UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO Race and Political
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Freedom in the World Report 2020
Brazil | Freedom House Page 1 of 19 BrazilFREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 75 FREE /100 Political Rights 31 Civil Liberties 44 75 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Overview https://freedomhouse.org/country/brazil/freedom-world/2020 3/6/2020 Brazil | Freedom House Page 2 of 19 Brazil is a democracy that holds competitive elections, and the political arena is characterized by vibrant public debate. However, independent journalists and civil society activists risk harassment and violent attack, and the government has struggled to address high rates of violent crime and disproportionate violence against and economic exclusion of minorities. Corruption is endemic at top levels, contributing to widespread disillusionment with traditional political parties. Societal discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people remains a serious problem. Key Developments in 2019 • In June, revelations emerged that Justice Minister Sérgio Moro, when he had served as a judge, colluded with federal prosecutors by offered advice on how to handle the corruption case against former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, who was convicted of those charges in 2017. The Supreme Court later ruled that defendants could only be imprisoned after all appeals to higher courts had been exhausted, paving the way for Lula’s release from detention in November. • The legislature’s approval of a major pension reform in the fall marked a victory for Brazil’s far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, who was inaugurated in January after winning the 2018 election. It also signaled a return to the business of governing, following a period in which the executive and legislative branches were preoccupied with major corruption scandals and an impeachment process. -
“Pacification” for Whom?
“PACIFICATION” FOR WHOM? Marielle Franco MARIELLE PRESENT! Marielle Franco, aged 38, a Rio de Janeiro city councilor elected with 46,502 votes in 2016, was shot dead in an ambush on 14 March 2018. As a black woman, a lesbian and a mother who grew up in the Maré favela, Marielle turned to human rights activism when she was 19 years old and routinely had to contend with machismo, racism and LGBTphobia in her work. Nothing changed when she served as city councilor: shortly after taking office, Marielle was made chair of the Rio de Janeiro City Council Women’s Commission – a job whose results were released three months after her murder.1 Five of the bills she submitted were approved: Bill 17/2017 – Espaço Coruja (“Night Owl”): crèches for parents who work or study at night; Bill 103/2017 – Dia de Thereza de Benguela no Dia da Mulher Negra: a homage to the 18th century black leader Thereza de Benguela to be celebrated on the same date as Black Woman’s Day; Bill 417/2017 – Assédio não é passageiro: a campaign to raise awareness and combat sexual assault and harassment; Bill 515/2017 – Efetivação das Medidas Socioeducativas em Meio Aberto: to guarantee social and educational measures for young offenders; Bill 555/2017 – Dossiê Mulher Carioca: compilation of an annual report with statistics on violence against women. As a long-time vocal opponent of the militarisation of life, her political and academic output demonstrate the strength of someone who knew, from an early age, the devastation caused by institutional violence. -
The Murder of Brazilian Councilwoman and Activist Marielle Franco
Analyzing polarization in Twitter: The murder of Brazilian councilwoman and activist Marielle Franco Abstract. Social media has allowed people to publicly express, at near zero cost, their opinions and emotions on a wide range of topics. This recent scenario allows the analysis of social media platforms to several purposes, such as predicting elections, exploiting influential users or understanding the polarization of public opinion on polemic topics. In this work, we analyze the Brazilian public percep- tion related to the murder of a Rio councilwoman, Marielle Franco, member of a left-wing party and human-rights activist. We propose a polarity score to capture whether the tweet is positive or negative and then we analyze the score evolution over the time, after the murder. Finally, we evaluate our approach correlating the polarity score with human judgment over a randomly sampled set of tweets. Our preliminary results show how to measure polarity on public opinion using a weighted dictionary and how it changes over time. Keywords: Social media, Sentiment analysis, Opinion Mining. 1 Introduction Over the last years, an increasing number of people actively use the Internet to exchange information and convey emotions, allowing studies that examine how technology can influence people’s feelings. Social media platforms have become an important source of data to capture those emotions, opinions and sentiments on several topics and debates – from the Mediterranean refugee’s crisis (Coletto et al., 2016) to political leanings (Conover et al., 2011) (Tumasjan et al., 2010). Twitter platform is especially powerful because of its very nature, which encourages people to have public conversations and debates, sharing their thoughts with others, creating solidary networks or politically engaged movements. -
Race, Trump, and Time
Controversies in the Making: Race, Trump, and Time Debra Thompson Associate Professor Department of Political Science University of Oregon [email protected] John Meisel Lecture Series in Contemporary Political Controversies Queen’s University Introduction It seems fitting to begin with a controversy. Last July, HBO announced that D.B. Weiss and David Benioff would follow their hit series, Game of Thrones, with a new drama entitled Confederate. It will be set in an alternate timeline in which the southern states did not lose the Civil War, but rather seceded from the Union and formed “a nation in which slavery remains legal and has evolved into a modern institution.”1 The series, they claim, would chronical the events leading up to the “Third American Civil War,” following characters on both sides of the Mason-Dixon Demilitarized Zone, including slave hunters, freedom fighters, journalists, abolitionists, and the executives of a slave-holding conglomerate. In short, the new series will ask, “What would the world look like … if the South had won?”2 Shocking nobody other than the white executives of HBO, who had to put down the piles of money they were holding in order to defensively posture that we should all “reserve judgement 1 Emily Yahr, “‘Game of Thrones’ creators announce new show set in a world where slavery still exists,” Washington Post, July 19, 2017, available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/arts-and- entertainment/wp/2017/07/19/game-of-thrones-creators-announce-new-show-set-in-a-world-where- slavery-still-exists/?utm_term=.8ba0ba16b409 2 Ta-Nehisi Coates, “The Lost Cause Rides Again,” The Atlantic, August 4, 2017, available at: https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2017/08/no-confederate/535512/ 1 until there is something to see,”3 the backlash was immediate. -
US Foundations and Racial Reasoning in Brazil
03 Telles (jr/t) 19/8/03 1:05 pm Page 31 US Foundations and Racial Reasoning in Brazil Edward E. Telles IERRE BOURDIEU and Loïc Wacquant claim that ‘brutal ethno- centric intrusions’ by North American ‘cultural imperialists’ (1999: P44) have distorted scholarly and social movement ideas of race and identity in Brazil. They specifically point to the ‘driving role played by the major American philanthropic and research foundations in the diffusion of US racial doxa within the Brazilian academic field at the level of both representations and practice’ (1999: 46). These authors accuse US foun- dations of inappropriately imposing their conceptions of race on the Brazil- ian case by requiring grantees to implement US-style affirmative action, use dichotomous black/white categories and promote US-style black move- ments. They seem to make a facile assumption that because US foundations spend millions of dollars in Brazil and prioritize research on race then they must be successfully imposing standard North American conceptions of race on that country. Bourdieu and Wacquant’s analysis exaggerates the power of US foundations in Brazil, fails to understand how programming decisions are made within the foundations, greatly underestimates the intellectual agency of the Brazilian academy and its black social movement, and reveals a rather dated understanding of the academic literature and public opinion on race in Brazil. While I sympathize with a concern for the disproportionate influence of US ideas and sociological concepts overall, and, in some cases, the power of US foundations to export them, Bourdieu and Wacquant’s choice of Brazil- ian race relations as an example of US domination greatly diminishes the strength of their argument. -
1. Brazil's “Comfortable Racial Contradiction”
1. Brazil’s “Comfortable Racial Contradiction” In 2013, Brazilian journalist Paulo Henrique Amorim was sentenced to one year and eight months in prison, a sentence later upheld by Brazil’s Superior Tribunal de Justiça (Superior Court of Justice).1 His crime? He had publicly criticized the powerful Brazilian media network Rede Globo for denying that racism exists in Brazil, and he had called out one particular journalist, Heraldo Pereira, for going along with this denial, describing him as a “negro de alma branca” (black with a white soul). Amorim was later accused of racismo (racism) and injúria racial (racial insult, or an “injury to one’s honor”; see Racusen 2004:789) by both the network and Heraldo Pereira, and was found guilty of the latter. Amorim, who is politically lib- eral and often at the center of controversy, used as part of his defense the fact that he has long publicly supported antiracist efforts. He argued that he was merely exercising his freedom of speech in order to disagree with Pereira’s implicit suggestion that any black person could work hard and become rich and famous in Brazil. Despite Amorim’s desire to make Brazil’s structural racism more visible, the expression that he chose to describe Pereira allowed the powerful (and conservative) media network and the courts to find him personally guilty of racism toward another individual. As the prosecutor explained, his use of this “highly racist” expression: sugere que as pessoas de cor branca possuem atributos positivos e bons, ao passo que os negros são associados a valores negativos, ruins, inferiores. -
The Perfect Misogynist Storm and the Electromagnetic Shape of Feminism: Weathering Brazil’S Political Crisis
Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 20 Issue 8 Issue #2 (of 2) Women’s Movements and the Shape of Feminist Theory and Praxis in Article 6 Latin America October 2019 The Perfect Misogynist Storm and The Electromagnetic Shape of Feminism: Weathering Brazil’s Political Crisis Cara K. Snyder Cristina Scheibe Wolff Follow this and additional works at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Snyder, Cara K. and Wolff, Cristina Scheibe (2019). The Perfect Misogynist Storm and The Electromagnetic Shape of Feminism: Weathering Brazil’s Political Crisis. Journal of International Women's Studies, 20(8), 87-109. Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol20/iss8/6 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2019 Journal of International Women’s Studies. The Perfect Misogynist Storm and The Electromagnetic Shape of Feminism: Weathering Brazil’s Political Crisis By Cara K. Snyder1 and Cristina Scheibe Wolff2 Abstract In Brazil, the 2016 coup against Dilma Rousseff and the Worker’s Party (PT), and the subsequent jailing of former PT President Luis Ignacio da Silva (Lula), laid the groundwork for the 2018 election of ultra-conservative Jair Bolsonaro. In the perfect storm leading up to the coup, the conservative elite drew on deep-seated misogynist discourses to oust Dilma Rousseff, Brazil’s progressive first woman president, and the Worker’s Party she represented. -
Michael Hanchard
Michael Hanchard Marshall Poe Welcome to the New Books Network. Hello everybody. This is Marshall Poe. I'm the editor of the New Books Network, and this is an episode in the Princeton University Press Ideas Podcast, and we're very lucky today to have Michael Henchard on the show, and we'll be talking about his book The Spectre of Race: How Discrimination Haunts Western Democracy. It is out from Princeton University Press in 2018. Michael, welcome to the show. Michael Hanchard Oh, thank you very much for having me on, Marshall. Marshall Poe Absolutely. My pleasure. Could you begin the interview by telling us a little bit about yourself? Michael Hanchard Sure. I'm currently the Gustave C. Kuemmerle Professor and chair of the Department of Africana Studies at the University of Pennsylvania. I run a project called the Marginalized Populations Project which looks at marginalized populations from a comparative perspective. I grew up in New York City and was educated at Tufts, the New School and Princeton for my PhD. Marshall Poe Thank you very much for that. So let me ask you this. Why did you write The Spectre of Race? Michael Hanchard Well, it's a book that had been rattling around in my thoughts for some time now partly since graduate school--trying to make sense of what I learned up until that point and why I had not encountered too many books or even articles at least in political science that addressed questions of race and racism in the discipline and how the discipline itself was constituted. -
Annual Report 2014
14070219_Cover_Layout 1 8/14/14 10:18 AM Page 1 A N N Annual Report U A L R 2014 E P O R T 2 0 1 4 H U T C H I N S C E N T E R F O R A F R I C A N & A F R I C A N A M E R I C A N R E S E A R C H 104 Mount Auburn Street, 3R Cambridge, MA 02138 H A 617.495.8508 Phone R V 617.495.8511 Fax A R D U hutchinscente r@ fas.harvard.edu N I V hutchinscenter.fas.harvard.edu E R S facebook.com/hutchinscenter I T twitter.com/hutchinscenter Y 14070219_Text_Layout 1 8/14/14 9:48 AM Page 1 Understanding our history, as Americans and as African Americans, is essential to re-imagining the future of our country. How black people endured and thrived, how they created a universal culture that is uniquely American, how they helped write the story of this great nation, is one of the most stirring sagas of the modern era. Henry Louis Gates, Jr. Alphonse Fletcher University Professor Director, Hutchins Center for African & African American Research, Harvard University 1 14070219_Text_Layout 1 8/14/14 9:48 AM Page 2 Annual Report 2014 4 13 Letter from the Director 18 Featured Events 28–45 Flagships of the Hutchins Center 46 A Synergistic Hub of Intellectual Fellowship 56 Annual Lecture Series 58 Archives, Manuscripts, and Collections 59 Biographical Dictionary Projects 60 Research Projects and Outreach 66 Hutchins Center Special Events 70 Staff 72 Come and Visit Us Harvard University 14070219_Text_Layout 1 8/14/14 9:48 AM Page 3 28 34 36 38 40 42 43 44 45 3 14070219_Text_Layout 1 8/14/14 9:49 AM Page 4 Director Henry Louis Gates, Jr. -
The Transformative Commitment of Cities and Territories to Generation Equality Index
A Global Feminist Municipal Movement THE TRANSFORMATIVE COMMITMENT OF CITIES AND TERRITORIES TO GENERATION EQUALITY INDEX PREFACE INTRODUCTION SECTION 1. Institutional frameworks and representation: Women’s leadership in the local sphere 1.1. Where are the women in Local Governments? Still a long way to achieving parity 1.2. Local territories as catalysts for women’s political participation SECTION 2. When the personal is political 2.1. The importance of the trajectory 2.2. Dismantling stereotypes and overcoming barriers to advance rights SECTION 3. What agendas are women in local power driving? A strategic look towards the future 3.1. Constructing democratic and inclusive morphologies in local territories: The key points guiding the political agenda of the Feminist Municipal Movement 3.2. Cities and territories that care and sustain the fabric of life: The public issues at the heart of the political agenda SECTION 4. The advance of the Feminist Municipal Movement at the global scale: The table is set 2 Emilia Saiz, Secretary General of United Cities PREFACE: and Local Governments (UCLG) “Women represent more than half of the world population. Nevertheless, they continue to be one of the populations most exposed to violence of all sorts and pressing discrimination. (…) The status of women is one of ‘vulnerability’ or ‘invisibility’ even though they are proactive and effective actresses of transformation”. With these words of the Durban Manifesto on the Future of Equality, local and regional governments gathered within UCLG made a clear call on this challenge and reminded us how we are still far away from the necessary progress on gender equality, 26 years after the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action. -
Marielle Franco and Brazilian Democracy at a Crossroads Isabella Gonçalves Miranda, Natália Alves and Felipe Magalhães
Marielle Franco and Brazilian Democracy at a Crossroads Isabella Gonçalves Miranda, Natália Alves and Felipe Magalhães Marielle Franco’s life and death raised questions about the limits of Brazil’s New Republic. It revealed the rising stakes, particularly for women and people of color, following the 2016 coup. In this piece, urban activists Isabella Gonçalves and Natália Alves and geographer Felipe Magalhães place Franco’s embodied politics as a direct challenge to the regressive policies and aggressive austerity of the current regime. We live in times when a culture of violence is a vocal minority of the polity yet is shaping political practice. Democratic discourse is dismissed in favor of easy and quick solutions from a reinvigorated extreme right. Marielle Franco was elected in the year of the coup. She represented the counterhegemonic hope of a grassroots democratic reconstruction in Brazil through new actors and alliances. Franco’s sense of justice as a black, favelada and lesbian municipal councilwoman and independence from lobbyists and corporate campaign-financing interests defied the current power structure in Brazil. Her election directly challenged the hate, racism, and hopelessness in politics carried by the return of pustchists to power. The 2016 coup1 distorted institutional procedures to depose President Dilma Rousseff without her committing an impeachable offense. It illegitimately elevated Michel Temer to the presidency. Temer has coupled a regressive policy agenda with an aggressive austerity program. He recently recorded the lowest public support in Brazil’s history.2 Employing a cabinet of white male oligarchs, this agenda has abolished ministries, secretariats, and budgets directed to culture and human rights, and eliminated policies addressing racial and gender equality. -
Laboratorio Favela Violencia Y Política En Río De Janeiro
Laboratorio Favela Violencia y política en Río de Janeiro Textos, discursos y cronología de Marielle Franco Franco, Marielle Marielle Franco : Laboratorio favela / Marielle Franco. - 1a ed. - Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires : Tinta Limón, 2020. 186 p. ; 20 x 14 cm. ISBN 978-987-3687-62-4 1. Militancia Política. 2. Urbanización. 3. Sociología. I. Título. CDD 322.4 © Herederas de Marielle Franco © De la edición Tinta Limón Toda ganancia que pudiera generarse a partir de la venta de esta publicación será destina- da a la familia de Marielle Franco. Traducción, corrección, transcripción de los discursos y edición de los textos: Santiago Sburlatti, Gabriela Mendoza, Josefina Payró, Julia Rigueiro, Andrés Bracony y Diego Picotto. Traducción: “Después del golpe”, José María Amoroto Salido; “Ser mujer negra es resis- tir…”, Pilar Troya Corrección: Mariano Pedrosa Corrección de galeras: Lucila Chiovoloni Diseño de cubierta: Diego Maxi Posadas. Diseño de interiores: Juan Pablo Fernandez Diagramación: Florencia Ayelén Medina Fotos de cubierta: Joana Diniz (tapa), Thales Renato (contratapa), ambos de Mídia NINJA bajo licencia CC BY-NC 3.0 BR www.tintalimon.com.ar Queda hecho el depósito que marca la ley 11.723 Atribución-No Comercial-Sin Obras Derivadas 2.5 Argentina Laboratorio Favela Violencia y política en Río de Janeiro Textos, discursos y cronología de Marielle Franco Índice Palabras previas. Brasil y el fin del pacto democrático..............................9 UPP: La reducción de la favela a tres letras Nota a la presente edición............................................................................19