The Mccartan Documents, 1916 Author(S): F

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The McCartan Documents, 1916 Author(s): F. X. Martin Source: Clogher Record, Vol. 6, No. 1 (1966), pp. 5-65 Published by: Clogher Historical Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27695579 . Accessed: 30/03/2013 10:05

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This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The McCartan Documents, 1916 by

Professor Rev. F. X. Martin, O.S.A.

A police report written at Omagh, county Tyrone, on 23 May 1916, in the aftermath of the Easter Rising, declared:

perhaps in no other county in Ireland had stronger or more insidious influences been at work than in this county, since the outbreak of the War, to undermine the loyalty of the people and spread the insurrectionary movement.

A principal reason why strenuous efforts were made to form this county into a centre of disaffection was the his toric associations of Tyrone. It was the county of the O'Neills who were so long the irreconcilable opponents of British rule in Ireland and it was also "the cradle of the Volunteer move ment".

The report comments in sober official language, but with an obvious undertone of strong feeling, that Dr Patrick McCartan, the dispensary doctor at Gortin,

was a a dangerous I.R.B. suspect.... not only local leader in the rebellion movement but.was a leader in the higher councils of the Dublin rebels. He had a controlling influence in all the rebel newspapers such as Sinn Fein, Irish Freedom (of which he was the founder and first editor) and others.

He had control of large funds from America for propa ganda work. Large sums were spent in this county in gain ing adherents to the rebel cause, and I have evidence of large payments made by him to such men as T. C. Clarke of Dublin, who has since been shot, and to Professor McNeill and others connected with the Sinn Fein movement.

McCartan was, in fact, one of the eleven members of the a most stroke Supreme Council of the I.R.B., and by fortunate of luck a series of his letters, written immediately after the time. rising, has come to light and is here published for the first one of the They were written to Joe McGarrity at Philadelphia, three directors of the Clan na Gael organization which had un The reservedly encouraged and partly financed the rebellion. one the letters not only express the feelings and beliefs of of of the republican leaders but they reveal something closely council which and guarded secret policy of the military planned 5

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions executed the rising. The value of the documents is obvious: they were written in the white-heat of feeling, while executions and imprisonments were still the order of the day. No other I.R.B. leader has left a similar record of those days.

Good luck, like bad fortune, multiplies itself. The advantage of having the McCartan documents is capped by the discovery among his papers of a copy of a confidential police report on the events which took place in Tyrone during Easter Week. Thus we can also see, through the eyes of the local British agents, what was happening in the Omagh district of Tyrone. The police re port is published below. Dr Patrick McCartan

Patrick McCartan was born on 13 March 1878 at Carrick more, in the parish of Termonmaguirk, co. Tyrone. His father had a modest but prosperous farm which allowed him to send Patrick, after his primary education at Tanderagee National School, first for two years to a local "latin school", then in suc cession for two years to St Patrick's, Armagh, one year to St Macartan's, Monaghan, and finally to St Malachy's, Belfast, for his matriculation year, followed by another year for the First Arts university examination.

There was no obvious republican tradition in the McCartan home, but during the year at St Macartan's the national cele brations for the centenary of the '98 rebellion first stirred pat riotism in the lad's blood, and a vivid impression was made on his mind when youthful he chanced to read Alice Milligan's Wolfe Tone. the Although McCartan family had a happy normal home, on work the farm was not congenial to Pat; wanderlust seized him, and this spirit of adventure was to remain with him all his life. He ran to the away U.S.A. in 1900, taking ship from Derry to New thence York, making his way to Philadelphia to John McGarrity, with whose brother, Peter, he had been at school in St Patrick's, Armagh. It was thus in 1901 that he struck up his life-long friendship with Joe, brother of John and Peter. McCar tan worked as a barman in a succession of saloons for five years, laying aside most of his earnings for university studies. He returned to Ireland in 1905, with the intention of becoming a doctor, and though he lacked sufficient money of his own for medical studies he was backed financially by Joe McGarrity. his in During time the U.S.A. he had become a republican. In 1901 John McGarrity induced him to join Camp 428 of Clan na and Gael, by the time of his return to Ireland four years later 6

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions he held the rank of Senior Guardian of the Camp. The Clan was the American equivalent of the I.R.B. in Ireland, but was an open organization, working to achieve the independence of Ire land by welding the Irish in the U.S.A. into a political force, by collecting money for the Irish cause, and by maintaining a pub licity campaign to keep the Irish Question before the eyes of the world.

When McCartan was returning to Ireland in 1905 Joe McGarrity travelled with him as far as New York, and there in troduced him to John Devoy and Tom Clarke. Devoy wrote to P. T. Daly, a member of the Supreme Council of the I.R.B. and a well-known figure in Dublin Corporation politics, arranging for McCartan to be transferred from the Clan to the I.R.B. McCartan was placed in the Dublin Teeling Circle which included Sean T. O'Kelly, Ernest Blythe, John O'Byrne, and Sean O'Casey.

McCartan inscribed himself as a student in the Medical School of University College at Cecilia Street, and though busy with his medical studies rapidly became prominent in political affairs. He was elected to the national executive of Sinn Fein at the first convention held in the Rotunda in November 1905. He quickly won the confidence of the small but active group of republicans in Belfast, led by Denis McCullough, Bulmer Hob son and Sean MacDermott, and with them toured the northern counties, speaking at public meetings on behalf of an Irish re public. He openly organized a Dungannon Club among the uni versity students in Dublin, and secretly recruited a number of them for the I.R.B. He was a close friend of Bulmer Hobson, was friendly with Countess Markievicz, and was associated with Fianna Eireann from the time of its foundation in August 1909. He was president, and for many years the leading light, of the Students' National Literary Society, and attempted with some success to have its proceedings conducted in Irish.

He had strong views in favour of the revival of the Irish language, and in 1909 when an effort was being made to have Irish accepted as an essential subject for the matriculation ex amination of the National University he was one of the principal speakers at a students' meeting in the Dublin Mansion House, at which Douglas Hyde also spoke. To put backbone into the cam a paign he founded The Student in May 1910, but after short time, in deference to the wishes of An Claidheamh Soluis, he voluntarily suspended publication. As a result of his clashes with the authorities of University College, Dublin, on the language issue he transferred to the College of Surgeons.

While still a student in 1908 he was elected a Sinn Fein

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions member of the Dublin Corporation for the Rotunda Ward, large ly through I.R.B. influence. About this time also he developed an active interest in journalism, as a fairly regular contributor to Devoy's Gaelic American. At the suggestion of Bulmer Hobson a weekly newspaper, Irish Freedom, was founded at Dublin in November 1910, with the secret backing of the I.R.B. Since Hob son had antagonized Fred Allen, Sean O'Hanlon, and some of the other older Feniaa leaders in Dublin, McCartan was ap pointed editor. However, as he shortly afterwards became resi dent surgeon in the Mater Hospital and could not spare time for journalism on such a scale, most of the editorial work was done by Hobson.

In March 1911 he precipitated a crisis with the governing group of the I.R.B. which brought about a transfer of leadership from the older men such as Allen and O'Hanlon to the younger men such as McCullough, Hobson, P. S. O'Hegarty, and MacDer mott, who looked to Tom Clarke for inspiration. This change was of crucial importance in the train of events leading to the Easter Rising. The crisis arose over a simple issue. The king of England was due to visit Ireland in July 1911, and the I.R.B. leaders in Dublin, who had become over-cautious in their policy, decided that no I.R.B. man should publicly propose resolutions hostile to the royal visit. Despite the prohibition McCartan, attending an Emmet Commemoration Concert in the Rotunda in March 1911, impulsively jumped on to the stage and proposed the motion. On the spur of the moment Pearse and Markievicz, (and even Clarke who had cautioned McCartan against any such pub lic proposal) gave him their support, and the resolution was adopted with enthusiasm by the meeting. In consequence the older men resigned from the direction of the I.R.B. and the "ginger group" took control.

All this activity was conducted in the spare time left from his medical studies. He qualified as a doctor in 1911, and after a spell as resident house surgeon in the Mater Hospital began to practise medicine in Tyrone early in 1912. He returned to Dub lin in the autumn to study for the Fellowship of the Royal Col lege of Surgeons. This he duly secured, and he was appointed dispensary doctor in Gortin, co. Tyrone, where he took up resi dence in April 1913.

At this stage the I.R.B. was almost extinct in Tyrone; the dominant nationalist organization was the A.O.H. An I.R.B. Circle had continued to exist at Carrickmore, though McCartan as a boy and young man had been unaware of its existence. The foundation of the Irish Volunteers at Dublin in November 1913 changed the situation in Tyrone. A number of priests rallied 8

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Dr. McCartan and Liam Mellows when they were getting passports to go as seamen to Germany in October 1917.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Dr. McCartan after his passage as a stoker on a tramp steamer to present the Irish claim to America.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions openly to the Volunteers, and at least two of them, Fr James O'Daly of Clogher and Fr Eugene Coyle of Fintona, allied them selves with the I.R.B. The police report of May 1916, printed below, relates that McCartan was the driving force behind the republican revival in county Tyrone.

During the unfortunate split which developed between Clarke and Hobson over the admission of Redmond's nominees to the Provisional Committee of the Volunteers, McCartan was a moderating influence, and while he sided with Clarke he never doubted the bona fides of Hobson, Casement and MacNeill.

He had been co-opted a member of the Supreme Council of the I.R.B. late in 1914, and in order to clarify the minds of the Clan na Gael leaders about the complexities of the situation in Ireland he travelled to the U.S.A. early in 1915 at his own ex pense. He also put their minds at ease about Casement's sin cerity as a patriot. McCartan brought back ?2,000 in gold from the Clan to the I.R.B. and ?700 in gold as a personal gift from McGarrity to Pearse for St Enda's.

The last meeting of the Supreme Council before the Rising was held late in January 1916. While McCartan agreed in prin ciple that a rising should take place, he alone on the Supreme Council positively disapproved of any such armed outbreak un til the Volunteers were better armed and until they could be assured of a German force landing in Ireland.

Diarmuid Lynch, also a member of the Supreme Council at this time, in an article in the Gaelic American of 9 April 1921, referred in a general fashion to McCartan's attitude, but it is only now in McCartan's own letters that we gain some detailed knowledge of the reasons which separated him, on this issue, from most of the other members of the Supreme Council. How ever, we know that he was not the only member of the Supreme Council who was kept in the dark about the plans for the Easter Rising. The confusion which overtook the Irish Volunteers in Ulster in between Spy Wednesday and Easter Wednesday is described in retrospect by McCartan in a section of his memoirs published The Clogher Record, 1964. The police report of May 1916, pub lished below, throws added light on the sequence of events dur ing those days.

After the failure of the rising in the North McCartan went in the Hue on his "keeping", and his description was circulated and Cry. It was during these weeks that he wrote the letters to McGarrity which are printed here. 9

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions After six months in hiding he was allowed to resume resi dence and medical practice at Gortin, but he can hardly have been surprised when he was arrested in February 1917 in a swoop which the British government made on a number of Irish political leaders who were still at large; they included Terence MacSwiney, Sean T. O'Kelly and Tom?s MacCurtain. He was jailed in Arbour Hill, Dublin, then deported to England, first to Oxford and later to Fairford. He slipped back to Ireland in April 1917 to take part in the by-election in South Longford on behalf of Joseph McGuinness, then a prisoner in Lewes Jail ("put him in to get him out").

He was commissioned by the Supreme Council of the I.R.B. to go as Irish representative to Russia, but while he was waiting at Liverpool in June 1917 for a boat to Russia the Irish prisoners in England were released and this caused him to change his plans. It was decided that he should present a petition on Ire land's behalf to President Wilson of the U.S.A. This was written on a linen handkerchief, signed by de Valera, MacNeill, and a number of the newly released Volunteer officers. The handker chief was sewn into McCartan's waistcoat, and he travelled to the U.S.A. disguised as a deckhand on the S.S. Baltic. A copy of the petition was in due time presented to Joseph Tumulty, Wil son's secretary in Washington. In October 1917 McCartan set out in disguise for Germany to agitate on Ireland's behalf, but was arrested at Halifax, jailed for ten weeks, and brought back to the U.S.A. In February 1918 he was proposed as Sinn Fein M.P. for South Armagh but was unsuccessful. Two months later he was returned unopposed as the Sinn Fein M.P. for Leix-Offaly.

When the Irish Press was founded at Philadelphia in March 1918 McCartan became its editor. During this time he was also acting, on the instructions of the Supreme Council of the I.R.B., as envoy of the provisional government of Ireland to the U.S.A. This appointment which was repeated by D?il ?ireann in April 1919 as 'Envoy of the Republic of Ireland' is a striking example of the extent to which the I.R.B. exercised its claim to be the de jure and de facto government of Ireland, at least until D?il ?ireann began to function as a legal entity. As envoy of the Republic of Ireland, he presented the D?il Declaration of In dependence to the government of the United States of America and was very active in many other episodes in the U.S.A. during these years.

McCartan left New York in February 1920 as representative of de Valera to the cabinet of D?il ?ireann, to explain the dif ferences of opinion which had begun to separate de Valera from 10

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Irish-American leaders such as Devoy and Cohalan. He returned to New York in May 1920, and travelled to Russia early in 1921, seeking recognition for the Irish Republic from the Soviet gov ernment. He arrived at Reval in February 1921 and spent three months in Russia negotiating with various officials, but due to political developments in Russia, England and Ireland he failed to secure official Russian support.

He returned to Ireland for the all-important D?il debates on the treaty between Great Britain and Ireland. He expressed open sympathy and responsibility with the delegates who had signed the Articles of Agreement in London, but because of his I.R.B. oath he declared he could not vote for the treaty.

Sickened by the Civil War he withdrew from political life and went to Vienna in 1922 for a post-graduate course in sur gery. Afterwards he spent some years in the U.S.A., and while there, in June 1937, he married Elizabeth Kearney of Knockna baul, county Kerry.

He remained a republican all his life, and in 1945 stood as an independent candidate in the presidential election when Sean T. O'Kelly was elected to the office. He was Clann na Pob lachta candidate in Cork in the 1948 general election, and again in Dublin in 1957. In the presidential election of 1959, when Eamon de Valera was elected, McCartan's candidature was de clared invalid as he had failed to secure the required number of nominations

Dr McCartan settled at Greystones, county Wicklow, and practised there until shortly before his death on 4 April 1963. He was survived by his widow and two children, P?draig ?g and Deirdre.

Ever since his days as a medical student in Dublin Dr McCartan maintained an active interest in the revival of the Irish language. He was also a patron of both W. B. Yeats and Jack Yeats. It was while he was a student in Dublin that he first met W. B. Yeats through a common interest in the Abbey Theatre. Later, in 1923, McCartan arranged a lecture tour for Yeats in the U.S.A., and at a time when Yeats had a very slender income McCartan arranged, out of his own pocket, for a weekly ? ? pension of ?4 an appreciable sum of money in those days to be settled on the poet. A number of the letters which passed between McCartan and Yeats are due to be published next month by the Dolmen Press. McCartan was also responsible for the first exhibition of the paintings of Jack Yeats in the U.S.A. 11

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions For information on McCartan see : Memoirs of P. McCartan, ed in Clogher Record, 1963, pp. 30-45, ibid., 1964, 184-212. McCartan family papers, Greystones. P. McCartan, With de Valera in America, Dublin 1932. Tape recording of personal recollections by P. McCartan, 20 Feb. 1963. Devoy's Post Bag, vol. 2 (1880-1928), ed. W. O'Brien and D. Ryan, Dublin 1953, index 'McCartan'. D. Macardle, The Irish Republic, 2nd ed. Dublin 1951, passim. Account Book of the Students' National Literary Society, Nov. - 1907 Nov. 1914. In possession of F. X. Martin, o.s.a. Minute Book of the Students' National Literary Feb. - Society, 1910 Nov. 1913. In possession of F. X. Martin, o.s.a. An Claidheamh Soluis, 1905-1916. - Irish Freedom, Nov. 1910 Dec. 1914. L. Le Roux, Tom Clarke, Dublin 1936, passim. C. C. Tansill, America and the fight for Irish freedom, 1866-1922, New York 1957, pp. 228-396, passim.

