'Civil Society'?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

'Civil Society'? September 2018 10th Anniversary of small National Assemblies of Turkey Please wrap up AS WE START Greetings, We would like to express our happiness in sharing this 10th Year Report of the small Provincial Assemblies of Turkey (sPAT). The report starts with an evaluation of the period between October 2017 and June 2018 with statistics of the same period. It then continues with the section where we explain different dimensions of the sPAT project. Differing from our annual reports, we prepared an infographic on our ten-year journey in this report. This was the most practical solution we could find to reveal the start and the current destination of our ten-year journey. A short introduction for those we’re meeting for the first time… (Even though it’s best to join an sPAT meeting and experience the work in person), let us attempt to imitate the meeting with an enactment for you: “We bring together representatives of active NGOs, MPs and mayors together around a round table on the first weekend of every month to debate one local and one national/international topic that are priorly determined. Both the general and the local agenda have to be topics that are on the concerning location’s current agenda as well, and we determine both agendas by receiving feedback from our participants. The Kitchen compiles and summarizes suggestions for the general agenda and prepares a presentation video on the topic that will be debated the most. The monthly meeting starts with the screening of this presentation video and a short debate on the general agenda. In case a special guest is present in the meeting on the related agenda, there could be an explanation on the topic as well, which never exceeds ten minutes. In this explanation, our special guest has to share the general frame of the topic of debate, not his/her own opinions. And later, of course, the special guest is bound to the rules just like any other participant… NGOs always have the first call. MPs or in case they are absent, political party representatives share their opinions after the civil society. A chronometer that is projected onto the screen works during the entire meeting with “traffic control” as its duty; planning the speech times and rounds as facilitator. Opinions expressed during the meeting is merged in a summary; the common denominator report obtained from the compilation of summaries arriving from all provinces is announced at the end of every month in the General National Assembly of Turkey (GNAT) with MPs and the press. sPAT meetings are those with strict rules. It is absolutely forbidden to make decisions, applaud, chant slogans or interrupt others’ speeches. The meetings begin exactly at the specified time and after three hours, any participant may leave the meeting even if the meeting continues.” This enactment describes an ideal sPAT meeting. The technicals are the same for every meeting that is bound to procedural rules. We will not mention the attendance/absence rate specific to NGOs and political parties due to the report’s content; the interest in sPAT meetings will be explained further in the report. When we started the sPAT project, we couldn’t find any work that is similar to it - neither in Turkey, nor anywhere else in the world. There is still no such quite-similar example! However, debates in the public and civil society with some pilot projects are accelerating in the US, Ireland, the Netherlands and many other democratic countries under the title, “acceleration of democratization in decision-making processes.” We insist that sPATs must be a civil platform that is suitable to Turkey’s subjective conditions while being well-planned and progressing continuously. A significant amount of experience is piled up with the ten-year experience and it continues to grow. The sPAT doesn’t only have the function to “facilitate the participation of the civil society in decision-making processes and to strengthen the dialogue between politicians and citizens” specific to Turkey; it also makes an effort to “prevent social polarization,” which we think is at least as important as the participation. NGO representatives and political parties, who could never come together under different circumstances due to many reasons, are able to come together and debate national and provincial issues with maturity. Our followers will be able to see where the project could reach with a slight increase in the interest and collaboration of the political world, not to mention how little the costs are. The statistics on the 10th year infographic approve that there is a mutually dependent and harmonious relationship between both Turkey’s interest in democratization and the sPAT as well as the interest of politics and the sPAT. The issues Turkish politics and society are facing and the capability to resolve them are topics of another debate. However, rationality tells us all that “the correct resolutions that could be produced are possible with discussion.” We continue to believe that we will have, no matter how little, a contribution to the days when the political world and the civil society will meet in dialogue, consensus and collaboration to resolve issues. sPAT KITCHEN 2018 October 2017- June 2018 “Openness and transparency” is one of the principles that constitutes the backbone of the sPAT and we defended it for the last ten years. Due to this principle, we paid attention to share every step we took, every progress we achieved with every setback as well with our partners. We have seen that it was also important to announce our period reports, serving as our annual