Reviews / Comptes Rendus
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
La Censure En Temps De Guerre : Radio-Canada Et Le Plébiscite De 1942 Alain Canuel
Document generated on 10/01/2021 1:38 p.m. Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française La censure en temps de guerre : Radio-Canada et le plébiscite de 1942 Alain Canuel Volume 52, Number 2, automne 1998 Article abstract This study proposes to analyse, in the context of censorship during the Second URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/005347ar World War, the controversy that the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/005347ar raised during the plebiscit campaign of 1942 in authorizing the YES advocates and in denying the NO advocates to present their point of view on the national See table of contents airwaves. This decision not only exacerbates the NO advocates but also undermines the CBC's credibility which rapidly becomes identified as the repressive apparatus of the State. The analysis also questions the assertion Publisher(s) which tends to prove that it was the CBC's decision during the plebiscit that would have favoured the development of the French network in Canada. Institut d'histoire de l'Amérique française ISSN 0035-2357 (print) 1492-1383 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Canuel, A. (1998). La censure en temps de guerre : Radio-Canada et le plébiscite de 1942. Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française, 52(2), 217–242. https://doi.org/10.7202/005347ar Tous droits réservés © Institut d'histoire de l'Amérique française, 1998 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. -
Laarly 100 Auandad National Antiwar Convenuon in L.A. Protests Against Bombing Ol Dikes Sailor Aug.5-9
! (,'I I I. AUGUST 4, 1972 25 CENTS A SOCIALIST NEWSWEEKLY/PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF THE WORKING PEOPLE laarly 100 auandad national antiwar convenuon In L.A. Protests against bombing ol dikes sailor Aug.5-9. ..__ By NORTON SANDLER from the West Coast, but there were approved by the overwhelming ma An effort by some McGovern sup and HARRY RING individuals and delegations from 23 jority of the gathering, recommended porters to have the conference com LOS ANGELES- The national anti states. that NPAC maintain its nonpartisan mit itself to supporting McGovern's war co~rence held here July 21-23 Convention organizers vie~ed ·the stand toward the elections. This stand presidential bid sparked heated debate voted to organize nationwide demon gathering as a major· gain for anti is essential, the proposal declared, if on NPAC's nonpartisan electoral· strations against the· Vietnam war 9n war forces. They regarded the atten NPAC is to continue to organize mas stand. Oct 26 and Nov. 18. The convention, dance as very good for the first na sive street demonstrations against the Originally, some McGovern support tional antiwar conference to be held called by the National Peace Action war. ers considered presenting a resolution Coalition (NPAC), also ratified plans on the West Coast, particularly since The proposal recognized that NPAC calling for the conference to endorse it took place in midsummer. It also for making the Aug. 5-9 Hiroshima embraces a broad range of political their candidate. Recognizing there was . Nagasaki commemorative demonstra came within two weeks of the Dem views. -
Proquest Dissertations
1829 The Honorable Hector Perrier and the Passage of Compulsory School Attendance Legislation in the Province of Quebec 1940-1943. John A. Taylor A Thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the University of - O£',-AL'""-< Ottawa, 19 73. **" X BIBUOTHEQUES li Ottawa e^s/ty o< J.A. Taylor, Ottawa, 1973. UMI Number: EC56187 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI® UMI Microform EC56187 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page Introduction i I A Brief Outline of the Foundations of the Catholic Educational System of the Province of Quebec after 1867 and Attempts to Enact Compulsory Education Prior to 19^0 1 II Provincial Secretary Hector Perrier's Successful Campaign to Obtain the Catholic Committee's Approval of the Principle of Comoulsory Education for the Province of Quebec, 19^0-19^2... 30 III The Debate Surrounding the Enactment of Compulsory School Attendance Legislation in the Legislative Assembly and Legislative Council, April-May, 19^3 73 IV Newspaper Opinion in Montreal and Quebec on Hector Perrier and on Compulsory Education, 19^0-19^3 108 Conclusion • 133 Bibliography i Appendices v i Introduction Hector Perrier was named Provincial Secretary in the Liberal government of the Honorable Adelard Godbout on October 16, 1940, and remained in this post until his resi gnation prior to the provincial elections of August, 1944. -
Uprising, Protests Against Anti-Semitism, Reveal State-Capitalist Crises