Joe McGarrity

Joseph McGarrity, the intimate friend and confidant of Dr Patrick McCartan, was born in 1874 at Cregnadevesky in the parish of Termonmaguirk, about one mile from the village of Carrickmore. He attended the local national school, and, after working for a few years on a farm, set out for the United States, at the age of sixteen.

He arrived in Liverpool with ?3.10.0 in his pocket. A chance meeting with a stranger there got him a second class ticket on a transatlantic steamer. He went on board, literally without lug gage. Just before the boat docked in New York he gave his remaining sixpence to the collection for the ship's stewards. Again, luck was on his side. A stranger on the boat, with whom he shared a cabin, found out that he had no money and bought him a railway ticket to Philadelphia, where McGarrity had some cousins. He worked first in a hotel in Philadelphia, afterwards in a saloon, and within a comparatively short time had become a man of independent means in the liquor distilling business. Dur ing his lifetime he was to make three fortunes, and to lose two of them. Generosity was his very nature and he had an open purse, particularly for any Irish cause. About 1893 he became a member of Clan na Gael, and it was he who organized Camp 428 of Clan na Gael in Phila delphia and became its pioneer Senior Guardian. He and McCar tan met for the first time in 1901, on the night when McCartan was initiated into Camp 428, and they became fast friends. Joe, 12

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions who was an omnivorous reader of books on Ireland, used to pass on what he had read to McCartan.

McGarrity, despite his lack of secondary education, had a natural taste for poetry and literature which he continued to cultivate over the years. He published three books of his own poetry, The Garden of the Bees (Belfast and Dublin, [1908]), Celtic Moods and Memories (Dublin, 1st ed., n.d.; 2nd ed. New York, 1942), The Way of Life : A Celtic Rubaiyat (Taos, New Mexico, 1934).

The dominant of McGarrity's life was the preoccupation ? political independence of Ireland as he saw it, a republic for thirty-two counties. On this issue he was uncompromising to the very end. He gave without stint of his time and money to any aspect of the Irish struggle for independence. In 1909 when it seemed that the National University of Ireland had decided that Irish would not be an essential subject for matriculation McGar rity wired ?100 of his own money to language enthusiasts in Dublin to aid the publicity campaign against the university authorities. He was ever ready to help Pearse with his accumu lating debts on St. Enda's College. He acted as host for almost every Irish political figure of note who visited the United States up to 1922; these included Casement, Pearse, Sean T. O'Kelly, Liam Mellows, and de Valera.

He threw himself wholeheartedly behind the Irish Volun teers, and was chairman of the American Volunteer Fund Com mittee formed in June 1914 whose main purpose was to finance the arming of the Volunteers. Roger Casement was with McGar rity at Philadelphia on 26 July, both of them anxiously await ing news from Ireland about the gun-running from Hamburg. When they received the glad news that the Asgard had safely landed its cargo at Howth, Casement, who was playing in the drawing-room with the eldest McGarrity child, Mary Joseph, in his excitement threw the child up in the air with a cry of de light. McGarrity with Devoy and John T. Keating of Chicago formed the Directory of the Clan na Gael, and they were the aware for only men in the U.S.A. who were fully of the plans the Easter Rising. The number of letters which passed between Pearse and McGarrity reveals how closely McGarrity was follow ing every step of the explosive political situation in Ireland.

As a prelude to the Easter Rising an "open organization" in favour of an independent Ireland was formed in the United its States early in 1916, and McGarrity had much to do with ? in success particularly with the Irish Race Convention held 13

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the Hotel Astor in New York on 4 March 1916, with 2,300 dele gates present. After the rising he organized a series of protest meetings condemning the executions and imprisonments. He was responsible for sending Doyle, an outstanding Philadelphia lawyer, to London to defend Casement. When McCartan travelled to the United States in 1917 as envoy from the I.R.B. he automatically sought out McGarrity as his first help. When de Valera arrived in the United States in June 1919 McGarrity proved a generous host and a loyal friend. McGarrity had already founded the Irish Press at Philadelphia in March 1918, because of the difficulties which the American government put in the way of the circulation of the Gaelic American and the Irish World. The Irish Press, to which McGar rity appointed McCartan as editor, proved to be a most effective propaganda machine, but it cost McGarrity $200,000 of his own money.

In the bitter dispute between de Valera on the one hand, and Devoy and Cohalan on the other, McGarrity for all his close friendship with both these Clan na Gael leaders threw all his energies and money behind de Valera. He managed the bond drive proposed by de Valera at the suggestion of D?il ?ireann, which ultimately brought in $8,500,000 for the Irish republican cause.

His difference of opinion with Devoy, arising from de Valera's American campaign 1919-1920, was widened still fur ther over the Anglo-Irish Treaty and Civil War, 1921-3. McGar rity refused anything less than an Irish Republic. For the same reason he broke with de Valera after Fianna Fail entered the D?il as a constitutional party. McGarrity main tained his radical republicanism and in 1938 joined forces with the I.R.A. leader, Sean Russell, who came to the U.S.A. to raise funds for the I.R.A. campaign in Ireland and Great Britain. Russell was arrested at Detroit in June 1939, as it was feared that, in conjunction with McGarrity, he might be plotting an attempt on the lives of the king and queen of England who were due to visit the United States. Russell was released on a bail of $5,000 put up by McGarrity, and then escaped to Europe. McGar rity believed that the I.R.A. campaign against Great Britain was amply justified because of the Partition of Ireland. He never allowed it to be forgotten that his native Tyrone was, in his estimation, under unjust foreign domination. He died at Phila delphia on 5 August 1940, leaving a wife and eight children.

There is a wealth of McGarrity Papers in the United States, one main collection at Villanova University, and another was in 14

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the custody of his friend Michael Magin. There is a crying need for a study of McGarrity's part in the Irish struggle for indepen dence.

For information on McGarrity see :

Devoy's Postbag, volume 2 (1880-1928), ed. W. O'Brien and D. Ryan, Dublin 1953, index 'McGarrity'. P. McCartan, With de Valera in America, Dublin 1932, passim. D. Macardle, The Irish Republic, 2 ed. Dublin 1951, passim. The Howth 1914, ed. F. X. Martin, o.s.a., Dub Gun-Running, - - - lin 1964, pp. 52 56, 167 168, 190 192. K. O'Doherty, Assignment : America. De Valera's Mission to the United States, New York 1957, passim. Appreciation of McGarrity in The Recorder, (Bulletin of American Irish Historical Society), 10, n. 5, 15 Feb. - 1941, pp. 12 13. The McCartan Documents

I began to correspond with Dr McCartan in 1962 about the I.R.B. and the 1916 rising. In mid-February 1963 he sent me a message that he was ill with cancer, had not long to live, and that if I wished to discuss any further problems with him I would be welcome to visit him at his home, "Karnak", in Grey stones. I called there on 20 February and we held a lengthy discussion which was tape-recorded. He was still cheerful and alert, his voice steady and his mind clear as he sat at the fire side, dressed sprucely in everyday fashion, with no visible in dication that the hand of death was upon him. He readily ans wered my questions and was quite candid in his comments.

When I was leaving he mentioned, almost casually, that he would leave "something" for me. He died five weeks later, and a short time afterwards Mrs McCartan and her son, Padraig, sent word that Dr McCartan had left a package of papers for me. When I called to collect it I found a fair sized packet wrapped in brown paper, bearing the simple inscription "1916". I opened it in the presence of Mrs McCartan and Padraig, and found that it contained a series of letters written by Dr McCartan to Joe McGarrity shortly after the Easter Rising. The first letter had a curious feature; dated 28 April 1916 it was written in pen on the back of fourteen blank unsigned no cheques. Obviously, McCartan, then on his "keeping", had other paper available at the time and wished that a message of some kind should reach Joe McGarrity to explain what had hap pened in Tyrone during Easter Week. That particular letter will 15

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions be published this autumn in another journal. The second section of the documents consisted of thirteen letters, written between 11 May and 10 June 1916. They are scribbled in pencil and pen on sheets of rough paper of varying quality and are, in effect, a month's diary of McCartan's thoughts which he hoped to com municate to his close friend Joe McGarrity. Some were in en velopes addressed to McGarrity.

During those weeks Dr McCartan was hiding by day in a barn beside the house of a cousin of his, Mrs McCullagh of Greencastle near Carrickmore. He used to slip down to the house for his meals and at night time. When he brought back the daily newspapers from McCullagh's to the barn and had read them he would then jot down his thoughts for McGarrity. He also stayed for some of the time with an uncle, Charles McCar tan, known locally as "Nails Charley", who lived at Dunmoyle, a few miles from Carrickmore. Charles McCartan was a bachelor and led an eremitical life in spartan, almost primitive, condi tions.

When Dr McCartan was moving on from the Carrickmore area and had no guarantee that he might not be captured, im prisoned, and perhaps even shot, by the British, he left the let ters in a packet with the McCullaghs of Greencastle to be de ? ? livered in case of his death to McGarrity in Philadelphia. It would appear that, although the packet of letters was restored to Dr McCartan some years later, he left it closed, and that it was opened for the first time in 1963.

As I unfolded the letters in the presence of Mrs McCartan and P?draig, hayseeds, which had been accidentally enclosed with the letters when they were being written in McCullagh's barn, fluttered on to the floor. A number of the letters which had become damp have the hayseeds embedded in the paper itself. - Value of the McCartan McGarrity letters There is hardly need to dwell on the value of the letters. They were written by a member of the Supreme Council of the I.R.B., who was expected by the Military Council of the I.R.B. to act willy-nilly as a key-figure in the rising in Ulster. The letters are spontaneous, written to a sympathetic and know ledgeable friend. McCartan does not set out to prove anything; much of the value of the documents lies in the casual references and candid comments. For example we learn that as late as Good Friday Diarmuid Lynch, a member of the Supreme Coun cil, was unaware of the precise plans for the rising which was timed to take place within two days. 16

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions McCartan's own attitude to the rising emerges without ex cuse. For him it was unjustifiable to lead the Irish Volunteers into an armed revolt, ill-prepared as they were in arms, training and officers, unless there was an assurance of a large shipment of arms and a supporting force of Germans, or at least German officers to lead the Volunteers. It was for this reason that he stated in his letter of 2 June that 'long before Easter I had no heart in it'. He had the courage at the last meeting of the Sup reme Council to voice his opposition to a rising under the exist ing circumstances. For the same reason he declared in his letter of 2 June that Eoin MacNeill's countermanding order was an act of rare moral courage, and he revealed that the drawing-room heroes were already criticizing MacNeill though they were un aware of the true story.

A number of personal facts also emerge: that for instance McCartan had taken out American citizenship; and that while he was on his "keeping" he grew a beard, and was still wearing his Volunteer uniform. He did not hesitate to mention that in 1915, as a shock-method to stop the deportation of Irish Volun teer organizers, he had suggested the assassination of British officials. Indeed, to judge merely from these letters McCartan would seem to be of a bloodthirsty nature, since he also ad vocated the shooting of the members of the R.I.C. Yet, then, as in later life, he was a kind and gentle man.

But for all McCartan's belief that the rising was militarily ill-planned and ill-timed there was no softening of his deter mination to continue the fight against England. We know from the county Tyrone police report that he made a belated attempt on Tuesday of Easter Week to get the Volunteers in Tyrone to join the rising. By 4 June 1916, realising that there was no immediate prospect of success in Ireland he was prepared to go to Germany on Ireland's behalf. In fact, he later went to both the United States of America and to Russia as envoy of the Irish Republic.

Editing

The editing of the documents presented no major problem. Punctuation and capital letters have been standardized. There was one minor problem about a number of mis-spellings. McCar tan was scribbling many of these letters in a barn, presumably without a table and in poor light, with his ear cocked for the sound of any approaching stranger or enemy. This explains a number of lapses in spelling, for example 'expidition' for ex pedition, 'achme' for acme, 'mobolisation' for mobilisation. like wise, he mis-spells a number of proper names, which he had 17

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions been reading in the daily newspapers, for example, 'Gellicoe' for Jellicoe, 'Wimbourne' for Wimborne. It would be pedantic, and distracting for the reader, to reproduce these slips. They have been silently corrected.

Where proper names such as McCullagh [McCullough], McNeill [MacNeill], McDermott [MacDermott], have two recog nized forms I have retained the version found in the documents.

Police report, May 1916

The police report of May 1916 printed below, speaks for itself. To the best of my knowledge it is the first one of its kind concerning 1916 to be published. It is of considerable value as it gives an inside official view of the tight net of security with v/hich the government kept in control those political elements which it considered subversive. It is particularly interesting to see the use which was made by the British, even in Ulster, of the Catholic clergy and of followers of the Irish Parliamentary Party; the report also reveals the republican supporters among the younger priests.

We lack precise information on how or when the report came into Dr McCartan's hands. We have his own statement that a friendly member of the R.I.C. slipped him this copy some time after the rising. Since McCartan was doctor for a number of R.I.C. barracks it is not surprising that a friendly member of the force was willing to let him have a copy.

In order to check the authenticity of the copy of the police report in the McCartan papers, I wished to apply two tests. Firstly, comparison with the original; and failing that, internal evidence.

In so far as internal evidence goes the police report rings true; names, dates and events all fit the facts of the time. I have been unsuccessful in my efforts to check the McCartan copy with the original report.

To check the authenticity of the copy I wrote to the Com mandant of the R.U.C., Omagh, as Miller's report was written as from that office. My letter was forwarded to the headquarters of the R.U.C., Belfast, and on 1 June 1965 District Inspector A. Smyth courteously informed me that when the R.I.C. was dis banded in 1922 all records pertaining to the force were taken over by the Under Secretary of State, R.I.C. Administrative Divi sion, Home Office, Whitehall, London. 18

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions I wrote to the Home Office and certain facts were estab lished from their registers about District Inspector W. J. Miller, of county Tyrone, who submitted the reports of May 1916.

Miller, a native of Londonderry, joined the R.I.C. as a cadet, aged 23 years and 7 months, on 11 January 1883. His official career was as follows: 3rd Sub-Inspector to co. Mayo, 22 Feb. 1883; 2nd Sub-Inspector to Banbridge, co. Down, 1 June 1887; 1st Sub-Inspector to Killeshandra, co. Cavan, 16 Dec. 1896. He became County Inspector of co. Leitrim on 15 Jan. 1907, and was transferred to co. Tyrone on 1 Jan. 1909. There he remained until he resigned on 15 June 1920. Neither the Home Office nor the Colonial Office was in a position to compare the McCartan copy with the original. My hopes of seeing the original report were raised when it was announced that the records of the R.I.C. for 1916 would be made available in the Public Record Office, London, as from January 1987, under the 50 year release rule for official papers. I ar ranged that the McCartan copy would be compared with the report on co. Tyrone for May 1916. However it now emerges that all that is available, at least of R.I.C. reports, on co. Tyrone for May 1916, is a brief synopsis under the official P.R.O. number, CO. 904/100. Apparently the full report is still withheld in some governmental archives from historians and research workers.

Throughout my inquiries in Northern Ireland and London I met with unfailing courtesy from the government officials. I would mention in particular: H. G. Pearson, Departmental Record Officer, Home Office, Whitehall, London; B. Cheeseman, Librarian, Colonial Office, London; R. F. Monger, Public Record Office, London. * # * *

I wish to record my thanks in a very special way to Mrs Elizabeth McCartan, widow of Dr McCartan, and to her son, P?draig ?g. They not only made the documents available to me but answered all of my many queries. I wish also to thank Mrs Elizabeth de Feo, Philadelphia, daughter of Joe McGarrity. In addition, I am indebted to Senator Nora Connolly-O'Brien, Cathal O'Shannon, Proinsias ? Conluain, Mrs. Kitty O'Doherty, Father Paddy Gallagher and the patient editor of the Clogher Record, Father Joseph Duffy.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE McCARTAN -McGARRITY LETTERS

MAY-JUNE 1916

11th May 1916

Sometimes I almost envy the men who were shot or have been sent to penal servitude, for they know nothing of the fate of the poor fellows who were not responsible and the worries of their fathers and mothers.

