatherland. educated and well-to-do people began to cast their eyes across the Atlantic, in the This dream of a German state or hope that there they could find a coun- group of states haunted the imagina- try which was more in accord with their tion of many educated Germans for a political aspirations than the Fatherland, generation. To us of the present day it Emigration to the United States had as- seems an absurdity which at first appears sumed very considerable proportions to prove an utter lack of political in- after the peace of 1815, largely on ac- sight in those who entertained it. But count of the business depression prevail- our latter-da v wisdom largely CQme^ ing for a number of years. But this from an experience which these German

38) See Loeher, Geschichte und Zust&nde, page 250 and passim.

dreamers necessarily lacked. They can- ity from making German the official lan- otherwise not be blamed for underestimating the guage of its government, and assimilative capacity of the American remodeling its institutions to suit Ger- ones people, and the solving force of Amer- man notions? The bolder among there. They ican institutions. Americans themselves these dreamers did not stop the were very far from knowing their would have the government of the strength in this regard. When the num- United States itself bi-lingual, in ber of Germans and other foreigners manner in which you may use either flocking to our shores increased to many German or French in the Swiss Repub- thousands, year after year; when large lic, or English or French in some parts and if the Americans would districts were almost exclusively settled of Canada ; by Germans, in the manner in which not grant this—why, then the German national large districts in New York, Pennsyl- states would secede and set up a vania and other colonies had been Ger- government of their own. Anyway, in man a century before, not a few Amer- Europe it was taken for granted, at that icans began to fear that there was a time, that the North American Union danger of such German states springing would sooner or later split up into ai up, and they had good excuse for their number of separate confederacies. apprehensions. Next to their pardon- No support whatever was given to* able underestimate of American assimi- these ideas by government authority. lative strength, these German patriots The shadowy central government at made their most serious mistake in imag- Frankfurt never concerned itself about ining that by mere private enterprise, these affairs, except that early in its without the support of a strong home career it sanctioned the publication of a government, a German colony could be report by Baron Fuerstenwaerther, who established, especially on territory which, had been sent by Herr v. Gagern, the though still unsettled, was nevertheless representative of the Netherlands at the under the undisputed dominion of a Bundesrath, to investigate the condition strong and jealous government. of German immigrants to the United 23 The plans, more or less thoroughly States . The smaller states had no digested, which were usually proposed means to do anything and the two great ; for accomplishing these projects, did not powers had no desire to engage in ad- lack plausibility, especially to people in venture across the sea. All the govern- Germany who had no knowledge of local ments disliked emigration, and occasion- conditions. They were, in brief, the' ally threw some slight obstacles in its. concentration of German immigrants in way. In Prussia, the minister, v. Eich- one or more of the Western states. The horn, in 1845, proposed that it should large measure of self-government which be made the duty of Prussian consuls American political principles guaranteed to see that emigrants settled in continu- to states and minor civil divisions was ous bodies, and that the home govern- to be used to further these ends. After ment should aid in the establishment of 24 the Germans should have obtained a vot- German churches and schools . Noth- ing majority in a state, what constitu- ing came of this proposal, and this is tional nower could prevent 4 hat major - about the whole extent to which the

23) Fuerstenwaerther, Moritz v. • Der Deutsche in Nord-Amerika. Stuttgart and Tue- bingen, Cotta 1818. 24) See Treitschke, Deutsche Geschichte, V, page 492. ‘ • 16

German governments concerned them- because conditions were worse here than selves with their expatriated citizens in elsewhere in Germany, but because they the United States. were better. Here alone was there at These desires for a German state were least a semblance of popular participa- found exclusively among the educated tion in public affairs; consequently the minority. The great mass of the Ger- interest of people in politics had been man immigrants never interested them- aroused, while in the North and East it selves in things of this sort. But a very was still slumbering. large proportion of the educated Ger- The full strength of these influences mans coming to this country, during the upon immigration was not felt until the period before 1848, came distinctly with fourth decade of the century, but the such objects in view. preparatory stage was during the pre- Among the influences which led to ceding ten years. During that period, this movement one of the most impor- from the Carlsbad Resolutions to the fall tant ones was a little book by a young of the Bourbons in France, the Metter- physician, Dr. Gottfried Duden, who had nich system of tranquillity at any price spent a few years in Montgomery seemed to be completely triumphant. County, now Warren County, Mis- But under the surface matters ripened 25 souri . It was written in a lively style, towards a sudden change. The events and presented such a rosy picture of the of July, 1830, in Paris found an echo in pleasures of pioneer life, of sport with Germany. There were riots in various rod and gun in the primeval woods and places, and with surprising ease the gov- waters of the West, and of the glowing ernments of the small states of the North prospects of the settlers, that the imag- were prevailed on to change their me- inations of thousands of young and not diaeval constitutions into something more a few middle-aged men were set rioting modern, and thereby come into line with in dreams of Western adventure. The the states of the South. Only the two consequence was a large increase of emi- great powers and the two Mecklenburgs gration on the part of educated people, still remained without popular repre- who were often possessed of consider- sentative bodies. From this time forth able means, and were deeply dissatisfied political agitation never ceased again in with the social and political conditions Germany. At the same time the oppo- of their homes. Dudens’ influence was sition parties became more radical, espe- particularly strong in Southwest Ger- cially in the Southwest, until at the end many and along the Rhine. It is very of the period with which we are dealing noticeable that most of the class of immi- there was a strong party that would be grants with which we are dealing came content with nothing but an ultra-demo- from these portions of the Fatherland. cratic republic. The governments soon But there were, of course, other factors became alarmed, and tried renewed to bring about that circumstance. The measures of repression, with the usual most important of these was that no- result of increasing the strength of op- where was political dissatisfaction so position. In 1832 the Burschenschaft, strong and widely spread. This was not which had shown renewed activity for

35) Gottfried Duden, Bericht iiber eine Reise nach den westlichen Staaten Nord-Ame- ika*» und einen mehrjahrigen Aufenthalt am Missouri (in den Jahren 1824, 182.5, 1826 und 1827) in Besug auf Auswanderung und Uebervolkerung. Elberfeld, 1829. 2nd edition, Cotta 1818.

some years past, openly declared in favor Another leading member was Paul Fol- of bringing about the liberty and unity len, a younger brother of the Karl Fol- of Germany by revolution. On May len whom we mentioned above. In the

27, 1832, a mass meeting, in which 25,- prospectus issued in 1833, the objects of 000 men are said to have participated, the association were stated to be: “The was held at Hambach, and speeches of founding of a German state, which a pronouncedly radical character were would, of course, have to be a member made. The year following, a conspiracy of the United States, but with mainte- to revolutionize the country was discov- nance of a form of government which ered in Stuttgart, at the head of which will assure the continuance of German stood a lieutenant in the army, Ernst custom, German language, and create a in - Ludwig Koseritz, who had succeeded genuine, free and popular ( volksthuem winning many of his fellow officers to liches) life.” The intention was to oc- 26 his projects . About the same time a cupy an unsettled and unorganized ter- mob captured the guardhouse at Frank- ritory, “in order that a German republic, furt, only to be dispersed by the federal a rejuvenated Germany, may arise in 27 garrison. The immediate result of these North America” . The members of the and similar ill-devised risings was that society were recruited from the very best the prisons and fortresses were again elements of the German people. They

filled with political convicts and sus- were all possessed of some means. Many pects, and a new wave of refugees was of them held high rank in official and

thrown across the Atlantic. These were professional life. The emigrants sailed the conditions under which numbers of from Bremen to New Orleans in two political malcontents organized those vessels. Their original intention was to colonization societies to help in founding settle in Arkansas. But no sooner had in the Far West a new Germany, which they landed when they split up. Instead was to enjoy those blessings of liberty of settling in a body, they followed the

that were lacking in the old country example of practically all other immi-

Of all these societies, the best known, grants. Each selected for himself a new

and, perhaps, the most important, and home where it seemed best to him. Few

certainly the one with the most pro- went to Arkansas. Man y went to Mis- nounced political character, is the “Gies- souri, and particularly In the neighbor-

,, sener Auswanderungs-Gesellschaft. It hood of Dudcn’s farm—now aban- 28 was organized, originally, by a num- doned . Others settled in Illinois, es-

ber of university men at Giessen, among pecially near Belleville. Still others whom Prof. Vogt was conspicuous, the scattered throughout the West and father of Karl Vogt, who afterwards be- Southwest. Paul Follen, the leader, came famous as a scientist at Geneva. bought land in Warren County, Mis-

26) Koseritr was sentenced to death hut pardoned on condition of leaving his country. He came to Philadelphia. On his further career, and his service in the Seminole war, see Koemer, Das Deutsche Element, page 04.

27) See ,, Aufforderung und Erklarung in BetrefT einer Auswanderung im Grossen aus Deutschland in die Nord-Amerikanischen Freistaaten. ” Giessen, 1833. Also Koerner, Op. cit page 300, Locher Op-, ett. assi m. , t , p

28) On early German settlers in Missouri, see Bryan & Rose, Pioneer Families of Missouri, page 450 and passim. But these compilers are not always accurate, especially as to the spelling of German names,

” ;

18 souri. But after a few years of pioneer- lyn Bridge fame, came over in 1831 ing he moved to St. Louis to become the The “Rheinbayerische Gesellschaft,” editor and publisher of a German paper, with Dr. Geiger as their leader, in “Die Wage Soon after he died. 1833. An interesting experiment was Among the members of the Giessen as- that of the “Forty” in Texas, a colony of sociation none has risen to higher es- enthusiastic youths which reminds one teem in his new home than Friedrich of the dreams of the “Pantisocrats,” with other lit- Muench. vHe had been the pastor of a which Southey, Coleridge and Protestant country parish in Hesse, as erary Englishmen at one time busied his father had been before him. He set- themselves. Among these young men tled in Warren County, and. was one of was Gustave Schleicher, afterwards a the few of these educated pioneers who prominent member of Congress. The made a success of farming. On this dramatic history of the “Mainzer Adels- place he lived until his death, but dur- verein” and its settlements in Texas is ing all that time he was a fertile con- important enough to deserve separate tributor to numbers of periodicals, both treatment, and, therefore, shall be only German and English, as well as the au- mentioned here. Besides, most of its thor of a number of books. His wri- work was done before Texas became 31 tings are on a very wide range of sub- part of the United States . jects, from a little volume on “Religion, While nothing whatever was accom- Christianity, Orthodoxy and Rational- plished in the direction of their patriotic M ism, which was printed at Boston in dreams by the immigrants of this class, 1847. to a “School of Grape Vine Cul- their coming had a very considerable ef- ture.” In addition, he was an active fect on the American people. For the politician and stump speaker, being a first time in the history of immigration delegate to the Chicago National Repub- since the days of the Puritans and other lican convention of i860, and a member victims of religious intolerance, was 29 of the state senate from 1861-1865 . there among the hosts of newcomers a The fate of this best-organized of the large number of men of superior social emigration societies was shared by prac- and educational standing, who came not tically all the others, except some which simply to better their economic condi- were held together by strong religious tion or seek their fortunes, but had in ties. As soon as the members stepped view greater and, at least in a degree, ashore, they discovered that they could unselfish ends. Although the pian of serve their individual interests better by settling in continuous bodies never came each shifting for himself, and this per- to anything there were usually more or sonal interest proved stronger than any less numerous groups of this class of im- 30 patriotic motive . Among the other migrants who made their homes closely societies of this kind some of the more together. Almost all of them at first important are the “Muehlhaeuser Gesell- tried the experiment of taking up land schaft,” with which Roebling, of Brook- and becoming farmers, under the sway

29) Koerner, Op. cit., page 301.

30) On this failure of colonization societies, see Friedrich Muenc h, m n S ohnellpoaP’, •

December 1847, reprinted in ,, Deutsche Pionier”, IV., page 3G2.

31) See, inter alia, Kapp, Geschichte der deutschen Einwanderung in West Texas, At- lantische Studien, IV.; Meyer’s Monatshefte, IV., page 150.

of somewhat fanciful ideas of the noble- up around them, to rise to pecuniary in- ness of a life as “free men on their own dependence, and to become honored and freeholds.” Thus sprang up tHe numer- influential in their communities. But dur- ous colonies of educated Germans in ing all this time the Latin Settlements various parts of the West, which were were centers of light, from which higher quite a conspicuous feature of the per- ideals of life than were customary among iod. These became widely known among the ordinary settlers spread among wide the German population as “Latin Settle- portions of the country. Especially in M ments, while the men who composed educational matters, these men set t.ie them were nicknamed “Latin Farmers.” standard, not only for their German These Latin Settlements nave played countrymen, but for their American a part in bringing about a higher stand- neighbors. How well they held up the ard of civilization in the states of the torch of a higher intellectual life even Mississippi Valley, which will be appre- amidst the materialism and crudeness

ciated at its true worth when the history of frontier conditions is aptly illustrated of the culture development of that sec- by the growth of what is now the Public tion comes to be written. As farmers, Library of the city of Belleville, in Illi- most of the “Latins” were not successes. nois. This grew out of a library estab- They could not be. The physical power lished bv the Latin farmers of the neighborhood in 1836. It is characteristic of and endurance needed bv* him who wants to make a farm out of a wilder- the objects these founders had in view ness were not possessed by many of that the first book purchased by them was not some light literature to enter- them ; more important than tnat, they had intellectual and moral wants that tain an idle hour, but a set of Sparks' 32 could not be satisfied by the narrow and Life of George Washington . A barren life of the pioneer. So, to most graphic description of a similar settle- of them, their experiment was a losing ment of educated Germans in Texas, at venture as far as their personal fortunes a somewhat later period, is given by 33 were concerned. Most of them sooner Frederick Law Olmsted . On the or later abandoned their farms ’and went causes which prevented most of the to the cities to find more suitable occu- ‘Latins” from being successful in their pations. In the meantime, the weaker experiment at frontier farming, Fried- among them had become broken in mind rich Muench has written clearly and 34 as well as in body by the hardships they sensibly .

had endured, but to most the period of It would be as superfluous as it is im-

their farm life was just the training they possible to enumerate all the settlements needed to strengthen and harden them, of this class which grew up and flour- physically and morally, and make them ished for a while in the states of the men in every fiber. The strongest of Middle West and the Southwest. But a all, like Friedrich Muench, held out dur- few of the best known may be men-

ing the long years of pioneer struggles, tioned. The oldest*of which I have any to have their reward by finally seeing a knowledge was that at Germantown, young and flourishing civilization spring Ohio, which was founded before 1830.