ON THE INSIDE Free Angela,' page 7 U.S. unemployment in war and peace.page 5 Chicano demonstrations page 6 10« First blacks WWs inaugurated in Lowndes Co. By Charles Denby, Editor Some 15 of us from Detroit attended the swearing into office of three black people in Lowndes County, Ala. This was the first time that any blacks ever won an elec tion in that county. It was an historic occasion in every respect," especially for those who knew that less than six years ago not one black had been allowed to register to vote. Less than six years ago, black people would have to get off the sidewalk if they met a white. To see Printed In 100 Percent and to be a part of the joy and happiness of every black VOL. 16—No. 2 Union Shop FEBRUARY, 1971 person in attendance at the inauguration made you won der whether what you were witnessing was really true or if you were imagining it. The oath of office was administered in the courthouse Editorial article in Hayneville, the county seat, in the center of the vil lage. There are about eight or 10 stores and a few other business establishments sitting in a square of about four blocks, with a small park in the center. uprising, protests against When we got in sight of the square, it looked like one black spot had covered every inch of the park and had overflowed into the streets. Some said 2,000 black anti-Semitism, reveal state-capitalist crises people were there, some said more. -
Chapitre 22. Partis Politiques Et Vie Politique
Gérard Daigle Le Québec en jeu Comprendre les grands défis Presses de l’Université de Montréal Chapitre 22. Partis politiques et vie politique Vincent Lemieux DOI : 10.4000/books.pum.15289 Éditeur : Presses de l’Université de Montréal Lieu d'édition : Presses de l’Université de Montréal Année d'édition : 1992 Date de mise en ligne : 6 juillet 2018 Collection : Thématique Sciences sociales ISBN électronique : 9791036513817 http://books.openedition.org Référence électronique LEMIEUX, Vincent. Chapitre 22. Partis politiques et vie politique In : Le Québec en jeu : Comprendre les grands défis [en ligne]. Montréal : Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 1992 (généré le 22 avril 2019). Disponible sur Internet : <http://books.openedition.org/pum/15289>. ISBN : 9791036513817. DOI : 10.4000/books.pum.15289. Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 22 avril 2019. Il est issu d'une numérisation par reconnaissance optique de caractères. Chapitre 22. Partis politiques et vie politique 1 Chapitre 22. Partis politiques et vie politique Vincent Lemieux 1 Au début des années soixante, le système des partis provinciaux du Québec comprend deux partis, le Parti libéral et l’Union nationale. D’autres partis apparaissent en cours de période, le Rassemblement pour l’indépendance nationale (RIN), le Ralliement national, le Ralliement créditiste et surtout le Parti québécois. Ce dernier prend la place de l’Union nationale, pour reconstituer à la fin des années quatre-vingt un systèmes qui se limite à nouveau à deux partis principaux, avec cependant un petit parti anglophone, le Parti Égalité, qui dispose de quelques sièges à l’Assemblée nationale. 2 Comment peut-on expliquer cette évolution ? Est-elle comparable à ce qu’on a observé ailleurs ? Ce sont les questions auxquelles nous tenterons de répondre dans ce chapitre, qui portera surtout sur les partis provinciaux, avec, à l’occasion, quelques remarques sur les partis fédéraux au Québec1. -
Maxime-Raymond Texte Et Recherche : Guy Longtin
Maxime-Raymond Texte et recherche : Guy Longtin Septième d’une illustre famille de dix enfants, Maxime Raymond naît à Saint-Stanislas-de-Kostka le 25 décembre 1883 de l’union d’Adélard Raymond, marchand, et de Priscilla Quesnel. Certains de ses frères connaîtront aussi une belle carrière, dont Donat, financier, qui sera sénateur et notamment dirigeant du Club de hockey « Les Canadiens » de Montréal. Après avoir complété ses études classiques au Séminaire de Valleyfield sous l’influence de son professeur de rhétorique, l’abbé Lionel-Groulx, Maxime Raymond poursuit ses études au Collège Sainte-Marie et à l’Université de Montréal, où il est reçu au Barreau de la Province de Québec comme avocat en 1908. Il devient par la suite membre de l’étude légale «Raymond et Langlois » et se fait avocat-conseil de la compagnie d’assurance «La Prévoyance », dont il sera notamment le vice-président pendant 25 ans. Il siégera aussi au conseil d’administration de la compagnie « Alexander Building Corporation ». C’est en 1925 que cet adepte des idées et pensées d’Henri Bourassa se laisse tenter par la politique, où il est élu pour une première fois comme député libéral fédéral de Beauharnois-Laprairie. En plus de s’intéresser vivement à la cause des Canadiens-Français, le député Maxime Raymond affiche un patriotisme éclairé, tant sur le plan économique que politique. Il se fait un ardent défenseur de l’autonomie canadienne sur la scène internationale, notamment à l’égard de Londres et de l’Angleterre. C’est toutefois à l’occasion de la crise de la conscription en 1942 que Maxime Raymond verra les feux de la rampe se braquer vers lui. -
The Rise and Decline of the Cooperative Commonwealth
THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE COOPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH FEDERATION IN ONTARIO AND QUEBEC DURING WORLD WAR II, 1939 – 1945 By Charles A. Deshaies B. A. State University of New York at Potsdam, 1987 M. A. State University of New York at Empire State, 2005 A THESIS Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in History) The Graduate School The University of Maine December 2019 Advisory Committee: Scott W. See, Professor Emeritus of History, Co-advisor Jacques Ferland, Associate Professor of History, Co-advisor Nathan Godfried, Professor of History Stephen Miller, Professor of History Howard Cody, Professor Emeritus of Political Science Copyright 2019 Charles A. Deshaies All Rights Reserved ii THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE COOPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH FEDERATION IN ONTARIO AND QUEBEC DURING WORLD WAR II, 1939 – 1945 By Charles A. Deshaies Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Scott See and Dr. Jacques Ferland An Abstract of the Thesis Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in History) December 2019 The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) was one of the most influential political parties in Canadian history. Without doubt, from a social welfare perspective, the CCF helped build and develop an extensive social welfare system across Canada. It has been justly credited with being one of the major influences over Canadian social welfare policy during the critical years following the Great Depression. This was especially true of the period of the Second World War when the federal Liberal government of Mackenzie King adroitly borrowed CCF policy planks to remove the harsh edges of capitalism and put Canada on the path to a modern Welfare State. -
“Anglo-Conformity”: Assimilation Policy in Canada, 1890S–1950S1
Jatinder Mann “Anglo-Conformity”: Assimilation Policy in Canada, 1890s–1950s1 Abstract In the late nineteenth century Canada started to receive large waves of non- British migrants for the very first time in its history. These new settlers arrived in a country that saw itself very much as a British society. English-speaking Canadians considered themselves a core part of a worldwide British race. French Canadians, however, were obviously excluded from this ethnic identity. The maintenance of the country as a white society was also an integral part of English-speaking Canada’s national identity. Thus, white non-British migrants were required to assimilate into this English-speaking Canadian or Anglocen- tric society without delay. But in the early 1950s the British identity of English- speaking Canada began to decline ever so slowly. The first steps toward the gradual breakdown of the White Canada policy also occurred at this time. This had a corresponding weakening effect on the assimilation policy adopted toward non-British migrants, which was based on Anglo-conformity. Résumé À la fin du 19e siècle, pour la première fois de son histoire, le Canada commençait à accueillir des vagues importantes d’immigrants non britanni- ques. Ces nouveaux arrivants entraient dans un pays qui se percevait en grande partie comme une société britannique. Les anglophones canadiens se con- sidéraient en effet comme une composante centrale de la « race » britannique mondiale. Les francophones, en revanche, étaient de toute évidence exclus de cette identité ethnique. Par ailleurs, une autre composante essentielle de l’identité nationale canadienne anglophone était la pérennité du pays en tant que société blanche. -
Postwar Foreign Policy in Canadian Federal Elections 1949-1957
From Moderates to Mythmakers: Postwar Foreign Policy in Canadian Federal Elections 1949-1957 Kristopher Kinsinger 2 The popular narrative of a Canadian diplomatic golden age is one still evoked by politicians and pundits alike. Such a narrative recalls an era following the end of the Second World War when the country established itself as a helpful presence on the world stage, where, free of the confines of British imperialism, Canadian politicians and diplomats offered constructive foreign policies that fostered multilateral dialogue and promoted global peace.1 Or so the narrative goes. However, as numerous historians have argued, Canadian foreign policy in the postwar era, rather than punching above its weight, was continually beset by the need to defer to the policies of Canada’s North Atlantic allies, in particular that of the United States and Great Britain.2 In keeping with this theme, this paper focuses on the evolving role of foreign policy in the rhetoric of the Liberal Party, the Progressive Conservative Party and (to a lesser extent) the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in the three federal elections held between 1949 and 1957. This analysis confirms the general unimportance of foreign policy in public discourse during this period, as well as the relative lack of golden age imagery in partisan debate. Given their similarities with regard to policy and their proximity to major international events, the majority of this paper’s content will focus on the 1949 and 1953 elections, concluding with a brief summary of foreign policy in the 1957 election. The 1949 election can be viewed as a turning point in the history of Canadian federal politics. -