Here I get report after report of something new. Fortunately some are false but too many are true. Yesterday I sat here listen ing to a neighbour telling that a lady and her daughter were arrested because they were supposed to have some letters belonging to me. They had no letters of mine but I made their acquaintance lately and found them sterling good girls with a worthy mother. They did some messages for me and I called ? there often of late during the last month or two. I was sick enough when I read of Tom Clarke being shot, but I was sicker far yesterday when I heard of this lady and her daughter being arrested as I felt they had been dragged into trouble by my visits. It was a great relief to hear later that it was false, but the house was searched. I suppose they were looking for me as the girls have been at my father's a few times since I went on my keep. The papers are full of editorials as to the cause of the outbreak. The Freeman blames the Independent, and the Independent replies and blames the Freeman and Birrell. Both blame Carson. The Unionists' papers defend Carson, and blame Birrell and Redmond for giving such facilities to the Sinn Fein propaganda. But none of them, though they all are aware of the real cause, touch it at all. No, and her could ? England tyranny not be to blame not at all! It is merely some official or some ? party according to their outlook in politics in fact everybody but honest old John Bull. They even state that it was German rifles and German money, and the leaders mere German tools, but they never consider the existence of such a thing as Irish patriotism. They pretend to think that Irish patriotism should be all subordinated to the interests of the Empire.

It would not have been so bad, they seem to imply, to have started an insurrection if England were not in such a tight corner. Then of course it could be crushed in an hour and would have been a mere "Larkinite riot". But to have the press of the world writing even anti-Irish editorials or learning of the exis 20

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions tence of Ireland is simply intolerable. It was a shame for instance to let President Wilson know even by a holocaust that Ireland was not the one The insurrection a really bright spot.1? though fiasco from the Irish point of view as I or anybody else at ? present see it has undoubtedly helped Germany, and that is the whole trouble. The papers of yesterday for instance tell us in their headlines 'German note accepted. America's reply.' Significant, Eh! Again 'Kaiser and Peace. Ireland as a lever.' Surely a bright spot!

Some editorial I read also said Germany used the Irish rebellion or encouraged it to show Wilson the possible danger of going to war with Germany and having such an Irish and Ger man population. Well, if Wilson and the other American Anglophiles have learned such from the rebellion [it] was not in vain. It needed something to teach them Americanism and that American interests are paramount to British needs. They have excluded Ireland from the scope of the Bill for Conscription. Carson pretended to be in favor of Conscription for Ireland. He may, but his followers are not and he knows it, but he knew it was not going to be applied and he can use it in future against Redmond. The real situation is that even yet they dread trusting the Ireland that remains, and they are right. They might resist even with grapes2 and pitchforks.

13th May 1916, Sunday

Sunday is the same as any other day of the week when one is an "outlaw". I am always on my guard lest a talkative neigh bour should drop in and see me, but so far have never been caught though I had some narrow enough escapes. I have stopped going out, as all my friends were so much annoyed at me ven turing on the roads. Personally I would not be afraid of going any place, though the harmless gossip of the neighbours is as dangerous as meeting a policeman. No one or two of them will

1 This is a dig at both the British and John Redmond. When Sir Edward Grey spoke in the House of Commons on 3 August 1914, on the eve of the declaration of war by Great Britain on Germany, he assured his listeners 'One thing I would say: The one bright spot in the very dreadful situation is Ireland. The position in Ire ? ? land and this I should like to be clearly understood abroad is not a consideration among the things we have to take into account now'. For this speech and Redmond's generous but impul sive reply, see D. Gwynn, Life of John Redmond, London 1932, pp. 355-7. 2 An Ulster name for the four-pronged farmer's fork, called "sprong" in Munster.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions attempt to arrest me, though they would be quite safe for I'm not going to be hanged for murder.

The peelers have searched a good many houses for me in several directions. They are apparently watching the movements of a few friends and following them in the likely houses of the districts. They searched three houses in Omagh, one of which is a bitter Unionist but a great friend of mine. They also searched one in Loughmacrory, and I don't know the people at all but friends of mine know them, and some have been up and down in that direction.

The papers of Friday had a speech by John Dillon on the reign of terror, and it is not a bad one for John.3 In fact it sur prised me in many places and on the whole is quite good and manly. But as Casement said the Irish will out, even in a butler.

The prime minister replied and talked a great deal but said very little except that it was apparent that the crime of crimes was intriguing with Germany: the old, old, story. It was the "practices with Spain" which irritated Elizabeth with Hugh O'Neill. She could forgive anything else if he would only allow Europe to swallow the English lies about Ireland. So the "intrigues" with Germany are too much for Asquith. The Com mander-in-Chief in Ireland issues a statement in blood which he hopes will 'act as a deterrent to intriguers'.4 No, Mr. Maxwell, it is not sufficient! There are thousands to-day in Ireland, in spite of your despotism, ready and willing to intrigue anew, and there are more thousands still ready to applaud their efforts. It is because of this your former henchman, Dillon, catching for a moment the Irish Spirit, dons his coat of green.

Even Geo. Bernard Shaw catches the spirit at a distance, and has Irishism enough to speak out in a hostile country. Perhaps you have seen more of what he wrote than I did but I paste on this cutting lest in your hurry and anxiety it may have escaped you.5 It is significant and the boldest statement made on this side in defence of the "rebels".

[Newspaper cutting : giving a synopsis of, and quotations from, Shaw's letter published in the Daily News, protesting against the execution of the Irish leaders in Dublin.]

3 For his fiery speech on 11 May 1916, see Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, volume 82, no. 37, cols. 944-5. 4 Text of General Maxwell's statement in Irish Independent, 12 May 1916, p. 3. 5 In Daily News, 10 May 1916; most of it is reproduced in D. Macardle, The Irish Republic, 2 ed., Dublin 1951, pp. 186-7.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions There is something in this hateful intriguing with Germany annoying John Bull very badly. He does not seem to sleep con tent in his Irish house. The papers yesterday contain hints and rumours of again finally settling the Irish question. came to and his real mission is Asquith Ireland, apparently mere conjecture. It is however evident that many would favour throwing a bone to the Irish wolf dog which would keep him quiet till after peace is signed, and then, if necessary, he could be whipped or starved according to which would be most ex pedient. There is a chorus started in which many are joining, the ? burden of which is that "something must be done" "for the one bright spot". That fresh red blotch is not nice, and some kind of soap must be discovered to remove it. That Irish Race Con vention in America, and their talk of Ireland at the peace con ference of nations, must be guarded against, and hence "some thing must be done".6 German statesmen who may have had doubts about Ireland's disloyalty may have now those doubts removed and there is no telling the result, and hence "something must be done". There is a sullen silence on the part of the bishops of Ireland regarding the recent rising, and no signs of a general condemnation, and hence "something must be done".7 Recruits are still wanted from Ireland, and even John Dillon's 17| year old son won't join, and hence "something must be done".

While I still believe the rising was premature, and that the date should have been fixed by you men and Casement who knew the German official mind, to some extent at least it may have done much for Ireland but still I am afraid to almost hope for any immediate results from our point of view. I hope I'm wrong and unable to draw accurate conclusions from my defective premises. But though the life I'm leading here is enough to chill the ardour of any man, I have still faith in future success.

6 Irish Race Convention, held in Hotel Astor, New York, on Saturday 4 March, 1916, and concluded at the Cohan Theatre on Sunday, 5 March. It was the largest gathering ever of Irish delegates in the ? U.S.A. about 2,300 of them. See John Devoy, Recollections of an Irish Rebel, New York 1959, pp. 449-457.

? 7 On the attitude of the Irish bishops see John H. Whyte, '1916 Revolution and Religion', in Leaders and Men of the Easter Rising: Dublin 1916, ed. F. X. Martin, o.s.a., London, and Cornell University Press, 1967, pp. 215-226; Roger McHugh, The Catholic Church and the Rising', in Irish Times 1916 Supplement, 7 April 1966, p. 6.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Mary got a letter from Bridget,8 and she says you pounced upon a nigger for saying something about the Irish rising. How would you stand aside, as I have done, and see those native ? ? niggers the peelers insulting and arresting your friends? I could hurl a few of them into hell certainly but that would not advance Irish freedom much. It would be stated to the world we were mere anarchists and murderers, and at the back of my head there lurks the idea which dominates everything I'm in ? clined to do an idea that all may not yet be over. The rising took place in '98, and the expedition came afterwards. Might not history repeat itself? Well, I hope to hear from you before a month, at any rate.

3 May 16th 1916

There is a marked change in the [Irish Parliamentary] Party organs since John Dillon's speech, which is plainly notice [ab]le in the vicious and unscrupulous Irish News of Bel fast. Dillon has scored on Redmond and is evidently more the leader to-day than his silent Superior who denounced the rising and the rebels with vehemence to please his Masters, and has kept in the background since. It would have been rather incon sistent for him to have delivered Dillon's speech, but if he wanted to regain some at least popularity he should have taken the bull by the horns and kept Dillon quiet. Devlin has not a word to say. He always sings dumb in a crisis and comes out when he sees how the cat jumped. The Irish News is to an extent an echo of his sentiments however, and there is now no condemnation of "Sinn Feiners" but instead has turned its guns on the Govern ment. It gives the following interesting quotation from some English paper.9

8 Mary Jane McCartan (t July 1964), sister of Pat. Bridget, another sister of Pat, was then living in Philadelphia. She married James Carr, and died in June 1963. McCartan wrote an unpublished appreciation of McGarrity, now among the McCartan Papers, in which he gives details of this "nigger" incident. 'After the outbreak of the war, Germany became part of Ireland in McGarrity's mind.McGarrity was therefore the best German in Philadelphia. Crowds used to collect around the bulletin boards in front of the newspaper offices, and argu ments were common. One day a negro from Jamaica said some thing uncomplimentary to Germany within McGarrity's hearing. The negro woke up in the ambulance and McGarrity in the patrol wagon. The incident, as a result of the police court proceedings, was splashed in the papers. McGarrity said he never did anything for which he was so much ashamed, but for which he got so much congratulations from all sorts of people'. 9 In Irish News, 15 May 1916, p. 4.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions [Newspaper cutting : 'It is', wrote a leading English paper last week-end, 'a lamentable and, to most Englishmen, a perplexing fact that among the rebels who are now rounded up in Irish and British prisons, are some of the keenest and most gifted of the younger Irishmen. That is our failure as well as theirs, and we have to face it in both aspects. How is it that these men, who ought to be the leading spirits in the modern Irish movement, whose zeal for art, literature, and education ought to be enlisted in the peace ful service of their country, are found joining hands with anarchical labour in a hopeless and futile revolt.'] Poor old John Bull finds it hard to understand how his of government has failed to make educated Irishmen system ? ? enjoy the music of their chains. They are many of them interested in Art, and music is one of the Arts. Surely the clang ing of chains should please Irish savages as much as the master pieces of Wagner appeal to the highly artistic instincts of superior Englishmen? It is indeed "lamentable" that over 700 years of education have not tuned their ears to an appreciation of such befitting art. Well, the poor old fellow honestly admits his failure, you see, and will likely run over the scale again of torture, bribery and deception in the hope of yet securing a of emasculated Irishmen who can be "enlisted in the generation ? peaceful service of their country" for John Bull's benefit.

Notwi[th] standing John Bull's admitted failure to enlist the 'keener and most gifted of the younger Irishmen' he is not fail ing to play the old game which has been of such service to him in holding possession of his Irish house. He has discovered a plot to kidnap Sir Edward Carson from Mr Ronald McNeill's house at Cushendun, and, of course, he was to be murdered.10 The old rascal knows quite well that these "keen and gifted men" would make Sir Edward Carson first President of the Irish Republic if he half consented to be an Irishman, for if successful he would have been largely responsible for the success. But Irishmen must be taught to distrust and fear each other, and advantage must be taken of this to show Orangemen the fate from which they were rescued by the gallant English soldiers, for naturally the fate of their leader would have also been their fate.

To give the story a semblance of reality Mr McNeill treats the whole thing seriously, and even suggests where the murder would likely have taken place. It is sad to find a man with such a name playing the English game but we have always had the

10 The main Irish daily newspapers of these days carry no informa tion on the alleged plot.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions "King's O'Neills", and 1 suppose we always will until all the king's functionaries are driven across the Channel, and maybe the "day is not so far distant". There is still some talk of a change in the government of Ireland, which indicates that all is not yet quite safe here notwithstanding the failure, the shootings, and deportations.

The people generally do not condemn the "rebels" but blame them for starting too soon. Round this district, and I ? suppose it is typical of all districts, though they I mean the ? opponents of the movement abused the Irish Volunteers, in their hearts they knew they kept away Conscription, and now dread it when the Volunteers are gone. Patriots are never popu lar till after their death. Perhaps it is hard to blame some seeing the attitude of the kept press. In fact the wonder was that so many were true to Ireland, and it was more the result of instinct than clear thinking or clear reasoning.

17th May 1916

The "something-must-be-done-policy" is becoming more and more evident in the papers of yesterday. Mr Asquith, prime minister, visited Belfast where he met some prominent Unionists at the City Hall, and we are told had 'a full and frank discus sion'.11 The 'full and frank discussion' was likely a plain state ment of the injury the "Sinn Fein rising" did to English foreign policy, and that something must be done to counteract it, so that they would have to swallow some of their former threats in order that rebel Ireland might for the time being be fooled or that foreigners might be fooled by the new concession into think ing that the big red blotch of Easter week was erased from "the one bright spot". The redoubtable Sir Edward [Carson] does not however appear to be playing the game, unless he wishes to first test the feeling of his followers, for he sends a message to them saying he knows nothing of the developments spoken of in the press. It would be good if they displeased Carson's followers in the attempt to please or fool nationalist Ireland. The inspiration to do something in the way of reform evi dently comes from Washington as the boot seems to be pinching there. The Washington correspondent of the London Times makes really a plea for Home Rule and admits that the 'revolt shook the hopes' of the Anglo-Saxons 'but did not destroy them'. The "hopes" are that Home Rule would 'rob ? Anglo-Saxon relations of their worst handicap the hostility to England of

11 For Asquith's visit to Belfast see Irish News, 16 May 1916, p. 5; Roy Jenkins, Asquith, London 1964, p. 398. 26

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the professional Irish-American politician'. My! what rascals those "professional Irishmen" in America are! The[y] actually prevent the happy union of the "Anglo-Saxon race". He ends his article by the following which exposes the whole sting which frightens John Bull.

[Newspaper cutting : 'But, owing to the strength of Irish Nationalist sympathisers in American politics, international as well as domestic, it is only fair that it should be under stood at home that American public sympathies are with the demand for leniency, and that the present state of affairs is affording excellent ammunition for German propa gandists and their Irish friends and hirelings.']

The Washington correspondent of the Morning Post also cables:

[Newspaper cutting :The Irish executions have created a very unfortunate impression here, and have greatly exer cised the Irish supporters of Mr John Redmond and the British Government in this country.']

It is evident John's supporters are British Government sup ? porters also, and these Irish are probably Englishmen well, except Pat Egan and a few. I'm sure the American papers have got a lot of slush by cable of Asquith's visit to Ireland. The special correspondent of the Manchester Guardian states that 'his personal intervention has made a deep and favourable impression in Ireland' and of course it shows he is anxious to find a way for a 'just and fair settlement'. They surely must think Ireland a green isle. The Press Association's special correspondent in writing of his visit to the Richmond Barracks where the rebels and suspects are ? interned says : 'A number were lads, to whom the Premier uttered words which apparently touched them deeply'. Barney, my brother, is there, and Mary and Miss Loughran returned yes terday from visiting him.12 He was "the lad" to whom Asquith spoke in the hall he is in, and he merely asked what they did, and Barney replied that they were doing their own work and were taken out of their beds at night. Asquith said it was too bad to be taken away from their work now, and I'm certain this reply "touched Barney deeply" for on returning he [Asquith] asked if they had any complaints, and Barney shot up his hand and said yes. He asked what it was and Barney said he wanted a clean shirt. Asquith gravely told the officer to give him one next 12 Brother of Pat, among those officially listed on 20 May as detained at Richmond Barracks, see Sinn Fein Rebellion Handbook : Easter 1916, Dublin 1917, p. 87. Mary was Pat's sister, see above n. 8. Mary Ann Loughran of Sixmilecross was a third cousin of Pat's. 27

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions morning. Naturally the lads were "deeply touched", with laugh ter.

