The Perfect Misogynist Storm and the Electromagnetic Shape of Feminism: Weathering Brazil’S Political Crisis
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Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn
Revista de Estudios Sociales 69 | 01 julio 2019 Temas varios Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn Realineamiento político en Brasil: Jair Bolsonaro y el giro a la derecha Realinhamento político no Brasil: Jair Bolsonaro e o giro à direita Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/revestudsoc/46149 ISSN: 1900-5180 Publisher Universidad de los Andes Printed version Date of publication: 1 July 2019 Number of pages: 92-100 ISSN: 0123-885X Electronic reference Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos, “Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn”, Revista de Estudios Sociales [Online], 69 | 01 julio 2019, Online since 09 July 2019, connection on 04 May 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/revestudsoc/46149 Los contenidos de la Revista de Estudios Sociales están editados bajo la licencia Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International. 92 Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn * Fabrício H. Chagas-Bastos ** Received date: April 10, 2019· Acceptance date: April 29, 2019 · Modification date: May 10, 2019 https://doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08 How to cite: Chagas-Bastos, Fabrício H. 2019. “Political Realignment in Brazil: Jair Bolsonaro and the Right Turn”. Revista de Estudios Sociales 69: 92-100. https://doi.org/10.7440/res69.2019.08 ABSTRACT | One hundred days have passed since Bolsonaro took office, and there are two salient aspects of his presidency: first, it is clear that he was not tailored for the position he holds; second, the lack of preparation of his entourage and the absence of parliamentary support has led the country to a permanent state of crisis. -
A Case Study of Quota Laws and Women's
TORTOISE AND THE HARE: A CASE STUDY OF QUOTA LAWS AND WOMEN’S REPRESENTATION IN CONGRESS IN ARGENTINA AND THE UNITED STATES © 2016 By Hannah M. Arrington A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion Of the Bachelor of the Arts degree in International Studies at the Croft Institute of International Studies Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, Mississippi December 2016 Approved: _________________________________________ Advisor: Dr. Miguel Centellas _________________________________________ Reader: Dr. William Schenck _________________________________________ Reader: Dr. Carrie Smith Abstract Given recent political tension between political parties in both the United States and Argentina, there has been an increased demand for improved and more accurate congressional representation, specifically women’s substantive representation in Congress. As the first nation to institute a legislative candidate gender quota law, Argentina has been the leading Latin American nation to confront anti-feminist politics. Under the cupo de ley femenino, the quota mandate of 1991, all major political parties and certain governments cabinets in Argentina are required to fill a set thirty percent of positions on party candidate lists with women (Ley No 24.012). Whereas in the United States, there is no requirement for representation by gender, and as of 2016 women occupied twenty percent of each congressional house. Researchers have presented new and debated theories regarding the quality of congresswomen’s representation in various government systems following the introduction of quota laws around the world. Although Argentine female politicians fill a third of seats in both lower and upper congressional houses, they are often perceived as political pawns to male party leaders who seek total obedience from women whom they would not have otherwise elected (Zetterberg). -
Hashtag Feminism
Feminist Online Identity: Analyzing the Presence of Hashtag Feminism Dr. Kitsy Dixon* ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Available Online July 2014 In theory, the concept of hashtag feminism has created a virtual space where victims of inequality can coexist together in a space that acknowledges their Key words: pain, narrative, and isolation. As social scientists Susan Herring, Kirk Job- Hashtag feminism; Sluder, Rebecca Scheckles, & Sasha Barab (2002) state, these properties Virtual feminism make online forums appeal favorable to vulnerable populations seeking support from ‘disease or abuse, and to members of minority, social and political groups such as homosexuals, racial minorities, and feminists’ (p. 371). However, in identifying online communities such as Twitter and Facebook as safe spaces for expressing feminism views and politics, its ramifications present dire consequences which lead to online harassment, hate speech, disagreements, and a miscommunication in rhetoric. It is with these consequences that the academic discourse becomes lost in transmitting the message of what feminism is and how feminists are identified. Using the ongoing debate that feminism does not acknowledge real life experience outside of the academic terrain, this paper explores how hashtag feminists identify in redefining feminism in their generation. Using the public platform of Twitter and Facebook (less specifically), this paper will explore the online following of women who identify as hashtag feminists and how their dialogue has set the tone for the era of internet activism. Introduction Online discussion forums present spaces for ongoing discussions in popular culture. These discussions create the foundation of establishing communities of like-minded people who identify according to the information shared, and collected, in the online discussions. -
Understanding the Complexities of Feminist Perspectives.Pdf
UNDERSTANDING THE COMPLEXITIES OF FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES ON WOMAN ABUSE: A COMMENTARY ON DONALD G. DUTTON’S RETHINKING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE* Walter S. DeKeseredy, Ph.D. Criminology, Justice and Policy Studies University of Ontario Institute of Technology Oshawa, Ontario Canada L1H 7K4 [email protected] Molly Dragiewicz, Ph.D. Criminology, Justice and Policy Studies University of Ontario Institute of Technology Oshawa, Ontario Canada L1H 7K4 [email protected] *The authors would like to thank Edward G. Gondolf and Claire Renzetti for their helpful comments and criticisms. Please send all correspondence to Walter DeKeseredy, e-mail: [email protected]. UNDERSTANDING THE COMPLEXITIES OF FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES ON WOMAN ABUSE: A COMMENTARY ON DONALD G. DUTTON’S RETHINKING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE All books, including Donald G. Dutton’s (2006) Rethinking Domestic Violence, are written and published in a specific political and economic context. As vividly described by Faludi (1991), Hammer (2002), and many others who made progressive contributions to an interdisciplinary understanding of the enduring discrimination against contemporary North American women, we still live in a climate characterized by vitriolic attacks on feminist scholarship, practice, and activism, intended to secure women’s basic human rights (DeKeseredy & Schwartz, 2003; Stanko, 2006). Despite its title, Dutton’s new book doesn’t focus on rethinking domestic violence. Instead, it is another example of the conservative backlash against feminism in general and feminist research on woman abuse in particular, a response that “helps to veil the extent and brutality of this problem and to block efforts to deal with it” (Hammer, 2002, p. 5). Dutton’s preoccupation with feminism is reflected in entire chapters dedicated to criticizing feminist theory and research, and the book’s “Bottom Line” summary, where half of the main points concern Dutton’s interpretation of feminism rather than new insights about domestic violence research. -
The Radical Feminist Manifesto As Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, and Second Wave Resistance
Southern Journal of Communication ISSN: 1041-794X (Print) 1930-3203 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsjc20 The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance Kimber Charles Pearce To cite this article: Kimber Charles Pearce (1999) The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance, Southern Journal of Communication, 64:4, 307-315, DOI: 10.1080/10417949909373145 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10417949909373145 Published online: 01 Apr 2009. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 578 View related articles Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rsjc20 The Radical Feminist Manifesto as Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, And Second Wave Resistance Kimber Charles Pearce n June of 1968, self-styled feminist revolutionary Valerie Solanis discovered herself at the heart of a media spectacle after she shot pop artist Andy Warhol, whom she I accused of plagiarizing her ideas. While incarcerated for the attack, she penned the "S.C.U.M. Manifesto"—"The Society for Cutting Up Men." By doing so, Solanis appropriated the traditionally masculine manifesto genre, which had evolved from sov- ereign proclamations of the 1600s into a form of radical protest of the 1960s. Feminist appropriation of the manifesto genre can be traced as far back as the 1848 Seneca Falls Woman's Rights Convention, at which suffragists Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Coffin Mott, Martha Coffin, and Mary Ann McClintock parodied the Declara- tion of Independence with their "Declaration of Sentiments" (Campbell, 1989). -
Sexual Controversies in the Women's and Lesbian/Gay Liberation Movements
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1985 Politics and pleasures : sexual controversies in the women's and lesbian/gay liberation movements. Lisa J. Orlando University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Orlando, Lisa J., "Politics and pleasures : sexual controversies in the women's and lesbian/gay liberation movements." (1985). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2489. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2489 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICS AND PLEASURES: SEXUAL CONTROVERSIES IN THE WOMEN'S AND LESBIAN/GAY LIBERATION MOVEMENTS A Thesis Presented By LISA J. ORLANDO Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS September 1985 Political Science Department Politics and Pleasures: Sexual Controversies in the Uomen's and Lesbian/Gay Liberation Movements" A MASTERS THESIS by Lisa J. Orlando Approved by: Sheldon Goldman, Member Philosophy \ hi (UV .CVvAj June 21, 19S4 Dean Alfange, Jj' Graduate P ogram Department of Political Science Lisa J. Orlando © 1982, 1983, 1984, 1985 All Rights Reserved iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the following friends who, in long and often difficult discussion, helped me to work through the ideas presented in this thesis: John Levin, Sheila Walsh, Christine Di Stefano, Tom Keenan, Judy Butler, Adela Pinch, Gayle Rubin, Betsy Duren, Ellen Willis, Ellen Cantarow, and Pam Mitchell. -
Violence Against Women
Violence Against Women http://vaw.sagepub.com Gender Equality and Women’s Absolute Status: A Test of the Feminist Models of Rape Kimberly Martin, Lynne M. Vieraitis and Sarah Britto VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 2006; 12; 321 DOI: 10.1177/1077801206286311 The online version of this article can be found at: http://vaw.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/321 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Violence Against Women can be found at: Email Alerts: http://vaw.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://vaw.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations (this article cites 6 articles hosted on the SAGE Journals Online and HighWire Press platforms): http://vaw.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/321#BIBL Downloaded from http://vaw.sagepub.com by Susan Miner on February 26, 2007 © 2006 SAGE Publications. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. Violence Against Women Volume 12 Number 4 10.1177/1077801206286311ViolenceMartin et Againstal. / Gender W omen Equality and W omen’s Status April 2006 321-339 © 2006 Sage Publications 10.1177/1077801206286311 Gender Equality and http://vaw.sagepub.com hosted at Women’s Absolute Status http://online.sagepub.com A Test of the Feminist Models of Rape Kimberly Martin University of Missouri, St. Louis Lynne M. Vieraitis University of Alabama at Birmingham Sarah Britto Central Washington University Feminist theory predicts both a positive and negative relationship between gender equal- ity and rape rates. Although liberal and radical feminist theory predicts that gender equal- ity should ameliorate rape victimization, radical feminist theorists have argued that gen- der equality may increase rape in the form of male backlash. -
The Evolution of Feminist and Institutional Activism Against Sexual Violence
Bethany Gen In the Shadow of the Carceral State: The Evolution of Feminist and Institutional Activism Against Sexual Violence Bethany Gen Honors Thesis in Politics Advisor: David Forrest Readers: Kristina Mani and Cortney Smith Oberlin College Spring 2021 Gen 2 “It is not possible to accurately assess the risks of engaging with the state on a specific issue like violence against women without fully appreciating the larger processes that created this particular state and the particular social movements swirling around it. In short, the state and social movements need to be institutionally and historically demystified. Failure to do so means that feminists and others will misjudge what the costs of engaging with the state are for women in particular, and for society more broadly, in the shadow of the carceral state.” Marie Gottschalk, The Prison and the Gallows: The Politics of Mass Incarceration in America, p. 164 ~ Acknowledgements A huge thank you to my advisor, David Forrest, whose interest, support, and feedback was invaluable. Thank you to my readers, Kristina Mani and Cortney Smith, for their time and commitment. Thank you to Xander Kott for countless weekly meetings, as well as to the other members of the Politics Honors seminar, Hannah Scholl, Gideon Leek, Cameron Avery, Marah Ajilat, for your thoughtful feedback and camaraderie. Thank you to Michael Parkin for leading the seminar and providing helpful feedback and practical advice. Thank you to my roommates, Sarah Edwards, Zoe Guiney, and Lucy Fredell, for being the best people to be quarantined with amidst a global pandemic. Thank you to Leo Ross for providing the initial inspiration and encouragement for me to begin this journey, almost two years ago. -
Freedom in the World Report 2020
Brazil | Freedom House Page 1 of 19 BrazilFREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 75 FREE /100 Political Rights 31 Civil Liberties 44 75 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Overview https://freedomhouse.org/country/brazil/freedom-world/2020 3/6/2020 Brazil | Freedom House Page 2 of 19 Brazil is a democracy that holds competitive elections, and the political arena is characterized by vibrant public debate. However, independent journalists and civil society activists risk harassment and violent attack, and the government has struggled to address high rates of violent crime and disproportionate violence against and economic exclusion of minorities. Corruption is endemic at top levels, contributing to widespread disillusionment with traditional political parties. Societal discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people remains a serious problem. Key Developments in 2019 • In June, revelations emerged that Justice Minister Sérgio Moro, when he had served as a judge, colluded with federal prosecutors by offered advice on how to handle the corruption case against former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, who was convicted of those charges in 2017. The Supreme Court later ruled that defendants could only be imprisoned after all appeals to higher courts had been exhausted, paving the way for Lula’s release from detention in November. • The legislature’s approval of a major pension reform in the fall marked a victory for Brazil’s far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, who was inaugurated in January after winning the 2018 election. It also signaled a return to the business of governing, following a period in which the executive and legislative branches were preoccupied with major corruption scandals and an impeachment process. -
The Exclusion of Conservative Women from Feminism: a Case Study on Marine Le Pen of the National Rally1 Nicole Kiprilov a Thesis
The Exclusion of Conservative Women from Feminism: A Case Study on Marine Le Pen of the National Rally1 Nicole Kiprilov A thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science for honors Duke University Durham, North Carolina 2019 1 Note name change from National Front to National Rally in June 2018 1 Acknowledgements I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to a number of people who were integral to my research and thesis-writing journey. I thank my advisor, Dr. Michael Munger, for his expertise and guidance. I am also very grateful to my two independent study advisors, Dr. Beth Holmgren from the Slavic and Eurasian Studies department and Dr. Michèle Longino from the Romance Studies department, for their continued support and guidance, especially in the first steps of my thesis-writing. In addition, I am grateful to Dr. Heidi Madden for helping me navigate the research process and for spending a great deal of time talking through my thesis with me every step of the way, and to Dr. Richard Salsman, Dr. Genevieve Rousseliere, Dr. Anne Garréta, and Kristen Renberg for all of their advice and suggestions. None of the above, however, are responsible for the interpretations offered here, or any errors that remain. Thank you to the entire Duke Political Science department, including Suzanne Pierce and Liam Hysjulien, as well as the Duke Roman Studies department, including Kim Travlos, for their support and for providing me this opportunity in the first place. Finally, I am especially grateful to my Mom and Dad for inspiring me. Table of Contents 2 Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………………4 Part 1 …………………………………………………………………………………………...5 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………..5 Purpose ………………………………………………………………………………..13 Methodology and Terms ……………………………………………………………..16 Part 2 …………………………………………………………………………………………..18 The National Rally and Women ……………………………………………………..18 Marine Le Pen ………………………………………………………………………...26 Background ……………………………………………………………………26 Rise to Power and Takeover of National Rally ………………………….. -
Maria Da Penha
Global Feminisms Comparative Case Studies of Women’s Activism and Scholarship BRAZIL Maria da Penha Interviewer: Sueann Caulfield Fortaleza, Brazil February 2015 University of Michigan Institute for Research on Women and Gender 1136 Lane Hall Ann Arbor, MI 48109‐1290 Tel: (734) 764‐9537 E‐mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.umich.edu/~glblfem © Regents of the University of Michigan, 2015 Maria da Penha, born in 1945 in Fortaleza, Ceará, is a leader in the struggle against domestic violence in Brazil. Victimized by her husband in 1983, who twice tried to murder her and left her a paraplegic, she was the first to successfully bring a case of domestic violence to the Inter‐American Commission on Human Rights. It took years to bring the case to public attention. In 2001, the case resulted in the international condemnation of Brazil for neglect and for the systematic delays in the Brazilian justice system in cases of violence against women. Brazil was obliged to comply with certain recommendations, including a change to Brazilian law that would ensure the prevention and protection of women in situations of domestic violence and the punishment of the offender. The federal government, under President Lula da Silva, and in partnership with five NGOs and a number of important jurists, proposed a bill that was unanimously passed by both the House and the Senate. In 2006, Federal Law 11340 was ratified, known as the “Maria da Penha Law on Domestic and Family Violence.” Maria da Penha’s contribution to this important achievement for Brazilian women led her to receive significant honors, including "The Woman of Courage Award” from the United States in 2010.1 She also received the Cross of the Order of Isabella the Catholic from the Spanish Embassy, and in 2013, the Human Rights Award, which is considered the highest award of the Brazilian Government in the field of human rights. -
6 Confronting Backlash Against Women's Rights And
CONFRONTING BACKLASH AGAINST WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND GENDER 1 EQUALITY IN BRAZIL: A LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROPOSAL Cecilia M. B. Sardenberg 2 Maíra Kubik Mano 3 Teresa Sacchet 4 ABSTRACT: This work is part of a research and intervention programme to investigate, confront and reverse the backlash against gender equality and women’s rights in Brazil, which will be part of the Institute of Development Studies – IDS Countering Backlash Programme, supported by the Swedish International Development Agency - SIDA. This Programme was elaborated in response to the backlash against women's rights and gender equality that has emerged as a growing trend, championed by conservative and authoritarian movements gaining space across the globe, particularly during the last decade. In Brazil, this backlash has been identified as part of an ‘anti-gender’ wave, which has spread considerably since the 2014 presidential elections. Significant changes in Brazil have not only echoed strongly on issues regarding women’s rights and gender justice, but also brought disputes over gender and sexuality to the political arena. To better address the issues at hand in this work, we will contextualize them in their historical background. We will begin with a recapitulation of the re-democratization process, in the 1980s, when feminist and women’s movements emerged as a political force demanding to be heard. We will then look at the gains made during what we here term “the progressive decades for human and women’s rights”, focusing, in particular, on those regarding the confrontation of Gender Based Violence (GBV) in Brazil, which stands as one of the major problems faced by women and LGBTTQIs, aggravated in the current moment of Covid-19 pandemic.