EJSS

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

September - December 2020 Volume 3, Issue 3

ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) ISSN 2601-8640 (Online)

EUSER EUROPEAN CENTER FOR SCIENCE EDUCATION AND RESEARCH

EJSS EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

September - December 2020 Volume 3, Issue 3

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ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) ISSN 2601-8640 (Online)

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ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3

International Scientific and Advisory Board

Ewa Jurczyk-Romanowska, PhD - University of Wroclaw, Poland M. Edward Kenneth Lebaka, PhD - University of South Africa (UNISA) Sri Nuryanti, PhD - Indonesian Institute of Sciences, Indonesia Basira Azizaliyeva, PhD - National Academy of Sciences, Azerbaijan Federica Roccisano, PhD - Neriman Kara - Signature Executive Academy UK Thanapauge Chamaratana, PhD - Khon Kaen University, Thailand Michelle Nave Valadão, PhD - Federal University of Viçosa, Brazil Fouzi Abderzag, PhD Agnieszka Huterska, PhD - Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń Rudite Koka, PhD - Rīgas Stradiņa universitāte, Latvia Mihail Cocosila, PhD - Athabasca University, Canada Gjilda Alimhilli Prendushi, PhD - Miriam Aparicio, PhD - National Scientific and Technical Research Council - Argentina Victor V. Muravyev, PhD - Syktyvkar State University of Pitirim Sorokin, Russia Charalampos Kyriakidis - National Technical University of Athens, Greece Wan Kamal Mujani, PhD - The National Universiti of Malaysia Maria Irma Botero Ospina, PhD - Universidad Militar Nueva Granada, Colombia Mohd Aderi Che Noh, PhD - National University of Malaysia Maleerat Ka-Kan-Dee, PhD Frederico Figueiredo, PhD - Centro Universitário Una, Belo Horizonte, Brazil Iryna Didenko, PhD - Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Ukraine Carlene Cornish, PhD - University of Essex, UK Sadegh Ebrahimi Kavari, PhD Mohammed Mahdi Saleh, PhD - University of Jordan Andrei Novac, MD - University of California Irvine, USA Ngo Minh Hien, PhD - The University of Da Nang- Universiy of Science and Education, Vietnam Kawpong Polyorat, PhD - Khon Kaen University, Thailand Haitham Abd El-Razek El-Sawalhy, PhD - University of Sadat City, Egypt Ezzadin N. M.Amin Baban, PhD - University of Sulaimani, Sulaimaniya, Iraq

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Ahmet Ecirli, PhD - Institute of Sociology, Bucharest, Romania Dominika Pazder, PhD - Poznań University of Technology, Poland Sassi Boudemagh Souad, PhD - Université Constantine 3 Salah Boubnider, Algérie Lulzim Murtezani, PhD - State University of Tetovo, FYROM Ebrahim Roumina, PhD - Tarbiat Modares University, Iran Gazment Koduzi, PhD - University "Aleksander Xhuvani", Elbasan, Albania Sindorela Doli-Kryeziu - University of Gjakova "Fehmi Agani", Kosovo Nicos Rodosthenous, PhD - Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece Irene Salmaso, PhD - University of Florence, Italy Non Naprathansuk, PhD - Maejo University, Chiang Mai, Thailand