This incident reminds me of another when the police were searching a house in this district. The old woman of the house ? said to her daughter: 'Say, Minnie, go up and take down that picture or they'll take it with them too. It's the one in the ? only house a picture of Robert Emmet'. If you remind me I'll tell you the rest, or I may think of it when we are yarning sometime. I am here now three weeks tomorrow, within three miles of the peelers and evidently they have not the faintest idea of my whereabouts. Even the dogs are friendly. I notice they don't bark at the "rebels" who come to see me but bark at everybody I don't want to see.

There are some rumours of a memorial or petition to be got up to get the boys back and [I] have to-day written Father Short urging him to a policy of defiance and protest.13 Hope there will be no "crawling" now for their miserable sufferings which is merely a holiday, but it is impossible to keep some people quiet. They mean all right but they don't understand how England uses these things to her own advantage and despises them all the more for crawling.

22nd May 1916

I went as far as Loughran's on Saturday night and never enjoyed a visit better.24 It seemed almost like out of ? coming jail at least I presume that the feeling would be something similar. I have not yet experienced the latter feeling but, like the man and the wheel barrow, it is before me from all appearances. I saw in the late news of Saturday's papers that Senator Gorman asked Wilson to request the British Government to post pone the execution of Lynch of Cork who was sentenced "for

13 Father Cornelius Short, a curate at Carrickmore in the ecclesias tical parish of Termonmaguirk, co. Tyrone, in the archdiocese of Armagh, see Irish Catholic Directory, 1916. He was chairman of an Irish Volunteer review and public meeting at Carrickmore on 22 August 1915, see Irish Volunteer, 28 August 1915, p. 2. He is as listed a Violent supporter' of 'Sinn Fein' in the police report for co. Tyrone in May 1916, see below p. 58.

14 Probably the Loughran family in question were his third cousins at Sixmilecross. See above n 12.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions complicity" in the rebellion.15 Lynch, as you know, is an American citizen and his situation in every particular as far as I know is like my own. My conclusion therefore is that the rope or a dozen bullets would have been my fate too had I not cleared out in the nick of time. Perhaps it may be the end yet as more than likely I'll be caught yet, but somehow I have a feeling that I'll escape till the next attempt at least. However, if the worst should come I can't complain. We all realized that there was nothing before us but the "faint flush dawn of a wan sick hope" and that "over our lives there dangled ever the shame of the rope". Still we would scarcely agree with Gwynn that the rope under the circum ? stances was shameful. The American poet I his name ? forget at the moment strikes a more correct note when he wrote ?1

15 Lynch was the Munster representative on the Supreme Council of the I.R.B. in 1916; see autobiographical account in The I.R.B. and the 1916 Insurrection, ed. Florence O'Donoghue, Cork 1957. McCar tan had taken out American citizenship during his stay in the U.S.A.; hence his special interest in Lynch's legal position and ultimate fate. 16 I have been unable to identify this poem. 17 Lynch, according to himself in later life, was abreast of plans for the landing of arms from the Aud at Fenit, and knew by early January 1916 from Pearse of the plans for the rising, see I.R.B. and the 1916 Insurrection, cit., pp. 29-30. He adds, 'the [Supreme] Council as a whole was fully justified in being satisfied with that decision [proposed by MacDermott, "to fight at the earliest date possible"], ibid., p. 31. 29

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions I met him in Nationality office on Good Friday,18 and asked him how was the South, but before he could reply McDonagh and McDermott hushed both of us up. He went out, and I asked McDermott if he [Lynch] did not know what was on, and he told me that he (Lynch) did not. Why? I asked myself, but some how could not ask him. Yet, poor Lynch was sentenced to death for complicity. Cork did nothing just as Tyrone did nothing, and hence both cases are similar. Therefore, McCartan, if you had been caught on Thursday night you would have been shot with either the first or second batch for complicity in the intrigue with the German foe.

I'm waiting patiently to see how Denis [McCullagh] will fare.19 He is in a similar position to me but was a fool, I think, not to remain in hiding if it were possible. It may be considered cowardly to hide, but Dwyer hid and he was not a coward.20 Emmet hid, and he was not a coward.21 If there is to be another scrap one may be able to do something in Ireland but could do little in a British prison, and less in a prison grave. Besides there is some joy in living to witness the friendship 1 have ex perienced since I went on my keep. I feel that if I [shall] ever be able to go about free I can never hope to repay my benefactors, some, indeed many, of whom I know only for a short while. The lady whom I mentioned, as having heard of her arrest, had some kind of a fancy Mass said for me during the week which cost her something over a pound. Yet, I have only been speaking to her four times in all my life? once only before Easter Saturday. I never did anything in my life for her or her family except what trouble I gave them, and as a result their house was searched and her daughter bullied by a brutal peeler to extract information about me.

18 At 12 D'Olier Street. When Irish Freedom, the I.R.B. newspaper, and Sinn Fein, Griffith's newspaper, were suppressed early in December 1914 by the British government the I.R.B. financed a new weekly newspaper, named Nationality, edited by Arthur Grif fith, registered under the name of Sean MacDermott. It was pub lished from Dublin but printed at Belfast, and in February 1916 it had a circulation of 4,539 copies. Sean MacDermott's office in D'Olier Street was a centre for I.R.B. activities. See Macardle, Irish Republic, cit., p. 126; Royal Commission on the Rebellion in Ire land, London 1916, p. 118. 19 For McCullough's experiences in Easter Week, see D. McCullough, 'The events in Belfast', in Capuchin Annual 1966, pp. 381-4, and recollections of McCullough edited by Proinsias Mac An Bheatha in Inniu, special 1916 issue, iml. 23, p. 28. ? 20 See C. Dixon, Life of Michael Dwyer, Dublin 1944, pp. 146-150 'Life "on the run", 1798-1803*. 21 See Helen Landreth, The Pursuit of Robert Emmet, Dublin ? 1949, pp. 245-77 'The Hunt'.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Again my sister called to give poor old Father Donnelly, Carrickmore,22 some money for a Mass for me, and he said 'No, poor girl, you have enough trouble without giving me money. I pray for him every morning at Mass, and will continue to do so'. These are instances of some of the unexpected acts of kindness for which alone it is worth living a month extra to witness. My experience is the very opposite of Doheny's when, writing of Ireland in his famous poem of the failure of Fenianism, he said:? 'and those who'd die for thee were cursed and branded as thy foes, acushla gal machree'.23 I think I said Master Marshall's son was arrested with the others. He was not. Those from Carrickmore were Jas Duff, (a son of Mary the Soger's), Jas Grogan (son of James Davey's), Peter Fox, and Barney.24 All are gone to England except Barney. Likely he will have to suffer for my sins or virtues, whichever you like. The others were deported without trial. After his name on the list the word "Leader" was written. Of course he was no more a leader than the others, but peelers will be peelers. It makes no difference as he could live as long on bread and water as any Fenian ever sent to penal servitude, and we may have a day for vengeance yet.

The government people are playing a farce called an inquiry into the cause of the revolt. It is the possession of rifles, German of Home Rule, nagging of certain papers, etc., etc., money, delay ? was the cause. Patriotism Oh no !, nothing of the kind ! How ever the thing is interesting, and government and officials make some blundering admissions as Gladstone did when he admitted it was the "intensity of Fenianism" first turned his attention to Irish affairs. Blundering Birrell for instance admits that Red mond and Dillon helped him to govern and fool Ireland. The in ference is that Redmond obeyed orders from Birrell when he tried to get control of the Volunteers. He admits the details of the measure (Home Rule on the Statute Book) were "unattrac tive". Redmond said it was the greatest measure since the Act

22 James Donnelly, P.P., V.F., parish of Termonmaguirk, post town of Carrickmore, archdiocese of Armagh. Father Short was one of his curates. See Irish Catholic 1916, pp. 137, 371. ' Directory 23 and those who perilled all for thee Were cursed and branded as thy foes, A Cuisle gal ma croidhe'. in M. Doheny, The Felon's Track, 2nd ed., ed. Mary Jane Doheny, Glasgow and London, 1875, p. 171. 24 Among those listed as removed on 8 May from Richmond Bar were racks, Dublin, to Wandsworth Prison, London, Peter Fox, Carrickmore, co. Tyrone, and James Grogan, Tromayne, Carrick 79. more, co. Tyrone. See Sinn Fein Rebellion Handbook, cit., p. 31

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions of Union; a charter of liberty; a greater measure of freedom than Grattan's parliament, etc., etc. How will English Pat Egan explain this away in America?

Joe Devlin's "dear Birrell" has not changed his opinion of it from the beginning. When Sir Henry Bellingham went to him and asked to have the Larne gun-runners prosecuted, he smiled, and said 'surely you don't think this Home Rule Bill worth fight ing about'. You people know the British Ambassador's opinion of it also. Truth will out somehow. No wonder the Times, Daily Mail, etc., cry out for Home Rule. They know and always knew the worthlessness of it, but if it pleases the naughty jade, Erin, throw it to her! It will act like the wooden horse at Troy, but paint it up nice and the inside will not be examined till after the war.

Birrell also admits that 'if Redmond had consented to enter the Cabinet he would that instant have ceased to be an Irish Leader'. This is queer after Asquith's "bright spot" speech when the relations between England and Ireland were like the man and wife in Lauder's song "They were a reight noo. They cuddle and they coo", etc. He considers the bishop of Limerick 'a very queer man'. No wonder! He would not change his priests, nor chastise them for their nationalism, at the request of Dublin Castle. Besides he [Birrell] says he wrote 'one of the most anti British letters'. Very queer, indeed, for a bishop who is usually considered safe from the Castle point of view. In some parts of Ireland the priests were a 'source of disaffection'. Quite so, Mr. Birrell. They have redeemed the Catholic Church in the eyes of Nationalist Ireland of the stain caused by the attitude of some priests and bishops in the days of Fenianism. I was almost an anti-cleric as a result of Fenian history, but the acquaintance of Father O'Daly and Father Coyle made me halt,25 while a more

25 Father James O'Daly, then a curate in the parish of Clogher: Father Eugene Coyle was a curate at Fintona, co. Tyrone, in the of parish Donacavey; see Irish Catholic Directory 1916. Both Father O'Daly and Father Coyle were members of the I.R.B. but were exempted by Tom Clarke from taking the oath, see P. McCar tan's in memoirs Clogher Record 1964, p. 187. Both Father O'Daly and Father Coyle are discussed as seditious priests in the police report of May 1916, see below, p. 58-60. Fr O'Daly later became a canon and vicar forane in the diocese; his last parish was Castleblaney, co. Monaghan. He died on 3 July 1959 during the annual retreat at St. Macartan's Semi was nary, Monaghan. He held in high esteem as a spiritual man by both laity and clergy. Fr Coyle was a strong character with outspoken political views even in his old age; he spent at least one term in Crumlin Road Belfast. He was Jail, author of the widely circulated Freemasonry 32

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions intimate knowledge of several priests completely converted me, so that I will always defend the priests if unfortunately they are ever charged with lack of patriotism. No wonder they annoy you, Mr Birrell, and your fellow swindlers.

Mr Birrell's admissions should help Ireland for there are many damning admissions in them from the English point of view. It is clear that Irishmen cannot be trusted with rifles and war material for they might hurt somebody with them. Then even Irish magistrates and Irish juries would not convict men for having them. It often occurred to me during the last year or more that Casement had a hard job convincing German states men that Ireland was anti-British after the actions of our public leaders whom foreigners must necessarily look to, or at least could not ignore, and the action of the Dublin Corporation re garding Kuno Meyer.26

It is questionable, notwithstanding the great service of Irish America to the German cause, if they were really convinced, but the revolt, futile and all as it was, and Birrell's admissions, must surely convince them that the Ireland of to-day is the Ireland which Napoleon sighed for neglecting. Will the Kaiser and his advisers, too, sigh some day in future too 'that if they had not neglected Ireland the British Empire was at an end'? Perhaps it is not their fault if they do neglect Ireland. At any rate there should be no doubt about Ireland's position for some time in the future. The world will regard it other than 'the part of England where the Catholics live', as Griffith put it.

I'm getting to be an expert cook. Can bake bread now as well as any woman, and for scrubbing, etc., I could teach most of the local girls. There is no woman in the house I'm staying. I'm leading the simple life all right.

Casement was tried and practically convicted, of course, of high treason. What the blazes brought him over as he came?

in Ireland, Dublin 1928. He became a canon of the diocese, and died on 24 June 1954, at the parochial house, Garrison, co. Fer managh. I am indebted to Fr Paddy Gallagher, C.C, Dromore, co. Tyrone, for information on Frs O'Daly and Coyle. 26 See Irish Volunteer, 16 January 1915, p. 1, for the proposal that Kuno Meyer's name be struck off the roll of freemen of Dublin; it mentions that it had already been struck off the roll of Cork City. For a brief account of this great Celtic scholar (1858-1919), see J. F. Kenney, Sources for the Early History of Ireland, New York 1929, p. 78. He was director of the School of Irish Learning at Dublin and editor of Eriu. In March 1915 his name was re moved from the Roll of Honorary Freemen of Dublin.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Plenty of people think he is a traitor to Ireland, and the peelers encourage the idea. That is not of much importance though. They can't understand how the revolt could have taken place at pre sent unless there was a traitor to urge it on, and they know it was not the men shot so they look naturally to poor Casement.

By the way, Birrell also admits they intended arresting the Volunteer leaders though it was denied when published, and Ginnell asked in the "House" about it. But "they are all, all honourable men" who lie when it suits. This cutting is interest ing. You may not have seen it or may have seen more than I saw.

[Newspaper cutting appended : Letter of James Connolly, Commandant-General, Dublin Division of the Army of the Irish Republic, 28 April 1916, to the soldiers under his command.27]

24th May 1916 ? I see by yesterday's paper that Lynch got ten years28 not bad treatment for an American citizen in the cause of humanity, as no doubt Wilson will see it. I'm certain the evidence was all circumstantial as most of it would be in my case, so I have prac tically made up my mind as to the future. I'm for America if I can get away as I don't see the fun of doing ten years for the pleasure of posing for the rest of my life as a felon. There are enough already to share the honours and I'll never be missed. I may have a chance of going some other time so that if things go on as they have been going, and they allow me to cook and scrub as I'm doing, I'll wait for my crown. I think you'll agree with me.

I'm still anxious to see how Denis [McCullagh] will fare. I think he'll get more than ten years for his father was a bad boy before him.29 He may get twenty years. You know they don't appear to be a bit stingy, about feeding one for five or ten years.

They seem to be getting afraid of the shooting. It was doing more harm to England than to Ireland. The Times is very anxious for a settlement of the "Irish Question" for the effect on neutrals, especially America, where the executions have had the "worst possible effects". That's the rub. It is not for Ireland they are

27 Cited in D. Ryan, The Rising, 3rd ed., Dublin 1957, pp. 148-9. 28 For Diarmuid Lynch, see above n. 15. 29 McCullough's father was a leading Fenian in Belfast, see F. X. Martin, 'McCullough, Hobson and republican Ulster', in Leaders and Men of the Easter Rising, cit., p. 97. 34

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions anxious but for English interests as usual. Still our press is likely to rant about the "settlement", so much talked of, if carried out as if it were for love of Ireland. The stupid asses don't seem to realize that their very haste to do something is a vindication of the "rebels". Birrell and Lord Wimborne have justified them in their evidence before the Commission. The natural question therefore is?why shoot them and send them to penal servitude when they admit the failure of English government? It is as plain as a pikestaff from their evidence that they realize that the only way to rule Ireland is by the bayonet, etc., and surely this lesson will not be lost on neutrals who wish to see. I think from the English point of view they are exceedingly stupid. Lord Wimborne, on being asked:? what is their (Irish) objection to compulsion? said:? They don't want to fight for England. I should think the effect of this on neutrals especially America will be almost as bad as the executions. What a vindication of the Clan-na-Gael preachings ! !Yet the pro-English press insisted that it was only a handful of cranks who did not want to fight for England. I fear the "buttermilk is through the stirabout" badly.