32) Henry Raab, Origin of the Belleville Public Library, in 17th Annual Report of Board of Directors, Belleville Public Library, 1900. 33) Frederick Law Olmsted, A Journey through Texas, page 430. 34) Deutsche Pionier, IV., page 231.

other states still retained much of It became a great free-soil and abolition and their distinctive nationality, had yet lost center, and a famous station on the “un- derground railway.” Portions of Mis- touch with the life of the old country, and the exiles found no readier, if so souri, especially Warren, Montgomery ready, a reception among them than and Gasconade counties, had manv of among Americans of British extraction. them. Illinois had the well known set- But even at that period a new immigra- tlement in St. Clair county. In Ohio, tion had begun, and by the middle of the besides the Germantown settlement, fourth decade there was present a strong there was one in the neighborhood of body of Germans, many of whom had by Cleveland, where pretty nearly all of the that time been in the country sufficiently Germans of the older generation who long to have obtained a measure of afterwards rose to professional or polit- wealth and influence. Yet these were ical prominence in that city spent the still recent enough arrivals to have vivid first few years of their life in this coun- 35 recollections of the old home, and conse- try . quently to sympathize with the aspira- The class of immigrants we have here tions of its people. At the same time, described belong to the political exiles in the more intelligent among them had the sense that the principal motive of learned in this country to take an inter- their expatriating themselves was dissat- est in public affairs and to know and be- isfaction with the political conditions lieve in free institutions. It is but natu- prevailing at home, and to a certain ex- ral, therefore, that their sympathies tent in that they had more or less vague should be on the side of the Liberals as political objects in view, when they came against the governments of the old coun- here. But the revival of political agita- try. Under these circumstances the ex- tion and consequent persecution in Ger- iles found a warm reception, and in the many, after the July revolution in cases of many, who had been prominent France, caused the arrival of a large at home, even an enthusiastic and dem- number of political refugees in the re- onstrative welcome. stricted sense, that is men who were either in danger of punishment for polit- The fugitives were mostly poor, in ical offenses, or had been convicted of contrast to the “Latin farmers,” who such offenses and pardoned, as was a were usually men of some means. common practice, on condition of leav- However much many of them may have ing the country. shared in the fanciful inclinations to- The refugees during the period with wards an idyllic country life, few of which we are now dealing were not only them could realize these wishes. Of a good deal more numerous than their necessity they congregated in the cities, forerunners during the preceding dec- where they could hope to find some occu- ade, but they found on their arrival a pation that would afford them a liveli- very different condition of things. In hood. Soon New York, Philadelphia the days when Lieber and Follen came and Baltimore, as well as the centers of to the United States, there was in this German life in the West, particularly country no strong element of immigrated Cincinnati and St. Louis, each had its

- Germans. The native born of German lit-t-le colony of political exited. Tf These descent, who in parts of Pennsylvania men were poor in the goods of this

35) See Koerner, Op. cit. page 229. ,

Cincinnati world, they were brimful of enthusiasm tung” (founded 1834) ; the and of ideas, more or less crude, and “Volksblatt” (founded 1836), and the more or less capable of maturing into St. Louis /‘Anzeiger des Westens” something valuable. Naturally, these (founded 1835). There were, of course, ideas and enthusiasms sought an outlet, a great many other newspapers started, and for a majority of the exiles the easi- many of ephemeral life, others of purely est road to this end seemed journalism. local interest. The better class of the Consequently a sudden and considera- new papers were almost without excep- ble increase in the number of German tion written and edited by political exiles

papers in the United States dates from or their partisans. It followed necessa- this period. rily that the men who contributed to German newspapers in the United these journals became drawn into the States were not a new thing. Thev had public affairs of their new homes, and flourished in colonial times, especially in gradually many of them became leader*

Pennsylvania, and not a few of them still of their countrymen in political matters. survived, the most important of which This leadership, however, was not at- was the “Reading Adler.” But many of tained without considerable difficulties the older papers were written in the and some hard struggles. In the first “Pennsylvania Dutch” jargon, rather place, each of these men had to pass than in German, and all were entirely through that period of transition which out of touch with the German life of the every immigrant has to pass through be- time—either that of the old country or fore he feels fairly at home in his new that of the newly immigrated element. surroundings. During this period, and A change in this regard was brought before they had acquired an adequate about largely through the Influence of knowledge of existing conditions, the the political refugees and those whose dreams about purely German states, sentiments agreed with theirs. which were described in connection with One of the most important of the new the Giessen Emigration Society, were journals was founded by Johann Georg apt to prove particularly alluring. Wesselhoeft in Philadelphia, in 1834, Accordingly, the columns of the German and called “Alte und Neue Welt.” This papers, at this time, are filled with dis- man was a cousin of the New England cussion about these plans. “Alte unci physicians of that name, mentioned Neue Welt,” particularly, might almost above. He combined with his news- be called, during a number of years, the paper business a book store, and was one organ of this movement. Other papers, of the first to import into this country in the hands of more experienced men, the works of the modern popular writers threw cold water over the heads of the of Germany. Another important one of enthusiasts, who were apt to revenge the new papers was “Die Schnellpost” of themselves by calling their well-meaning New York, edited by Wm. von Eichthal. monitors “traitors to the German cause,” These two publications were rather more and charging them with being bought by like semi-literarv weeklies than newspa- the politicians.8 ® pers ^proper. Of the latter kind the For the Jailer accusation there was most important founded during this occasionally no lack of plausible evi- period were the New York “Staatszei- dence. About this time the new Ger- 36 ) See, besides files of newspapers, Loeher, Op. cit., passim; Koerner, Op. cit. passim. Deutsche Pionier, passim.

man element, growing rapidly, as it did, ties’* became conspicuous, this class hid in numbers, began to be of political im- held aloof from the mass of the Germans portance in those parts of the country in a sort of aristocratic exclusiveness.88 where it was numerous. It should be But when the new-comers began their observed, that up to this time the masses work of educating the masses and espe- of the German population were exceed- cially arousing them to an assertion of ingly indifferent towards politics. Not their political rights, the “swells” being accustomed to any sort of partici- (Geschwollenen as German-American ) , pation in public affairs in their old slang dubbed them, on their part also homes, being, moreover, poor and en- began to take an interest in the laborers, grossed in the struggle for their eco- artisans and small shopkeepers who con- nomic existence, they were content to stituted the greater portion of the Ger- leave politics to the “ Yankees.” Many man elements in the cities. For the did not even take the trouble to become “swells” were Whigs, while the political

naturalized ; others voted without under- immigrants, in an overwhelming major- standing what they were doing—the ity, became Jacksonian Democrats as veriest voting cattle. This condition of soon as they had somewhat familiarized things was a constant source of indigna- themselves with the political life of the tion to the refugees and other educated country. For a while, there was a sharp new-comers. They never tired of at- struggle for the loyalty of the German tempting. to arouse the masses of their voters. The outcome could hardly be countrymen from this indifference, and other than it was, for reasons which will in the course of a few years had consid- be treated more at length below. The erable success in this direction.87 Democrats gained a sweeping victory,

The indifference of the masses, how- and all but a small percentage of German ever, was not the only difficulty in the voters remained true to them, from now path of refugees who aspired to become until the advent of the Republican party. political leaders of their countrymen. Among the incidents of this brief They had to reckon also with the oppo- struggle by the political parties for the sition of those among the older Germans adherence of the German voters a nota-

in the country who had risen to affluence ble one is a series of meetings held dur- and position. This class was compara- ing the summer of 1834 in the city of tively numerous in the cities of the sea- New York. A meeting attended largely board, especially New York, Baltimore by recently arrived “Politicals” took

and New Orleans. Here it was com- place in Tammany Hall, in which strong posed largely of wealthy importing mer- support was given to the Democracy in chants, together with a sprinkling of pro- the state and municipal- campaign then

fessional men. A similar, though smaller, pending. Soon after, on August 3, a class of Germans existed also in such German meeting was held at Masonic

places as Cincinnati and St. Louis. Until Hall, at which F. J. Grund, of whom the political immigrants of the “Thir- more will be said below, was the princi-

37) Loeher, Op. cit., passim. 38) Rattermann, speaking more particularly of New Orleans, says: ,,Das geistige Deutschthum verkehrte hier fast gar nicht mit den Massen, die zumeist in einer Vorstadt leb- ter» Hie Spitaen -des G e l stes, Obei l ichtei Rost, Richter Rosenus, der beruhmte Arzt Luetxenburg, aowie die hauptsichlichsten Grosskaufleute, verkehrten mit dem franzosisch- englischen Element. Erst in den vierziger Jahren wurde diese Kluft iiberbruckt.” Deutsch-

Amer. Magazin, vol. 1, page 3. ' 23

pal speaker. Resolutions were passed in attachment for the old country, and to which the word “Whig” was not men- work towards the end that as soon as tioned. But the action of the Tammany possible better conditions be brought Hall meeting was condemned, “because about in Germany also, similar to those

it tended to separate the Germans from enjoyed in the United States ; and to sup-

the rest of the community, because it port, with counsel and deed, German endorsed principles that did not serve the political refugees. 40 The practical work

common weal, and because it was largely of this association was largely confined composed of men too ‘brief a time in to agitating the concentration of the this country to understand the vital ques- German element and the state project. tions of politics.” Of course there were no better results This was clearly a gauntlet thrown in- than were had by other chasers of this to the arena by the Whig element, and rainbow. the Democrats were not slow to take it In other centers of the German ele- up. On October 27, another meeting of ment, as well as in New York, there was Germans was held at Tammany Hall, at a brief struggle, before the Democrats which 3,000 people are said to have at- succeeded in capturing practically the tended. Speeches were made by John whole German vote. In Cincinnati, vig- A. Stemmier, F. W. Lassack and other orous efforts were made to establish a men of local note, and an address was German Whig paper, to compete with adopted, in which the Germans were ex- the Democratic “Volksblaft.” It is horted to unite, to exert the influence to said41 that the early Germans in Ohio which their nationality was entitled, and and Indiana, during the “era of good to support as vigorously as possible the feeling,” had been very largely followers principles of the Democratic party. At of Henry Clay. The “bargain and cor- the election held a few days lateU the ruption” cry, after the election of Presi- Democrats carried the city by barely dent Adams, turned them towards Jack- 1,800 votes, and as the great majority son, who received their support in 1828. of the Germans had been on their side, But when the Whig party arose, this ele- these fairly claimed the honors of the ment gave it very largely its adherence, 39 victory. until the power of these “old settlers” In these meetings, refugees had been was superseded by the new activity of conspicuous. They were still more so in the German masses under the leadership the organization of the “Germania” so- of the refugees. In Cincinnati, the ciety, on January 24, 1835. The objects stru ggle took the shape of an agitation of this association were thus stated in its for the teaching of German in the public printed constitution-: “To unite more schools, to which the Whigs were op- closely the Germans living in the United posed, while the Democrats favored it. States, in order to maintain and promote The course of this struggle is not within a vigorous German character, good Ger- the limits of the present work, except man customs and German culture to ; perhaps to the extent of saying that support the principles of a pure Democ- among the prominent participants were racy in the new home nourish ; love and such political refugees as Henry Roed-

39 ) Besides newspaper files, see Koerner, Op. cit., page 107. 40 The original ) is in German. See Koerner, Op. cit., page 10i Deutache Pionler, IV., page 83. 41 ) Deutsche Pionier, passim.

24 ter, who had been one of the organizers cuses and conventions and of “bringing of the “Hambacher Fest,” and Chas. G. out the vote.” But they supplied the in- Reemelin, who was one of those emi- tellectual weapons by their journalistic grating under Duden’s influence. work, and by the organization of various Similarly, but brief mention can be societies, which had no direct connection made of the conflicts between the Ger- with party politics, but in which the Ger- man element and the nativistic agitation man artisans and shopkeepers for the which became somewhat vigorous about first time had an opportunity to learn the middle of the fourth decade. It is how to act in concert with others, and difficult to say whether this movement where their minds were directed to mat- was a result of the new political import- ters outside of the narrow routine of

ance of the Germans ; or whether con- their daily lives. The actual local party versely the efforts of the refugees to work was usually done by men of an en- arouse a greater interest in public affairs tirely different type, who were sprung among their countrymen were facilitated from the masses themselves, and were in by nativist aggressions. Probably both far closer touch with them than the edu- was the case. The nativist hostility was cated refugees. These “hustlers” and not, of course, directed against the polit- “heelers,” of course, expected to be, and ical exiles in particular, but against all were, rewarded for their work by ap- manifestations of German national spirit pointment to petty offices. The only way which seemed to be adverse to the claims in which the educated refugees could of American national sentiment. The hope to find partisan reward, at this masses of the German element were most time, was by having their newspapers directly touched, not by the political re- subsidized. Such subsidies were usually strictions which nativists desired to place a matter of life or death for the strug- upon them, but by attacks on their modes gling concerns. But a newspaper re- of living. About this time assaults on ceiving financial support from a political German picnickers by bands of roughs party was, of course, bound hand and began to be common, and at the same foot to the interests of its supporters. time the English-speaking churches com- Such a paper could hardly afford to ad- menced to be alarmed at German notions vocate plans like the German State of Sunday-keeping. We will be obliged project, which no American politician, to recur to these matters in the next whether Democrat or Whig, could possi- chapter, but their detailed treatment be- bly countenance. Here is the modicum longs to the history of the nativist move- of plausibility in the charges sometimes ment rather than to that of the political made by the German State dreamers, exiles. that papers like the New York Staats-

When it is said that the masses of the zeitung or the Anzeiger des Westens, German element were first roused to an which opposed their plans, were bought interest in public affairs by the political by the politicians. But it must not be refugees who came .from Germany after forgotten that a few years’ residence in the abortive revolutionary attempts of this country usually sufficed to show an the early “Thirties,” it must not be un- intelligent man the futility of these derstood that many of this class became project s , Tbi German State, clea was conspicuous as partisan politicians, even essentially a greenhorn’s scheme. locally. The truth was that few of these There were some, however, among the men were fitted to do the work of cau- educated Germans who even in this early

25 period rose to some degree of prom- haste he ran through the back door to Hardly inence in party politics. Such were, for the police station, to get help. he instance, Chas. G. Reemelin and Peter had he made known his errand, when Kaufmann in Ohio; Dr. Brunk of Buf- sank to the floor, and died within a few minutes of a stroke of apoplexy.48 falo, and especially F. J. Grund, of Penn- 42 sylvania. Most of these were very re- To understand why it was that for spectable, patriotic men of moderate twenty years and more the great mass of abilities. Grund was far superior to Germans, as of other foreigners, were them in point of talent, but unfortun- stout adherents of the Democracy, . it is ately an utterly unprincipled soldier of but necessary to consider the principles fortune, who was ready to change his and tendencies of that party and those party allegiance at a moment’s notice, of its Whig opposition, and especially to if he could see a personal advantage in compare the elements of which each was doing so. Starting as a Whig, he soon mainly composed. It may be said that became a Jacksonian, and during Van one of the foundations on which the Buren’s first presidential campaign issued Whig organization rested was a strong, a German biography of the Democratic sense of American nationality. The candidate, whose German descent ne Whig, whether he reasoned it out or not, emphasized. An appointment as consul was a man who believed that the Ameri- to Antwerp was his reward, but he was can people was distinct from all others dissatisfied and in 1840 was a Whig once as an organism with an individualitv of more. A campaign biography of Gen. its own, and he was proud of the fact. Harrison was his contribution to the He disliked, instinctively, anything party cause, in which his idol of four which might tend to efface the self-con- years ago was ridiculed as a “Hol- tained character of this national individ- lander,” no longer a German. When uality. Therefore he was apt to look, after Harrison’s death President Tyler with disfavor on the foreign element, entered the Democratic camp, Grund fol- and was inclined to either throw obsta- lowed him, and this time actually re- cles into the way of its growth or else mained a Democrat until after the out- force it into a more speedy amalgama- break of the civil war. Under Buchanan tion with the American people, provided, he was consul at Havre. In September, the foreigners would simply become- 1863, he unexpectedly appeared in the Americans of the traditional kind, with- Union League Club, at Philadelphia, and out modifying the popular type by con- delivered an enthusiastic Republican tributing some of their own characteris- speech. His sudden conversion caused tics. The nativist movement was noth- quite a sensation among his former party ing but the radical expression of tenden- associates, though they were hardly as cies strongly existing within the Whig: bitter as he seems to have imagined. A party. few days later there happened to be a In the Democracy, on the other hand, crowd of people in front of his house, the consciousness of national individual- making a good deal of noise. Grund. ity was far less strong, and the force of whether from excessive vanity or evil “Jeffersonian” ideas about the equality « tr conscience, imagined that a moh oi Dem- of all men, wilt their ongly cosmo- . ocrats was about to lynch him. In hot politan tinge, much stronger. Where the*

42) For biographical data regarding these men, see Koerner, Op. cit., passim. 43) Koerner, Op. cit., page 59; newspapers of the day.