voyage journals, at the end of each period. From this perspective, this report in your hands is “a summary of a long journey” instead of “new words.” We will evaluate the period between October 2017 and August 2018 for the first time in this report. The only way for us to explain the change in circumstances is by reminding the reader of the previous circumstances. As we left ten years behind, we would like to share an example of our shortsightedness (!): “If this project goes on for only a year, it’ll be good, it’ll be a success; it’s clear that we will row against the tide.” We could justify this pessimism of ours due to: 1- The traditions and conservatism in Turkish politics... Both the Electoral Law and the Political Parties Act are controversial today in regards to the democratic criteria. “Charismatic leaders” in political parties are the heads of hierarchical structures within each party. Motivations of our political parties to render decision-making processes “more democratic, more transparent and more active” are way below a level that would allow any focus on civil society or other concerning entities. Our political world still tends to grow “conflicts and differences” instead of “consensus and collaboration.” It was also difficult ten years ago to say that the relationship established by the politics with citizens was leading the way to democratic principles. 2- The organization of the Turkish society and the power of civil society... The area civil society covers in democratic societies and the power held by the civil society continuously increase in significance. No matter how different societies are, there is a proportion that would justify a generalization between the effective organization of civil society and the quality of democracy. It could very well be a fact that the importance of civil society in Turkey will not significantly change overnight due to reasons that are independent from the society as well. However, we have largely agreeing answers to the question of “how civil” the civil society is in Turkey, even though we most of the time don’t express these answers loudly. Political militancy is revealed the moment one digs deeper into many Turkish NGOs. The benefits of a civil society which reflects the sound of certain political minorities on both politics and the public area must be bravely discussed. Not to mention that NGOs and their volunteers face a significant amount of issues - from legislation to others related to restricted financial resources. 3- Mainstream media vs. local media It could be seen as if traditional tools of media are losing their importance against the social media and the Internet. Nevertheless, it’s not realistic to claim that social media and the Internet are spread across the entire society. Not to mention, speed is everything on the social media; therefore all efforts have the potential to “evaporate” immediately. Principal actors that could influence the increase in the visibility of systematic and fameless projects like the sPAT are still the “traditional tools of media.” The examination of the Turkish media in regards to the principles of journalism is of course another debate. However, we still do not abstain from expressing that, “In case you don’t have large support from a political party or an investment group, you have very little chance in visibility on the mainstream media.” For appearing there once does not pose a meaning in today’s world, where everything disappears fast from focus. Therefore, the continuity of mainstream media’s interest in civil society projects must be close to the continuity of the work itself. This interest from the mainstream media was quite restricted concerning the sPAT, just like it happens with many other civil society projects. It is evident that we could not steer the interest of the media, broadcasting long “social polarization” discussions when needed, towards “a dialogue platform of people from different parts of society, having different opinions.” It would not be an exaggeration to say that the interest of the local media was the opposite of this.
Recommended publications
  • European Integration and Democratic Consolidation: Spain, Poland and Turkey in Comparative Perspective Engin I
    Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 11-9-2011 European Integration and Democratic Consolidation: Spain, Poland and Turkey in Comparative Perspective Engin I. Erdem Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI11120509 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Erdem, Engin I., "European Integration and Democratic Consolidation: Spain, Poland and Turkey in Comparative Perspective" (2011). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 486. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/486 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION: SPAIN, POLAND AND TURKEY IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Engin Ibrahim Erdem 2011 To: Dean Kenneth G. Furton College of Arts and Sciences choose the name of dean of your college/school choose the name of your college/school This dissertation, written by Engin Ibrahim Erdem, and entitled European Integration and Democratic Consolidation: Spain, Poland and Turkey in Comparative Perspective, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _______________________________________ Ronald Cox _______________________________________ Dario Moreno _______________________________________ Barry Levitt _______________________________________ Cem Karayalcin _______________________________________ Tatiana Kostadinova, Major Professor Date of Defense: November 9, 2011 The dissertation of Engin Ibrahim Erdem is approved.