The Independent yesterday rubs the salt into the wound in Irish Party, Freeman and Birrell combine caused by the revolt. Birrell referred to the "nagging of the Independent" but con demns himself, the Party, and the government at the same time. The Independent seeing the situation does a sort of savage war dance round its prostrate opponents. It seems to be actuated largely by personal motives but it will also do good national work for it is the most widely read paper in Ireland.

Birrell's admission that a jackdaw that would shout "Ireland, Ireland" at the Cabinet meetings would have done as well as a Chief Secretary is very hard on the Liberal Government which the people of Ireland were taught to regard as a body of men bursting with impatience to do justice for Ireland if the other ? ? fellows the Tories only gave them half a chance. If Birrell and Lord Wimborne had given this evidence six months ago they would have some reason to speak of and dread the growth of Sinn Fein as they call it. I think the average Irishman reading this will rub his eyes and say 'By God these Sinn Feiners were right all along'. As I said, I'm certain I'd have been shot if caught the first day or so, and I'm glad I went on my keep if it were only to see the result of all, for one might not get a squint at the papers in the next world.

When I say I'm for America I mean in case all is up for the present, of course. It is nearly too much to hope for anything more when Casement started out with two comrades, and one of 35

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions them not a worthy one if he is to be judged by his confession as reported in the press.30 Still it is unfair to judge one without knowing all the circumstances. However, if he did not know on the 23rd when he made that statement that the Aud was at the bottom of the sea he is vile, for his confession made her capture certain. Perhaps he knew it was all over with it before he left the submarine. In that case it is not so bad, but it looks bad to the public who don't know all. Well, it seems that if Casement thought there was a better chance by delay he would have ad vised delay but again the Dublin people may have said they were starting at any rate. Birrell knew his Ireland better than they [did]. He says he knew there would be no rising in the country unless there was a real German landing and he is right. Oh yes ! He feared bombs but not a rising, and of course the genial hum bug did not like to draw an era of bomb-throwing, as one might light in his own lap.

It may be said that seeing now that [the] government was going to take drastic measures to kill the Volunteers the rising was the only thing left. It was not. When McCullagh, Pirn, Mel lows, and Blythe were ordered out of Ireland I suggested at a meeting of the Volunteers that we should strike back by assassi nation.31 Nobody spoke, and no doubt some were shocked but it was the right course for us to take and is justifiable under the circumstances. We are all too proud to become a band of assas sins, and admittedly it is not a noble thing, but under no circum stances should the government be allowed to select the time for the outbreak. In wiring to the protest meeting, after Mellows and Blythe were deported, I said 'the atrocity should be avenged as the resources of civilization were for us as well as tyrants'. The Castle people know what is meant by the 'resources of civiliza tion', and maybe it was this and my letter to you, which I wrote that it might be opened, made Birrell fear bombs.

'Who will lead the Irish people', Parnell was asked, 'when you are in jail?', and he replied:? 'Captain Moonlight'. If MacNeill and the rest had been deported a similar individual might have taken charge of the Volunteers, and just as they were glad to make the Kilmainham Treaty with Parnell they might be

30 For Daniel Julian Bailey (or Beverley), who turned king's evi dence on Casement, see Sinn Fein Rebellion Handbook, cit., p. 259; his statement, ibid., pp. 129-30. 31 For the arrests and prosecution of these four Irish Volunteer agents, see Irish Volunteer, 24 July 1915, p. 2; 7 August 1915, pp. 4-5; 14 August 1915, p. 5; 21 August 1915, pp. 1-2. For the great public meeting in the Phoenix Park on 12 September, protesting against the prosecutions and deportations, see ibid., 18 September 1915, pp. 5-7. McCartan does not mention when or where the meet ing took place at which he made his proposal.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions glad to send MacNeill back to restore discipline in the Volun teers. I don't think therefore that a premature rebellion Was the only alternative to allowing the Volunteers to be disaraied and disbanded. When they took or sent MacNeill to England we should have been ready to send Lord Wimborne to and ? eternity, so on "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth". Thus the Volunteers could have been kept intact until victory was certain. There is no reason to doubt but Germany is going to win on land, and peace may come as it did in the days of but ? Napoleon, Eng land will go at Germany again treacherously perhaps as she did with Denmark when her fleet was getting too strong, but surely for she will never tolerate an equal in world affairs while she has a dreadnought on the seas. Even [if] peace comes before our chance it will not be a lasting peace, and then we - perhaps

26th May 1916

The prime minister, Asquith, has made his promised state ment to the "House" after returning from Ireland; and Terry O'Neill32 used to say "the mountain was in labour and brought forth a ridiculous mouse". Terry gave the Latin of Horace; he would scorn to quote such in English. He [i.e., Asquith] appoints Mr Lloyd George to draw up a scheme of Home Rule, and Red mond, Carson and O'Brien say "Amen". It is a terrible indict ment of constitutionalism if the rebels did in a week what Red mond and Co. could not accomplish in twenty years. As Shaw said, 'it was the light of the moon and not the light of reason' that was responsible for the reform of the land laws. It is history repeating itself now. Yes, Mr Asquith and the rest of your gang, you give us a good argument for use in the future when otherwise it could have been said we dashed the cup from the lips of Erin as she was about to take a draught of the wine of freedom as was said, and said falsely, of the Invincibles. Poor old Redmond goes down on his knees as usual and 'Whatever is to ' virtually says plazin your honor! Here are his actual words in speaking of the 'new

32 Terence O'Neill managed a "latin school" in the parish of Termon maguirk or Carrickmore. McCartan records that O'Neill Called it Trumague Academy .... I was there for two years which was largely a waste of time'. O'Neill was of the last generation of local classical school-teachers, he was an ex-seminarian and was known a locally as "Terence the Priest". O'Neill in his youth had been pupil of William Carleton, the novelist. For information on O'Neill I am indebted to Padraig McCartan and Dr Terry ? Raifeartaigh; see also McCartan's memoirs in Clogher Record, 1963, p. 30. 37

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ? effort on the part of the Government' and yet Home Rule is ? on the Statute Book 'It will not fail through any unreasonable conduct and action on my part and that of my colleagues'. John is always reasonable. Asquith might have quoted Kickham and replied, 'My sowl, we never doubted you'. There is a lot more instructive evidence before the "Rebel lion Inquiry Commission" showing that they knew damn all about the condition of the country except what any schoolboy could gather from the papers. For instance, the Inspector General of the R.I.C. in tracing the progress of the Sinn Fein ? movement says In 1908 they had evidence that the bond be tween Sinn Fein and the Irish Republican Brotherhood had be come closer and the object of the two parties was practically the same.33 That is all he has to say of the I.R.B., and the Chief Commissioner D.M.P. has nothing at all to say.34 If I had kept a diary always I think I could show the Inspector General that the bond in 1908 was one of severance in the two parties. I have no means of looking it up here, and the only messenger to America he mentions is Bulmer Hobson's visit, which was public. In fact everything in the evidence was published in the papers and there is no clear grasp of the relations between any of the Irish Ireland movements. In fact the G.A.A., Sinn Fein, Citizen Army, the Irish Volunteers, etc., are all jumbled up together and there is re ference only here and there to the I.R.B. They seem to not be very certain of its existence at all.

There is a visible effort on the part of all to save their own face. They all gave advice which would have saved the Empire if taken. That is the gist of all the evidence from the Lord Lieutenant down, with the exception of Birrell. They knew prac tically nothing with all their peelers, detectives, spies, and the intelligence department of the Irish Party at their disposal. Every A.O.H. man was for all practical purposes an intelligence officer, and yet the first jerk they really got was the ship from Germany, if they got that, and if they did it came from Germany or America, not from Ireland. The following is interesting. ? [Newspaper cutting : 'Continuing, Major Price said "It is absurd to talk about literary people getting hold of the Sinn Fein movement and saving it. It is the literary people who control it. The leaders were fine poets, clever men, and well read. With few exceptions, they were mostly men with

Sir 33 Col. Neville Chamberlain, Inspector General of the R.I.C, giv ing evidence on 25 May 1916, in Royal Commission on the Rebellion in Ireland, cit., p. 44. 34 See evidence of Lieut.-Col. W. Edgeworth-Johnstone, Chief Com missioner of D.M.P. [Dublin Metropolitan Police], ibid., pp. 51-56. 38

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions out employment. Several thousand pounds came into the hands of The O'Rahilly and MacNeill in five months. The O'Rahilly had an income of about ?900 a year of his own, and MacNeill about ?600. I think that money was expended in the cause by these men." ']

On behalf of them all, Sir, I beg to thank you for the compliment. But you lie when you say, 'with few exceptions they were mostly men without employment'. Not a man of them but had employ ment and could make a living in any country, and those who gave their whole time to the movement for a salary could make more if devoting their time to any other business. The ? ? Inspector General has the same lie to tell. He stated falsely [that]

[Newspaper cutting : 'it was financed by Irish extremists in America and also by Germany, and that its promoters in this country were men who were not usually in good cir cumstances.']

It would not do of course to admit otherwise as it would look too respectable. That is why they don't arrest the priests, and Dr Hayes was simply R. Hayes in the published report.35

The peelers are still busy looking for me. I hear they searched every house in Gortin, and stopped a hearse in Mount field and looked the coffin for me. I suppose that means they searched a few houses in Gortin for me. More than likely some of the houses were Protestant ones for there are only a few Catholic houses in it I could stop in. It is surely a terrible insult to look for a "rebel" in a loyalist house. If it is true it shows they don't know who to trust, and right enough to see me ? knocking around with Protestants so often it was suspicious so much so that the poor "nibs" [A.O.H.] thought I was an incarnation of the devil.

There is still a rumour of a ?100 reward for my capture. I don't think I'm worth a hundred pounds unless they fear that so long as I'm abroad there is danger of "intrigues with Germany" through America. But that is giving them credit for more know ledge than is displayed at the Inquiry. It is publicly believed

35 Dr Richard Hayes was sentenced, as 'Richard Hayes', to penal ser vitude and the sentence was confirmed on 11 May, see Sinn Fein Rebellion Handbook, cit., p. 65. He was released as from Penton ville Prison on 17 June 1917, ibid., p. 277. He was later author of a serious historical work, The Last Invasion of Ireland : when Con - naught rose [in 1798], (Dublin 1937), was film censor, Nov. 1940 Jan. 1954, and died in June 1958. I am indebted to E. Gleeson, Secretary, Film Censor's Office, for information on Dr Hayes. 39

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions I escaped to America, and there is a report that I got away with Mellows in a turf boat. I wonder where Mellows will land with ? the turf boat in a mountain. I presume [he is] not in America. He is resourceful and daring, and may get away.

I am described to the peelers as 'fair, 5ft 8in' in height (which is exact), double teeth cased with gold when I laugh; I ? walk with my hands in my pockets sometimes one hand in pocket. My face is wrinkled (not badly as far as I see), 'may be dressed in priest's clothes'. It is not a bad description at all. It is from Gortin as I used to go to the post office and down or up the street with my hands in my pockets. Sometimes I would remember I had an automatic in my hip pocket which might be seen, and so I would extract one hand. Well, when I'm moving I mustn't laugh to display my gold teeth, and I must not dress as a priest. As to the wrinkles I have two? one on each side from the angle of the nose to the angle of the mouth, which is a family trait, and I fear I couldn't smooth them out and even my new beard does not hide them. I have bright eyes, too, they say, so Imust acquire a temporary conjunctivitis or get a pair of glasses. Do you remember the description of Emmet? Mine is almost as amusing. Fr O'Daly thinks I'd get it harder than Denis [McCullagh], but Father O'Daly's opinion of me would hardly tally with that of the military authorities.

8 2nd June 1916

MacNeill has got penal servitude for life,36 and no doubt many there will say it served him right because it will appear that he backed out at the last minute. I think he is to be pitied most of all because he is most misunderstood.

Some of "the men on the fence" ? who are the wisest ? always here also say that he should have got the same as the worst got as he led them on and then ran away. The ignorant who always pass rash judgement on all men and things will likely re-echo this. I see the Independent is the exception.37 It seems to at least partly understand.

Still, I feel certain many honest men there will also blame

36 His trial commenced at Richmond Barracks on 22 May and oc cupied three days. He was sentenced to penal servitude for life and the sentence was confirmed on 30 May; see Sinn Fein Rebellion Handbook, cit., p. 68. A full official copy of the court proceedings, running to 118 folio pages, is in possession of the MacNeill family. 37 Irish Independent, 1 June 1916, p. 2, has a sub-leader criticising the severity of the sentence on MacNeill.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions him. If however some of them could only realize his position they would hesitate before censuring him. As the hurlers on the fence here say, he did lead them on and led them wisely and boldly, but to take the responsibility of ordering out men armed in many, if not the majority of, cases with shot guns to face a disciplined army in the full knowledge that he was leading them into a cul-de-sac required recklessness not courage. It was courageous and required far more manliness to refuse as he did, than to acquiesce with all his comrades against him.

He was in my opinion wise on Easter Saturday night in can celling the mobilizations for Easter Sunday, and he was brave on Easter Sunday when he acted upon his convictions and re fused to be a party to a premature rebellion. He broke no law which could be proved, I'm certain, any more than Carson did, but by the actions of his comrades who were equally brave and sincere he goes to penal servitude. I don't know how he feels about it but I am almost certain he goes a happier man than if he had consented to the rebellion. He can say, I think, 'I saw further ahead than my friends and I rejoice that I had no part in the bloodshed and horrors after it'. He does not mind going to penal servitude for Ireland, I'm sure, when he goes with a clear conscience and a feeling that he did his duty fearlessly and honourably. If he sighs it is for the downfall of all his dreams ? and hopes. As he said once 'I'm prepared to spend twenty years at this', that is, the Volunteer movement, which I presume he hoped would play the part the Volunteers of '82 played if "the day" did not come now, and that the Volunteers under a parliament of some sort would yet win Ireland's entire freedom.

Yes, but it may be said the rebellion would have been more extensive only for him. Perhaps. Personally I doubt it, for the arrest of Casement killed the South and West where there was reason to hope for most results. All believed in help in the way of troops from Germany, and that help did not come and they were not assured it would come. They had to face the music themselves, and they had not confidence in themselves nor the arms and ammunition they had. I had experience of the brave boys, and while they came with their rifles and some without overcoats or blankets in a teeming rain they were prepared to go on, but one and all said it was folly as it was only marching out to be slaughtered. That was the God's truth, but still they would have gone without a day's rations and 50 rounds of am munition a man and no hope of more.

I, at least, thank God that a mistake kept us in, for like the rest, as you can see by these notes, long before Easter I had not heart in it as it came, and could not inspire others with 41

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions courage when I had none myself. When they said it was hope less I remained silent for I could not reply, and when Father -38 said so I walked away for fear to argue the matter. I was obeying orders which I had strictly speaking no right to obey and the boys were ready to obey orders from-39 and myself.

So I can understand MacNeill, and I can understand the country generally not responding, and it might have responded no better had MacNeill acted otherwise than he did. At any rate it would have meant failure in any case, and more bloodshed. Were I in MacNeill's position I should like to do as he did but would hardly have the moral courage. It is easy going with the crowd in the full knowledge that whether win or fail the act will be applauded for centuries, but it is hard to stand out alone when standing out may be read as cowardice and poltroonery. Irishmen had asserted their right to carry arms, and failure meant throw ing away that right for ever, and failure was inevitable. That was the situation as it likely appeared to MacNeill.

It may be said, 'but then England must admit before the world that she cannot trust Irishmen with arms'. But that is of little account to us or to John Bull so long as he can hold us down. Even Irishmen are so used to slavery that they seem to think it right for Irishmen to be kept unarmed, and the world will merely say 'What do you want with arms? You have the British army and navy and what more do you want?' We'll ? probably have Home Rule at least the world will be told we have, and it will merely think we are anxious to trail our coats and have an Irish fight.