;

Whig looked askance at the immigrant, fought and suffered in Europe. His the Democrat welcomed him and facili- highest social and political ideals, like tated his progress. The Jeffersonian Jefferson’s, were “Liberty and Equal- jargon about liberty, equality and the ity.” He was very apt to identify the rights of the people was as apt to flow Whigs with the aristocracies of Euro- from the lips of the Whig as from that pean countries; for during many years of the Democrat, but the latter’s acts after his arrival in this country he had seemed more often in accord with the the habit of measuring everything with glittering phrase. European standards, and he could hardly Another important characteristic of conceive of political parties except as the

the Whig party was that its economic respective champions of aristocratic, principles were, on the whole, those find- which he called reactionary, and demo- ing special favor among the wealthier cratic, which to him were necessarily classes. The merchant, the manufac- progressive, principles. Under these turer, the banker, the land-speculator was circumstances the educated Germans most likely a Whig the Democrats were, like their more ignorant brethren, ; claimed to favor, and to a great extent apt to be Jacksonians, unless like the old really did favor, more particularlv the settlers of 1835, they had become well-to- interests of the workingman, the small do and Americanized before the German farmer and the settler in the West. immigrant had become an appreciable

There was a certain amount of truth at factor in American life. the bottom of the exaggerated charges This inclination towards the Demo- by the Jacksonians, that the Whigs were cratic party continued until the Democ- an aristocratic party, and that the Demo- racy of the Northern states had changed crats alone were the party of the people its nature and become merely the hum- and the upholders of true American ble retainer of the Southern plantation principles, as laid down in the Declara- aristocracy. Even then a very large tion of Independence. proportion of the masses as well as of The immigrant was generally poor the leaders continued to act with the old he would naturally be drawn toward the party that had stood by the foreigners in party which claimed to be the special their early struggles against the nativists champion of the common people against and their Whig sympathizers. The first the encroachment of the wealthy. If, in break in the allegiance of the Germans to addition, that party took hi.s side when the party of Jackson is almost synchro- the other party attempted to restrain him nous with the appearance on the scene in following customs he had learned in of the third and largest wave of political Tiis old home, or refused to give him exiles thrown across the Atlantic, after equal political rights with the native citi- the year 1848. But before we enter on

zen, was it not natural that the Democ- the treatment of the period dating thence,

racy was the party for him ? there should be a few words on some While such were undoubtedly the mo- common characteristics of the exiles of tives of the masses, the educated German, this earlier epoch, who were in a number and particularlv the political refugee, of respects quite different from their suc-

had additional re ason* for feel i ng drawn ce ssors. towards Jacksonianism. The doctrines The generation of young Germans

of Thomas Jefferson were on the whole which first felt the heavy hand of the identical with those for which he had Mettemich system stood under the in- » 27 fluence of three intellectual currents, To be sure, their type of orthodoxy was which were in many respects flowing in quite different from the narrow and, in different directions, and thereby added plain terms, ignorant orthodoxy then not a little to the confusion natural widely prevailing in the United States. enough in the heads of these youthful But they were certainly very far from and inexperienced politicians. The first being ‘Infidels’' or “atheists," like their of these were the reminiscences of the successors of 1848. Many of them were French Revolution, not so much the preparing for the ministry, or had Revolution of Robespierre and Marat, already entered on its functions. Among as that of 1789, with its optimistic en- the exiles to the United States, not a thusiasm for humanity, in other words, few, like Follen, became ministers of the its Jeffersonian doctrines. The second gospel. great factor in their intellectual make-up Such were the men of 1820. During was the philosophy of Kant, modified the following decade, the philosophy of and applied to practical life by Fichte. Hegel held undisputed sway over the This contributed to their enthusiasm for minds of all educated Germans. It was liberty an austere moral rigorism. The a doctrine which, like Romanticism, third great stream of ideas was that could supply nourishment to the most many-featured, multi-colored body of opposite tendencies. By the time the beliefs, fancies and nations, called second wave of refugees came to Amer- Romanticism. From those interesting, ica, the school of Hegel had produced though turbid, waters Liberals and an offshoot calling itself the Young Governmental, the Enlightened and the Hegelians, which drew from the princi- Obscurantists drank alike, each selecting ples of the master inferences of the most for himself what seemed good to him radical nature, in politics as well as in out of the variety of its ingredients. religion, while Hegel himself, especially From this source the “Burschenschaft- in bis later days, was decidedly conserv- ler” drew especially their rervent love of ative. However, the wide prevalence of nationality, their admiration for the past this school of thought came somewhat glories of the German race. Such influ- later. The exiles of the “thirties" were ences combined to make these youths still believers in Christianity; they sup- austerely moral, fervently patriotic, and ported churches, although of a decidedly imbued them with an idealism that cared liberal type. Their main difference from little for actual conditions, but was quite the older refugees was the absence of willing to reconstruct the world anew fervent nationalism, which was replaced according to a preconceived notion. by a cosmopolitan sentiment similar to They were just the material out of wr hich that so common before the Napoleonic political and religious radicals could be invasion. At the Wartburg-Fest, in made. But they were not yet radicals. 1817, hatred of the French had been as In politics, so far as they had definite pronounced as love of the Fatherland. notions, a constitutional emperor, decked At the Hambacher Fest, in 1832, out with much romantic tinsel, seemed speeches by Frenchmen and Poles were to most of them the ideal form of gov- as enthusiastically applauded as those by ernment fnr Germanv. In religion, they Germans. Tins t h eore ti cal -cosmopoli- considered themselves rather orthodox, tanism, however, did not prevent the especially as compared to the shallow new-comers from attempting, in the rationalism of the preceding generation. Lnited States, the maintenance of a sep-

28 arate national existence for their coun- gradually more radical. By the year 1848, trymen, while their predecessors, with all a very large portion of those classes which their love for a romantic Teutonism, had took an interest in public matters at all disappeared with comparative ease in had become imbued with ultra-democra- the general life of the American people. tic notions. They believed in the repub- The same contradiction between theoret- lican form of government as the only one ical ideas and practical activity will be fit for civilized society. All monarchies, found in the men of 1848, who were even no matter how strictly limited, were mere- more international and cosmopolitan in ly forms of oppression. All kings and their opinions. princes were enemies of mankind. An enthusiastic belief in “Liberty” was, with CHAPTER IV. most of them, coupled with fanatical intol-

erance of all who disagreed with them. The Forty-Eighters. The strength of their convictions was us- Large as was the number of those who ually proportionate to their inexperience had to go into exile after the revolutionary of the actual business of government. Of movements following the overthrow of this inexperience there was a most re- the Bourbons in France, it was insignifi- markable amount in the ranks of these re- cant compared to the hosts of refugees formers. Naturally the men who were who flocked to the asylums given them in practically acquainted with such matters Switzerland, England and the United were not to be found among them, for States during the period of reaction after radical or even pronounced liberal opin- the violent commotions of 1848. At first ions were not favorable to a man’s rising a comparatively small number of them very high in an official career under the crossed the Atlantic; for London, where Metternich system. The great majority most of them were congiegated after all of the radical leaders were literary men, kinds of vicissitudes, was nearer to their journalists, advocates, physicians. Their homes, and they all hoped for a speedy following came almost exclusively from return, when new revolutions were to the small tradesmen and workingmen of overthrow finally the “despotic” rule of the cities. The wealthier commercial kings and emperors. Gradually, as these classes, as well as large numbers of the hopes vanished, more and more of them professional and official class, were most- discovered that it would be easier for them ly adherents of a moderate Liberalism to make a living in the United States than and believed in a constitutional monarchy. in London, and by the year 1853 a very Instead of a German Republic, the aim large number had followed in the steps of of the Radicals, the Liberals desired a those who from the start had pitched their Germany united under the sway of an em- tents in America. peror, with an imperial parliament to rep- In order to comprehend what part these resent the people. The country popula- “Forty-Eighters” (Achtundvierziger), as tion, both squire and peasant, were as a they soon came to be called, played in class the staunchest of conservatives. the history of the United States, it will be Such being the ranks of society from necessary to consider what they had stood which the Radicals mostly came, it must for in Germany and what manner of men be mentioned in addition that they were they were We had occasion to remark v cruug arrd mostly 'men ; a third circum- in the preceding chapter, how the opposi- stance important to remember is that Ra- tion to the Mettemich system of repress- dicalism had its chief strength in the ing all popular activity in politics became Southern portions of Germany, and along

the Rhine. Elsewhere, it was on the France, England and the United States, whole confined to the large cities, such as and soon “colonies'’ of refugees were Berlin, Dresden and Breslau. In the found in all the principal cities of these Parliament, which met at Frankfurt early countries. To the German exiles were in the summer of 1848, to deliberate on a added numbers of Italians, Poles, Hun- constitution for a united Germany, these garians; and after France had fallen at Radicals formed the “Democratic Left.” the feet of Louis Napoleon, French refu- But a large portion of them expected no gees were added to the list.. For a num- good results from the work of an assem- ber of years these exiles were firmly con- bly in which the moderate Liberals had a vinced that within a short time renewed majority. Even before the Parliament revolutions would call them oack in tri- met, the Democrats of the Palatinate and umph. For this purpose they labored in- Baden, under the leadership of Friedrich cessantly though with woefully inadequate Hecker, had attempted to establish the means. Nearly all of the’ exiles were Republic by force of arms. 44 This at- poor, sometimes penniless, when they ar- tempt was repeated by other leaders rived in the place that offered them safe- (Struve, Brentano, Sigel, etcA in the au- ty. Those who had left property behind, tumn of the same year, and in 1849. often found that their fortunes were se- When the governments, recovering from questrated or confiscated, while proceed- the paralysis of the spring and summer of ings in contumaciam were instituted 1848, finally restored their ascendency, it against the owners. Very few among was principally the Democrats who felt the refugees knew a handicraft, although their heavy hand. Nearly all of this party an occasional printer or engraver was had been guilty of insurrection. It was found among their number. The univer- no longer necessary to resort to the tricks sity training nearly all had received fitted of Metternich’s special commission, which them for few things by which a livelihood in the days of the Burschenschaft had could be gained in a strange land. Con- twisted the most innocent expressions into sequently there was much acute distress evidence of treasonable plots. Now the in all the refugee colonies. Many of the proofs of overt acts of treason and sedi- exiles had families dependent upon them, tion were as open as daylight, and the and the suffering of devoted wives, who regular courts vied with courts-martial in in many cases shared to the full the en- executing and imprisoning those of the thusiasm of their husbands and their loy- insurgents and their too open sympathiz- alty to principle, must not be forgotten ers who fell into their hands. In addition when the story of these struggles for the to the Baden insurrections, which assumed political freedom of the European conti- dimensions of warfare, there had been nent is written. There was much bitter numerous riots and barricade fights in al- misery patiently endured, much heroic most every city of any importance, and constancy exhibited with modest dignity. everybody who had been in any way con- A surprisingly large number of these men cerned in these felt his liberty and life in in later years reached honor and influence danger. Consequently, thousands of ref- either in their native land or in the new ugees soon crowded into Switzerland, country, which from a place of exile had

still earlier The mob violence at Berlin, Vienna and elaewhere f by which the revolutionists gained their temporary ascendency (March 1848) can hardly be said to have been the work of the Democrats. These movements were really as spontaneous uprisings of the people as such movements ever are, and those who principally bene fitted from them were the Liberals.

at last become a second home to them. serious ever resulted from such plans. Many of them confessed that the trials of Theoretically, however, tyrannicide was their early years in exile contributed not approved by not a few of the more violent the least part to the strengthening and minds.

moulding of their minds and characters. In fact, some of the refugees who soon In the published letters and memoirs of began writing for papers in the United the refugees comparatively little of this States, made the killing of tyrants in the- nobler side of their lives appears. In the ory so prominent a feature of their effus- personal records of the Germans, especial- ions, that German-American slang invent-

ly, there is surprisingly little self-glorifi- ed a special term to designate this type of fellow-sufferers, ranter. tvrant for cation, while their Italian The man who ate a * true to the difference in national charac- breakfast every morning was called a “ ters, seem to be far less averse to the plac- Ferschtekiller"* a ludicrous word 4 ® ing of one’s own merits in a proper light. which well fits the ludicrous personage. The dignity of political exile must often But slightly more serious were the resolu- be appreciated by the art of reading be- tions and manifestos which emanated tween the lines, while the expressed words from these circles, and by the publication

but too frequently show a picture of petty of which it was sought to excite the people bickerings, trifling activities and now and at home to new revolutionary efforts. then the stain of betrayal and crime. Be- Karl Marx, himself one of these exiles, in ing cut off from all real participation in a letter to the New York Tribune, dated politics, the refugees easily fell into mere October 25th, 1851, speaks of many of his phrasemongering, and he who could speak fellow exiles as “transported beyond the the loudest and most violently, in the safe- seas to England or America, there to form tv club or a York beer new governments in partibus inUdelium, * of a London New garden, was apt to be accounted the ablest European committees, central committees, and best among them. Still worse was a national committees, and to announce loss of moral as well as mental perspec- their advent with proclamations quite as

tive. Conditions in their native country solemn as those of any less imaginary po- were seen in unduly black colors, while tentates.” This sort of rather useless ac- the failure of open revolutions led at least tivity employed the energies of many of some to attempt conspiracies and assas- them for a long time. Wm. Weitling, sinations. The genius of the German peo- meeting Julius Froebel in New York,

ple is not favorable to such enterprises, some time after both had left Germany, and although some of the refugees in Lon- was told by the latter that he had gone into don were in pretty close touch with Maz- business as a soap manufacturer. “I have zini, the Italian arch-conspirator, nothing no time for such material occupations,”

“ Ferschtekiller,” i. e. prince killer. Ferscht” is a dialectical mis-pronunciation of “Fuersty ** sometimes heard on the lips of uneducated South-Germans. A real prince, even if known as Liberal, naturally would not look on such things as quite so innocent. Duke Ernst II. of Coburg-Gotha, a well-known Liberal in his views, evidently had some apprehensions concerning the “ Ferschtekiller.” “Es existirten in London zwei deutsche, sozial-republikanische Gesellschaffen. Ein eigener Zweig der Mitglieder wurde mit dem Namen Blindlinge bezeichnet, deren es im Mai 1850 achtzehn bis zwanzig gab, wovon sieben in Deutschland und vier speciell_in Berlin sich befanden Die Th&tigkeit der Clubs wareben damals eine ausserordentlich gesteigerte Ich hatte damals durch meine Verbindungen in England Kenntniss von der ausgebrei- teten Organisation der geheimen Clubs erhalten, welche in ihren Versammlungen den Fiirsten- mord ganz offen betrieben.” Herzog Ernst II., Aus Meinetn Lcbcn, I., page 578. - 31

so as far back as the early days of was Weitling’s proud reply ; “I must labor the 47 for principle.” There was among them Burschenschaft. Among the men of the a certain proportion of men who -might older generation, it was especially Jahn, fairly be classed as “cranks,” as is always the father of the “Turner” societies, who the case with great reform movements. had cultivated rudeness of manner and About that time, the United States as well speech, and disregard of the proprieties of as Europe furnished no small contingent polite intercourse. The intellectual small of reformers on the verge of insanity. fry quickly adopted the fad as an easy This class is amusingly described by Low- way of demonstrating that they were true ell in his essay on Thoreau. Of the abler Democrats and haters of tyranny. But and more conspicuous of the German ref- even among the abler men a good deal of died ugees in the United States, several this affectation was found, and many re- in asylums for the insane. This was the tained it long after the popular. approval fate of Dr. Kriege, a writer and speaker of it had ceased. The chief blemish on of ability, but very extreme views. some the writings of many able “Fortv-Eiglu- He had been in the United States several ers” in the United States, as for instance years, but returned to Germany when the Herman Raster, the brilliant editor of the revolution broke out, and was conspicu- “Illinois Staatszeitung” was a delight in ous in the Democratic congresses held at the use of strong words, and even express- Frankfurt and Berlin during the year ions which the usage of polite society ta- 1848. Soon he returned to the United boos. In the personal intercourse of such States, was for awhile editor of the “Illi- men the same mannerism was apt to crop nois Staats-Zeitung,” but died at New out, so that strangers were often repelled. York December 31, 1851, little more than 48 Perhaps the fact that so many of the 31 years.old. Another man whose mind “Forty-eighters” were South Germans could not stand the strain was Christian may have had something to do with the Essellen. He published a monthly ma- popularity of the fad among them, for gazine, the “Atlantis,” 40 and from reading South Germans are often charged by their his own sane, though radical, contribu- more conventional brethren of the North tions in the same one would hardly expect with “Grobheit.” In German slang this him to be “cranky” enough for an incipient foolish affectation became known by the told by Froebel, who says that he was up- “ untranslatable term Kraftmeierci.” braided as a traitor to the cause of liberty Hardly a trace remains of it among Ger- by Mr. Essellen, for wearing kid gloves man -Americans. on the streets of Frankfort. 50 The “At- lantis” was not a financial success, and Still more disagreeable than these ex- the struggle with poverty may have con- travagances and eccentricities are the pet- tributed to the destruction of its editor’s ty personal disputes which were rife in the mental health. refugee colonies everywhere, and especi- Mr. Essellen’s extravagant objection ally the tendency to suspect others of be- to kid gloves was probably shared by not ing spies in the pay of the home govern- a few of his fellow-radicals. For a con- ment. There is no doubt that such spies tempt of social amenities was a wide- existed. Especially the colonies of the spread fad among them. This had been exiles in Switzerland, Paris and Brussels

47 ) Froebel, Lebenslauf, I., page 280. Koerner, Op. cit., page 158. *9 ) See chapter II. 5°) Froebel, Lebenslauf I., page 281.

