Friedrich Franz Karl Hecker, 1811–1881 Part II Kevin Kurdylo
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The Annals of Iowa for Their Critiques
The Annals of Volume 66, Numbers 3 & 4 Iowa Summer/Fall 2007 A QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF HISTORY In This Issue J. L. ANDERSON analyzes the letters written between Civil War soldiers and their farm wives on the home front. In those letters, absent husbands provided advice, but the wives became managers and diplomats who negotiated relationships with kin and neighbors to provision and shelter their families and to preserve their farms. J. L. Anderson is assistant professor of history and assistant director of the Center for Public History at the University of West Georgia. DAVID BRODNAX SR. provides the first detailed description of the role of Iowa’s African American regiment, the 60th United States Colored Infantry, in the American Civil War and in the struggle for black suffrage after the war. David Brodnax Sr. is associate professor of history at Trinity Christian College in Palos Heights, Illinois. TIMOTHY B. SMITH describes David B. Henderson’s role in securing legislation to preserve Civil War battlefields during the golden age of battlefield preservation in the 1890s. Timothy B. Smith, a veteran of the National Park Service, now teaches at the University of Tennessee at Martin. Front Cover Milton Howard (seated, left) was born in Muscatine County in 1845, kidnapped along with his family in 1852, and sold into slavery in the South. After escaping from his Alabama master during the Civil War, he made his way north and later fought for three years in the 60th U.S. Colored Infantry. For more on Iowa’s African American regiment in the Civil War, see David Brodnax Sr.’s article in this issue. -
State and Local Immigration Regulation in the United States Before 1882
BENJAMIN J. KLEBANER STATE AND LOCAL IMMIGRATION REGULATION IN THE UNITED STATES BEFORE 1882 The absence of significant federal regulation in the area of immigration legislation until 1882 1 no more denotes a laissez-faire approach in this area than in many other aspects of American economic life. For many generations Congress had left the task of regulating the immigrant stream to the states and localities.2 The first general federal law (1882) is best understood in the context of antecedent activity on the local level. Eventually most of the seaboard states, including many without an important passenger traffic, enacted statutes dealing with immi- gration. Table I presents a brief outline of their essential features. After a consideration of certain aspects of the provisions of these laws, their administration in the major seaports will be surveyed. It will then be shown how the increasing opposition by business inter- ests to state legislation, culminating in decisions by the Supreme Court declaring such regulation unconstitutional, eventually paved the way for the 1882 Act of Congress. I. THE STATUTORY BACKGROUND Nine of the thirteen colonies reflected in their enactments the desire to protect the community from the burden of foreigners likely to 1 Federal space and sanitation requirements, however, date back to 1819. Federal legis- lation is conveniently compiled in U.S. Immigration Commission, Reports, vol. XXXIX (Washington, 1911). Cf. John Higham, Strangers in the Land (New Brunswick, N. J.; Rutgers University Press, 1955), p. 44. This article does not discuss legislation enacted in a number of states which barred foreign convicts. - The author acknowledges with gratitude the many helpful suggestions made by Professor Carter Goodrich, who super- vised his doctoral thesis "Public Poor Relief in America, 1790-1860" (Columbia University, 1952) from which much of the material for this article is taken. -
GERMAN IMMIGRANTS, AFRICAN AMERICANS, and the RECONSTRUCTION of CITIZENSHIP, 1865-1877 DISSERTATION Presented In