I don't know what arguments may have been advanced in favour of immediate action but those put up to me were not convincing. There may have been others of later date. I did not open the question on Good Friday as I saw at a glance there was severe mental strain, and for me to start scolding I thought would seem to imply that I considered I had more brains than those who fixed the date. So, lest they would consider I had a mere personal grievance I remained silent. For a similar reason Denis [MeCullagh] did the same. It was too late to argue, and I thought much depended on the word from Germany which had not then arrived. I can't help thinking that they in Dublin rushed Ger many and rushed all unnecessarily. I may be wrong.

In today's paper there is an account of the last moments of

38 O'Daly or Coyle?; probably Father O'Daly. See above n. 25. 39 Denis McCullough, commandant of the Irish Volunteers in Belfast and I.R.B. representative for Ulster. 42

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions young Colbert.40 I met him first as a boy in the Fianna and you likely met him also. He was always an energetic worker and soon became a scoutmaster in the Fianna. He drilled the boys, and therefore when the Volunteers started he became a drill instruc tor and then a captain. I don't know why he was shot but I pre sume it was because, like Ned Daly, he gave a good account of himself and licked the Tommies. He was not a leader in any other form and it must be for what he did during the rebellion he was shot and not for anything leading up to the rebellion. That he did nothing unmanly I'm certain. I never talked with him very much but we were always good friends and had a warm shakehands when we met.

The Fianna boys all did splendid work as far as I can see, and they did good work at Howth. One of them had charge of blowing up the magazine in the Phoenix Park, and whether it was done or not I don't know. I enclose this priest's account of Colbert which shows that he died as he lived.41

I also enclose a photograph of the Irish War News lest we may not get any copies of the original, and a photograph of the republican stamp.42

The three boys taken from Sixmilecross are coming home to night and I'm very glad, not because it has any effect on the "Cause", but because I was entirely responsible for them being ? ? in the movement, and as it failed this time at least I'm delighted they are home safe and well.

No word of those from Carrickmore yet. Barney43 was to be tried this week but he sends a parody, on "The Men of the West", home which shows there was a shindy of some sort in the block of Richmond Barracks next to where he was, so he with others has been sent to England. From the ballad it seems they would ? ? not obey orders even in prison hard to tame the wild Irish and perhaps it is as a result he got sent off. If so he will get free board for a while from John Bull. He will not mind, and though

40 Con Colbert, executed on 8 May 1916. He is credited with assuming command of his unit, at the time of the surrender, in order to save the life of his superior officer; see Madge Daly, 'Con Colbert of Athea\ in Limerick's Fighting Story, Tralee 1948, p. 30. 41 Newspaper clipping enclosed from Irish Independent, 2 June 1916, p. 2, giving an account by Father Augustine, O.F.M.Cap., who as sisted Colbert in his last moments. 42 See description of Irish War News in Sinn Fein Rebellion Hand book, pp. 48-9; reproductions of the stamps, ibid., p. 238. 43 McCartan's brother, see above, n. 12. 43

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the old people would naturally like to see him home they will get along fairly well without him. I would rather see the others home.

I wonder if the Mooney in the ballad would be our old friend Mick of . . .44Barney said we would hear more of it again. He did not explain what it meant, and I don't know nor can't think what the "S.B. parade men"45 mean.

I see.46 as I write that 200 of them have been deported, but there is nothing to indicate that it was the result of insubor dination. I enclose the ballad as it may refer to something in teresting. I also enclose the first poem I have seen on the executions.47

Barney is in L 5 block, and there must be good stuff in it for he said in a letter that he never knew how to be Irish till he went there. I'm very glad he is in the thick of it if there was a row with the authorities, as acquaintances formed under such circumstances will be lasting, and the fact of knowing these men may be useful in the future when we are re-forming for another attack. You men had an Irish Race Convention there,48 and thanks to John Bull we had an Irish Race Convention in John Bull's barracks which may make history equally with that held in New York.

4th June 1916

Hurrah !Hurrah ! ! Hurr?ah ! ! ! Great news in yesterday's papers! Britannia who rules the waves admits the loss of four teen warships and others missing.49 Our cause is not therefore hopeless. "We'll have our own again". This is the best news since the beginning of the war, from our point of view. The fall of

44 Words eaten away by damp. 45 Special Branch of D.M.P., usually known as the "G Men", as they formed the seventh alphabetical division of the Dublin police. They were in plain clothes, free of patrol obligations, their duties con fined to detective work, see Royal Commission on the Rebellion in Ireland, cit., p. 52, n. 1199. 46 Words eaten away by damp. 47 Neither ballad nor poem is enclosed. 48 Held in New York in March 1916, see above n. 6. 49 See accounts of Battle of Jutland (31 May 1916) in newspapers of 3, 4, and 5 June. The battle has been described by Winston Churchill as 'the culminating manifestation of naval force in the history of the world', and the outcome was a great shock to British naval prestige.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Verdun would be insignificant compared to the victory at sea. As Casement said, England would fight to the last Frenchman on land but the sinking of fourteen vessels has sent a shiver down John Bull's spine. The rebellion gave them a shake-up but this is worse again.

I see some press comments, and of course they still talk big, but between the lines you can see the fear. They dread the loss of prestige. But there is worse. The Germans claim the British force was superior to theirs, and the Daily Mail has put it on record that the German official reports are always 'strictly ac curate'. If they are strictly accurate in this case, and accurately reported, the Irish republican barometer has jumped up with a bound. You men know better than we do here but I'm sure you are all rejoicing to-day.

We want a representative in Berlin to take Casement's place, and he should get there quickly. I got word of two reliable captains in Donegal with whom perhaps I could escape. I'll make further inquiries, and if I don't get word from you in two months I'll go to Berlin myself off my own bat, if at all possible, for I am convinced it is the proper thing to do. If an Irishman arrived there, "to put conditions in Ireland before the German Govern men" and publish the fact, it would serve both Germany and Ireland. Even though it were impossible for an expedition to come here it would frighten John Bull into giving better terms to Ireland in the coming or promised reform. It would also keep up, or help at least to keep, the enthusiasm of the Irish in America for Germany and perhaps influence the presidential election and Wilson. If the expedition came here it would pre pare the mind of the people for it and give them heart, for they all realize now that Casement meant business.

It is certain that many of the British ships which have returned were badly damaged for the dockyards have been kept busy with repairs since the beginning of the war, and no accounts published of the causes of the damage. The authorities have got the bishops to change the Irish Ireland priests in a good many cases, but the bishop of Limerick is not terrified by them. I'm sure you have seen the letter he wrote to Maxwell but it is worth enclosing a copy.50 The cardinal, old and all as he is, has apparently refused to change Father Short also, and Father Short was as a result prepared for arrest.51

50 For an account of Bishop Dwyer's public dealings with the British government, including the text of his letter to General Maxwell, see Mannix Joyce, 'The Story of Limerick and Kerry in 1916', in Capuchin Annual 1966, pp. 366-8. 51 For Fr Short see above n. 13, n. 22.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions He is very very good, and so is Father Donnelly, P.P.52 But really the majority of them are splendid. Father O'Daly left Clogher under protest, and told the bishop it was a police change.53 As I have not seen him nor Father Coyle I can't say all that happened in their cases. However the bishop of Limerick takes the lead for he speaks out publicly. Even in yesterday's paper I see the following. [Newspaper cutting: Irish Bishop and Home Rule. Most Rev. Dr O'Dwyer, replying to a resolution of the Limerick Guar dians in regard to his Lordship's recent correspondence with Gen. J. Maxwell, says: "It would be a sorry day for the Church in Ireland if her Bishops took their orders from agents of the British Government. As to the poor fellows who have given their lives for Ireland, no one will venture to question the purity and nobility of their motives or the splendour of their courage. But many blame them for at tempting a hopeless enterprise. Yet one cannot help notic ing that, since Easter Monday, Home Rule has come with a bound into the sphere of practical politics, although Mr Asquith and his Government, with suspicious inconsis tency, are shooting and imprisoning the men who gal vanised them into action".']

There is a great principle underlying this effort on the part of the government which surely the bishops all must see. If they allowed an ignorant sergeant of police to dictate to them how to treat their priests it would be humiliating; and that is what the request really means. I enclose also Pearse's last letter,54 and a rather good article on Carson;55 also extracts from Col. Moore's statement to the Rebellion Commission.56 You may see the full one but these extracts are not bad. No wonder they would not read them in public. [Newspaper cuttings appended] 52 See above n. 22. 53 See above n. 25. Father Short was in the archdiocese of Armagh under Cardinal Logue (1887-1927); Father O'Daly in the diocese of Clogher under Bishop McKenna (1909-1942). 54 Newspaper clipping. The letter is cited in L. Le Roux, Patrick H. Pearse, Dublin 1932, pp. 422-3. 55 A lengthy newspaper article, 'Sir Edward Carson: Thou art the man!', signed T.J.', from some newspaper (no indication of name or date), which reprinted it from a Glasgow newspaper, Forward. The article attacks Carson, who had led the armed agitation of the Orangemen, contrasting his comfortable position as a British cabi net minister in 1916 with the lamentable fate of the pacifist, Sheehy Skeffington, murdered by a British officer at Portobello Barracks, Dublin, during the rising. 56 Newspaper clipping, giving extracts from the statement of Col. 46

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 10

5th June 1916

I was cackling too soon over the British defeat at sea. It was my Celtic temperament for I might have known the "defeat" was a British victory. Such defeats are always victorious. The retreat from Mons was a "strategic retreat" and the evacuation of Gallipoli was a victory second only to Waterloo, and so with all others when Britons are on the run. Poor old John Bull was only recovering from concussion of the brain received off the coast of Denmark, and in his first efforts to speak blurted out too much truth. He was unconscious so long after the blow that ? Germany got at the ear of the world first a fatal blunder as his lies will now be taken cum grano salis.

Still, it was a victory, for Beresford says so, and Beresford knows something of war at sea. But Jellicoe is silent. He did not ? arrive in time for the battle so we are told. Well, Nelson was said to be in Lady Hamilton's lap when Napoleon escaped from Egypt, and maybe Jellicoe was also in some Lady's lap when the fight was on. However, the Germans ran when he appeared, and, as George the Polygamist puts it, were 'enabled by the misty weather, to evade the full consequences of the encounter'.57 There is something wrong. God is not "acting on the level", as they say there. He had no right to send a mist which allowed the Germans to run away in safety. In fact, He is not neutral by any means in this war, and will have to be taken to task in future for His decidedly unfriendly acts. He sends bright starry nights a for Zeppelin raids, glassy sea for submarines, and now sends mist to obstruct the Grand Fleet in its work for civilization and freedom.

Britain admits the loss of fourteen ships, and some of them very big fellows, but absolutely denies the loss of the bigger chaps, for then it would have to be admitted that Jellicoe had his Dreadnoughts there, and that they even then were beaten, and what would the world think and say then about our great song of centuries, "Britannia Rules the Waves"? However, John Bull plucks up courage to-day for it is supposed Germany lost eighteen ships, and hence the British victory. The newspapers

Moore. The Royal Commission on the Rebellion refused to publish on or print his statement, see Royal Commission the Rebellion, cit., nos. 994, 2187. 57 This is a quotation from the statement issued by King George V, commending the action of the British navy at Jutland, cited in Irish Independent, 4 June 1916, p. 3. 47

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions write their editorials up to this but the tremor is plainly visible in the writing. The "Roll of Honour" is very large every day for a long time, and a German gain near Ypres is ? ? reported to-day, and two generals British as missing. German successes still continue round Verdun.

In fact, from all quarters the outlook is dismal for John Bull, for even Wilson is talking of the "Freedom of the but ? Seas", "Englishman" in the Daily Mail writes: 'We will not be turned from our purpose even by the exigencies of a presidential elec ...... tion' again 'Peace shall not be made, until with the help our of Valiant Allies we impose our will upon the conquered Germans'. Good! keep that up. The longer and stronger the better for Ireland. Wilson on the Freedom of ' the Sea is hard. John Bull may well exclaim 'Et tu, Brute I

Negotiations still going on for the settlement of the Irish Question. The Manchester Guardian, which is a leading British journal, says that 'the settlement of the Irish question on just an lines is now urgent British interest whatever it may have been before. It is of diplomatic importance, and diplomatic im portance in time of war means national interest'.

What a situation for those dastardly rebels to create! An ? ? urgent British interest not an Irish interest mark you of diplomatic importance! God, if our people could only see their own strength ! If they could only open their eyes and see that it is not for Ireland the Britons are concerned but for England, what a difference it would make. I wonder do the M.P.s not see if it, and, they do, why they do not speak out as speaking would surely do them no harm. But even Ginnell does not appear to see the real game. The whole business is for effect in America. That is or beyond yea nay. However the indications are at present that they will put their foot in it as usual.

It appears at present that Ulster is to be excluded, and if so the "settlement" will not only not please anyone but will displease everybody. If there is hope of an expedition so much the better. If not there will be no change unless the Unionists demand it, and they are not likely to do so. If Ulster be excluded I it will hope all be excluded, for it will leave us with every Catholic in Ulster on our side, at one bound, if the Germans come. Ulster in case that would be the ideal place for a landing. However, we need not care for there is no likelihood of a satis factory settlement unless the naval battle did the trick or the dread of another and more serious one. The boys from Sixmilecross who got home are in great form, 48

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions and are laughing heartily at the whole thing.58 The spirit all round is decidedly good. They are ready still and hoping still. "Can all the hope be in vain?". Surely not. Oh! for ten minutes talk with Casement! He gets the papers yet, I presume, and the news of the naval battle will send him into penal servitude sing ing "Oh, Row Shed da Vahtu Walliagh!".59 Horrid spelling of Irish, I know, but his favourite song sounds like this.

11 6th June 1916

The proposals for the settlement of the "Irish Question" have taken more definite shape, and if carried out will be the epitaph of John Redmond's political career. Six counties, Antrim, Down, Armagh, Tyrone, Fermanagh and Derry are to be excluded; and it appears the leaders on each side are going around to have this accepted. There will be wigs on the green now as far as resolutions, etc., go. The Irish Times cries out for the Unionists of the South, and the Independent for the Nationalists of the North, and more than likely Joe Devlin will not be able to keep the Nationalists of the North quiet during this second betrayal of Ireland.

Of course there is no limit apparently to the gullibility of the public, and it is hard to say but still I think there are enough thinking men to raise the cry against it. The arguments for the Unionists of the South and Nationalists of the North prove con clusively it is not framed to suit any Irish condition, political or religious, but an attempt to keep up the old barrier between Irishmen, and prevent any chance of union. However, it will suit us equally well as it will leave Ireland still discontented, and should the expedition come it will not be said it robbed us of the "great Charter of Liberty". I feel certain that such a "settle ment" will please nobody, either Protestant or Catholic, Northern or Southern. It will be altogether unworkable from every point of view. These Britons judge Ireland by her so-called

58 There were a number of county Tyrone men among the prisoners released up to 29 May, see Sinn Fein Rebellion Handbook, cit., p. 90. The list published on 8 June, of those released up to 2 June, included M. Rodgers and R. Slane, both of Sixmilecross, ibid., p. 91. 59 Correctly R?r? s? do bheatha bhaile. It was originally a Jacobite song, 'Searlas 6g\ circulating in folklore, and was first published with music under that title by Carl G. Hardebeck in his Gems of Melody : Seoda Ceoil, Part 3, Belfast 19?, pp. 19-22, from an air which he took from Ann Treacey of Greencastle, co. Tyrone. P?d raig Pearse later re-wrote the words, and his version, with the well-known verse beginning, 'T? Gr?inne Mhaol ag teacht thar s?ile', is the one now in general circulation. The song, with its 49

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ? leaders and think they are really as green as they appear though God knows they are green enough. Still, I am convinced it is a British blunder though likely considered the acme of statesmanship. It will not deceive Irish Americans nor Americans generally, and that is the hope, though the press will boom it and the press certainly is powerful.

The naval defeat is still a growing British victory!