;

were under pretty close surveillance; to and their interest demanded their enter- some extent this was true of England. ing into the life of the country that had Whether an attempt was ever made to in- hospitably received them, as an integral troduce a similar system into the United portion of its people. Within a few years States, cannot be asserted or denied. after their arrival nearly all of them had There would seem to be great difficulty in found some work to do, some occupation, the absence of cooperation on the part of business or profession which gave them the local police, such as was readily af- a standing in the community and saved forded by the French, Belgian and Swiss them from the make-belief activities of governments. However that may be, the early days in the refugee colonies.

many of the exiles in this country were At first, to be sure, those make-belief but too ready on the slightest evidence to activities, those proclamations and speech- charge one of their colleagues with being es and agitation for the renewal of revo- a spy. This charge was made, for in- lutions in Europe, were taken seriously stance, at one time against Carl Schurz indeed. When Julius Froebel, in 1849, needless to say, it was, in this case at least, in a lecture delivered at New York, ad- 61 absolutely unfounded. vised his fellow refugees to cease their at-' These miserable pettinesses and weak- tempt at revolutionizing Germany and in- nesses were no more than the share of hu- stead take part in American affairs, he man limitations which belonged to the po- was loudly denounced as an apostate and 62 litical refugees as they would to any other traitor by the radical element. Very few group of men in any surroundings what- of the exiles originally came with the in- ever. They are more prominent than they tention of making this country their deserve in the published recollections of home; they were merely looking for a those who lived through that time. This harbor of safety, where they could remain may be explained, to some extent, by the until, as the phrase went among them, “es fact that the authors of these reminiscen- wieder losgeht,” it breaks out again. But ces had, in their old age, come to look up- as months and years elapsed, and not- on the foibles and follies of their youth- withstanding their writings and speeches ful days in a somewhat humorous light, and collections of penny contributions to an attitude which led them to dwell a little provide the means of war, the mails from unduly on eccentricities and extravagan- across the ocean brought no news of fresh ces. This was surely the case with such insurrections, first necessity, then habit men as Kapp, Froebel and Bamberger, and at last reason brought them to devote whose early radicalism had long since ma- their energies to more lucrative and use- tured into a sane love for tranquil prog- ful objects. About the middle of the ress. That these disagreeable features sixth decade practically all had taken were far from being essential to the char- Froebel’s advice. acter of the refugee class is best shown by The acclimatization of the refugees in the fact that in the United States, especial- the United States was on the one hand ly, the vast majority needed but a short made easy, and on the other hand consid- time to become convinced that their duty erably retarded by the reception they

* “ ” M ) Interesting details on this Spionen-Riecherei may be found in Bamberger’s 4 i Erinntrungen.” On tHe Schurz incident, see local Wisconsin press, especially Beaver Dam Democrat and the German papers during 1859 to 1860. Also Letter of Schurz to Potter dated

March 14, 1859, in Milwaukee Sentinel, April 1, 1900.

58) Froebel, Lebenslauf\ I., page 283.

found on the part of the people of this tive-American orators vied with Germans, country. That the resident Germans, Frenchmen and Irishmen to praise the among whom the refugees of an older deeds of the barricade heroes and prophe- generation had attained so much influ- sy the dawn of a glorious liberty for all ence, should feel a wide and deep sympa- the world. Even the Catholics, carried thy for the newcomers was natural, and away, no doubt, by Irish sympathies, perhaps it was no less natural that the joined the chorus at first, although soon native element should to a considerable after they were bitterly opposed to the extent share that sympathy. The strug- revolutionary cause. The sympathy for gles of Europe could not but remind the revolutionaries was for awhile nearly Americans of their own revolutionary unanimous; about the only opposition glories. The masses were unable to per- came from the ranks of the German Luth- ceive the differences between our own war erans, who were derived largely from the for independence and the preservation of conservative country population of the 63 ancient freedom, and the continental at- Fatherland . In addition to mass meet- tempts to gain a liberty that had never ings, attempts were made to provide more been possessed by those nations. More- substantial assistance for the revolution- over, the “Je ffers°man ideas” which were aries. Subscriptions to raise money for identical with the principles of the revolu- the insurgents were started and some tionists, were just then in full dominion money actually collected. Several refu- over the American popular mind, after gees, who had lived in the United States having captured the national government for some time, hurried back to join their by the advent of Jackson. The result of brethren, whose complete triumph they this combination was that a wave of en- fondly anticipated. Among the more thusiasm for the liberty of Europe swept prominent of these was Herman Kriege, 64 through the United States as soon as the mentioned above, and Karl Heinzen . first new? of the revolutionary outbreaks Within a year both were back in America, reached this country. disillusionized though not discouraged. The original successes of the Revolu- Others, who were unable themselves to tion in France, Germany, Italy and other hurry to the seat of the struggle, followed countries were hailed in the United States the progress of the movement with the 65 by a series of mass meetings in which na- most eager interest .

*8) See daily papers of the time; also, Koss, Milwaukee, page 263.

Karl Peter Heinzen had been conspicuous for a number of years In Germany as a writer and pamphleteer of the most radical and decidedly scurrilous type. To escape prose- cution he fled to Switzerland. In 1847 a subscription among the Germans in the United States was taken, and with the proceeds he and his family were enabled to come to New

York. See Schem’s Deutsch-Amer. Conversations Lexikon . Koss, Op. cit., passim .

55) A touching example of the influence the news of the outbreak had on an old Lib- eral, who was very far from radical in his opinions, and had been in America a long time, is found in a letter from Francis Lieber, then professor at the university of South Carolina, to Dr. S. G. Howe. It also illustrates the popular feeling among Americans. Following is a portion of the lette-: Columbia, S. C., April 8, 1848.

An anecdote for you. The other day, when the German news had arrived? [ was obliged to lecture. I began but I could not. I said “My young friends, I am unfit for you this afternoon. News has arrived that Germany too is rising, and my heart is full to overflowing. I ” but I felt choked. I pointed to the door. The students left it— gave a hearty cheer for “Old Germany.’’ Life and letters of Francis Lieber, page 213.

Mass meetings continued to be held in prominent part in these proceedings. various cities during the summer, when- Similarly enthusiastic welcome awaited ever the events in Europe afforded an oc- him at Philadelphia, Cincinnati, St. Louis casion for further celebration. But after and other places he vfsited. In the fol- a while the prospects of the revolution, lowing spring, when there was renewed even in its more moderate phases, began fighting in Germany, after the dissolution to darken. In October, Friedrich Hecker, of the Parliament, Hecker hurried back, as a forerunner of the swarm of exiles accompanied by a number of men anxious soon to follow, arrived at New York. to take part in the insurrection, and tak- Hecker had been among the foremost ing with him some money subscribed in leaders of the Democratic party of Ger- this country. But before he arrived at many, and was more than any other man the seat of war, the Republicans under adapted to become a popular idol. Sigel had been completely beaten, and the Young, 58 handsome, with a fiery, though provisional government, under Brentano,

somewhat highly-wrought eloquence, he was dissolved. There was nothing left captivated the hearts of all who came near for him to do, but return to the United him. 37 In April, 1848, he attempted to States. 59 organize an insurrectionary government, Receptions of the kind given to Fried- and at Offenbach in Baden proclaimed rich Hecker were not a new thing, al- the German Republic. His little force of though the welcome to political refugees insurgents was easily dispersed, and from Europe had never assumed quite Hecker fled to Switzerland, whence a few the same dimensions as in his case. One months later he embarked for the United of the instances where much had been States. His object seems to have been to made of the arrival of a prominent exile obtain financial and moral assistance from was the reception of Dr. Friedrich Sei- the Germans in this country. The plan densticker in the spring of 1846, at New of inveigling the United States govern- York and Philadelphia. 60 This seems to ment into taking a hand in the struggle, have been the first time that the municipal which Kossuth and others devised a few authorities took official part in such cere- years later, seems never to have been con- monies, as became common enough later ceived by him. Upon his landing in New on. During the years following the sup- York, he was received with torchlight pression of the revolutionary movements, processions, mass meetings and speech some of the Republican leaders came to making, 58 the city authorities taking a the United States under slightly different

56) He was bom at Echtersheim, Baden, as the son of a high official, and was a lawyer by profession. 57) Bamberger speaks of him as follows: “Friederich Hecker, ein blau-aeugiger Jiinglingskopf mit schonem Haar und Bart, feurig und frohlich in die Welt hineinschauend und provocirend.” Erinnerungen, page 52. Malvida v. Meysenbug describes him in these words: “Hecker war sehr schon, ein Christuskopf mit langem blondem Haar und mit schwar-

merisch begeistertem Ausdruck.” Memoiren einer Idealistin , I., page 230.

58) See newspapers of the time, Koerner, Op. cit., page 80; Deutscher Pionier, II., page 85. 59) Hecker settled on a farm near Belleville, 111., where he lived until his death in 1880. In 1856, he was a candidate for presidential elector on the Fremont ticket. During the civil war, he commanded first the 24th, afterwards the 82d Illinois Infantry, both regiments composed entirely of his German countrymen. At the battle of Chancellorsville he was severely wounded. “ 6°) See newspapers, especially New York Schnellpost. ” Koerner, Op. cit., page 70.

35 circumstances. They had the more or About the same time that Kossuth less openly avowed intention of prevail- traveled about this country to arouse sym- ing on this country to abandon its settled pathy for down-trodden Hungary, Gott- policy of holding aloof from European fried Kinkel, poet and agitator, came to quarrels and instead of it interfering on call on his countrymen in America In or- behalf of European revolutionists. The der to float a so-called “national loan” of form in which this proposition became two millions of dollars for the revolution- crystalized was expressed in the phrase izing of Germany. During the winter of “intervention for non-intervention.” Thfo 1851-1852 he visited a large number of term referred primarily to the case of ckies and was everywhere received with Hungary, where the power of the House an enthusiasm second only to that which of Austria had been restored by the Czar greeted Kossuth himself. He was the

of Russia. Its meaning was that . when- representative of a committee of refugees ever a popular rising took place for the at London, and wherever he went local purpose of establishing a republic, it was committees were organized to receive sub- to be the business of the United States, scriptions. Fairs and bazars were opened as a sort of protector of all republics, by his feminine admirers, and a consider- whether actual or prospective, to keep able sum was actually obtained for his monarchical governments from interfer- purposes, although it fell far short of two 62 ing in favor of the threatened dynasty. millions. The speeches and resolutions The most conspicuous visitor of this kind held at Kinkel meetings, like those at the was Louis Kossuth, the revolutionary Kossuth receptions, were full of demands governor of Hungary. Not being a Ger- upon the government to break with its man, he does not specially concern us traditional neutrality and adopt the poli- Germans for non-intervention.” here ; but there were not a few cy of “intervention who entertained hopes that at the proper These demands came by no means from time the revolutionary cause might be- foreigners only, but many native-boni 63 come triumphant in Germany as well as politicians joined in the chorus. How- in Hungary through the assistance of the ever, even the refugees themselves were United States. 61 not unanimously in favor of the “national

01) In the speeches and the resolutions of mass meetings, city councils and even legis- latures, with which Kossuth and other visitors of revolutionary fame were greeted, much may be found that would naturally encourage such hopes. Undoubtedly, these expressions were to some extent pure buncombe, intended to have its effect on foreign-born voters. But the current of real popular sympathy with the revolutionists was very strong, and for a while there may have been some actual danger that our diplomacy might be swept from its ancient moorings. The matter deserves more detailed study. A curious book which gives an idea of what fantastic projects could be found in the minds of some of the refugees, was published in 1851 by Theodore Poesche, under the title of “Das Neue Rom.” This was translated into English by Charles Goepp, later a well known New York lawyer. Mr. Goepp, about the same time, published a pamphlet of his “ own, called E pluribus unum In these writings the idea was advocated of the United States making itself the nucleus of a federation of republics to embrace the whole world. (Theodore Poesche and Charles Goepp, The New Rome, or the United States of the World. New York, G. P. Putnam & Co.)

02) About $10,000. See v. Asten-Kinkel, Johanna Kinkel in England, Deutsche Revue , vol. 26, page 71.

03) See besides daily papers of the time Koss, Milwaukee, page 347; Moriti Busch,

Wanderungen, passim .

36 loan.” Such influential men among did were among the ablest and often them as Boernstein, of St. Louis, and es- achieved high success, professionally and pecially the Hungarian Goegg, opposed otherwise. Lawyer immigrants who the whole scheme of establishing the lib- lacked this adaptability were apt to swell erty*of Germany or any other European the ranks of those who drifted into jour- country by force from the outside, and nalism. During the years following the maintained that the people of those coun- revolution of 1848 German periodicals of tries should first be educated up to the all kinds multiplied with astonishing rap- point where they desired a new revolu- idity, and the “Forty-eighter” element tion then ; they would establish republi- held the editorial chairs in the great ma- can institutions of their own motion. jority of such enterprises. 04

Those who thought like this organized The improvement in the economic sit- “agitation societies” in opposition to the uation of the refugee element which this Kinkel committees. Soon the enthusiasm scattering implied was helped along by created by the eloquence and captivating the universal sympathy which their cause personality of the poet agitator died away, and their fate excited for awhile. Peo- and by the middle of the summer 1852 ple, both of German and native stock, little more was heard either of the national were anxious to help these men, and the loan or the agitation societies. fact that one was a political fugitive from By the middle of the year 1852 the situ- Europe was during a number of years the ation of the refugee element had changed best recommendation possible. 65 It will in some respects from what it was in the riow be plain, how, as was stated above, fall of 1849. The members of the exile the acclimatization of the new-comers colonies in New York and other seaboard was both retarded and accelerated by the cities had to a great extent given up hopes reception they found. So far as they of a speedy return to the fatherland, and were helped to establish themselves in a while many remained in the city that at permanent occupation, they were led first gave them a resting place, others gradually to find their interests here scattered over the country in quest of a rather than in their old home. But to the permanent home and occupation. Soon extent to which Arflerican enthusiasm there were few towns in those sections abetted the plans and purposes of such which received a considerable foreign im- men as Kossuth and Kinkel, to that ex- migration, where some “Forty-eighters” tent the wholesome process of American- could not be found. Some who had ization was counter-acted. By the year sufficient means, like Friedrich Hecker, 1855 the former tendency had gained the joined the ranks of the Latin farm- upper hand, and it was settled that the ref-

ers ; others who had some profes- ugees as a class would become one of the sion of which they could avail them- elements which make up the American selves in a foreign country, estab- people. Thereafter to speak longer of lished themselves as physicians, etc. “exile colonies” would be meaningless. Of the large numbers who had been bred It was natural that men who had allow- to the law in Germany, comparatively few ed their political convictions to sway the possessed the requisite adaptibility to gain whole course of their lives in Germany admission to the those who not remain indifferent to politics American bar ; would w ) Busch in 1851 estimated the number of German periodicals in the United States at

150; a few years later, the number must have been much higher. Wanderungen , II., page 07. 65 ) Compare, as an illustration, the incident told by Froebel, Lebenslauf, I., page 278.

in this country. But the first contact with should govern directly. In a congress of American political life was in practically “Forty-eighters” held at Wheeling in every individual case the cause of a tre- September, 1852, a platform was adopted mendous disillusionment. The politics of in which among a great many other things these men in Europe had been theoretical calculated to make the world over in pret- and idealistic rather than practical and ty nearly every respect, the abolition of

realistic; it had been a philosophy, and the presidency and the senate were de- not a business. Now they discovered, manded because those institutions were that while ideas may be one of the hidden contrary to democratic principles. Sim- factors determining political currents, the ilar demands, as well as such things as politician in his daily work has to deal the referendum and initiative, those fads with the passions, prejudices and interests of latter-day populism, were frequently of men infinitely more than with ideas. advocated by the Radicals. There is some- This discovery was a grievous shock to thing deliciously naive in these proposi- them. With an error of logic common tions for radical changes in our constitu- enough they ascribed this fact, not to the tion by men, most of whom had not yet human nature to be found everywhere, been in the country long enough to be- but to the particular depravity of the come citizens. An anecdote told by Ju- American people. They did not realize lius Froebel may not be literally true, but that they had not made the same discov- illustrates perfectly the attitude of a considerable ery at home simply because there they had portion of these newcomers. He says that shortly after his arrival in never had an opportunity to engage in re- New he the street a gentleman al politics, but had merely philosophized York met on who like himself had been a member of about it, until the year of the revolution. the Frankfurt parliament. “What, are When that outbreak came, they began ac- you here too?” he cried. “When did you tual work under such extraordinary cir- arrive?” “Last week” replied his friend, cumstances, and amidst such a burst of

and continued : “But, listen, they manage excited enthusiasm, that again the every- things horribly in this country. And that day aspect of politics remained hidden is what they call a republic? Well, that from their eyes. 66 must be changed t The disgust which the discovery of the reality caused in these idealists found ex- Of course, it was largely the small fry pression in a flood of books, pamphlets of the refugees who were guilty of such and articles published on both sides of the extravagances. The men of weight and Atlantic. This species of literature has ability among them, such as Froebel, been referred to in the second chapter. Kapp, Hecker, Brentano and many others, Another circumstance which contributed had more modesty, and knew well enough to the pessimistic view of American po- that there was much for them to learn be- litical life was the fact that the American fore they could assume to teach the peo- idea of a democratic republic was very ple among whom they had come. But different from that of the German radi- these better men also looked at our politicals. Representative institutions seemed cal life through decidedly pessimistic to them hardly more than a makeshift, a glasses. One of the reasons therefor miserable compromise between aristocra- was the inveterate habit which some of cy and democracy. They dreamed of a the ablest preserved to the end, of looking pure democracy, in which the people at cis-Atlantic politics through European

66 ) Froebel, Lebenslauf I., page 280.