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

RESPONSE OF DAY CARE CENTERS FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH WITH DISABILITIES IN REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA TO WORK CHALLENGES DURING COVID-19 PANDEMIC ...... 1 ANDREA RAKANOVIĆ RADONJIĆ MIRA ĆUK POSSIBILITIES FOR MODERNIZATION OF CONCILIATION BOARD PROCEDURES IN THE COUNTRIES OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE - ONLINE DISPUTE RESOLUTION AND ELECTRONIC COMMUNICATION .... 15 BALÁZS HOHMANN J.D. THE COMPARISION OF CLASSICAL ETHICAL THEORIES IN ANCIENT GREECE PHILOSOPHY AND ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY: THE EXAMPLE OF ARISTOTLE AND IBN MISKAVAYH, TUSI AND KINALIZADE ...... 22 EMINE ÖZTÜRK DEMOCRACY AND ITS ROLLBACK: ADDRESSING SOME CHALLENGES OF THE FLAWED DEMOCRATIC COUNTRIES ...... 32 SRI NURYANTI “FORTNITE” AND NEW KIDS’ SOCIABILITIES ...... 44 DALVACIR ANDRADE ANTÓNIO FERREIRA THE URBAN DIMENSION OF THE ALBANIAN CITIES OF TRANSITION WAS DAMAGED AS A RESULT OF THE ‘BIG GOVERNMENT’ AND NOT ITS ABSENCE: AN ASSESSMENT IN RELATION TO THE CONSTRUCTION PERMIT! ...... 53 GENTIAN KAPRATA EUROSCEPTICISM AND TRADITIONS OF NATIONALISM...... 64 ZEKERIYA ALPEREN BEDIRHAN UGUR OZGOKER SOCIAL WORK AND SOCIAL PROTECTION IN CRISIS CIRCUMSTANCES – ORGANISATION AND ACTIVITIES OF CENTRE FOR SOCIAL WORK BANJA LUKA DURING THE FLOODS IN 2014 ...... 70 DRAGANA ŠĆEPOVIĆ ANDREA RAKANOVIĆ RADONJIĆ LJUBO LEPIR A DISCURSIVE EXAMINATION OF WHITE AMERICANS’ ATTITUDES ABOUT WHITE-BLACK INTERRACIAL MARRIAGES IN USA ...... 82 ILHAM MALKI THE SOCIAL INNOVATION POTENTIAL OF THE NORTHERN HUNGARIAN REGION ...... 98 DORA SZENDI FAMILIES FACE PANDEMIC – A REVIEW OF PSYCHOLOGICAL SUGGESTIONS AND EMPIRICAL FINDINGS REGARDING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC ...... 114 KRISZTINA TÖRŐ GÁBOR CSIKÓS

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EFFECTS OF COVID-19 PANDEMIC ON THE WELFARE OF THE MAASAI GIRL CHILD IN NAROK COUNTY, KENYA ...... 123 MOROMPI OLE MASAGO SAMBU ALICE KWEINGOTI G. REUBEN JEBET SHEILA BAKARI CHAKA KELELE JOSHUA CONSTRUCTION OF REFLEXIVITY IN SOCIAL WORKERS WORKING WITH VULNERABLE CHILDREN IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC ...... 142 KATEŘINA GLUMBÍKOVÁ HEALTH RETURNS TO BIRTH WEIGHT: EVIDENCE FROM DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ...... 154 VAIBHAV KESHAV SOVEREIGNIST POPULISM: FROM POST FASCISM TO POST COMMUNISM - AND BACK? ...... 171 FEDERIGO ARGENTIERI GENDER QUOTAS AND THE ACHIEVEMENT OF GENDER EQUALITY IN POLITICAL PARTIES ...... 172 ELVINA DAJA JONIDA BRATI

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Response of Day Care Centers for Children and Youth with Disabilities in Republic of Srpska to Work Challenges During Covid-19 Pandemic

Andrea Rakanović Radonjić University of Banja Luka, Faculty of political Science Mira Ćuk University of Banja Luka, Faculty of political Science

Abstract In accordance with the Law of Social Protection of the Republic of Srpska Day care Centers are institutions of social protections that enable daily care of children in local communities and providing a wide range of services: food and care providing, storage, health care, upbringing and education, psychosocial rehabilitation, work occupation and integration. The proclamation of a pandemic COVID-19, Day care centers had to change the way of working and to provide support to children in their own homes. How the day centers worked and which activities they undertook in the new conditions is the subject of this research. The research was conducted on the entire territory of Republic of Srpska in the period from May to June 2020. The population consisted of all 18 Day care Centers for children and youth with disabilities. A total of 15 Day care Centers participated in the research. Methods of analysis and synthesis and test methods were used in the research, as well as Content analysis method. The technique that was used during the research was specially created survey. Day care Centers for children and youth with disabilities during the corona virus pandemic did not have a operational work plan. Most Day care Centers operated without instructions and guidelines. There was no systemic solution related to the organization of work in changed conditions. Communication with service users mostly took place in the online space, with all the limitations due to the modest technical conditions in Day care Centers, as well as the limited technical capacities of the users. Communication with service users maintained through home visits. During the pandemic, users needed help in a significant number of cases. Day care Centers were engaged in other activities related to the needs of users and the population of local communities during the pandemic. In some cases, they changed or supplemented their activities and developed new project. Keywords: Day care Centers, activities, services, Republic of Srpska, COVID-19 pandemic.

Introduction In each population of children in addition to the needs common to all of them, there is a number of those who have special educational and (re) habitation needs that need that need to be met by organizing special conditions and procedures, due to damage of some organs

1 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 and/or functions, , (Hrnjica, 1997). Developmental disabilities include visual, hearing, voice and speech impairments, physical impairments, intellectual disabilities, emotional problems and adjustment problems. The frequency of children with developmental disabilities is not easy to determine and accurately estimate. A number of disorders are milder and are eliminated and reduced through certain rehabilitation procedures, while more severe cases are easier to monitor and their conditions are less variable. Most researchers agree that the number of school children who needs more permanent help due to some more pronounced disabilities is between 7-10% (Miljković, 1982). In primary and secondary education Republic of Srpska1 have approximately 129,000 children. 1.7% of them have disabilities in physical and mental development determined through the assessment process of the competent expert commissions (Republic Educational and Pedagogical Institute, 2016). Annually, about 3,900 children go through the assessment process and are included in the social protection system, and use various social services (Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, 2018). The treatment of children with disabilities in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been based on the medical model of disability that views disability as a medical problem that should be solved, or as a disease to be "cured". With the development of medicine, medical model consider that a person and his or hers condition ("damaged", "sick") should be "repaired" and cured by using medical interventions, therapy and rehabilitation. The key role (sometimes the only) in this process belongs to professionals and professional services. This model defines persons with disabilities according to their condition and impairment. It is focused on the individual and does not take into account physical and social barriers and attitudes that contribute to the relationship of the community towards persons with disabilities (Aleksanrović, Jorgić and Mirić, 2016). According to this model, children with disabilities were treated and rehabilitated, educated in special schools and institutions, mostly in their homes without involvement in peer groups and in community life or they were placed in specialized institutions and homes where they often spent their entire lives. In past few decades, the approach has changed and the social model of disability is gaining ground. Disability is seen as a consequence of the impact of physical, communication and social barriers and attitudes that prevent the participation of persons with disabilities in community life equally as others This model is aimed at removing barriers created by society or existing in the environment, that limit a person's participation in the community and the exercise of human rights as well as improving the quality of life. The social model is based on equalization of opportunities, non- discrimination and respect for diversity (Aleksanrović, Jorgić and Mirić, 2016; Mihanovic, 2011). Activities undertaken in the Republic of Srpska in the application of this model are changes in the legal framework that are moving towards respect for human rights, removal of communication and physical barriers, inclusion in education, self-advocacy and inclusion of adults and young people with disabilities, parents of children with disabilities, OCDs dealing with human rights, deinstitutionalization of social protection institutions, etc. To meet their needs, children with disabilities need from various services and institutions. Social protection is one of the system activities that provides assistance to persons in a state

1 Republic of Srpska is one of the entities within Bosnia and Herzegovina. The other entity is the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The entities are the bearers of social policy and are independent in creating all measures in social policy field.. Population of Republic of Srpska is about 1,300,000.