12 7th June 1916

More good news ! Lord Kitchener and his staff on their way to Russia have been sent to the bottom of the sea.60 It will not of course materially affect the course of the war nor forward our cause anything but it has caused "Consternation in the Empire". The more consternation the better. Every event, however trifling, which frightens John Bull and upsets his self-complacency the better for us. A frightened nation is more easily conquered than one full of confidence. I dare say an equally capable man will be found to take his [i.e. Kitchener's] place but it may upset the move in Russia whatever it may be. Perhaps Russia is getting tired or discontented with England, and Kitchener was going to smooth out the difficulty or misunderstanding as the case may be. He was not going for his health at any rate.

It is evident the French press was not enamoured by the British naval "victory", for Admiral Hautefeuille has written to M. Clemenceau that he is 'astonished that the journalists allow themselves to be hypnotised by the heaviness of the British losses and have failed to understand the fullness of the British naval victory'. Yes, it is a hard mouthful to swallow, and the French journalist is no donkey. He can see black is black notwithstand ing the second thoughts of the British Admiralty.

I heard last night that Devoy ivas here in the disguise of a

original words, was a great favourite with Eoin MacNeill and Roger Casement. MacNeill did much to popularize it through the Gaelic League, particularly through the college at Omeath. I am indebted to Dr Colm ? Lochlainn for full information on the song. 60 On the evening of 5 June H.M.S. Hampshire, on its way to Russia with Field-Marshal Lord Kitchener, Secretary of State for War, was sunk by a mine off the Orkney Islands. See newspapers of 7 June.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions priest, and has returned safely.61 Good! John, I am delighted. I was very uneasy about him, and am glad to hear he is safe. I wish I had seen him but I suppose he considered it unsafe to come North, and likely he considered I was rounded up too. Perhaps he would have difficulty in finding me out though had he come to any of the priests at Carrickmore he would have been safe and would have got trace of me. It was not however a time to run risks, and he can do more on returning than by delay here. I wish I could see his account of his experiences, in the Gaelic American, but Imay get part of it in some of the American papers.

Here is an amended description of me in the "Hue-and-Cry" of May 23rd which will make you laugh. If poor McDermott and Clarke were alive they would chaff me about it on our first meet ing. Though it is pretty accurate, I think I have a special griev ance against the peeler who gave it. I have had a laugh at it ? to-day at any rate :

Tyrone

Amended description of Dr Patrick McCartan, native of Carrickmore, who stands charged with having, on the 25th day of April, 1916, in the barony of Strabane Upper, parish of Bodoney Lower, committed offences against the Defence of the Realm Act and with being a leader and active participator in the insurrectionary movement:? Tyrone accent, small brown eyes, regular nose, pale complexion, long face, medium make, approximate weight 11 st., 5 feet 8 inches high, about 34 or 35 years of age; has restless brown eyes, has a habit of looking in a shifty way from side to side and downwards when speaking to anyone, and does not look at persons when speaking to them; keeps his lips usually apart, showing his teeth, one of which, a double tooth, has gold filling visible; thin long jaws, and the movements of his mouth causes wrinkles in his cheeks; keeps hands in trouser pockets; peculiar gait, takes long steps and looks shaky at the knees when walking, turns in his toes slightly; constantly smoking cigarettes, and fingers are usually stained with nicotine; clean shaved, but may be allowing his beard to grow; may dress in garb of a clergyman of some church or as a soldier; he usually wears a cap or soft hat; absent-minded ex pression. Medical doctor. Omagh, 15th May, 1916. - (55653c 96137)

61 This rumour was unfounded. McCartan, while in the U.S.A. had made the acquaintance of Devoy, see McCartan's memoirs in Clogher Record 1963, p. 37. 51

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Not a very flattering description, though, as I said, fairly ac curate. They are out by three years in my age and seven pounds in weight. I am 5 ft. eight inches in my stocking soles so that I would be over 5 ft. 9 in my shoes. The 'habit of looking in a shifty way from side to side, etc' is strictly accurate but only I think when speaking to people whose company I don't want, or like such as the peelers. I had always a consciousness that they could see my distrust and dislike for them, and hence in an effort to hide it did as described. I'm a bad hypocrite and so I suppose the shifty look. I may do the same perhaps always but never felt conscious of it except when speaking to people I did not like or trust. The absent-minded expression is also good, for I was al ways nearly thinking of something other than what I was en gaged at, and sometimes even when speaking to people about the usual twaddle I would go off thinking on something national. I was largely absorbed by the national movement, and thought only lightly of other things. Everything else was secondary. I hated contact with the peelers as a rule, and lately I was always expecting arrest and always ready to shoot. For instance, I was called by wire to see one of the peelers one night, and sus pecting it was a trap I went into the barrack with my automatic in my jacket pocket and my finger on the trigger ready to shoot through the pocket in Western American fashion. I'm not dressed as either clergyman or soldier but still in Irish Volun teer uniform, and I don't intend to dress as either when I am moving. I take the long steps all right but as I never saw myself walking I can't say about being shaky about the knees. I only know I don't feel shaky about them either walking or doing any thing else. The offence against the Defence of the Realm Act on the 25th April 1916 was, I presume, telling a sergeant of police that they would get their jobs under the new government if they did not actively oppose us. And I advised him to pretend to do his duty but not be too officious and to pass the word to those whom he could trust.62 Instead he passed it on to his superiors. Of course I was an ass for saying anything to him but at the time I was certain we would have a walk-over as I thought the Germans were here, and I concluded if here in any numbers the outlook was good. It was the result of being told lies but it does not matter a damn. I thought the hour for discretion had passed, and I was really anxious that we should have to fight as few Irishmen as possible. If he were a man, instead of a mere peeler, he would have been thankful for the hint and kept it to himself. However, my time may come yet. Like Casement I think I had too much faith in the Irish instinct to be Irish in a crisis but I have learned

62 See ?police report of May 1916, below, p. 65. 52

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions that you can't make an Irishman of a peeler except by a dum-dum bullet. It is the safest way and best way. I was inclined to con sider to think that messenger a coward but he is going to take my message and perhaps he is merely overcautious. He is right but one has to take risks though not unnecessary ones. I think he could have come to see me the day he sent the message though it was safe as he sent it.

I see my description takes up 24J lines, and that of Monteith and Mellows only 3^ each. Yet Mellows and Monteith have been on the rack before, and Mellows at least has been in arms. They were not, however, in America, and the associates of yourself and Crossan63 and Devoy, where all the bad comes from. That makes the difference likely. It is a wonder they have not a photo of Mellows, as he was in prison

13 10th June 1916

Just as I anticipated the other day, "there's wigs on the Green" over the exclusion of six counties of Ulster. Yet Red mond and Wee Joe [Devlin] are silent, but they'll wake up some of these days and pretend that they are leading Ireland. It is evident now that they cannot settle the "Irish question satis factorily" by the proposed measure but how they will settle it is still a mystery. The Church of Ireland Gazette is as strong against it as any Northern Nationalist, and takes a more states manlike view of it than most of the articles and resolutions I have seen.64 It does not speak about any Irishman being loath some or hateful or use any of the insulting remarks common to both sides in discussing the project. Speaking of the proposals as an accomplished fact it says there remains the permanent 'danger that we shall have set up in Ireland an utterly artificial system of government under partition which will stereotype existing political divisions, and stifle political and eccmomic pro gress in our country for generations to come\ It is a simple fact that not a single man in Ireland wants a settlement on the basis of Home Rule with Ulster Excluded. "Poor old John Bull is in an Irish bog" again, and he may not get out of it by pretending to give something, but may in reality have to give it. If he postpones it now it will knock the bottom

63 William Crossan, a Fenian veteran, district officer of Clan-na-Gael in Philadelphia, became a close acquaintance of McCartan during his years in Philadelphia; see McCartan's memoirs in Clogher Record 1963, p. 37. 64 See Church of Ireland Gazette, 9 June 1916, pp. 404-5, leading article on 'The Partition of Ireland'.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions out of his professions for all time, and leave discontentment. If he goes on he'll apparently have to go the whole hog, and then what of loyal Ulster? The situation created will put anybody in future from ever blaming in the least degree the "rebels". All will have to admit that it was they who "finally" settled the Home Rule question, if indeed it be settled. It is certainly a victory for physical force though not just as complete as we could wish, but maybe there is a good day coming. The peelers had another run for me on Tuesday night last. They searched Paddy McCullagh's, Greencastle, between twelve one and o'clock while Paddy cursed them, and he could please you cursing when he starts. I would like to have been near to have heard it all. One of the Carrickmore peelers was in the house with me the other day. I was within three yards of him. was He round taking the tillage, but he passed on quietly and did nothing nor asked no questions but those about the farm. We were expecting him some day during the week, and there are wee three girls in the house on the hill above us who do scouting, one and of them saw him and warned us. Otherwise it might have been a serious e.65 for me as we would have been at dinner, and.65 have trouble enough in clearing .65 way. some Got American papers with an account of the rebellion, and they don't spare their imagination in filling up the blanks in a cablegram. I see Devoy refused to give an interview. No won der! Perhaps he has satisfied them since with one. I see his name in Von Igel's papers.66 Hope it is nothing serious. Am surprised that he used the telegraph for such work after his life's ex perience. One thing, they can't boast of their discoveries here in connection with the rebellion. The Le Carons are scared this time.67 I see some quotations from the Catholic papers of America. Can they not speak of Ireland without blaming some Irishman or Irish organisation? Some of them are insulting to the men here when they insinuate that they were mere tools of anybody or organisation. Every man of them thought and acted for himself and had no opinions manufactured for him.

65 Words eaten away by damp. 66 For the seizure of the papers of von Igel, a chief official in the New York office of the German embassy, see J. Devoy, Recollec tions an Irish of Rebel, New York 1929, pp. 466-71. They included information on the secret negotiations between Germany and the Irish revolutionary leaders. 67 Major Henri Le Car?n [Thomas Willis Beach] (1841-1894), "The Prince of was Informers", responsible for heavy sentences of penal servitude on at least twenty Irish-American revolutionaries. For Le Car?n see Post Devoy's Bag, ed. W. O'Brien and D. Ryan, 2 (Dublin 1953) 46-51, 80-94, and index.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONFIDENTIAL POLICE REPORT OF MAY 1916

Report. Rebellion in Tyrone, etc.

County Inspector's Office, Omagh.

May 25, 1916.

In reply to the Inspector General's order of 15 inst. I beg to submit reports from the district officers which set out with great detail all that occurred in this county in connection with the recent rebellion.

No actual outbreak occurred.

I am sorry that I cannot support the claim put forward by D.I.s Conlin and Barrington that this was the result of police action. It was the result of the arrest of Casement, and the sink ing of the German vessel. This brought about the immediate return of the 150 Belfast Sinn Feiners,1 and with their departure the danger of a rising in Tyrone was over. Nevertheless the police in the whole county displayed the most perfect loyalty, obeyed all orders punctually, and performed all their duties with zeal and alacrity.

No men came within the scope of Code 1545.2

I add below the names of officers and men, who, I think, deserve special recognition. I cannot omit the names of my own clerk and the crimes special sergeant whose labours were multi plied fourfold, and who gave the most valuable assistance. The remaining names in M. Conlin's list I reject as they only per formed the ordinary duties of their rank with the zeal and effi ciency that is expected from the R.I.C.

M. Conlin is good enough to mention my own name in laudatory terms, but I don't seek special recognition.

The following are the names by districts.

1 Denis McCullough, commandant of the Irish Volunteers in Belfast, states in 'The events in Belfast' in Capuchin Annual, 1966, p. 382, that 132 Irish volunteers left Belfast for Coalisland, co. Tyrone; see also Proinsias Mac An Bheatha, 'Uachtaran an I.R.B.', in Inniu, special issue for 1916, iml. 23, p. 28. 2 I have been unable to establish what 'Code 1545' signifies.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Omagh

M. Conlin, D.I. Sergt M. Dolphin, 57771 (C. Clerk) JohnCronin, 47901 (C. Sp. Sergt)

Dungannon

M. Barrington, D.I. Head Const. M. Fall?n, 52974 Sergt J. Kelly, 54006 Const. J. Barr, 56464 Cookstown

Head Const. H. O'Neill, 48068 Act. Sergt T. S. Ryan, 55244 Strabane

M. Heggast, D.I. Const. P. Gallagher, 59871

Signed W. J. Miller, C.I.

County of Tyrone

District of Omagh

Report of occurrences during recent rebellion.

Omagh, 23 May, 1916.

I beg to submit the following details as to the occurrences in this district during the recent rebellion and also details as to the measures taken by the police to cope with the rebels and to prevent the intended rising in Tyrone.

I may, by way of preface, state that perhaps in no other county in Ireland had stronger or more insidious influences been at work than in this county, since the outbreak of the War, to undermine the loyalty of the people and spread the insurrec tionary movement.

Dr Patrick McCartan, a dangerous I.R.B. suspect, has been located in Gortin in this district as dispensary doctor since April 1913. He was delegated to Tyrone, his native county, by the American Clan-na-Gael to spread the Sinn Fein and revolu tionary movement. His private papers, bank accounts, etc., which I have seized, prove this conclusively. 56

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions These papers show that he was not only a local leader in the rebellion movement but that he was a leader in the higher coun cils of the Dublin rebels. He had a controlling influence in all the rebel newspapers such as Sinn Fein, Irish Freedom (of which he was the founder and first editor) and others.

He had control of large funds from America for propaganda work. Large sums were spent in this county in gaining adherents to the rebel cause, and I have evidence of large payments made by him to such men as T. C. Clarke of Dublin, who has since been shot, and to Professor McNeill and others connected with the Sinn Fein movement.

A principal reason why strenuous efforts were made to form this county into a centre of disaffection was the historic associa tions of Tyrone. It was the county of the O'Neills who were so long the irreconcilable opponents of British rule in Ireland and it was also "The cradle of the Volunteer movement".

All this appealed to the sentiment of extremists amongst the Irish in America, and brought unlimited funds through the Clan-na-Gael, which have doubtless been augmented since the outbreak of war by subscriptions from German-Americans to foster rebellion in Tyrone.

Another Tyrone man, Joseph McGarrity, of Carrickmore, was president of the committee formed in America to raise funds for the purchase of arms for the rebels and for the general expenses of the movement in Ireland. I have all the proofs on this point amongst the papers seized in Dr Patk McCartan's lodgings.

To have a clear understanding as to why, after strenuous efforts and lavish expenditure to spread rebellion, no actual ris ing took place in this county it is necessary to go backwards for a couple of years and give short details of the measures taken by the police under the directions of Mr Millar, C.I., to counter act the efforts of McCartan and his numerous coadjutors.

The strong political and party feeling which has always existed in this county has in this connection, I feel bound to say, of proved to be a blessing in disguise, because the necessity keeping extremists of all kinds in check had made the police and adepts in the art of counteracting the efforts of ringleaders other disaffected persons in the community. The people here are can be so easily led for good or for evil that good effects always to obtained by secretly influencing men of standing and influence or discourage any movement that makes for disorder disloyalty. on Mr Miller, county inspector, has always on his inspections and men of the every opportunity impressed on the officers and 57

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions county the necessity of this course of action by the police, and has always kept before his county force the importance of the re gulations contained in circular order, 16 May 1901.3 The follow ing instructions will show how the influence of the police counter acted the plotting of the rebels here and tended to prevent the intended rising in Tyrone.

Soon after Dr McCartan came to this district, it became ap parent that he was likely to have considerable clerical support, because he was very astute and had the art of hiding his real sentiments from those to whom he did not wish to reveal them.