;

38 spectacles. All political struggles were, The enthusiastic sympathy which greet- to them, struggles between the aristocrat- ed the outbreak of the revolution of 1848 ic and democratic principles. From this and smoothed the path of the exiles dur- one-sided standpoint they were trying to ing a few years thereafter, did not last find the aristocratic party in this country, very long. When the newcomers were and found k, at first in the Whigs with somewhat settled in their new surround- their economic tenets, and afterwards, ings, their peculiarities could not but jar when the slavery question overshadowed upon the sensibilities of the astonished all others, in the Southern wing of the natives. As was seen above, modesty was Democracy. 67 Whenever the actual facts by no means the chief virtue of German did not tally with this preconceived nation, Radicals. Nor did they propose to adapt it seemed proof to those men, not that their themselves meekly to the ways of those theory was wrong, but that American pol- among whom they had settled. More- iticians were utterly corrupt and disloyal over, they were mostly young, without the to their principles. From the same stand- cautious prudence that comes with age.

point, it also appeared that the Catholic By reason of their radicalism they had ex-

hierarchy, being on the side of the conti- ceedingly little respect for traditional cus- nental governments in Europe, must in tom and social prejudice, in other words America side with the enemies of liberty for “respectability.” Most of them rath- and who could doubt that the monarchical er enjoyed shocking the Philistines. governments themselves were intriguing And they did shock them. To be sure, to assist the allied aristocrats and ecclesi- there was nothing entirely new in those astics in subverting the liberty of the Unit- Sunday picnics and those convivial meet- ed States? This ingenious logic some- ings at beer gardens and similar resorts, times went far enough actually to pro- accompanied by music and speech-mak- pound the theory that the Southerners ing, which became so prominent a part of pushed the slavery question into the fore- German life in this country. For the last ground, in order to keep the United States twenty years these things had been known from adopting the policy of “intervention in all those sections where German immi- for non-intervention.” To do this they gration was strong. But now there was were persuaded by the Jesuits, at the in- added a certain spirit of defiance and a stigation of the monarchical govern- determined resistance to everything in ments.68 our laws and institutions which stood in The relations of the refugee element to the way of the unhindered following of the political parties will be considered at such customs. At the very time when an a greater length in the succeeding chap- agitation for the introduction of “Maine leg- ter. Here we must treat briefly of two laws” and other devices to combat by matters which have influenced very deep- islation the use of intoxicating beverages classes, ly the attitude of the “Forty-eighters,” as became popular among large an well as of the whole German element, to- opposition thereto sprang up which was wards our political and social institutions. based, not on expediency, but on princi- These matters are what for want of a bet- ple. To the average native American, indications of ter term may be called Puritanism, and the German customs were the Church. vice and immorality, especially when it

” preface to Kapp’s “ Geschichte der Sklaverei . «7) See e. g. y the English Geschichte der Sklaverei the ar 68) Compare on these matters, inter alia, Kapp, “ “ tides of Essellen in Atlantis."

was learned that the leaders in these In the preceding chapter it was stated things, the orators it those Sunday pic- that during the two decades before the nics, were men who openly expressed their revolution the minds of all educated Ger- contempt for churches and boasted of mans had been under the influence of He- their “atheism.” As long as the Ger- gel’s system of philosophy. The radical

mans in their saloons and beer gardens element, especially, drew its philosophi- had been composed almost entirely of un- cal nourishment from the bold deductions educated people, the prevailing attitude of the so-called Young-Hegelian school. of Americans had been one of contempt. During the last few years before and after They found in those customs an ocular 1848, however, the bible by which the av- demonstration of the degradation in erage radical was disposed to swear was which the masses were kept by the monar- the works of Ludwig Feuerbach, in which chies of effete Europe. But now, when the dogmatism of Hegel was replaced by the masses were seen to have leaders and an almost entirely negative criticism. In spokesmen who were evidently educated accordance with Feuerbach’s doctrines, and in many cases able, contempt became the average “Forty-eighter” was con- mingled with indignation. This was one vinced that all kinds of religion were of the causes which gave such an impetus merely the figments of the human imag- to the nativistic and “Knownothing” ination, all equally untrue. Belief in the movements during those years. existence of a deity was of the same char-

It is of course clear that among the acter. These men were very far from the thousands of “Forty-eighters” there were modest attitude of a modern agnostic.

individuals of all sorts, and it would be They simply knew that there was no God. folly to deny that there were some whose So far as there was a positive side to this

characters tallied pretty well with the pic- philosophy, it was a more or less crude ture of the class as it existed in the minds materialism. Just about this time the of a large number of Americans. That physical sciences rose to that overwhelm- picture was as repulsive as possible— ing importance in the public mind which compound of impiety, sensualism and they held during the later half of the cen- grossness. At best, the popular view tury. Few of the refugees had received might be represented by the good-natured much training in physical science, but humor with which Charles G. Lelartd car- they fell in with the new tendency, and ricatured the type in “Hans Breitmann’s their publications are full of articles de-

Ballads.” But if the ethical worth of the signed to popularize scientific facts. “Forty-eighters” as a class could be com- Probably most of the Radicals would pared accurately with that of their native have been ready to admit that religion,

detractors, it is likely they would stand though it be all airy fantasy, had conferred the test very well. The truth was that much benefit on humanity in times past. what is called in German the 'Weltan- But whatever may have been the case in schauung'' of the immigrants was so dif- former days, the Radicals were firmly con- ferent from anything the native Ameri- vinced that mankind had now come to

can mind was accustomed to, that it was that stage where it needed stronger food almost impossible to find a common than the fictions which sufficed in its in- ground from which an understanding fancy. Religion, in their eyes, had be- between the two classes could be had, un- come an unmitigated evil. But as you til the “Forty-eighter” and the Puritan could not very well fight religion in the became united in a common hatred of abstract, the Radicals became the unconv slavery. promising enemies of the concrete repre-

”

sentatives of th« religious idea, in other priests. Many, also, of the various liter- words, the churches. In these more in- ary, social and other organizations domi- different days it takes an effort to under- nated by Radicals had opposition to stand the virulent hatred with which the church influences as one of their main ob- 70 Radicals of those years pursued priests jects. The Catholic proposition to di- and ministers. With the true spirit of vide a part of the public school fund the fanatic, they would not admit that a among the various denominations which clergyman could be a sincere believer in maintained parochial schools found no the doctrines he taught. They maintain- more determined opponents than the Ger- ed that all churchmen were simply mem- man Radicals. But these did not limit bers of a gigantic conspiracy to keep the their attacks to such legitimate matters of masses in mental bondage as the best dispute. Everything connected with the means of upholding political oppression. church, from her dogmas to the private A favorite term for a church was “Ver- character of her priests, became the object diimmungs-Anstalt” which might be of assault. The temper in which this translated “stupidization institute,” and feud was conducted varied from calm “ the worst term of. reproach was Pfatf philosophical discussion in Essellen’s “At- 69 ( priest, with an opprobrious flavor) , lantis” to the most scurrilous abuse in In the fatherland, the churches were such publications as Ludvigh’s “Packet” one of the principal conservative ele- and Naprstek’s “Flugblaetter.” The

ments ; and it was true enough that state- German-speaking Catholics entered on the supported churches could not be but to fight with equal zest and, on the whole, some extent instruments of state policy. better temper and taste. In several places,

The Radicals drew no distinction between e. g. in Cincinnati and Milwaukee, Catho- churches so situated and the independent lic newspapers were started in opposition churches of this country. Their fanati- to those edited by Radicals. The contest cism condemned all alike, nor could they was carried into private and business life. see much difference in principle between It expressed itself in various forms of boy-

Catholicism and Protestantism. Yet it cotting. When a company composed may be said that they hated the Catholic largely of adherents of radicalism founded

Church a little more, because they consid- the little city of New Ulm in Minnesota ered it the stronger and more dangerous. in 1852, it was stated that they invited to Most of the new papers that sprang up the settlement all Germans except lawyers 71 after the “Forty-eighters” had come to and priests ( Pfaffen ) The result of this country devoted a large portion of this agitation was the introduction of a their space to attacks upon churches and deep division among the German element,

®9 ) The enmity towards the Church persisted in many of these men even after their political radicalism had given place to much saner views. Friederich Kapp, for instance, never had his daughters baptized till after his return to Germany, in 1870, and then merely as a concession to local prejudices. Bamberger tells the characteristic story that the two young ladies, preparatory to the ceremony, were catechized by the clergyman, who was amazed to find that they knew so little of Christianity. “What, have you never heard of Jesus?’’ he gasped. “Oh, yes,’’ replied one of the girls, “papa says Jesus was a gentleman!’’ Bamberger, Op. cit., page 202. 70 ) See for instance the Verein Freier Manner, organized at Cincinnati in 1855, and from there spreading toother cities. Its constitution says, among other things: “The object of the association is to oppose a strong barrier, on the one hand to the encroachments and liberty-destroying aspirations of priestcraft, on the other hand to indifferentism and intel-

lectual stagnation.’’ Meyer's Monatshefte , 1855, page 462. 71 ,’’ ) See “ Deutsche Pionier IV., page 462.

;

41 which extended to all phases of life and open defiance of the customs of the land, made cooperation between these elements with regard to Sunday observance; the in business, politics and social affairs prac- open indulgence in beer and wine, in the tically impossible. This division persists presence of women and children, who to to the present day, although the old bitter- some extent took part in these pleasures ness has disappeared, and progressive and to crown all this, the avowal of “athe- Americanization is likely to heal the ism” and “infidelity” was nothing less 72 wounds at no distant day . than proof of total depravity. The wel- While the “Forty-eighters” and their come which the victims of monarchical adherents were thus engaged in combat- oppression had found at first was turned ing the Roman Catholic hierarchy, they into strong aversion, and on the part of paid but little attention to the work of the many, into fierce enmity. The. “Know- Lutheran clergy, which during those nothing” movement was directed as much years built up the powerful chain of con- against the German “infidel” as against gregations and synods which we know the Roman Catholic. The breaking up of to-day. Lutheran orthodoxy was quite peaceful German picnic parties by gangs as distasteful to the Radicals as Roman of rowdies, which had been a common

Catholicism. But it was the day of small thing during former outbreaks of nativ- things for the Lutherans, especially in the istic hostility, occurred more frequently

West, and they probably seemed of little than ever. In self-defense it was importance to the Radicals. The Eng- proposed that Germans should arm lish-speaking Protestant churches aroused themselves. Especially among the the ire of the “Forty-eighters” especially “Turners”™ an agitation arose for or- because they were the principal upholders ganized, armed resistance to such of prohibition legislation, 74 Sunday and and outrages . This aided in the rise of the against both these features of “Puritan- legend that the “foreigners” were arming ism” the Radicals made a determined to destroy American institutions by force. stand. They shared with the masses of With fine disregard of facts and possibili- their countrymen an aversion to laws that ties, it was soon believed by some that the interfered with their social customs, and “Holy Alliance” was behind the increase in addition all 78 they held that these sump- in immigration during recent years . tuary laws, so-called, were incompatible When “Knownothingism” became a po- with that individual freedom which they litical power, election riots in which for- considered the highest social and political eigners, without regard to whether they good, and on which they conceived were Catholics, Protestants or Infidels, American institutions to be built. were murdered by the score, became of or- To the average American mind, the dinary occurrence in some parts of the

72 ) An excellent picture of these fights is given in Koss, Milwaukee. The author is very evidently in sympathy with the Radicals, however. Although his story is local in its nature, it is a type of similar contentions which took place whenever there were considerable numbers of Radicals and Catholics. 73 ) The Nord-Amerikanische Turnerbund is the most successful and permanent of the many associations organized or dominated by the Radical element. On its nature and history, see M. D. Learned, the German-American Turner Lyric, in Publications of the Society for the History of the Germans in Maryland, X., page 79. The article has a good collation of its sources. 7i ) “ Galveston Zeitung," August 19, 1855. See Busey, Immigration, page 28. 75 ) See Schmeckebier, The Knownothings in Maryland, Johns Hopkins University Studies, 1899.

42 country. The details of these shameful the Catholic Church, they found, of happenings belong to the history of course, nothing but bitter hostility, and “Knownothingism” rather than that of the Catholics were estimated at one-third 70 the “Forty-eighters.” of the German element . The large In more respectable quarters than those numbers of peasants from Northern and of “Knownothings” the doings of the Ra- Eastern Germany, who took up farms dicals aroused alarm also. How the re- or remained in the cities as laborers, were spectable element of native Americans utterly impervious to radical and infidel was impressed may be illustrated by a influences. They were then as now the quotation from an article from the pen of mainstay of Lutheranism. The most fruitful field for radical ideas both in re- J. B. Angell, in the North American Re- 7 ® ligion politics, view : and was found among the skilled workmen of the cities. The well- “The free-thinker of Tuebingen is to-do business element, also, may be said here an editor who regards none of the to have felt a mild sympathy with the courtesies of our own life, nor any of anti-religious ideas of the Radicals. But our most hallowed customs and beliefs. political Radicalism was abhorrent to this This is no exaggeration. Many a Ger- class, and their attitude towards the man is amazed and grieved at the great Church that of indifferentism rather moral contrasts between multitudes of was than hostility. Thus it will be seen that immigrants and the quiet citizens at home.” 77 the influence of the Radicals was not alto- gether proportionate to the noise they Utterances of this kind were common made. Still they were the most conspicu- and seem to reflect temperate public opin- ous men among the Germans in all public ion with accuracy. From this opinion activities. The Catholics and other sprang occasional attempts at missionary church people had a tendency of separat- work among the Germans. For instance, ing themselves from the rest of their coun- at Louisville, a committee of Presbyteri- trymen, and taking part in public affairs ans issued a call for an organization “to only when their own immediate interests save the Germans, to make them true were at stake. “Forty-eighters” were Christians through the various evangelic the orators at most German festivities; churches in this country, and thoroughly they dominated in many singing societies, Americanize them .” 78 Such attempts, social clubs and other organizations that conceived in profound ignorance of the had nothing in particular to do with re- character of the German element and the ligion or politics, but gave its leading conditions prevailing among them, re- spirits opportunities for becoming known mained without results. and influential ; furthermore, they edited While thus the activity of the refugee most of the German papers. In this way element among the Germans attracted it came about that the refugee element the attention of native Americans, it must could bring to the support of the anti- by no means be understood that they slavery cause the votes and influence of were the real leaders of the mass of their thousands of their countrymen who had countrymen. Among those affiliated with no particular sympathy with Radicalism.

76 ) North American Review, vol. 82, page 259. (1856). 77 refers particularly to the Ger- ) See also Christian Inquirer, May 31, 1851, which man press of that time. 78 “/« Heimath ,” page 227. ) Eickhoff, der Neuen

79) See Loeher, Op. cit., page 433. This refers to a somewhat earlier period, but the proportion seems to have been about constant. Accurate statistics are not in existence.

How this was done will be the main Americans as the fight between the Grays subject of the next chapter. and the Greens. The Grays had the advantage of a longer residence in the coun- CHAPTER V. try, greater familiarity with conditions, greater wealth and old established connec- The Struggle Against Slavery. tions. The Greens, on the other hand, In the third chapter the reasons were were their superiors in numbers and en- set forth, why the German element in gen- thusiasm. They had no personal reasons eral, and particularly the political refu- to attach themselves to any particular gees of the earlier period, with few ex- party organization, while the Grays, by ceptions became Jacksonian Democrats. reason of habit and the manifold person- For a number of years after the coming of al interests which party affiliation creates, the “Forty-eighters,” the same causes re- found it difficult to sever their connection with the tained sufficient force to lead most of the Democracy, even where they became more newcomers also into the arms of the same and more disgusted with the growing pro-slavery leanings of the party. party. Yet in the very year 1848, the The inexperience of the Greens led them slavery question for the first time caused to favor all sorts of Utopian schemes, in- a split in the ranks. The “Barnburner” cluding the German State idea, which section of the New York Democracy most of the Grays had happily outgrown. carried a number of leading Germans of Nor did the radicalism of the Greens, that state to the support of Van Buren, their notions about changing the Consti- the freesoil candidate, for president, and tution of the United States to a pure a similar secession took place in other Democracy, find favor in the eyes of their states, notably in Wisconsin, where the predecessors, let alone the Socialistic Freesoilers, with the help of numerous proclivities of a part of the newcomers. 81 Germans, won a notable success. 80 But In return for the cold water which the the freesoil movement was abortive in Grays poured over these exuberances, the long run. As the influence of the the Greens attacked their opponents in new arrivals spread, and at the same time bitter tirades, charging them with being the slavery question pushed itself more traitors to the German nationality, with and more into the foreground, there arose having no love for anything except their a struggle between the older leaders of own pecuniary interests. Even the ac- the German element and the “Forty-eight- cusation of playing into the hands of the ers” who desired to supplant them, simi- knownothings was not lacking. 82 lar to the fight by which the refugees of

1830 had had to dispute thfe leadership Those among the Radicals who found with the “old settlers” of that day. This it impossible to identify themselves with struggle became known among German - the Democratic party, were at a loss for a

8°) See T. C. Smith, the Freesoil Party in Wisconsin, Proceedings Wisconsin State Historical Society. 1894. 81) The most prominent individual in the Socialistic wing of the refugees was William Weitling, who has been mentioned above. He published a number of Socialistic papers in New York and died there in 1871. On the relations of German with American Socialists of that time, see “Deutsche Pionier,” IV., page 389. The New York Tribune for a while had pretty close connection with some of these men. Karl Marx was its regular European cor- respondent. Before that time, in 1848, Albert -Brisbane, the Fourierist and friend of Horace Greeley, went to Germany and took part in Socialistic agitation in connection with Marx, Anneke and others. 82) See on this point, e. g., an article .in “Atlantis III., page 109. (August 1855).

44 long time as to what party they should of ephemeral life were started in the Ger- support. They were determined to have man centers again and again, to die as nothing to do with an organization that soon as financial support by the party or- lent itself to the support of slavery. The ganization was withdrawn. The editors '‘Barnburner” Democracy was local and of such papers were sometimes refugees by no means distinguished by that heroic who were driven by pecuniary necessities loyalty to principle, which Radical enthu- into accepting such positions against their siasm demanded. The Freesoil party was convictions. 88 ephemeral and ineffective. The aboli- Under these circumstances not a few tionists proper, in their different varieties, of the Radicals conceived the idea of were well enough as far as the slavery forming an independent party of their question went. But unfortunately the at- own. Attempts at such an organization mosphere of abolition circles was very were made at several conventions held much impregnated with that Puritanism under Radical auspices. The “Bund which was distasteful above all oth£r Freier Maenner,” a Radical association things to German Radicals. How could the originating at Louisville and spreading materialism and infidelity of the “Forty- through most of the Western states, held eighter” be mated with the religious zeal state conventions in Wisconsin, Ken- of the average Abolitionist? As to join- tucky, Ohio, Texas, Indiana and Illinois ing the Whigs, that also was out of the during the summer of 1853. 86 The plat- question. In the first place, the Whig forms adopted at these and similar meet- party of 1852 was no more outspoken in ings were on the whole alike to those of its anti-slavery sentiment than the De- the Wheeling convention of 1852, men- mocracy. All the reasons which had in tioned above, except that less prominence the past kept Germans of all sorts away was given to the Radical programme of from the Whigs still held good. In ad- constitutional changes, and more to the dition the Whig candidate for president, struggle against slavery. At the same Gen. Winfield Scott, had a rather bad time the German press was full of dis- record on the question of nativism. 83 cussions about the proper place of the

Some of the refugees, to be sure, and am- Germans in politics. On the whole it ong them some of the best, like Julius seems that a majority even of the Greens Froebel and Friedrich Kapp, did ally realized that an independent German themselves with the Whig party. But party would simply mean that the in- they did so at the post of losing for the fluence of the “Fortv-eighters,” who time being most of their influence with would lead that party, would be reduced 84 the German element. The Whigs never to a minimum. About this time, also, it ceased their attempts of gaining votes became clear to many that an agitation among the Germans, and Whig papers for radical principles, conducted exclus-

®) During the campaign an old letter of his was unearthed in which he said: “I now hesitate between extending the period of residence before naturalization and a total repeal of all acts of Congress on the subject. My mind inclines to the latter.” Besides, he was charged with having hung, unjustly, fifteen Germans during the Mexican war. See Rhodes’ History of the United States, I., pp. 273, 276. 84 ) See Froebel, Lebenslauf; Aus America, passim. 85) E. g., the case of Roesler, a former member of the Frankfurter parliajnent, who edited a Whig campaign paper in Milwaukee, in 1852. When he was upbraided for this by some friends, he replied: ‘‘You don’t know how hunger hurts.” Wagner & Scherzer, Reisen in Sord-Amtrika page 126. , 08) See “Atlantis,” I., page 232.

45 ively in the German language, would the side of the Democratic party. Those have but a very slight and indirect effect attempts at forming an independent on the American people. Consequently, German party, which had taken so much a number of attempts were made to found of the energy of the “Forty-eighters” periodicals in which German radical prin- during the year 1853, had been much like ciples in religion and politics should be the operations of a body of officers with- discussed in the English tongue. The out an army. Now the army began to journals so founded were all ot them form behind the leaders. Thousands of short-lived. The most interesting of them German voters began to feel that the was the “American Liberal,” published Radicals were right, that the Democratic for a while by Christian Essellen, i» con- party was nothing but the servant of the junction with the “Atlantis” Southern plantation aristocracy.

It was not until the introduction of the Not only did the “Forty-eighters“ find their body of followers they found also Kansas-Nebraska bill that these blind ; gropings began to be replaced by more a larger organization of which they could definite and efficient political activity. At become a part. During the spring and the party first the opposition to the scheme of summer of 1854 Republican Senator Douglas was practically unani- took its rise, and the “Forty-eighters,” mous among the Germans. According to with a practical unanimity that was not disputatious Von Holst, there were in the spring of often obtained among that and opinionated crew, hastened to make 1854 among eighty-eight German news- organiza- papers in the country just eight in favor themselves a part of the new tion. It speaks well for the kernel of po- of the bill while eighty were decidedly op- 87 litical commonsense and insight that was posed to it. There can be little doubt their shell of that this proportion was an accurate re- hidden, after all, behind that the Radicals were so flection of the popular feeling among the extravagances, Germans. As time went on a large num- ready to join with the first organization placed itself avowedly and without ber of the editors felt themSelves con- which of opposition strained to change their position with re- reservation on the principle extension. aside from that gard to “squatter sovereignty,” for too to slavery For any senti- many papers were dependent for their one principle, there was hardly the majority of existence on party support. Douglas’ ment in common between Radical allies. condemnation of the pro-slavery out- the new party and their the idealists had learned rages in Kansas made the change easier But German their first lesson in practical politics, to- for them, and it may be said that until in order to gain anything at his death the “Little Giant” from Illinois wit: That insist on having every- had no more enthusiastic admirers than all, you must not the German Democrats throughout the thing you may deem desirable. country. 88 But nevertheless that original The rise of the Republican party gave outburst of anti-slavery feeling on the renewed vigor to the struggle between part of the German press was significant. the Grays and the Greens. While almost It marked the time when the German without exception the “Forty-eighters” element ceased to be practically solid on threw themselves into the arms of the

87) Von Holst, Constitutional History of the United States, IV., page 420. 88) This was so, although in the very year 1854 he laid himself open to charges of nativistic tendencies by voting against the proposition to allow foreigner# who had merely declared their intention to become citizens to participate in the benefits of a homestead bill then pending in Congress. new organization, 8* and not a few of the assistance. The correspendence of Mr. older refugees did the same thing, the Carl Schurz affords some interesting Grays, generally speaking, were too glimpses into the difficulties of keeping closely connected, with the Democratic them going .®0 On the whole the Demo- party by personal interest and habit to cratic German press continued to have make such a course possible. They be- the advantage, financially largely, mo ; came staunch supporters of “squatter doubt, for the reason that these papers sovereignty,” and were aided in their were older and well established. The fol- efforts to combat Republicanism by the lowing comment by Mr. Essellen is char- Catholic element. In the eyes of the lat- acteristic of the situation: “While the ter, the Republican party became almost Liberal German papers, surely the great from the beginning identified with their majority of German-American papers, hated enemies, the “Forty-eighters,” and often lead a miserable life (we are of the to thi$ day almost every German Catholic opinion that there are too many of the in the country is a Democrat. little Western sheets) . . . the Hunker One advantage the Forty-eighters de- sheets have a life of pleasure. Never- rived from the rise of the new party was theless it is a strange phenomenon that that their papers now had a source of the latter are often embarrassed to find financial support such as the Democratic editors.” The writer adds that at the party was to the Grays. Few of the present time two Democratic papers, many new* papers springing up in the “Michigan Demokrat” and “Philadelphia German centers were independent of such Demokrat,” are thus orphaned .® 1 The ob-

M) About the only prominent “Forty-eighter” who remained until the outbreak of the civil war a faithful adherent of the “Straight” Democracy was Oswald Ottendorfer, of the “New York Staatszeitung." 9°) See letter of Carl Schurz to F. J. Potter, dated August 12, 1859, published Mil- “ " waukee Sentinel, April 1, 1900, and in Hense-Jensen, Wisconsin's Deutsch-Amerikanery vol, I., page 317. Also the following unpublished letter of Carl Schurz to John H. Tweedy, now in possession of Henry E. Legler of Milwaukee: John H. Tweedy, Esq. Watertown, Sept. 30th, 1857. My Dear Sir: It was my intention to call on you tomorrow, but some appointments I shall have to fill for the Governor, oblige me to visit the Northern part of the state. I wish to call your attention again to the necessity of doing something for our German-Republican papers, of which the “Atlas” and the “Watertown Volkszeitung” are the most important and the worst in danger of going down. About $200 have been subscribed by the candidates and a few other friends for the purpose of covering certain notes which I have endorsed and which will fall to my charge if not taken care of by the party. I have helped the papers .along with money and endorsements as long as I could, but my sacrifices have been already so heavy and so disproportionate to my means that I must look to the party for help. We cannot get along without those papers; they will be able to sustain themselves if relieved of their debts, and I think no effort ought to be spared. The “Volkszeitung” here needs some aid immediately or it will have to stop even before election. I saw Brigham at Madison, and I wish you would communicate with him and the Young Men’s Rep. Club. I am somewhat heavily involved with those two papers, and after all I have done, it can hardly be expected that I, under existing circumstances, shcfcpld run the German Rep. press of the state at my private expense. Besides, I am entirely unable to take up any more of the notes. One of them is already past due and in Noonan’s hands. If you would give some attention to this matter you would do a good work for the cause. The papers must be sustained; they are in themselves strongholds which we cannot afford to lose. I shall probably have the pleasure of seeing you before the end of the week. If you can raise some money for the “Volkszeitung” without delay, however much or little it may be, it will be a good investment. Yours truly, C. Schurz. li " 91) Atlantis y III., page 178. (August, 1855).

servation was probably strictly true. The done for me Germans during the last overwhelming majority of educated Ger- twenty-five years, and denounced that man emigrants during the last* seven party as hostile to human progress, as the years had been either political refugees upholder of oppression and slavery, as or held convictions similar to them ; and the enemy of liberty. It was not very easy this element became Republican almost for the average German voter to believe without exception. that tale.

While thus the most intelligent portion As was the obvious course of political of the Germans, and particularly the po- prudence*, it became the policy of the litical refugees, cast their weight into the German Democrats to minimize the im- balance for the nascent Republican party, portance of the slavery issue. That was it was by no means an easy task for them fa local quesetion, according to them, with to carry an appreciable number of which the people of the free states had German voters along. As far as mere nothing to do. As far as the introduction numbers were concerned they were al- of slavery into the territories was con- most a negligeable quantity—a few thous- cerned, that would regulate itself. There ands, scattered through nearly every state was no danger of it because it would not of the Union. They were, moreover, pay. The only true policy was that of comparatively new arrivals. In the far popular sovereignty in each territority, as Western states, notably Wisconsin and advocated by that great statesman and Iowa, this made little difference because true champion of liberty, Senator Doug- these sections had been but recently set- las. Such became the tenor of German lled and few of their countrymen had “Hunker” arguments after the behests of much the better of them, as far as length' political expediency had repressed the of residence was concerned. But in the first outburst of genuine feeling caused older centres of German-American life, by the introduction of the Kansas- such as New York, Philadelphia and Cin- Nebraska bill. There could be no doubt cinnati, their opponents could bring to that the German voters were almost un- bear all the advantage the old settler had animous in their aversion to slavery. The in business and social relations. The sen- only means of preventing them from timental attachments, also, which the going over to the anti-slavery party en older German residents felt towards the masse was to keep prominently before Democratic party must not be underrated. their eyes the danger of nativism and That party had always stood by the for- prohibitionism. eigner in his struggles against nativism. Accordingly, the Democratic speakers Everything which the Germans had and writers avoided as much as possible gained in recognition of their interests as the discussion of the slavery question and a nationality, the instruction in their dwelt the more frequently on the issues mother tongue which the public schools more hopeful from their standpoint. afforded to their children, the relaxation Never since the nativistic movement had of the Sabbath laws, the successful op- arisen had there been a greater apparent position to prohibition legislation, all was danger from that side. The Knownoth- gained with the help of the Democracy. ing order, fighting in the dark and ap- Now came a crowd of newcomers, of pearing the more formidable on account greenhorns, barely become citizens, some of the mystery attaching to it; and the of them not long enough in the country “American” party, powerful especially in for that even, men who had no personal the border states, gained overwhelming knowledge of what the Democracy had victories in several parts of the country,

obtaining majorities in several legis- on the political action of the German ele- latures and municipalities. The movement. The Radicals could no more ment acquired a strong foothold in Con- escape attaching the utmost importance gress. Although it did not succeed in to it than the most inveterate “Hunker.” passing much legislation hostile to for- No German, however able or popular, eign-bom citizens, the danger of such could hope to become or continue to be measures becoming law seemed immi- a leader of his countrymen, unless he op- nent. Wherever the American party reach- posed to the utmost every vestige of ed the ascendency, the worst elements of knownothing sentiment. If the Demo- demagogism became rampant. Although cracy could succeed in making the occasionally a man of character, standing German masses believe that the new Rep- and ability identified himself with the publican party was esentially a know- movement,- as a rule leaders and followers nothing organization, the ablest and most belonged to the worst class of low poli- impassioned anti-slavery arguments of ticians, and their deeds were a queer com- the “Forty-eighters” would not be likely mentary on their tirades against the “for- to gain a single German vote for that eign mobs,” upon whose shoulders they cause. tried to load all responsibility for what- Knownothing sentiments were by no ever corruption and evil existed in public means confined to the organization known life. Murder, arson, riots and election as the “American” party. What remnants frauds were the ordinary weapons of the of the Whigs still existed after the defeat “Americans.” The outrages of a former of 1852 were full of navitists. Not period, the burning of the convent at seldom nativistic leanings were found Charleston, Mass., and the Philadelphia even in the Democratic ranks, a matter riots of 1844, were eclipsed by the blood- which was duly exploited by the “Forty- shed and other crimes in Baltimore, eighters.” For instance, in a Democratic Louisville and elsewhere. At Louisville, city convention held at Cincinnati, March on election day (August 4) in the year 24, 1857, it was claimed by the German 1855, city was in the hands of a mob Republicans that there were ninety know- which killed a number of Germans and nothings against ninety-four “German Irish, and injured many others, including and Irish” delegates. However that may women and children. A committee of have been, there were strong protests in the Common Council, appointed to in- that convention against questioning can- vestigate the outrages, made the in- didates with regard to their views on the genious discovery that the whole blame knownothing issue. 93 The custom of should be laid at the door of “foreigners, catechizing candidates on these points papists and infidels” whose houses were had become quite common during recent said to be arsenals from which Americans years. 94 2 had been fired on.® The period from the defeat of Gen. Occurrences of this kind were very Scott to the presidential campaign of common during the years from 1850 to 1856 was a period of uncertainty for all 1856. It was inevitable, therefore, that who sought some organization with they must have a determining influence which they could ally themselves in op-

See, among other places, Eickhoff, In der Neuen Heimath , page 227. Schmecke- bier, Knownothinga in Maryland; Hennighauseir, Reminiscences, etc., Hth and 12th Annual Reports, Society for the History of the Germans in Maryland. 93) “ Cincinnati Volksblatt" March 27, 1857. 94) 26. See, e. g. t the Baltimore case commented on by Busey, Immigration, page

49 position to the. Democracy. The “Amer- final success of the Republican party pos- ican" party, notwithstanding its ephem- sible; that they accomplished all this is eral successes, obviously lacked the con- evidence not only of their loyalty and ditions that would make it a permanent devotion, but also of the very great factor in politics. Moreover, it did not amount of political ability which was recognize the truth that the time had found in their ranks. That the best am- come when the slavery question must ong them, such men as Kapp, Muench, overshadow all other issues. From its Hecker, Koerner, Hassaurek and others, very nature, it had no room for foreign- did not become more conspicuous than born anti-slavery men. When the Repub- they did in the history of the United lican party began to crystallize, during States must be ascribed to the circum- # the summer of 1854, the “Americans’ in stance that they never succeeded in being the Northern states, or at least those who considered apart from their leadership of had anti-slavery sentiments, at once be- a special element of voters. Such special gan to leave its ranks and flock into the relationship, while it is an advantage in new organization in great numbers. In the first few steps of a political career, is addition to this nativistic element, it was a serious drawback later on. Moreover, evident that the anti-slavery Whigs who their leadership among the Germans kept were everywhere the nucleus of the Re- them from ever becoming as thoroughly publican hosts, were to a great extent Americanized as they might have become. zealous advocates of prohibition and In fact some of them, as Kapp for in- strict enforcement of the Sabbath laws. stance, never considered themselves any- Here was the opportunity of the Demo- thing but Europeans, and finally returned crats. By constantly harping on these to their native country to live. Of this undeniable facts, they endeavored to keep whole generation of politicians, Mr. the German voters from al>andoning the Schurz is almost the only one who out- party to which they had so long been grew the limitations imposed by his for- loyal. The German Republicans, on the eign birth. other hand, found themselves confronted The identification of the “Forty- with a double task. On the one hand they eighters" with the anti-slavery struggle had to inspire the indifferent masses of had a decidedly broadening effect on these their countrymen with their own fervent men themselves. They had at last found anti-slavery zeal. On the other hand they real political work to do, and yet were not had to be constantly on guard to keep obliged to become disloyal to their high tneir own party from following the in- political ideals. Thus their true political clination of so many of its members to ability found an opportunity to display it- run off into the knownothing and pro- self. Those radical extravagances fell hibition by-ways. away from them one by one. As soon as The odds were almost overwhelming the work of the new party was fairly un-

against the little band of fighter^ for der way, we hardly find a word in the human liberty. That in the face of such writings and speeches of “Forty-eighters” difficulties they succeeded in gaining over about changes in the constitution and to the Republican side as many Germans similar dreams. Only a few impractica- bles, like Karl Heinzen, carried on the old as they did ; that they obtained for their followers the balance of power in a num- futile agitation and soon stood entirely ber of Northern states, certainly in Wis- isolated. Or a man here and there, who consin and Illinois, and probably also in came dangerously near being a “crank," Iowa and Ohio, and thereby made the would destroy his usefulness by a petulant

display of ultra loyalty to “radical prin- the Republican party, in keeping the new 5 ciples,” like Struve.® But nearly all of organization out of the knownothing rut, them were now fully launched on the and now and then to gain some local ad- stream of real American politics, and vantage for themselves. Thus at the found there quite enough work to occupy Cincinnati municipal election mentioned 07 their energies. above, Hassaurek was elected as an independent candidate to the Common Coun- The fight with the Catholics, which had cil, over a Democrat accused of nativistic been carried on so vigorously by most of tendencies. The formative period of the them during the earlier years, now be- Republican party was rather protracted. came a source of much embarrassment. After the beginning had been made in It made it impossible for them to gain a Wisconsin, Michigan and Vermont, other single convert among this class and forced states followed but slowly, .and not until them into a three-cornered battle when February 22, 1856, was it possible to effect they opposed the knownothings. The a national organization, at a mass conven- following expressions by Essellen may tion held in Pittsburg. Another quotation illustrate their difficulty. After referring from Essellen’s “Atlantis" may show how to the knownothing riots in Cincinnati in the situation looked to a<“Forty-eighter” the spring of 1855 and declaring that the in the Fall of 1855: “We have observed nativist movement threatened to result in on several occasions that the so-called a civil war, he continues : “Yet we would Republican party, both in Ohio and else- net wish that Irishmen and Germans where, does not form a definite, finished should stand together in a struggle that party, with a definite program, but must be decisive for the freedom of rather an association of various America. This alliance does not become parties and factions, held together only the honor of the German name.” 96 The

by a negative cement, to-wit : opposition Radical's objection was, of course, not to to slavery 1 extension. The idea at the the nationality of such allies, but to foundation of this union is correct. For their Catholic religion. opposition to the encroachments of the

But notwithstanding such embarrass- slave-holders’ party is the most pressing ments, the “Forty-eighters" went to demand of American politics and the best work vigorously to assist in organizing basis of new party formations. But for

®5) Gustav v. Struve had been, next to Hecker, the most prominent of the ultra- Demo- cratic leaders. In September, 1848, he attempted a second Republican insurrection in Ba- den, was defeated by the government forces, taken prisoner, but liberated by a mob. He escaped to Switzerland, and in 1851 came to New York, where he engaged in literary work. Among other things he published a universal history in six volumes, probably the most ambi- tious German work ever published in the United States, except Schem’s Conversations-Lexikon. After the outbreak of the civil war he was given a commission in the 8th New York Regi- ment, but resigned when his colonel, Blenker, was promoted and succeeded by Prince Salm- Salm. The reason he gave was that he would not serve under a prince! In 1863, Struve was appointed consul at Sonneberg, but the government of the Duke of Coburg-Gotha refused the exequatur. Struve returned to Germany, however, where he lived at Meiningen until his death. He was a phrenologist, a vegetarian, and seems to have been hardly quite well balanced, mentally.

*®) “Atlantis," II., page 230. (March 1855).

Friedrich Hassaurek, born in 1832, took part in the Vienna insurrection of 1848 “ and came to Cincinnati in March of the following year. He became editor, first of th$ Hoch- wtLchUr and afterwards the “ Volksblatt." Under Lincoln, he was minister to Ecuador. . 51 the present this union looks rather Strong, amended the resolution so as to chaotic. There are in it many elements instruct the representatives to vote for with which we adopted citizens cannot a change in the laws making naturaliza- make friends. But instead of being de- tion easier. The amended resolution was terred by such disagreeable admixtures adopted. 99 taking part in from the new formation of When the first national Republican con- parties, we ought rather by zealous parti- vention met at Pittsburg, in 1856, for cipation in the movements for reform try the purpose of effecting a national or- to gain such influence in them that the im- ganization, Charles Reemelin of Ohio pure elements will be pushed out of the seems to have been the only foreign-born 98 reform party." The advice contained German present. He belonged to the in the last sentence was pretty well fol- older generation of immigrants, 100 and lowed. All over those Northern states was not strictly speaking a political re- where there were large numbers of fugee, but entirely in sympathy with the _r German oters “Forty-eighters" were “Forty-eighters," as far as the slavery conspicuous among Republican workers, question was concerned. According to and everywhere, in conventions and mass George W. Julian, no mean judge, his meetings, they insisted on committing the speech was “by far the strongest speech party against nativism. For instance, ill in the convention." He “arraigned know- Ohio, they succeeded in having such nothingism as a scheme of bigotry and resolutions passed by the local conven- intolerance, and a mischievous side is- tions in Toledo, in Sandusky, in Tusca- sue." 101 He was vigorously applauded, rawas County and elsewhere. In Wis- but the platform adopted by the con- consin, it the was understock from vention was silent on that point, as indeed beginning that without the help of on everything except slavery extension. German votes the Republicans could not As the meeting contained numerous win, even in this Western stronghold of former members of the “American” the new party, and a German was placed party, this was perhaps the prudent every state ticket matter of on as a course. The Philadelphia convention in course, as well as on local tickets of can- June, which nominated Fremont for didates in all those counties where the president, was a little bolder and em- were massed. In this state, Germans bodied a mild plank against “proscriptive where there was then a larger proportion laws” in its platform.* of foreign-born voters than anywhere By dint of hard work and never failing else, all parties vied in declaring their vigilance the German Republicans man- opposition to nativistic encroachments on the rights of adopted citizens. For instance, in the legislature of 1857, where *E ditori al Note. — This resolution the Republicans had a majority, the Rep- actually originated in Illinois. In the convention of Republican editors of Illinois, ublican Allen moved a resolution instruct- held in Decatur in February 1856, Georg ing the representatives of the state in Schneider, editor of the Illinois Staatszeitung, Congress to vote against changes in the introduced a set of resolutions denouncing naturalization laws. At once a Democrat, human slavery as well as proscriptive

w ) “Atlantis,” III., page 164, (September 1855). W) Journal Wisconsin Assembly, 1857. 1(X>) See supra, chapter II. 101) G. W. Julian, The First Rep. National Convention, American Historical Review, IV,, page 318.

aged fairly well to keep the nativistic and likely have done if their dislike of slavery prohibition sentiments out of the official had had full sway. As it was, even those utterances of the new party. But of who became out-and-out Republicans in course that did not keep the Democrats national politics nearly always retained from insisting that these sentiments were sufficient independence to vote against present just the same, though concealed their party in local elections whenever from motives of political expediency. they thought it necessary as a protection While the same causes which gained against the dreaded spectres of Puritan- Republican recruits among the native ism and Knownothingism. For instance, population had their effect on the in the Ohio campaign in 1855, they sup- German voters, the fear of nativism and ported the Republican candidate for gov- prohibition kept this class from going ernor, Chase, but would have nothing to over almost in a body, as they might very da with the rest of the state ticket, the

candidates on it being suspected of nativ- measures against foreign immigration, and ism. In the following year a similar it was due to his untiring efforts, able abetted as he was by John M. Palmer, Nor- thing occurred in Baltimore. There the man B. Judd, Burton C. Cooke and not the German paper, “Der Wecker,” was the least Lincoln, told his old by Abraham who only Republican journal in the State. whig friends that Mr. Schneider’s resolu- Under the successive editorship of Wil- tions contained nothing but what was laid helm and Franz Sigel, both “Forty- down in the declaration of independence, Rapp that they were adopted in spite of the very eighters,” it was bold and urtcompromis- large “American” element represented in the ing in its anti-slavery advocacy and made convention. In the celebrated Republican a specialty of working for the homestead State convention held at Bloomington in bill, which the Republican party favored. Illinois in May following resolutions of th its enthusiastic support for same liberal character were adopted and Fremont had Mr. Schneider was elected a delegate at the presidency. But in all local elections large to the Philadelphia convention, which it favored the Democratic tickets without nominated General Fremont for president. reserve, and the Germans of Baltimore In this convention the “American” sentiment continued to vote with that party in was still very strong, a large part of the delegates favoring an amalgamation with sheer self-defense against the “Amer- the American party, which with that very icans” who were nowhere more turbulent object in view held its national convention at and bloodthirsty than in Maryland. the same time and place. But the Illinois During the presidential campaign of delegates at once set to work to counteract 1856, the “Forty-eighters” were every- this influence, and succeeded to elect the in the support of Fre- liberal-minded Henry Lane of Indiana for where conspicuous permanent chairman of the convention, who mont. Friedrich Hecker, the chief of the warmly favored the Illinois resolutions. first Baden insurrection, was a candidate These were embodied in the platform and with Abraham Lincoln on the Re- were carried against the strenuous opposi- publican electoral ticket in Illinois, tion of Thaddens Stevens and others, who in others expressed the fear that they might offend the and went on the stump be- great “American” party of Pennsylvania. sides his home state. Thus he spoke at There is hardly any doubt that by the action a meeting in Philadelphia, together with of the convention republican the young party Reinhold Solger, of Boston, and at the was purged of the greater part of non-pro- Academy of Music in New York with gressive elements and the way was paved Struve, for an overwhelming number of citizens of Friedrich Muench and Gustav 102 German descent to embrace the principles where Froebel presided. Koerner, of the new party of liberty. Kapp and Hassaurek were a few of

102) Froebel’s speech on this occasion is reprinted in his “ Kleine Politische Schriften.” ' 53 the other prominent German Republican English, and consequently the influence speakers, all “Forty-eighters” or closely of their oratory remained limited to their allied to them. In Wisconsin this cam- countrymen, Mr. Schurz had from his paign brought forward for the first time first entry into public life the command of a young man who was soon to eclipse all English as well as his mother tongue. the rest and become in the eyes of the This fact, together with his brilliant abili- native-born the One political representa- ties, marked him out from the start as one tive of the German element. This was of the few Germans who could form a Carl Schurz, who for three years past had connecting link between the great body lived in the little village of Watertown. of Americans ana the immigrated Ger- He was not yet a citizen of the United man element. States, though under the liberal laws of Although Fremont was defeated in this his adopted state a voter. Young though campaign, the German Republicans no he was, his name was known to every more than other members of the young German because of his daring rescue of party lost courage on that account. Im- his beloved teacher, the poet Kinkel, mediately after the election was over, from a Prussian prison. 103 The halo of some Boston Germans issued a call to romance which this Exploit cast around form a “Republican organization of all him, made him interesting also to native Germans in the Union.” The call was Americans, and undoubtedly aided him signed by Dr. Kob, Dr. Finois, C. in his political career. Schmidt’, Dr. Douai, A. Babo. The Mr. Schurz had some advantages over proposition caused a lively discussion his fellow “Forty-eighters” which made throughout the country, and was gen- it quite natural that he rather than one erally favored in the East. But in the of those who had been leaders in Germany Western states the plan met with much should become the most conspicuous po- opposition, and little came of the pro- litical leader among the Germans in ject. The German Republican Club of this country. First of all, he was Milwaqkee, in which Domschke, the very young when he came to the editor of the “Atlas,” was the leading United States. When by the side of spirit, declared itself against a separate Kinkel he took part in the revolutionary national organization, because that might events of 1848, he was but nineteen years irritate the nativistic element. Domsch- of age. Thus, when four years later he ke’s paper added editorially the plea of came to this country, he was still at a poverty on the part of the Western Re- 104 period of life when he could easily adapt publicans. The German Democratic ” himself to new surroundings. His youth paper at Milwaukee, the "Banner af- saved him from running to seed in those fected to believe that this action was a Radical vagaries in which so many other sign of the Republican party falling to refugees became engaged during their pieces, and hailed it as an indication of first years of life in America. With “the light entering into the heads of the ” astonishing rapidity he made himself German idealists.” Whereat the “Atlas1 master of the English language. While became mightily indignant and wrathful. very many of the “Forty-eighters” never During the next four years the struggle acquired the power of making a speech in of the “idealists” to win their countrymen

103 IV. ) See supra, chapter

104) “Atlas,” December 13, 1850.

54 away from the slave holders’ party went ful. It could be assumed with perfect on with various vicissitudes, but on the assurance that a large number of German whole with fair success. The main bones Democrats had scratched their tickets of contention remained as before “know- in avor of their countryman. Conse- nothingism” and “temperance.” One of quently it was clear that a consider- the worst set-backs the Republicans re- able number of native-born Republi- ceived was the passage, in 1859, by the cans had refused to vote for Schurz. Massachusetts legislature, a strongly Naturally the Democrats did not fail Republican body, of a law providing to point to this fact as convincing that naturalized citizens should not be proof that notwithstanding the official allowed to vote until two years after ac- protestations towards foreign-born citi- quiring full citizenship. The Democrats zens the Republican party was dominated pointed out triumphantly that now at by knownothing influences. The German last the Republicans had thrown aside press throughout the country made much the mask of friendliness towards foreign- of the affair, and everywhere the Repub- born citizens, and stood revealed as what licans found their task of converting they really were, inveterate knownoth- German voters made more difficult. In ings. The only defense the Republicans Wisconsin itself a movement was started could make was that the obnoxious law by a number of German Republicans to was a local affair and that the party as a bring about the nomination of Mr. Schurz national organization was not in sym- for governor at the election of 1859. 105 pathy with it. But the party was evidently The movement was unsuccessful and Gov. injured by it all over the country, and in Randall was renominated by a large ma- those states where the German vote was jority. Mr. Schurz was tendered the largest the leaders became much fright- nomination for lieutenant-governor, but ened. In Wisconsin, the Republican state he declined to make the run for that office convention of that fall went so far as to a second time. 106 This result was brought insert in their platform a plank expressly about in part by the great personal condemning this law adopted in another strength of the governor, in part by the state. natiwtic tendencies actually existing to some extent. But there was also a third In the meantime Wisconsin, which for reason for the German leader’s defeat some time had had the reputation of be- in the peculiar character of his and his ing “the most German state in the friends’ Republicanism. Union,” had been involved m troubles of her own that had their effect upon the. It is essential for an understanding of national Republican party. In 1857, the the political course, not only of Mr. Republicans had nominated Carl Schurz Schurz individually, but of a large for lieutenant-governor. But when the portion of the German Republicans of the votes were counted, it appeared that he country, to bear in mind that the German was defeated by 107 votes, out of a total voters had for a generation been Demo vote of 88,932, while the Republican can- crats almost to a man. Although the didate for governor, Randall, had been “Forty-eighters” had never been so close- elected by 454 votes. The rest of the ly connected with the party organization Republican ticket was likewise success- as their opponents, the “Grays,” they

105 “ ) See Milwaukee Sentinel and Manitowoc Demokra/,” during 1859. 106) Milwaukee Sentinel.

55 shared with them to the full their devotion court. 107 The argument of the latter was to “Jeffersonian prinGples” and espe- based entirely on the traditional grounds cially the doctrine of states’ rights and a familiar in the mouths of the strict con- strict construction of the constitution. structionists. In the spring of 1859, a When the Republican party was organ- few months prior to the state convention ized it drew to itself on the one hand the before which Mr. Schurz was a candi- Whig element, which believed in liberal date for governor, Byron Paine was a construction, and on the other hand the candidate for the Supreme Court. He Freesoilers and “Forty-eighters,” both of was known to favor the doctrine of the whom remained strict constructionists unconstitutionality of the fugitive slave and states’ rights men. As long as the law, and the right of the state courts to question was simply about the resistance enforce that doctrine. On March 23, in to slavery aggression, these elements Milwaukee, Mr. Schurz delivered a could work together very well. But as speech in support of Mr. Paine, which soon as their more fundamental prin- was an elaborate argument in favor of the ciples were involved, a clash could hardly most extreme states’ rights views, with be avoided. A series of peculiar and in- Calhoun as the principal authority quoted. teresting events in Wisconsin had brought This speech was printed in full in the these contrary tendencies into very sharp Milwaukee Sentinel, as well as distrib- opposition, and this contributed to the uted in pamphlet form. It was not sur- defeat of Mr. Schurz in his aspirations prising that such utterances, coming from for the gubernatorial nomination. a Republican, should offend the old Whig element in the party. Several of the On March u, 1854, a fugitive slave leaders, and particularly Timothy O. named Glover had been rescued from his Howe, who later became a senator in captors by a mob in Milwaukee. Some Congress from Wisconsin, felt constrained of the leaders of the rescuers, among to oppose these doctrines with all possible them Sherman Booth, a prominent aboli- vigor, and did so, among other ways, by tionist agitator, were imprisoned by the resisting the claims of Mr. Schurz before federal authorities, but released on a writ the state convention. 108 of habeas corpus issued out of the Supreme Court of the State of Wiscon- The peculiar type of Republicanism to sin. The litigation growing out of this which most German members of that case was very protracted. In a number party inclined during this period is illus- of lengthy and elaborate opinions the trated also by the course of another state court held, in effect, that a state prominent German-American politician, tribunal may interfere with the process Charles G. Reemelin of Ohio. This of a federal court where the latter acts gentleman seems to have attended the without jurisdiction, and that the fugitive Pittsburg convention of 1856, where he slave law was unconstitutional. The Su- made the strong impression mentioned preme Court of the United States, on ap- above, with the idea that it was not in- peal, laid down a contrary doctrine and tended to organize a permanent party, reversed the judgment of the state but merely to bring together all anti-

107 in Wisconsin, Proceedings Wis- ) See Vroman Martin, The Fugitive Slave Law consin State Historical Society, 1895. Also 3 Wis. 1; 3 Wis. 145; 18 How. (U. S.) 470; 21 How. (U. S.) 506. vol 106) See letters of T. O. Howe in Hense-Jensen, Wisconsin's Deutsch-Amerikaner,

I. page 315. Also Milwaukee Sentinel, passim.

56 slavery elements for the one purpose of convention which nominated him, there preventing the extension of slavery in the were among the delegates such well- territories. 109 In fact, Mr. Reemelin was known Germans as Muench, and Krekel,

of the opinion that the existence of per- of Missouri ; Koerner, and Geo. Schnei- manent parties was an unmitigated evil, der, of Illinois; Hassaurek, of Ohio; and at the bottom of all our political ailments. Schurz, of Wisconsin. All of these, with With these ideas in mind he supported the exception of Krekel, belonged to the Fremont. But being a firm believer in class of political refugees. Mr. Schurz states’ rights and strict construction, he had had some difficulty in being elected a could not bring himself to support Lin- delegate. Again the Milwaukee states’ coln in i860, on account of that candi- rights speech had risen up to threaten date’s views on constitutional questions. his success, but the objections made by Consequently he was, according to his the Whig element were finally with- own narrative, in a great quandary. drawn, and he was made chairman of this For Douglas he had supreme contempt. state delegation. The Germans in the “I regarded him as the most dangerous convention were in favor of Seward for man in the United States.” Bell was a president. Mr. Schurz was one of the nativist, and consequently out of the ques- managers for Seward, in company with tion for a German. So this anti-slavery Austin Blair, of Michigan, and William man, from sheer loyalty to the doctrine M. Evarts of New York. The reasons of states’ rights, declared in favor of why the Germans were strongly in favor Breckinridge. “I knew personally,” he of the New York statesman seem to have says in his autobiography, “that Breckin- been twofold. Their university training ridge was no pro-slavery man, that he made them prefer the highly educated desired a settlement which would have and philosophical Easterner to the able left us the integrity of our constitution but comparatively uneducated and some- and saved personal liberty, all without what uncouth Illinoisian, and in addition war and its bloody and other false so- Seward had endeared himself to all for- lutions.” Naturally, the accession of so eigners by his determined opposition to influential a convert to their rather thin knownothingism. 111 When their favorite ranks gave great joy to the Breckinridge was defeated, the Germans did not sulk, Democrats of Ohio, and they hastened but entered the campaign with enthusiasm. to confer upon him the honor of a nomi- Nearly all the old Radical leaders were nation for presidential elector at large, active on the stump. Carl Schurz re- which “was thrust upon me against my mained the most conspicuous amongthem. desire,” he says. 110 His fame had by this time spread far be- The great majority of the German yond the limits of his adopted state or Republican leaders were fortunately not his own nationality. In 1858 he had been quite so doctrinaire, but had common one of the speakers in Illinois, during the sense enough to throw all their energies great Lincoln-Douglas campaign. In into the fight for Lincoln’s lection, no 1859 he delivered a speech at Boston, in matter what they may hav; thought of which he attacked nativism in what was their candidate’s views on .he construc- considered its particular home, so far as tion of the constitution. n the Chicago the North was concerned. During the

109) See Reemelin, Life, page 130. 110 ) Reemelin, Life, page 156. Hi) See John Sherman’s Recollections, I., page 137.

57 campaign of i860 he was one of the most come to the United States under the in- prominent orators on the Republican fluence of Gottfried Duden 113 and at first side. 112 tried the experiment of Latin farming. He was an enthusiastic admirer of Sen- A peculiar position was held by the ator Benton, but when the Republican Germans residing in the slave states, and party was organized he was one of the particularly the border states and Texas. first to join it, although his leader held In Maryland, especially the city of Balti- back. 114 His anti-slavery sentiment was more, and, in Kentucky, Louisville had of a more moderate sort than that of very considerable German elements. In many of his countrymen, who in 1857 Missouri, St. Louis was one of the Ger- organized themselves as the “Free man strongholds of the country, and a Democrats” and severely condemned a number of counties in the Northern part set of resolutions adopted by the state of the state entirely settled were almost * legislature, by which it was attempted to by Germans. Nowhere was the fact more put a stop to the agitation for gradual evident than here that the Germans of all emancipation. These resolutions were classes had no sympathy with slavery. A characterized by the meeting as “an as- German slaveholder was a rare excep- sault on free speech and the freedom of tion. In all these states there was a large the press.” 115 These more extreme anti- percentage of political refugees among slavery men had the enthusiastic support the immigrated Germans, and these were of the German Radicals, among whom conspicuous in their fearless opposition was Heinrich Boernstein. 116 While in to slavery. Their abolition views were other states the Republicans -made con- usually not at all concealed, notwithstand- verts among the Germans only with con- ing the danger which attended all expres- siderable effort and with constant danger sion of such sentiments in la slave state. of seeing them slide back into Democracy It was evident that the violent outbursts for fear of prohibition and nativism, the of knownothing hatred, which gave Bal- reverse was the case in Missouri. In timore and Louisville such unenviable tl is state, where the Germans knew slav- notoriety during the decade before the ery and its baneful effects by their own civil war, must be ascribed in no small experience, and where the dominant ele- degree to pro-slavery fear of these bold ment in the Democracy had the most German abolitionists. extreme pro-slavery views, the Germans As far back as 1851, when Thomas Ben- soon became Republican in their over- ton had his great fight with the extreme whelming majority. Only a few of their pro-slavery wing of his party, he found leading men, among whom Christian his principal supporters among the Ger- Kribben, the speaker of the house in the mans of his state. Conspicuous among legislature of 1858, was the most con- these was a St. Louis lawyer, Alexander spicuous, remained true to the old party. Kayser, who was one of those that had The political complexion of the Missouri

112 in this campaign, see New York Tribune, ) As to some of Mr. Schurz’ speeches June 30, August 15, August 17, September 3, October 19, 1860.

11S ) See suprdy chapter III.

114 February 1, 1815, came to St. Louis \. ) Kayser was born in Rhenish Prussia, cit. page 342 1836, was presidential elector in 1852, died during the civil war. Koerner, Op. % 115 1857. ) “Anzeiger des Westens,” March 27, U®) See suprd , chapter II.

Germans became of the utmost im- In no state did the Germans form a portance to the welfare of the country; more important part of the population when in May, 1861, the pro-slavery men than in Texas. Here large settlements of the state with the governor at their had been formed by them even prior to head tried to force Missouri into the Con- the admission of the state into the Union. federacy. If it had not been for the fact In 1856 the New York Tribune estimated that there was a large German population their number at 20,000, 117 most of whom in St. Louis, and that this element was were massed in a few of the Western Republican in its great majority and loyal counties, with New Braunfels and San to the Union practically without an excep- Antonio as their most important centers. tion, Capt. Lyon would have been unable Among them slavery was practically un- to capture the camp of the state militia. known, and their settlements exhibited Three-fourths of the volunteers under the advantages of free labor by their his command were Germans. Of the superior prosperity and the greater stand- three, colonels of his four regiments, ard of comfort prevailing in them. 118 Boernstein, Sigel and Schuettner, were This flourishing community had received Fatherland.* political refugees from the a more than ordinary share of political refugees, who were as outspoken in their

* Editorial Note. — In speaking of the radical opinions as they were in any gTeat work done by the Germans in Missouri Northern state. While most of their in the cause of human liberty Dr. Emil countrymen held their peace on the ques- Preetorius, a political refugee of 1848, de- tion of slavery and opposed it simply by serves special and most honorable mention. their example, the Radical element went Born in 1827 in Rhenish Hesse he studied law at Heidelberg and Giessen and settled farther. In 1853 one of their speakers, in St. Louis in 1853. During the presidential Wipprecht, is quoted as saying at New campaign of 18(50 he was one of the staunchest Braunfels : “Let us oppose the further supporters of Abraham Lincoln and in the extension of this slave-holding popula- following spring, as well as throughout the war, he took a leading part in the organi- tion in Western Texas, for we had culti- zation of Union troops in his state. In 1863 vated and settled this country before the he became the editor of the Westliche Post, natives thought of doing so.”119 In one of the most widely circulated German 1854, at San Antonio, resolutions were dailies in the country, and he is still at the adopted demanding gradual emancipa- head of that journal. As a writer and 120 lecturer on topics political, aesthetical and tion. Dr. Charles Douai, one of the most philosophical he has gained high distinction. radical among the “Forty-eighters,” 121

117 ) New York Tribune, January 4, 1856. 118 ) See F. L. Olmsted, Journey through Texas. 110 ) Busey, Immigration, page 32. 12°) On the question of states’ rights regarding slavery, the resolutions were as follows: “Die Sklaverei ist ein Uebel, dessen endllche Beseitigung den Grundsatzen der Demo- kratie gem&ss nothwendig ist; da sie aber nur einzelne Staaten betrifft, so fordern wir, dass die Bundesregierung sich aller Einmischung in Sachen der Sklaverei enthalte, dass aber, wenn ein einzelner Staat die Beseitigung dieses Uebels beschliesst, alsdann zur Aus- fiihrung dieses Beschlusses die Bundeshiilfe in Anspruch genommen werden kann. ” See Olmsted, Op. cit. 121 ) Douai had been principal of a school at Altenburg, in Thuringia, and came to the United States in 1855. After his Texas experience he went to Boston and later to New York, where he became well known as an educator and writer, principally on pedagogical topics. He was mentioned above as one of the Boston signers of a call for a German Republican organization.

awhile published for a German paper was naturally great, greater than it has in San Antonio, in which he advocated been at any other time, and this gave ad- abolition. Some of his exciting experi- ditional prominence to a number of ences in this connection are interestingly “Forty-eighters,” notably Carl Schurz, told by F. L. Olmsted, who, however, who had removed to St. Louis and was 122 does not give his name. elected a senator in Congress from Mis- The activity of the political refugeesi souri. The fact that the German Repub- during the civil war and in the period licans of that generation had Democratic thereafter does not come within the limits rather than Whig antecedents must not

of this monograph. It is well known that be forgotten when it is sought to explain a number of them, like Sigel, Osterhaus, why so many of them drifted back into Willich and others rose to high rank in the Democratic ranks after the slavery

the Union army, while hundreds of others question had been disposed of. served faithfully in more subordinate The serious work of the anti-slavery capacities. It may safely be said that not agitation and the civil war produced a a single refugee of any note became dis- great change in the mental attitude of the loyal to the government of the United revolutionists of 1848. The eccentricities States or to the principles of human of the early years in exile wore off the ; liberty for which he had contended in his excessively idealistic notions of politics native country. Even Oswald Otten- were modified by a sounder conception of dorfer, who was one of the few “Forty- the realities of things. Theory was eighters” that failed to join the Repub- superseded by practice. The radicalism lican party, promptly resigned his can- of 1852 disappeared with great rapidity.

didacy for presidential elector in i860, Soon Carl Heinzen remained almost its when the Democratic convention at only representative, and when he died at Charleston was captured by the extreme Boston, in 1880, his political views had pro-slavery men, and during the whole long ceased to be a vital force in the of the armed conflict he was a devoted German- American population. adherent of the Union cause. In Texas It would be extravagant to assign to the Germans with the refugees as their the German political refugees a central leaders formed the nucleus of a strong position in any of the crises of our na-

Union party, and many of them suffered tional life. But the effects of their activity severely for their loyalty, notably Ed- are important, and a true understanding ward Degener, a member of the Frank- of the development of the American furt parliament, and after the war a rep- people, the shaping of parties and their resentative in Congress. During the rise and fall, is impossible without taking reconstruction period the political power them into account. of the Germans in Missouri and Texas THE END.

122 1 of Cassius M. Clay ) In Helper’s “Impending Crisis’* it is stated on the authority that “in Texas among the German settlers, who true to their national instincts will not em- ploy the labor of a slave, they produce more cotton to the acre, and of a better quality, and selling at prices from a cent to a cent and a half a pound higher than that produced by slave abor. ’’ Impending Crisis, page 182.

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