    [Show full text]
  • Non-Independence and Non-Impartiality of the Turkish Judiciary
    A COMPREHENSIVE REPORT ON THE ABOLITION OF RULE OF LAW IN TURKEY 2017 NON-INDEPENDENCE AND NON- IMPARTIALITY OF THE TURKISH JUDICIARY 1 NON-INDEPENDENCE AND NON-IMPARTIALITY OF THE TURKISH JUDICIARY This report is written by a group of human rights lawyers and activists for the persecuted victims of the heinous coup attempt of the 15th of July 2016 who – although they had nothing to do with it – were dismissed from their jobs, sentenced to civil death, detained and/or arrested, and could not use lawyers because they could not afford to. The report is predicated on the concrete evidence that there is no effective domestic remedy in relation to applications to the ECHR and other international organizations with respect to the ECHR Articles 6 and 10. NON-INDEPENDENCE AND NON-IMPARTIALITY OF THE TURKISH JUDICIARY 2 PLATFORM FOR PEACE & JUSTICE NON-INDEPENDENCE AND NON-IMPARTIALITY OF THE TURKISH JUDICIARY CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................. 3 FACTS REVEALING THAT NEITHER THE HSYK (HSK) NOR THE COURTS OF FIRST AND SECOND INSTANCES ARE INDEPENDENT ................................................................................... 6 1. The Formation of the HSYK after the Elections of the 13th of October 2014 .............................. 6 2. The Composition of the HSYK after the Amendment Dated the 16th of April .......................... 11 3. Concrete facts showing that the courts of first and second instances have lost their
    [Show full text]
  • De Facto Presidentialization in Turkey Under Erdoğan's
    DE FACTO PRESIDENTIALIZATION IN TURKEY UNDER ERDOĞAN’S LEADERSHIP A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY HASAN FARUK USLU IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION SEPTEMBER 2015 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Ayşe Ayata Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Ayşe Ayata Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Fethi Açıkel (AU, PADM) Prof. Dr. Ayşe Ayata (METU,ADM) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Pınar Akçalı (METU, ADM) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayça Ergun (METU, SOC) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Elif Çolakoğlu (ATAUNI, ADM) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Hasan Faruk Uslu Signature : iii ABSTRACT DE FACTO PRESIDENTIALIZATION IN TURKEY UNDER ERDOĞAN’S LEADERSHIP Uslu, Hasan Faruk Ph.D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor : Prof. Dr. Ayşe Ayata September 2015, 235 pages The aim of this thesis is to focus on the concept of de facto executive presidentialization, implying that regimes are becoming more presidential in actual practices without changing their constitutional and formal characteristics, in Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Status-Seeking Policies In
    GREAT EXPECTATIONS: TURKEY’S STATUS-SEEKING POLICIES IN THE 21ST CENTURY A Master’s Thesis by MUHAMMED YUSUF YILMAZ Department of International Relations İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University Ankara August 2020 To My Family and Feyza GREAT EXPECTATIONS: TURKEY’S STATUS-SEEKING POLICIES IN THE 21ST CENTURY The Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by MUHAMMED YUSUF YILMAZ In partial fulfillments of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA August 2020 ABSTRACT GREAT EXPECTATIONS: TURKEY’S STATUS-SEEKING POLICIES IN THE 21ST CENTURY Yılmaz, Muhammed Yusuf M.A., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Dr. Seçkin Köstem August 2020 This thesis aims to analyze the role of status concerns in Turkish foreign policy in the 21st century. Utilizing Richard Ned Lebow’s theory that he built in his book A Cultural Theory of International Relations, this research argues that Turkish foreign policy makers have been adopting policies that are primarily driven by status-concerns. Although status concerns are rooted in the human need for self-esteem, they have systemic consequences as they govern political behavior. Benefitting two other complementary theories -Social Identity Theory (SIT) and Prospect Theory-, this thesis demonstrates how numerous agendas in Turkish foreign policy are the manifestations of this human motive. While SIT is employed to identify the policies that are pursued to enhance Turkey’s status in the international system, Prospect Theory is used to explain Turkey’s risky and ambitious policies after the Arab Spring which were resulted from the reference point bias.
    [Show full text]
  • FACULDADE DE LETRAS Giray Halıcıoğlu 2º Ciclo De Estudos Em
    FACULDADE DE LETRAS UNIVERSIDADE DO PORTO Giray Halıcıoğlu 2º Ciclo de Estudos em História, Relações Internacionais e Cooperação Political Islam and Social Polarization in Turkey 2013 Orientador: Isabel Maria Galhano Rodrigues Coorientador: José Maciel Honrado Morais Santos Classificação: Ciclo de Estudos: Dissertação: Versão Definitiva ABSTRACT In the last years Turkish society has gone under major transformations. Since the Ottomans acknowledged that their Muslim identity was the main reason of their backwardness, the social compromise was never maintained again. As a result of Ottoman Empire‟s numerous defeats by the West which it always despised, Ottoman authorities had to make a choice by acknowledging either the issue was Islam itself or the believers. Thus, Ottoman authorities defined that the issue was Islam and accepted that its dominance on the administration should be reduced. This way Ottomans got under an extensive modernization period which extended their life remarkably. Following the fall of Ottoman Empire, young Turkey was founded from its ashes and carried on the westernized reforms. Atatürk also saw the issue with Islam and implemented a series of reforms in the lead of Republican People‟s Party to eliminate Islam from all spheres of social and political life. However, this was not welcomed by the majority of the society and in the first free elections in 1950; society showed its desire for a change and elected the opposing Democrat Party with an overwhelming majority which followed a moderate policy towards religion. In the following years, as the welfare state declined, Islamist parties were able to gain a remarkable ground in Turkish politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkish Criminal Peace Judgeships a Comprehensive Analysis
    TURKISH CRIMINAL PEACE JUDGESHIPS A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS SEPTEMBER 2018 This page is intentionally left blank. 1 / 51 TURKISH CRIMINAL PEACE JUDGESHIPS Executive Summary __________________________________________________________ 3 Introduction ________________________________________________________________ 6 A. Establishment Process of the Criminal Peace Judgeships in 2014 ____________________ 6 1. The emergence of facts _______________________________________________________ 6 2. First apparent interferences to the Turkish Judiciary ________________________________ 10 B. Establishment of Criminal Peace Judgeships ___________________________________ 11 1. Evidence that Criminal Peace Judgeships do not satisfy the requirements of independence and impartiality, and violate the principle of a natural judge _________________________________ 13 2. Structure and composition of the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK/HSK)__________ 14 3. Formation of the ‘HSYK’ After the Elections of the 13 of October 2014 __________________ 15 4. Composition of the ‘HSK’ After the Constitutional Amendment on 16 April 2017 __________ 20 C. Concrete facts showing that the courts of first and second instance have lost their independence and impartiality _________________________________________________ 21 1. Tribunals and Courts of First Instance, Including Criminal Peace Judgeships ______________ 21 2. Courts of Second Instances (Regional Courts of Justice and Regional Administrative Courts) _ 27 D. Concrete facts proving the lack of independence of the
    [Show full text]
  • Public Funding Solutions for Political Parties in Muslim-Majority Societies
    Public Funding Solutions for Political Parties in Muslim-Majority Societies Writers Marcin Walecki Kevin Casas-Zamora Omer Genckaya Dina Ammar Chantal Sarkis-Hanna Karma Ekmekji-Boladian Elobaid Ahmed Elobaid. Public Funding Solutions for Political Parties in Muslim-Majority Societies Copyright © IFES. All rights reserved. IFES 1101 15th Street, NW Ste. 300 Washington, D.C. U.S.A. Notice of rights All rights reserved. No part of this report can be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-931459-34-7 P a g e | 1 Table of Contents Foreword .......................................................................................... 3 Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 4 Biographies ....................................................................................... 5 Executive Summary ........................................................................... 7 Introduction .................................................................................... 10 Dr. Kevin Casas-Zamora Part I Public Funding in Established and Transitional Democracies ......... 25 Dr. Marcin Walecki Part II Public Funding of Political Parties: ................................................. 39 The Case of Turkey Omer Faruk Genckaya Public Funding of Political Parties: .................................................. 50 The Case of Egypt Dina Ammar Public Funding for Political Parties: ................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Turkish Model How Turkey Has Coped with 3.6 Million Syrian Refugees
    Commentary The Turkish model How Turkey has coped with 3.6 million Syrian refugees *This Commentary was written by Robert Ellis. Rue de la Science 14, 1040 Brussels [email protected] + 32 02 588 00 14 THE TURKISH MODEL HOW TURKEY HAS COPED WITH 3.6 MILLION SYRIAN REFUGEES Vocal Europe Rue De la Science 14B, 1040 Brussels Tel: +32 02 588 00 14 Vocaleurope.eu twitter.com/thevocaleurope Facebook.com/Vocaleurope Youtube.com/vocaleurope instagram.com/vocaleurope 1 THE TURKISH MODEL HOW TURKEY HAS COPED WITH 3.6 MILLION SYRIAN REFUGEES There is one issue that has preoccupied Europe since the outbreak of civil war in Syria in 2011: immigration. More than six million Syrians are internally displaced and five million have fled to neighbouring countries, mainly Turkey but also Lebanon and Jordan. As of November, there are now 3.6 million registered Syrian refugees in Turkey, to which can be added some 300,000 -400,000 who are unregistered and more than 400,000 non-Syrian refugees, mainly from Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran. In fact, Turkey is hosting the world’s largest refugee population. As conditions in Syria deteriorated, there was a sharp rise in the number of refugees fleeing to Turkey, so that there were two and half million by 2015, and with Russia’s intervention the number increased to over three and a half million. Correspondingly, there was a marked increase in the number of asylum seekers in Europe, which spiked in 2015 with a record 1.3 million. Half of these came from Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq with Germany as the primary destination.
    [Show full text]
  • Issue Full File
    K DÜNY R A Ü S TÜRK DÜNYASI I T A I R F A ARAŞTIRMALARI Ş K T A Journal Of Turkic World Researches IR I V MALAR ISSN: 0255-0644 KOVID-19 VE GEÇMİŞTEN GÜNÜMÜZE SALGINLAR İstanbul - 2020 I Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Dergisi Journal Of Turkic World Researches - ISSN: 0255-0644 Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı The Foundation Of Researches About Turks All Around The World Kurucusu / Founder Prof. Dr. Turan YAZGAN Sahibi / Owner Közhan YAZGAN Yazı İşleri Müdürü / Managing Editor Saadet Pınar YILDIRIM Yayın Kurulu / Editorial Board Prof. Dr. Salih AYNURAL (Emekli) Prof. Dr. M. Metin KARAÖRS (İstanbul Yeni Yüzyıl Üniversitesi) Prof. Dr. Emin ÖZBAŞ (Marmara Üniversitesi Rektör Yardımcısı - Emekli) Prof. Dr. Necdet ÖZTÜRK (Bahçeşehir Üniversitesi) Prof. Dr. Ahmet TAŞAĞIL (Yeditepe Üniversitesi) Prof. Dr. Ramazan TAŞDURMAZ (Emekli) Prof. Dr. Fatma ÜREKLİ (Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi) Prof. Dr. İsmail YAKIT (Akdeniz Üniversitesi - Emekli) Doç. Dr. Muzaffer ÜREKLİ (Beykent Üniversitesi) Prof. Dr. Fadıl HOCA (Uluslararası Vizyon Üniversitesi - Makedonya) Prof. Dr. Aycamal KANTÖRÖEVA (Uluslararası Kantörö Şaripoviç Toktomamatov Üniversitesi - Kırgızistan) Prof. Dr. Fariz AHMADOV (Azerbaycan Devlet İktisat Üniversitesi - Azerbaycan) Yayına Hazırlayan / Editor Doç. Dr. Serkan KEKEVİ Editör Yardımcısı / Co-Editor Doç. Dr. Gökmen KILIÇOĞLU Dizgi / Typesetting Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı Yuluğ Tekin Dizgi Merkezi İç Tasarım / Design Gökhan KAYA Yabancı Dil Editörü / Foreign Language Editor Mehmet Töre YILDIRIM İletişim Adresi / Management Center Kemalpaşa Mah. Bukalıdede Sok. No: 4 Saraçhane - İstanbul / TÜRKİYE Tel: (0212) 511 10 06 / Belgegeçer: (0212) 520 53 63 İnternet adresleri: www.tdadergi.com - www.turan.org.tr / e-posta: [email protected] - [email protected] Posta Çeki Hesabı Numarası: İstanbul Aksaray PTT Şubesi - 141720 Vakıfbank İstanbul Fatih Şubesi: TR76 0001 5001 5800 7287 8397 25 Baskı / Press Şenyıldız Matbaacılık: Maltepe Mah.
    [Show full text]
  • The Battle for Turkey's Soul. Party Closures, Gangs and the State of Democracy
    PICTURE STORY The battle for Turkey's Soul. Party closures, gangs and the state of democracy April 2008 The battle for Turkey's Soul. Party closures, gangs and the state of democracy 2007 was a dramatic year for Turkish politics and society, even by the standards of a country used to political drama. However, few people would have expected 2008 to be even more volatile, and potentially catastrophic, for Turkish democracy. Today the headscarf has again become a potent symbol of the struggle between the conservative AKP government, re-elected in July 2007 with overwhelming public support, and its Kemalist opponents. The question is now whether the Constitutional Court, with its record of siding with the Kemalist establishment, is prepared to attempt a judicial coup, plunging Turkey into a deep constitutional crisis. The prospect of a judicial coup seems extraordinary for a country that is a member of NATO and the Council of Europe and is negotiating for EU membership. But sadly, derailing Turkey's move towards Europe may be the very goal of this political manoeuvre, by those who prefer international isolation to giving up their traditional power and privileges. We believe that Turkey's friends and allies should urge the Government to go on the offensive. The AKP should use its popular mandate to push ahead with plans for an overhaul of the current constitution, not waiting for the judgement of the Court. The present constitution, dating from 1982, is still all too obviously the product of the military coup that took place in 1980. A referendum on a new, more liberal constitution would under current conditions become a referendum on the very essence of Turkish democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconciling Religion and Sexuality: an Ethnography of Youth in Turkey
    RECONCILING RELIGION AND SEXUALITY: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF YOUTH IN TURKEY by ZEYNEP KUYUMCU Submitted to the Graduate School of Social Sciences in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sabancı University August 2020 RECONCILING RELIGION AND SEXUALITY: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF YOUTH IN TURKEY Approved by: Prof. Ayşe Gül Altınay . (Thesis Supervisor) Assoc. Prof. Hülya Adak . Asst. Prof. Evren Savcı . Date of Approval: August 17, 2020 ZEYNEP KUYUMCU 2020 c All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT RECONCILING RELIGION AND SEXUALITY: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF YOUTH IN TURKEY ZEYNEP KUYUMCU CULTURAL STUDIES M.A. THESIS, AUGUST 2020 Thesis Supervisor: Prof. Ayşe Gül Altınay Keywords: LGBT Muslims, Sexuality, Islam, Turkey, Ethnography Based on participant observation, oral history and ethnographic interviews with LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans) Muslims from Turkey, this research investi- gates sexual and religious negotiations of LGBT Muslims. How do LGBT Muslims in Turkey narrate themselves and their religious and sexual experiences? How do they interpret their spiritual and sexual practices in relation to their Muslim iden- tity? What are some of the ways in which LGBT Muslims negotiate their position as non-normative sexual subjects in a country where Muslims constitute the major- ity and as religious subjects within predominantly secular LGBTI+ communities? What are the existing theoretical and political frameworks with which one can make sense of LGBT Muslim lives, particularly in the Turkish context? Situating the ex- periences of LGBT Muslims in Turkey within the global context and literature, this research shows the ways in which LGBT Muslims have developed creative ap- proaches to the tensions that exist between Islam, sexuality, piety and spirituality.
    [Show full text]
  • Weekly Media Report –Nov. 3-9, 2020 Further Reproduction Or Distribution Is Subject to Original Copyright Restrictions
    Weekly Media Report –Nov. 3-9, 2020 Further reproduction or distribution is subject to original copyright restrictions. ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…… EDUCATION: 1. Joint Artificial Intelligence Center Keeps Branching Out (National Defense Magazine 3 Nov 20) … Yasmin Tadjdeh When the Pentagon’s Joint Artificial Intelligence Center was stood up in 2018, it was established to bring together the Defense Department’s various AI programs and projects. Two years later, JAIC is pivoting to new mission sets, expanding its portfolio and more closely working with industry. The organization, in partnership with the Defense Acquisition University and the Naval Postgraduate School, was slated to launch an intensive six-week pilot course in October to train over 80 defense acquisition professionals of all ranks and grades. The trainees will learn how to apply AI and data science skills to operations, [SECDEF Mark] Esper said. RESEARCH: 2. New Air Force 6th-Gen Aircraft Takes Flight with F-35 (Fox News 6 Nov 20) … Kris Osborn The fact that the Air Force’s new 6th-Gen aircraft has taken to the skies raises too many interesting questions to engage at one time. Many might wonder, who built the one that flew already? What might it mean for the F-35 and F-22? This challenge, explored by a Naval Postgraduate School essay called "The 6th-Generation Quandry,” posed the question as to whether it might be equally if not “ more effective to postpone formal sixth-generation development until truly breakthrough advances emerge, while pursuing advanced variants of current, yet upgradeable platforms in the interim. FACULTY: 3. Turkey’s Naval Expansion Doctrine Aims to Bring Greece, Cyprus to Knees - Analyst (Ahval 3 Nov 20) Turkey’s Blue Homeland doctrine, which lays claim to expansive territorial waters in the Aegean and Mediterranean seas, intends to submit Greece and Cyprus to Turkish ambitions in the region, Ryan Gingeras, professor at the U.S.
    [Show full text]