The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left During the Long Sixties
Western University Scholarship@Western Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository 8-13-2019 1:00 PM 'To Waffleo t the Left:' The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left during the Long Sixties David G. Blocker The University of Western Ontario Supervisor Fleming, Keith The University of Western Ontario Graduate Program in History A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree in Doctor of Philosophy © David G. Blocker 2019 Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd Part of the Canadian History Commons Recommended Citation Blocker, David G., "'To Waffleo t the Left:' The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left during the Long Sixties" (2019). Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository. 6554. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd/6554 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Western. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Western. For more information, please contact [email protected]. i Abstract The Sixties were time of conflict and change in Canada and beyond. Radical social movements and countercultures challenged the conservatism of the preceding decade, rejected traditional forms of politics, and demanded an alternative based on the principles of social justice, individual freedom and an end to oppression on all fronts. Yet in Canada a unique political movement emerged which embraced these principles but proposed that New Left social movements – the student and anti-war movements, the women’s liberation movement and Canadian nationalists – could bring about radical political change not only through street protests and sit-ins, but also through participation in electoral politics. -
“Québec Libre”»
Québec FREE VIDEOTAPE Exerpts from Québec libre 1 . Jean Roy : 33-year-old master printer, candi- date for FRAP, municipal political party de- veloped from citizen's committees . 2. Robert Lemieux : 29-year-old FLQ defense lawyer . 3. Gerald Godin : 35-year-old editor, Quebec's only weekly socialist newspaper . 4 . Michel Chartrand : 57-year-old labor union leader . Lemieux I think that in '63-64, it was a constitutional Some of the young people used to say to me of poverty because they did not suffer like all the matter, something from the gut, from a colonized "You are an old fool if you think that you can former generations from poverty . And most of people wanting to be free, but since '66, the have democratic changes-social, economic, all, they are not hypnotized by the gadget civiliz- revolutionary groups in Quebec have added a political or constitutional changes in a democratic ation of the United States . They can go without social, economic content that means that they way. They won't stand for it, they'll send the toilet paper with flowers and perfume and they'll want not only to resolve the constitutional problem, army or the marines-they won't stand for an in- use the daily paper-the English one preferably . to have an independent Quebec with all the legis- dependent socialist Quebec ." And I'd say, "We'll They want to run their own show . They want an lative powers, but they also want a free Quebec see . ." That was before the 16th of October. -
Canadion Political Parties: Origin, Character, Impact (Scarborough: Prentice-Hail, 1975), 30
OUTSIDELOOKING IN: A STUDYOF CANADIANFRINGE PARTIES by Myrna J. Men Submitted in partial fulnllment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia September, 1997 O Copyright by Myrna Men Nationai LiBrary Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services sewices bibliographiques 395 WelJiiStreet 395. nie Wellington OtEawaON KIAW -ON K1AûN4 canada canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une Iicence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Biblioihèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, ioan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distniuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or elecîronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts Eom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othewise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. As with any thesis, there are many people to pay tribute to who helped me with this effort. It is with this in mind that 1 mention Dr. Herman Bakvis, whose assistance, advice and patience was of great value. Thanks also to Dr. Peter Aucoin and Dr. David Cameron for their commentary and suggestions. FinaLiy, 1 wish to thank my family and fnends who supported and encouraged me in my academic endeavours.