Several Roman Catholic clergymen, some privately and others quite openly, came under his influence. Amongst the lat ter I may mention the following clergymen who have remained up to the present violent supporters of the Sinn Fein movement.4

Rev. Eugene Coyle, C.C, Fintona. Rev. J. O'Daly, C.C, Clogher. Rev. P. J. Shreenan, C.C, Trillick (now in Ederney). Rev. Short of Carrickmore. Another circumstance which favoured the Sinn Fein propa ganda in this county was the Nationalist split in Mid. Tyrone. Ml George Murnaghan had been the sitting Member for Mid. Tyrone for 15 years. He was opposed by Mr J. Valentine of Bris tol, and a Unionist, Mr Brunskill, was returned owing to the split Nationalist vote.5 This left a very bitter feeling between the two sections of the Nationalists, and all the Murnaghanites were thenceforth strongly opposed to Mr Redmond's policy. The Roman Catholic clergymen in the division, with one or two ex ceptions, were all supporters of Mr Murnaghan. The consequence of this was that there was a general tendency on their part to support more or less the Sinn Fein policy, but this was more because it was anti-Redmond than from any love of the cause

3 My inquiries to the police authorities at Belfast and the govern mental records office at London failed to secure a copy of this circular. 4 For information on Frs Coyle, O'Daly, and Short see above p. 28, n. 13; p. 31, n. 22; pp. 32-3, n. 25. 5 George Murnaghan, a Nationalist, had been sitting member for Mid. Tyrone for 15 years. In the general election of Jan. 1910 he sup ported the policy of William O'Brien and The All for Ireland League, and stood as an Independent Nationalist. He was opposed by an official Home Rule candidate, J. Valentine of Bristol. The Unionists, taking advantage of the split Nationalist votes, put up a candidate, Gerald F. Brunskill, and he was elected. It was the first Unionist victory in Mid. Tyrone in 20 years. For information on this election I am indebted to A. T. Q. Stewart, Stranmiilis College, Belfast, and F. J. Whitford, Lisburn. 58

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions itself. The effect, however, was that Dr McCartan and his fol lowers had a congenial soil in which to work, and the efforts of the police to counteract the operations were rendered all the more difficult.

Shortly after the outbreak of the war, I became aware that Suspect McCartan was making violent efforts to spread Sinn Fein and pro-German views around Greencastle, Beragh, Sixmile cross, Omagh and other parts of this county, and that he was being openly assisted in this by the clergymen I have already named, and in a more or less clandestine way by a few other clergymen. I brought the matter under the notice of Mr Miller, county inspector. By his directions the police received instruc tions to encourage recruiting for the army, and to prevent the spread of the Sinn Fein and pro-German propaganda.

Persons of influence, lay and clerical, were discreetly ap proached, and their assistance was enlisted to counteract the Irish Volunteer Movement, and to encourage recruiting. Amongst others the following gave valuable assistance to the police in this work.

Rev. Fr McArdle, P.P., Beragh. Rev. Fr McKenna, P.P., Dromore. Rev. Fr O'Kane, P.P., Cappagh. Rev. Monsg O'Doherty, P.P., Omagh. H. K. McAleer, Co Councillor, Sixmilecross,6 and several other unrepresentative persons.

The result of these efforts on the part of the police was that, notwithstanding all the lavish expenditure of money by McCartan and his followers and the plentiful distribution of seditious literature, the Sinn Fein pro-German propaganda was effectively checked, and recruiting for the army amongst the Nationalists went on well.

Some of the Roman Catholic clergymen, however, remained, as already stated, hostile to the very end. Rev. Eug. Coyle and Rev. P. J. Shreenan openly preached pro-German sentiments in the churches. I brought the matter under the notice of Mr. Miller, C.I. He directed me to investigate and report on the subject, and to do all I possibly could to counteract the influence of these

6 Mis-spelled as 'McAlteer' in the typescript copy. Hugh McAleer of Sixmilecross was a prominent business man and a notable local political figure with A.O.H. affiliations. He died about ten years ago. I am indebted to Fr Paddy Gallagher, C.C, Dromore, co. Tyrone, and Mr Joseph Colton for supplying information on Hugh McAleer.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions clergymen. I did this and reported fully on the subject on File 360 -S. 16-9-15.7

I was directed by the inspector general, on the file quoted, to see the bishop of the diocese, Dr McKenna of Monaghan,3 and bring the matter under his notice, which I did. As a result of my interview Fr Shreenan was transferred to another county and Revs Coyle of Fintona and O'Daly of Clogher were cautioned by the bishop who assured me that he would do anything in his power to prevent action such as I complained of by any of his priests.

The effect of this and of the general action of the head con stables, sergeants and selected men of the district was that it was only in February of this year that a branch of the Irish Volunteers could be formed at Fintona. A branch of the Irish Volunteers had been formed at Sixmilebridge in January 1915. The most strenuous efforts were made to start branches in Greencastle, and in Omagh and at other parts of district.

Dr McCartan gave large sums of money to members of the National Volunteers towards the purchase of arms. He had several secret meetings in Omagh on the subject. An ambulance class and a Gaelic class were started in Omagh. Dr McCartan ? ? taught the ambulance class young women and urged the members of the class, night after night, to join the Sinn Fein movement.

The influence of the police, however, exercised through Mons. O'Doherty, P.P., Rev. J. Harkin, C.C, and other influential persons, prevented any of the people in Omagh from openly joining the movement. Mons. O'Doherty, P.P., at the suggestion of Sergt. Cronin and Const. Hynes, prevented the meetings of Dr McCartan and his followers in a parochial hall in Omagh. ? At Fintona the local Nationalists followers of Mr Red ? mond prevented Rev. M. Coyle and his followers from using the parochial hall there for the meetings. Fr Coyle, however, broke open the hall, put new locks on it, and retained possession of it against the will of the vast majority of the parishioners.

All the efforts of the P.P.s and others at Omagh, Green castle, Sixmilebridge and other places were directed to thwart the Sinn Feiners.

7 This report would be of high interest, but my inquiries to the police authorities in Belfast, the Colonial Office, and Home Office in London, for a copy, drew blanks. 8 Dr Patrick McKenna, bishop of Clogher, 1909-1942. 60

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The efforts of Mr Redmond and his party, however, to en courage recruiting, and the fear of conscription, brought con siderable support privately to the Sinn Feiners, who boasted loudly that they were opposed to recruiting and conscription. In this way it may be said that at the outbreak of the rebellion the Sinn Fein movement had several hundreds of supporters or sym pathisers in this district.

This brings me to the actual occurrences during the period of the rebellion. During the days previous to Easter the police had been constantly on the alert, watching the movements of Dr McCartan and other suspects who were in this county. Pirn and McCullough of Belfast, Dr. Gormley of Cloghan, and other suspects from Dublin and elsewhere were known to be in the county and were shadowed and ciphered by the police. There was an indefinable activity and restlessness amongst the people which put the police doubly on their guard. There was nothing however to indicate that the outbreak was so close at hand.

On Good Friday, Suspect McCartan went to Dublin secretly.9 I have since ascertained that a Dublin taxi cab came to his house at Carrickmore and brought him to Dublin. He remained in Dublin on Friday night, evidently in council with the leaders. On Easter Saturday he returned by mail train to Omagh arriving at 9 a.m. He had evidently arranged with the leaders in Dublin to bring out the Irish Volunteers and Sinn Feiners in this county on his return.

On Easter Saturday he sent, I believe, further messages to Dublin by hand with a girl named Katherine Owens of Beragh.10 She left Omagh by mail train at 4.20 p.m. on Saturday and was met at Amiens St station platform in Dublin on her arrival by Mary McCartan, a sister of Dr McCartan.11 Both girls stopped in the house of T. C Clarke during the night, and left Dublin at 10 o'clock a.m. on Easter Sunday. They railed to Dundalk and hav ing made calls there and probably delivered messages en route, they motored from Dundalk via Armagh, Dungannon, Donagh more, and Carrickmore to Beragh, arriving there about 4 o'clock p.m. on Easter Sunday.

A contingent of Volunteers from Belfast were to have en

9 For McCartan's movements during these crucial days of Holy Week, 1916, see his memoirs in Clogher Record 1964, pp. 196-203. 10 Katherine Owens and her sister, Josephine, both from Beragh, near Sixmilecross, acted as couriers for McCartan during these days; see McCartan cit., in Clogher Record 1964, p. 198-199. 11 For the activities of Mary Jane McCartan in these events see McCartan cit., in Clogher Record 1964, pp. 198-199. 61

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions camped at Coalisland in this county on Easter Monday, and the Irish Volunteers at Dungannon and Donaghmore were out under arms on 24 April.

On Easter Monday and the day following, McCartan and several other scouts were out around Greencastle, Sixmilecross, Omagh, and Carrickmore districts making the final preparations for the rising in Tyrone which was fixed for Wednesday 26 April. It may be noted here that in some of the orders issued by Pearse and Connolly in Dublin it was announced that the Sinn Feiners were out in Tyrone.12

The first object of the rebels here was to have taken the police barracks and post office, and then to have acted similarly at Beragh, and from the latter place they intended to march on Omagh, seize the police barracks, post office, county court house and military depot.13 At the latter there were only 40 soldiers, and many of them were wounded men.

It was intended to cut the telegram wires, blow up the bridges and otherwise impede communications of the police and military.

At about 4 p.m. on Easter Monday a telephone message was received at the railway station in Omagh to the effect that the rebellion had broken out in Dublin, and that the railway bridge at Don?bate had been blown up. Constable Thos Hynes, the sel ected constable here, at once communicated this information to Head Const. J. Empey who promptly sent out police guards to all the important railway bridges with instructions to guard the

12 Neither Pearse nor Connolly appears to have dealt with Tyrone in their orders. Connolly in a proclamation of 28 April referred to activity at Dundalk, and vaguely stated 'in others parts of the North our forces are active and growing', cited in D. Ryan, The Rising, Dublin, 1957, p. 149, 13 It is very doubtful if this was the intention of the Irish Volunteers. The overall plan was for the Volunteers from Belfast, Tyrone and Derry to converge on Belcoo, co. Fermanagh, to march across country to link up with Mellows in Connacht, and 'to hold the line of the Shannon'. McCullough, who was ultimately in charge of the Irish forces in Ulster, had specific orders from Pearse and Con nolly that he was not to fire a shot in his march from Coalisland via Belcoo to Connacht. For the overall plan for Ulster see F. X. Martin, 'McCullough, Hobson and republican Ulster', in Leaders and Men of the Easter Rising: Dublin 1916, London, and Cornell University Press, 1967, pp. 106-7; Proinsias Mac An Bheatha, 'Uach taran an I.R.B.', in Inniu, special 1916 issue, iml. 23, p. 28; Proin sias ? Conluain, 'Fir an Tuaiscirt', ibid., p. 25; P. McCartan, 'Tyrone before Easter Week, 1916', in Tyrone among the bushes, ed. M. F. Coffey, Dublin, 1962, p. 89.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions line generally, although the news at that time was vague and lacked confirmation.

The matter was at once reported to the county inspector and to me. We conferred and gave general instructions on the sub ject. The county inspector directed me to be carefully on the alert for any confirmation of the report from Dublin, and to act promptly as prearranged if such was received. I got the railway superintendent here, Mr. Scott, to get into communication with Dundalk by telephone which he did after considerable delay and difficulty. We got a full confirmation of the news after 10 p.m. We were also informed that the telegraph wires were cut in several places. Through Mr Scott and railway station masters I got into telephone and telegraph communication with the police at all the towns and villages on the railway line in this and ad jacent counties. I warned them of the situation and asked them to have railway bridges and lines closely watched, I finished this work about 1.30 a.m.

The following day, 25 April, the police were vigilantly en gaged guarding the railway and other vulnerable points, and the influence of the police with all loyal persons was being exer cised to the full. At the instance of Const. Hynes the county surveyor of Tyrone went to Carrickmore and brought with him from the county council quarries there a large quantity of gelig nite and other explosives which might have been used to blow up bridges. The county inspector ciphered to Strabane to have similar precautions taken with the county explosives which were stored there.

On the evening of 25 ult. the intention of the rebels to march on Carrickmore and Omagh became generally known in Omagh, both towns in the county. Clergymen and others were apprised of the situation, and the head constables, sergeants, and con stables of the district generally displayed the most praiseworthy energy, loyalty, and devotion to duty in coping with the situation. They were practically on duty day and night, and to their ener getic action coupled with similar effect on the part of the con stabulary in other districts of this county I attribute the fact that the progress of the rebels was a complete failure in Tyrone.

The county inspector had interviews with Mr Louis Scott, Colonel Stewart, O.C, at Depot here, with the result that in case of necessity, large contingents of the M. V. Force14 would have been placed at the disposal of the military authorities or the

14 'M.V. Force' is almost certainly a typist's mistake for 'U.V. Force' ? the powerful Ulster Volunteer Force, of Orangemen and Un ionists, which was formally established in Jan. 1913. 63

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions constabulary in Omagh. Many members of this body did volun tary unofficial scouting work around Omagh, Beragh, Sixmile cross and other parts of the district. Assurances of similar assis tance were obtained from leading Nationalists about Omagh and in other parts of the district, who expressed their willingness to get men to act as special constables in case of necessity.

The following are the names of the police in this district whom I have to mention as having shown special zeal, energy, tact and wholehearted devotion to duty in carrying out the spec ial work devolving upon them during this crisis.15

The success of the police efforts to enlist the support and assistance of the loyal portion of the community became known to the Sinn Feiners and had a disheartening effect on them. This effect together with the good advice which they received from neighbours and clergymen undoubtedly prevented them from mobilising at Carrickmore on 26 ult. for the Tyrone rising. The reason was that when the Sinn Feiners assembled at Eskerboy on night of 26 ult. they numbered only 105 all told. The question of attacking the police barracks at Carrickmore was put to a vote, and there was a majority of 3 or 4 against the attack because their forces were not sufficiently strong. Dr McCartan and the more violent of his supporters fought hard to lead the attack.16 He failed to carry his point but he had not yet given up hope of raising the republican flag in Tyrone, and he expressed himself to that effect and promised that a sufficiently large force would be in readiness in a day or two. On 26 ult. the county inspector had wired to the general officer commanding at Belfast in cipher through the commis sioner to the effect that strong rumours existed of an impending attack by Sinn Feiners on the police barracks, post office and military barracks in Tyrone, and that armed Sinn Feiners were sent out near Carrickmore.

The following day 27 April, 300 soldiers arrived by motor at Carrickmore, and assisted by Mr Barrington, D.I. of Dungannon, and police of his district they searched the house of Dr McCar tan's father where the meeting had been held the previous night, and seized several thousand rounds of ammunition and 15 or 20 automatic revolvers and cartridges and other equipment. This military demonstration and the seizure of the ammunition put the finishing touches on the rebellion in Tyrone.

15 This list was omitted from the copy passed on to McCartan. 16 For McCartan's account of these events see his memoirs in Clogher Record, 1964, pp. 199-200; Idem, cit. in Tyrone among the bushes, p. 89.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions On 27 April the county inspector received a cipher wire from the garrison commander at Buncranen which directed the arrest of Dr McCartan for seditious language and offences against the D.O.R.A., committed in Greencastle on 25 ult. and reported by me to headquarters on 26 ult.17 The cipher was repeated to all the district inspectors in the county. I immediately left with Sergt Maunsell to effect the arrest. After searching at Green castle and other places I went to Carrickmore. The military had left Carrickmore before I arrived there but I arranged by cipher with Mr Barrington, D.I., and he returned that night with some soldiers and police, and we made a further thorough search of McCartan's and other houses in the locality. Dr McCartan could not be found but we seized several im portant documents and seditious papers and pamphlets, and ar rested a man named Robert Haskins, a leading suspect from Belfast, we found in McCartan's house. This man had arrived there on 27 ult., evidently as an officer or leader in the rebellion. He was fully equipped for war and had 3 days' rations with him, together with a revolver, 100 rounds of ammunition for same, a map, first aid kit, bandages, etc. Please see file 95786 9-5-16.18

Again on 1st inst. Mr Barrington, D.I. Dungannon, and I with a combined force of police from both districts made an ex haustive search in and around Carrickmore, Greencastle, Esker boy, and Gortin. We seized some arms and ammunition and num bers of seditious papers and pamphlets connected with the work ing up of the rebellion. This duty lasted from 2 p.m. on 1st to 1J a.m. on 2nd inst.

I could not speak too highly of the thorough wholehearted and efficient cooperation of M. Barrington, D.I., and all the mem bers of his district force who were with me.

17 For McCartan's account of the 'seditious language and offences' committed in Greencastle on 25 April, see his letter of 7 June 1916, above p. 52. D.O.R.A. was the Defence of the Realm Act issued after the outbreak of the Great War. 18 I have been unable to secure a copy of this report either from the authorities in police authorities in Belfast or the governmental London.

This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sat, 30 Mar 2013 10:05:23 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions