A Taxonomy of Runoff Methodsq Electoral Studies
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Unit 7 Electoral Systems and Electoral Processes
Electoral Systems and Electoral UNIT 7 ELECTORAL SYSTEMS AND Processes ELECTORAL PROCESSES Structure 7.0 Objectives 7.1 Introduction 7.2 Classification of electoral systems 7.3 Majoritarian Systems 7.3.1 First-Past-the-Post/ Single-Member Plurality system 7.3.2 Second Ballot System 7.3.3 Alternative Vote (AV)/ Supplementary Vote (SV) system 7.3.4 Condorcet Method 7.4 Proportional Representation Systems 7.4.1 Single-Transferable-Vote (STV) System 7.4.2 Party-List System 7.5 Mixed Methods 7.5.1 Mixed-Member Proportional or Additional Member System 7.5.2 Semi-Proportional Method 7.5.3 Cumulative Vote System 7.5.4 Slate System 7.6 Comparative Assessment of Majoritarian and PR Systems 7.7 Let Us Sum Up 7.8 References 7.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises Dr. Tulika Gaur, Guest Faculty, Non-Collegiate Women's Education Board, University of Delhi, Delhi 97 Representation and Political 7.0 OBJECTIVES Participation An electoral system does not only set rules for election, but also plays crucial role in shaping the party system and political culture of the country. This unit focuses on electoral systems and processes. After going through this unit, you should be able to: Define electoral system, Identify the various dimensions of an electoral system, Assess combinations of electoral methods used by different countries in their national or local elections, Examine the advantages and disadvantages of different kinds of electoral systems, and Analyse the links between parties and electoral process. 7.1 INTRODUCTION The electoral system refers to a set of rules through which people get to choose their representatives or political leaders. -
4 Comparative Law and Constitutional Interpretation in Singapore: Insights from Constitutional Theory 114 ARUN K THIRUVENGADAM
Evolution of a Revolution Between 1965 and 2005, changes to Singapore’s Constitution were so tremendous as to amount to a revolution. These developments are comprehensively discussed and critically examined for the first time in this edited volume. With its momentous secession from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965, Singapore had the perfect opportunity to craft a popularly-endorsed constitution. Instead, it retained the 1958 State Constitution and augmented it with provisions from the Malaysian Federal Constitution. The decision in favour of stability and gradual change belied the revolutionary changes to Singapore’s Constitution over the next 40 years, transforming its erstwhile Westminster-style constitution into something quite unique. The Government’s overriding concern with ensuring stability, public order, Asian values and communitarian politics, are not without their setbacks or critics. This collection strives to enrich our understanding of the historical antecedents of the current Constitution and offers a timely retrospective assessment of how history, politics and economics have shaped the Constitution. It is the first collaborative effort by a group of Singapore constitutional law scholars and will be of interest to students and academics from a range of disciplines, including comparative constitutional law, political science, government and Asian studies. Dr Li-ann Thio is Professor of Law at the National University of Singapore where she teaches public international law, constitutional law and human rights law. She is a Nominated Member of Parliament (11th Session). Dr Kevin YL Tan is Director of Equilibrium Consulting Pte Ltd and Adjunct Professor at the Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore where he teaches public law and media law. -
Appendix A: Electoral Rules
Appendix A: Electoral Rules Table A.1 Electoral Rules for Italy’s Lower House, 1948–present Time Period 1948–1993 1993–2005 2005–present Plurality PR with seat Valle d’Aosta “Overseas” Tier PR Tier bonus national tier SMD Constituencies No. of seats / 6301 / 32 475/475 155/26 617/1 1/1 12/4 districts Election rule PR2 Plurality PR3 PR with seat Plurality PR (FPTP) bonus4 (FPTP) District Size 1–54 1 1–11 617 1 1–6 (mean = 20) (mean = 6) (mean = 4) Note that the acronym FPTP refers to First Past the Post plurality electoral system. 1The number of seats became 630 after the 1962 constitutional reform. Note the period of office is always 5 years or less if the parliament is dissolved. 2Imperiali quota and LR; preferential vote; threshold: one quota and 300,000 votes at national level. 3Hare Quota and LR; closed list; threshold: 4% of valid votes at national level. 4Hare Quota and LR; closed list; thresholds: 4% for lists running independently; 10% for coalitions; 2% for lists joining a pre-electoral coalition, except for the best loser. Ballot structure • Under the PR system (1948–1993), each voter cast one vote for a party list and could express a variable number of preferential votes among candidates of that list. • Under the MMM system (1993–2005), each voter received two separate ballots (the plurality ballot and the PR one) and cast two votes: one for an individual candidate in a single-member district; one for a party in a multi-member PR district. • Under the PR-with-seat-bonus system (2005–present), each voter cast one vote for a party list. -
Another Consideration in Minority Vote Dilution Remedies: Rent
Another C onsideration in Minority Vote Dilution Remedies : Rent -Seeking ALAN LOCKARD St. Lawrence University In some areas of the United States, racial and ethnic minorities have been effectively excluded from the democratic process by a variety of means, including electoral laws. In some instances, the Courts have sought to remedy this problem by imposing alternative voting methods, such as cumulative voting. I examine several voting methods with regard to their sensitivity to rent-seeking. Methods which are less sensitive to rent-seeking are preferred because they involve less social waste, and are less likely to be co- opted by special interest groups. I find that proportional representation methods, rather than semi- proportional ones, such as cumulative voting, are relatively insensitive to rent-seeking efforts, and thus preferable. I also suggest that an even less sensitive method, the proportional lottery, may be appropriate for use within deliberative bodies, where proportional representation is inapplicable and minority vote dilution otherwise remains an intractable problem. 1. INTRODUCTION When President Clinton nominated Lani Guinier to serve in the Justice Department as Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights, an opportunity was created for an extremely valuable public debate on the merits of alternative voting methods as solutions to vote dilution problems in the United States. After Prof. Guinier’s positions were grossly mischaracterized in the press,1 the President withdrew her nomination without permitting such a public debate to take place.2 These issues have been discussed in academic circles,3 however, 1 Bolick (1993) charges Guinier with advocating “a complex racial spoils system.” 2 Guinier (1998) recounts her experiences in this process. -
GUIDELINES to ASSIST NATIONAL MINORITY PARTICIPATION in the ELECTORAL PROCESS Guidelines for Electoral Process.Qxd 03-05-06 11:39 Page 1
Cover Minority #1 08.09.2003 14:22 Uhr Seite 1 GUIDELINES TO ASSIST NATIONAL MINORITY PARTICIPATION IN THE ELECTORAL PROCESS Guidelines_for_Electoral_Process.qxd 03-05-06 11:39 Page 1 GUIDELINES TO ASSIST NATIONAL MINORITY PARTICIPATION IN THE ELECTORAL PROCESS Guidelines_for_Electoral_Process.qxd 03-05-06 11:39 Page 2 Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Aleje Ujazdowskie 19 00-557 Warsaw Poland www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2001 Reprint 2003 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction be accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ODIHR as the source. Guidelines_for_Electoral_Process.qxd 03-05-06 11:39 Page 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION . 5 2. BACKGROUND TO THE LUND RECOMMENDATIONS . 7 3. THE IMPORTANCE OF PROCESS . 9 4. INTERNATIONAL LEGAL FRAMEWORK . 11 5. LUND RECOMMENDATION ON ELECTIONS: NO. 7 . 15 5.1 Content Explanation . 15 5.1.1 The individual rights to participate in elections . 16 5.1.2 The prohibition against discrimination . 20 5.2 Legal Framework and Options . 22 6. LUND RECOMMENDATION ON ELECTIONS: NO. 8 . 24 6.1 Content Explanation . 24 6.2 Legislative Framework . 27 7. LUND RECOMMENDATION ON ELECTIONS: NO. 9 . 28 7.1 Content Explanation . 28 7.2 Legislative Framework and Options . 31 7.3 Other Mechanisms . 38 8. LUND RECOMMENDATION ON ELECTIONS: NO. 10 . 40 8.1 Content Explanation . 40 8.1.1 District magnitude . 40 8.1.2 Territorial delimitation . 41 9. ENSURING FAIR CONDUCT OF ELECTIONS: THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE ELECTIONS . -
The Supplementary Vote Electoral System Again Worked Very Well in London
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/archives/23468 The Supplementary Vote electoral system again worked very well in London. There is no basis for arguing that voters don’t understand their choices Blog Admin A recent article on the London mayoral election suggested that the way the public voted showed that a majority of people did not understand the voting system used. Patrick Dunleavy explains why this criticism of the voting system is quite unfounded. Looking back at the mayoral election in London, James Ball writing in the Guardian Comment section outlines some problems as he sees it with the Supplementary Vote system used to elect London’s powerf ul mayor. He writes: The vast majority of voters decided to use their second preference vote: 1.76 million second preferences were cast, around 80% of the electorate. But only around one in 10 of these were actually counted towards the total. Of the 346,000 or so people who voted for one of the minority candidates, only 185,000 actually cast their vote in such a way as to influence the result. More than 1.1 million people cast their second preference for a candidate with no chance of being in the run-off for the final two. There are two ways to interpret the figures: a large portion of Londoners don’t fully understand the voting system, or they are using it in a remarkably sophisticated way to send subtle signals to minority candidates. If this was the case, there does seem to be a problem. -
Voting Systems in the UK
BRIEFING PAPER Number 04458, 26 October 2017 By Neil Johnston Voting systems in the UK Inside: 1. Current voting systems 2. Electoral systems in the UK – recent developments 3. Previous government reviews of electoral systems 4. International comparisons www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Number 04458, 26 October 2017 2 Contents Summary 3 1. Current voting systems 4 1.1 First Past the Post (FPTP) 4 1.2 Alternative Vote (AV) 4 1.3 Supplementary Vote 4 1.4 Single Transferable Vote (STV) 5 1.5 Additional Member System 5 1.6 Closed Party List System 6 1.7 Table showing where the voting systems are used in the UK 7 2. Electoral systems in the UK – recent developments 8 2.1 The AV Referendum 8 2.2 Directly electing members of the National Park authorities in England 9 2.3 Devolution of elections to Wales 10 2.4 2017 manifesto commitments 10 3. Previous government reviews of electoral systems 12 3.1 Report of the Independent Commission on the Voting System [October 1998] 12 3.2 Review of Voting Systems: the experience of new voting systems in the United Kingdom since 1997 [January 2008] 12 4. International comparisons 15 4.1 First Past the Post 15 4.2 Additional Member Systems – Germany and New Zealand 15 4.3 Two Round Systems – France 15 4.4 AV – Australia and Ireland 16 4.5 STV – Ireland 16 4.6 List Systems 16 Cover page image copyrightTo the polling station by Matt. Licensed under CC BY 2.0 / image cropped. -
Alternative Voting in Alabama
1 Alternative Voting in Alabama Alternative voting ( also called ‘modified at-large voting’ ) was first used as an election procedure in Alabama during the 1980s. When the procedure was introduced, it was as novel and as questionable as the first Caesarians used to deliver babies. Today, after several election cycles, alternative voting systems in Alabama are as politically acceptable as C-sections are in delivery rooms. In Alabama today, thirty-two different governing bodies use some form of alternative voting. Three are county governments, one is a county Democratic Committee, and twenty-eight are municipalities. Of these governing bodies, twenty- three use limited voting, five use cumulative voting, and four replaced numbered posts with pure at-large [see glossary.] With the exception of the Conecuh County Democratic Executive Committee and the city of Fort Payne, all of the alternative voting systems in Alabama were first used in 1988 as a result of settlement agreements in the landmark, omnibus redistricting lawsuit, Dillard v. Crenshaw County, et. al. In that case, the Alabama Democratic Conference sued 180 jurisdictions in the state, challenging at-large elections. First Run: Conecuh County, Alabama The first known application of an alternative voting system in Alabama was in the election of members to the Conecuh County Democratic Executive Committee in the September 1982 primary election. It came as a result of a federal lawsuit filed by blacks challenging the discriminatory manner by which members were being elected to the committee. Prior to the court challenge, the Conecuh County Democratic Executive Committee elected members by a strange system which divided the county into two separate malapportioned districts, with each district electing 15 members at-large from numbered places [see glossary] and with a majority vote requirement. -
The Chamberlin-Courant Rule and the K-Scoring Rules: Agreement and Condorcet Committee Consistency Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi
The Chamberlin-Courant Rule and the k-Scoring Rules: Agreement and Condorcet Committee Consistency Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi To cite this version: Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi. The Chamberlin-Courant Rule and the k-Scoring Rules: Agreement and Condorcet Committee Consistency. 2018. halshs-01817943 HAL Id: halshs-01817943 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01817943 Preprint submitted on 18 Jun 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. WP 1812 – June 2018 The Chamberlin-Courant Rule and the k-Scoring Rules: Agreement and Condorcet Committee Consistency Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi Abstract: For committee or multiwinner elections, the Chamberlin-Courant rule (CCR), which combines the Borda rule and the proportional representation, aims to pick the most representative committee (Chamberlin and Courant, 1983). Chamberlin and Courant (1983) have shown that if the size of the committee to be elected is k = 1 among m ≥ 3 candidates, the CCR is equivalent to the Borda rule; Kamwa and Merlin (2014) claimed that if k = m − 1, the CCR is equivalent to the k-Plurality rule. In this paper, we explore what happens for 1 < k < m − 1 by computing the probability of agreement between the CCR and four k- scoring rules: k-Plurality, k-Borda, k-Negative Plurality and Bloc. -
Faclair Airson Riaghaltas Ionadail Gàidhlig Agus Beurla
Faclair airson Riaghaltas Ionadail Gàidhlig agus Beurla Dictionary for Local Government Scottish Gaelic and English Air a chur ri chèile le Compiled by The European Language Initiative a bhuineas do mhodh : a thogas meanmna ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ a ghabhas leasachadh a nì bacadh br a rinneadh leis a‟ phrìomhaire remediable, obstructionist, prime-ministerial adj retrievable adj obstructive adj gnìomh a rinneadh leis suidheachadh a ghabhas innleachdan a nì bacadh a‟ phrìomhaire leasachadh obstructionist tactics a prime-ministerial action a retrievable situation à seo suas cgr A a nì mì-rian br adv hence a ghabhas obrachadh disruptive adj a bhuineas do mhodh viable adj giùlan a nì mì-rian procedural adj a sheallas inbhe moladh a ghabhas obrachadh disruptive behaviour prestigious adj a viable proposition a bhuineas don bhuidseat budgetary adj a rèir roi a sheasas na aonar a lìonas beàrn according to, stand-alone adj a bhuineas don phrìomhaire stop-gap adj relative (to) prep buidheann a sheasas na aonar a stand-alone body prime-ministerial adj a rèir an lagha according to law a mhair fada br a bhuineas don tuath luachan a rèir a chèile a tha a‟ tighinn a-steach br prolonged adj provincial adj relative values incoming adj thug am pàrtaidh dùbhlain cha tig na h-argamaidean ionnsaigh air an riaghaltas a mhair a dh‟aindeoin roi le gin a rèir a chèile a thaobh roi le gin fada notwithstanding adv the arguments are -
Barriers to Voting in Alabama (2020)
Barriers to Voting in Alabama A Report by the Alabama Advisory Committee to the United States Commission on Civil Rights February 2020 i Advisory Committees to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights By law, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights has established an advisory committee in each of the 50 states and the District of Columbia. The committees are composed of state citizens who serve without compensation. The committees advise the Commission of civil rights issues in their states that are within the Commission’s jurisdiction. More specifically, they are authorized to advise the Commission in writing of any knowledge or information they have of any alleged deprivation of voting rights and alleged discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, age, disability, national origin, or in the administration of justice; advise the Commission on matters of their state’s concern in the preparation of Commission reports to the President and the Congress; receive reports, suggestions, and recommendations from individuals, public officials, and representatives of public and private organizations to committee inquiries; forward advice and recommendations to the Commission, as requested; and observe any open hearing or conference conducted by the Commission in their states. ii Letter of Transmittal To: The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Catherine E. Lhamon (Chair) Debo P. Adegbile David Kladney Gail Heriot Michael Yaki Peter N. Kirsanow Stephen Gilchrist From: The Alabama Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights The Alabama State Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (hereafter “the Committee”) submits this report, “Barriers to Voting” as part of its responsibility to examine and report on civil rights issues in Alabama under the jurisdiction of the Commission. -
On Some K-Scoring Rules for Committee Elections: Agreement and Condorcet Principle Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi
On some k-scoring rules for committee elections: agreement and Condorcet Principle Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi To cite this version: Mostapha Diss, Eric Kamwa, Abdelmonaim Tlidi. On some k-scoring rules for committee elections: agreement and Condorcet Principle. Revue d’Economie Politique, Dalloz, 2020, 130 (5), pp.699-726. hal-02147735 HAL Id: hal-02147735 https://hal.univ-antilles.fr/hal-02147735 Submitted on 4 Jun 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. On some k-scoring rules for committee elections: agreement and Condorcet Principle Mostapha Diss · Eric Kamwa · Abdelmonaim Tlidi 17 May 2019 Abstract Given a collection of individual preferences on a set of candidates and a desired number of winners, a multi-winner voting rule outputs groups of winners, which we call committees. In this paper, we consider five multi-winner voting rules widely studied in the literature of social choice theory: the k-Plurality rule, the k-Borda rule, the k-Negative Plurality rule, the Bloc rule, and the Chamberlin-Courant rule. The objective of this paper is to provide a comparison of these multi-winner voting rules according to many principles by taking into account a probabilistic approach using the well-known Impartial Anonymous Culture (IAC) assumption.