NEW CITIZENS: GERMAN IMMIGRANTS, AFRICAN AMERICANS, AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF CITIZENSHIP, 1865-1877 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Alison Clark Efford, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Doctoral Examination Committee: Professor John L. Brooke, Adviser Approved by Professor Mitchell Snay ____________________________ Adviser Professor Michael L. Benedict Department of History Graduate Program Professor Kevin Boyle ABSTRACT This work explores how German immigrants influenced the reshaping of American citizenship following the Civil War and emancipation. It takes a new approach to old questions: How did African American men achieve citizenship rights under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments? Why were those rights only inconsistently protected for over a century? German Americans had a distinctive effect on the outcome of Reconstruction because they contributed a significant number of votes to the ruling Republican Party, they remained sensitive to European events, and most of all, they were acutely conscious of their own status as new American citizens. Drawing on the rich yet largely untapped supply of German-language periodicals and correspondence in Missouri, Ohio, and Washington, D.C., I recover the debate over citizenship within the German-American public sphere and evaluate its national ramifications. Partisan, religious, and class differences colored how immigrants approached African American rights. Yet for all the divisions among German Americans, their collective response to the Revolutions of 1848 and the Franco-Prussian War and German unification in 1870 and 1871 left its mark on the opportunities and disappointments of Reconstruction. -
Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY GENERAL ISSUES RELIGIONS AND PHILOSOPHY FIORANI, ELEONORA. Friedrich Engels e il materialismo dialettico. Feltrinelli Editore, Milano 1971. 272 pp. L. 3000. Engels's Anti-Diihring, Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy and Dialectics of Nature are the writings most elaborated upon by the author, who, refuting efforts to draw a line between Marx and Engels as regards their later followers, stresses Engels's contribution to Marxism. She argues that his contribution to dialectical materialism is still important for a clarification of topical issues, and makes some comments on the vicissitudes of diamat in the USSR. A chronology of Engels's life and an annotated bibliography are appended. HARTMANN, KLAUS. Die Marxsche Theorie. Eine philosophische Unter- suchung zu den Hauptschriften. Walter de Gruyter & Co, Berlin 1970. xii, 593 pp. DM 78.00. The author of this learned study undertakes a re-appraisal of Marx's theory from a purely philosophical angle. He criticizes Popper's theses (and lack of understanding of Hegelianism), but his own refutation of Marxian views brings him closer to Popper's. It is denied that a dialectical process going on in reality could justifiably be made to fit in the chain of historical necessity. Besides Marx's more philosophical writings all his major works, especially Capital, come up for discussion. Interesting are the comments on Marxist and non-Marxist evaluations of our time (Sartre, Habermas etc.). WILDERMUTH, ARMIN. Marx und die Verwirklichung der Philosophic. Martinus Nijhoff, Den Haag 1970. xii, 852 pp. (in 2 vols.) Hfl. 90.00. "The synthetic unity [of inter-subjective and object-related communications] constitutes the indissoluble process of the 'social movement', the total process of human self-reproduction. -
University of New South Wales 2005 UNIVERSITY of NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Project Report Sheet
BÜRGERTUM OHNE RAUM: German Liberalism and Imperialism, 1848-1884, 1918-1943. Matthew P Fitzpatrick A thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of New South Wales 2005 UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Project Report Sheet Surname or Family name: Fitzpatrick First name: Matthew Other name/s: Peter Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: PhD. School: History Faculty: Arts Title: Bürgertum Ohne Raum: German Liberalism and Imperialism 1848-1884, 1918-1943. Abstract This thesis situates the emergence of German imperialist theory and praxis during the nineteenth century within the context of the ascendancy of German liberalism. It also contends that imperialism was an integral part of a liberal sense of German national identity. It is divided into an introduction, four parts and a set of conclusions. The introduction is a methodological and theoretical orientation. It offers an historiographical overview and places the thesis within the broader historiographical context. It also discusses the utility of post-colonial theory and various theories of nationalism and nation-building. Part One examines the emergence of expansionism within liberal circles prior to and during the period of 1848/ 49. It examines the consolidation of expansionist theory and political practice, particularly as exemplified in the Frankfurt National Assembly and the works of Friedrich List. Part Two examines the persistence of imperialist theorising and praxis in the post-revolutionary era. It scrutinises the role of liberal associations, civil society, the press and the private sector in maintaining expansionist energies up until the 1884 decision to establish state-protected colonies. Part Three focuses on the cultural transmission of imperialist values through the sciences, media and fiction. -
Friedrich Hecker (I) - Jugend Und Politisches Wirken
Friedrich Hecker (I) - Jugend und politisches Wirken Im Vorfeld des großen Heckerjubiläums am 28.09.2011 werden vier Folgen über das Leben und Wirken des Revolutionärs abgedruckt. Wir danken dem „Hecker- Autor“ Wolfgang Haaß für die Ausarbeitung der Kurz-Biografie. 2011 jährt sich zum 200sten Mal Heckers Geburtstag (28. September). Grund genug, sich einige Gedanken über den berühmten Eichtersheimer zu machen, der "eine Zeitlang tatsächlich der populärste Mann in Deutschland gewesen ist" (W. Blos). "Hecker war der erste demokratische Volksführer größten Stils in Südwestdeutschland" (E.R. Huber, Geschichtswissenschaftler) Hecker - ein großer Volksführer und Politiker? "Seht, da steht der große Hecker, eine Feder auf dem Hut, seht da steht der Volkserwecker, lechzend nach Tyrannenblut" (aus dem "Guckkastenlied vom großen Hecker"). Hecker - der Bürgerschreck? Wer war Hecker, worin lag seine Bedeutung? Aus seinem Leben ist meist nur die kurze Episode des gescheiterten Putschversuches im März 1848 bekannt, der mit dem Gefecht bei Kandern ebenso schnell wie unrühmlich endete. Und meist wird dieser Misserfolg zum) Anlass genommen, Heckers ganze Sache als gescheitert zu erklären. Tatsächlich jedoch hat Hecker in den Jahren als Abgeordneter der II. Badischen Kammer sehr viel zur Entwicklung freiheitlicher und demokratischer Ideen im Staat und im Volk beigetragen, die nach dem Scheitern der Revolution allerdings für .- einige Jahrzehnte "auf Eis gelegt" wurden, um erst in der Weimarer Republik und dann in der Bundesrepublik eine Fortsetzung zu finden. dass lange Zeit in der Geschichtsschreibung das Bild Heckers als das des politischen Romantikers und naiven Revoluzzers überwog, liegt nicht zuletzt daran, "dass Geschichte immer von den Siegern geschrieben wird" (Gustav Heinemann). Heckers Bedeutung als einer der Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer unseres heutigen Verständnisses von Staat und Gesellschaft wird heute immer mehr erkannt. -
Author Interview--David T. Dixon (Radical Warrior) Part 2
H-CivWar Author Interview--David T. Dixon (Radical Warrior) Part 2 Discussion published by Niels Eichhorn on Thursday, September 24, 2020 Hello H-CivWar Readers: Today we feature the second part of our interview with David T. Dixon to talk about his new book Radical Warrior: August Willich’s Journey from German Revolutionary to Union General, which came out with the University of Tennessee Press. Part 1 Obviously, I completely agree with your attitude about giving more attention to European experiences of European immigrants. At the same time, Willich seems torn in Europe. In part he is something of an ideologue but he does have his military background and much of his 1848 work is military. Do you think of him more as a soldier or as a political reformer in Europe, especially in 1848? DTD: Willich certainly had a difficult time breaking away for his military career, but by 1847 he was so utterly consumed with the plight of working class people and the disregard of their welfare by the monarchs of Europe, that he dedicated himself to radical political and social change for the rest of his life. I see him as a far-left activist who believed that violent revolution in Europe by an armed citizenry was the only feasible path to a more just and equitable society. So, in that sense, his military training and skills, combined with strong leadership talents, made him well-suited for the rebellion that took place in 1848 and 1849. So, he sounds very similar to Karl Marx. How did the two get along with each other? DTD: Not well. -
An Unpublished Letter of M.A. Bakunin to R.Solger
Robert M. Cutler AN UNPUBLISHED LETTER OF M.A. BAKUNIN TO R. SOLGER* After Mikhail Aleksandrovich Bakunin escaped from Siberian exile in 1861, he circumnavigated the globe en route to London, where he joined his friends A.I. Herzen and N.P. Ogarev. En route Bakunin travelled by boat from Yokohama to San Francisco, traversed the isthmus of Panama, and sojourned in New York and Boston before reembarking for England. Four decades ago Hecht wrote that there "is little record of Bakunin's stay in America",1 but Avrich has since established the general contours and many details of that record.2 An unpublished letter of Bakunin to Reinhold Solger, which lies among Solger's papers in the Library of Congress, sheds further light on Bakunin's activities in the United States in late 1861.3 Bakunin met Solger in Zurich in * I wish to thank Professor Margaret Dorsch for assisting in the decipherment of the manuscript and for suggesting alternative renderings in the translation. 1 David Hecht, Russian Radicals Look to America, 1825-1894 (Cambridge, Mass., 1947), p. 56. 2 Paul Avrich, "Bakunin and the United States", International Review of Social History, XXIV (1979), pp. 320-40, adds new material to Max Nettlau's account of Bakunin's passage through the United States, in The Life of Michael Bakounine. Michael Bakunin: Eine Biogra- p/u'e,3volsin2(London, 1896-99), l,pp. 139-40. Avrich also expands upon Hecht's treatment (which is from the standpoint of intellectual history) of the sojourn's influence upon the subsequent development of Bakunin's political thought, and he provides a detailed discussion of the influence of Bakunin's writings upon the development of collectivist socialist move ments in the United States towards the end of the nineteenth century. -
Episode 210: Prelude to Cedar Creek Week of October 12-October 18
Episode 210: Prelude to Cedar Creek Week of October 12-October 18, 1864 When Ulysses Grant took over command of all United States armies, he devised a plan to totally annihilate the Confederacy from multiple directions. While Grant and George Meade attacked Robert E. Lee and pushed him back toward Richmond, William Tecumseh Sherman would invade Georgia, Nathaniel Banks would attack Mobile, Alabama and Franz Sigel would invade the Shenandoah Valley, the Confederacy’s “breadbasket”. The Valley Campaign did not start well for the Union as Sigel’s troops were defeated at New Market in May by a Confederate army that included VMI cadets. Sigel was replaced by David Hunter. Hunter resumed the offensive in early June and pushed the Confederates all the way up the valley to Lexington, where Hunter burned most of the VMI campus. Hunter then turned his sites on Lynchburg, but he was headed off there by reinforced Confederate troops under Jubal Early. On June 18, Hunter withdrew into West Virginia. Robert E. Lee, concerned about the lack of supplies and food that would result from Union control of the valley, ordered Early to go on the offensive. He also wanted Early to provide a diversion to relieve the pressure Lee was feeling from Grant’s offensive. Early moved down the valley with little Union opposition and in early July moved into Maryland, defeating a Union force at Frederick. From there he actually reached the outskirts of Washington, DC, fighting a battle that concerned Abraham Lincoln so much that he watched it in person. Not being able to make more progress, Early withdrew back into Virginia, where he defeated the Union again near Winchester at the Second Battle of Kernstown. -
German Immigrants in the Civil War”
“Social Studies / History Activity” “Impact of German Immigrants in the Civil War” Background "I goes to fight mit Sigel" was the rallying cry of Unionist German immigrants during the Civil War. It was in Missouri that ethnic prejudice and political rivalry between immigrants and native-born citizens of the state led to military action. In the 1840s and '50s, many German citizens left their homes in Europe seeking freedom and democracy in America. Thousands began their new lives in St. Louis, where they established a strong cultural identity, founding German language newspapers and social organizations. Yet Germans realized that in order to be accepted by their fellow Americans they would have to assimilate to American (or English) traditions and practices. German Americans also developed strong anti-slavery and pro-Union views, believing that free labor and democracy were in direct conflict with the traditions of the South and the southern desire to expand slavery into the territories. When the Republican Party chose Abraham Lincoln as its candidate in 1860, the politically active St. Louis Germans comprised nearly all of Lincoln's support in Democratic Missouri. Many of their fellow citizens, immigrants from Tennessee and Kentucky, viewed the German immigrants with suspicion. As the Civil War approached, a rift existed between the state's slaveholders who supported the Democratic Party, and the commercially minded German Republicans of metropolitan St. Louis. Labeled as "Dutchmen" (the English corruption of Deutsche) by the non-Germans of Missouri, they were subject to prejudice that would ultimately have significant effects on the course of the Civil War. -
Cartas a Un Buscador De Sí Mismo
Todos hemos sentido alguna vez la llegada de un tiempo en el que todo tiembla y en el que necesitamos poner en cuestión cada aspecto de nuestra vida. Las convicciones políticas supuestamente asentadas se destruyen para crear otras nuevas, las normas sociales asumidas se revisan y se lucha por otras distintas, las metas existenciales se transforman de modo radical. Precisamente durante este proceso vital Harrison G. O. Blake escribe por primera vez a H. D. Thoreau para solicitar su consejo y su orientación hacia una vida más verdadera. Se inicia así una correspondencia intensa y reveladora, tan íntima como filosófica, que para muchos constituye el más claro equivalente moderno de las Cartas a Lucilio de Séneca. De carta en carta y durante trece años Thoreau le habla a Blake de cómo ganarse la vida, del coraje, del sexo, del trabajo, del amor, de la naturaleza, de la libertad, de la sociedad, de la política, de la moral, de la alimentación, de la disidencia, de la religión, de la soledad y de un tiempo pleno, donde la construcción de la subjetividad se labra a golpes de una desorientación gozosa, libre y salvaje. Décadas después de la muerte de Thoreau, un Blake anciano confesaba seguir leyendo y releyendo estas cartas, como si buscara aún en ellas una verdad esencial y recóndita: «Y, sin embargo, sé que estas cartas siguen viajando en el correo, que en cierto sentido aún no me han llegado, y probablemente no lo harán mientras viva. De hecho, puede decirse que estas cartas están desde siempre dirigidas a quien mejor pueda leerlas». -
February 2021 Meeting Highlights
BRUNSWICK CIVIL WAR ROUND TABLE MEETING – March 3 , 2021 “SIGEL & BRECKINRIDGE: LESSONS IN LEADERSHIP FROM THE BATTLE OF NEW MARKET” SPEAKER: Sarah Kay Bierle “If your actions inspire others to dream of more, learn more, do more and become more, you are a leader.” John Quincy Adams Some historians and writers make hasty claims about the meaning of battles, the competency of generals, and leadership. They make their statements as if handing down the unvarnished word from on high. Sarah Kay Bierle presented a refreshing change of pace with her conclusions about leadership of Generals Franz Sigel and Breckenridge. In her honesty she admitted that their leadership qualities were those that appealed to her. Her modesty and earnestness earned our trust and her effective use of the Zoom platform our admiration. Much fought over during the Civil War, the Shenandoah Valley drew Sigel and Breckenridge together so that Sigel could deny the Valley’s victuals and soldiers to Lee in Richmond, and Breckenridge could retain the supplies and reinforce Lee. Both men came with a history. Sigel, a German immigrant respected by the German community, came with a German military academy background, a firm belief in education, experience as a writer and recruiter who attracted many soldiers from the German-American community, and experience in numerous battles where he lost, but successfully lead orderly retreats, no small feat in the heat of battle. He could both organize units and lead them in training. Decisive decisions, not so much. He repeatedly lost encounters such as the German rebellion he fought for in Europe, the second Battle of Bull Run, Chancellorsville, and the Valley versus Stonewall Jackson.