2 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 of social need and take the necessary measures to prevent the occurrence and elimination of the consequences of such circumstances. Social protection in Republic of Srpska recognizes children with disabilities as priority beneficiaries. The system creates a number of measures and forms of protection measures that help children and their families to overcome barriers equalize opportunities and cover the costs caused by disability. One of the new measures created in accordance with the principles of the social model of disability is the development of daily community services that provide beneficiaries with: diagnosis, early treatment, socialization and learning different skills, integration into peer groups, work occupation, maintaining physical abilities etc. This service prevents institutionalization and enables children to grow up in their families, develop and maintain emotional and social ties with their primary social network participate in the natural environment and in peer groups, receive individual treatment as a combination of compatible programs that are current in the community. These services are designed and delivered in day centres that are organized as public services in local communities. As such they are available to all under equal conditions, are accessible to all citizens and have the necessary quality to be monitored and evaluated by the competent authorities. The subject of this paper is research on the work of day care centres for children with disabilities in the Republic of Srpska in specific conditions - the conditions of the COVID 19 pandemic, which significantly differed from the functioning of these services in regular conditions. Social protection of children with disabilities in the Republic of Srpska The social protection in the Republic of Srpska is conditioned by socio-economic relations, political structure, tradition and other values that are significantly inherited from the former country and the socialist system. The transition that has taken place in recent decades in all areas has redefined content of life and social protection, beneficiaries and conditions for exercising prescribed rights and directed measures and programs targeting vulnerable categories such as children without parental care, children with disabilities, children at risk situation, the elderly, people with disabilities, victims of violence and human trafficking, the homeless, single-parent families, children in conflict with the law, the sick, the long-term unemployed, migrants, etc. Responsibility for providing social security is delegated from the state to each individual who is obliged to take care of their own needs and to contribute to the prevention and elimination or of their own social vulnerability, as well as the social vulnerability of their family members, especially children they cannot take care of themselves (Law on Social Protection of Republic of Srpska, 2012). In this way, social protection approaches the neoliberal regime (Kornai, 2006). International factors that have an impact on the definition and status of social protection in Serbian society are primarily international sources that regulate human rights in general, and social rights in particular. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights (ECHR), the European Social Charter (ESC), the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) are the documents that Bosnia and Herzegovina has ratified. They are part of B&H constitutional system, and there is an obligation to incorporate content from these documents into domestic legislation on social protection. The influence of international organizations on policies in this

3 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 area, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which monitor changes in transition countries and often condition their arrangements on measures implemented in social protection, should also be emphasized. The content of social protection consists of material social assistance and social care. Conditions for the realization of certain programs, such as financial social assistance, are very restrictive and enable only the poorest that are unable to work and provide the minimum allowance. Because of this, large number of people in need is left out of the protection system. Beneficiaries of social protection system, in addition to the poor, are also persons with disabilities who have a high level of disability (70 and more percent). They usually use their benefits to cover the costs caused by disability. Children with disabilities who are beneficiaries of social protection are children with visual, hearing, speech and voice impairments, physical and/or chronic illnesses, intellectual disabilities, mental disorders and/or illnesses, multiple disabilities, or with other impairment or illness, which lead to difficulties in psychomotor and sensorimotor development, and which significantly impede functioning in the activities of everyday life (Law on Social Protection, Article 18, paragraph 2). The contents of social protection used by children with disabilities and their families are cash benefits and social services. The most well-known cash benefits are: social (financial) assistance, allowance for assistance and care of another person, personal disability allowance, support in equalizing opportunities for children and youth with disabilities (compensation for accommodation and intercity transport costs) and various one-time and occasional cash benefits for current social needs. The most well-known social services are: accommodation in an institution, foster care, help and care at home, daily care and counselling. In addition, children with developmental disabilities are included in various other interventions that are realized in social protection by social workers, psychologists, pedagogues, lawyers, special pedagogues. These interventions include programs of education, training and empowerment, assessment of the situation and needs, individual planning of measures and forms of protection, programs of integration and social inclusion, guardianship, etc. Significant number of children with disabilities traditionally has been placed in social care institutions. These services were provided to all those children who did not have adequate living conditions for growth and development caused by lack of parental care and parental capacities to adequately care for children, family poverty, severity of disabilities, children's behavioural disorders etc. Children were referred to homes without exploring other options such as foster care, day care, family support services and parent empowerment. The relationship of society and professionals reflects theories about the causes of disability and the expected parent’s role in caring and educating of children with disabilities (Jones, 1998; Turnbull & Turnbull, 1986). The dominant medical model has directed professionals to conclude about parents abilities of taking care of their own children. Experts have taken control of the child from the parents, because they are considered to have the necessary expertise to make decisions about the best interests of child. It also implies that parents are not able to see the interests and needs of their own children. Even if the approach to child care has significantly changed, daily services in the community are improved; placement of children in institutions is still relevant. In 2020 there are 150 children in institutions in Republic of Srpska.

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Children living in such institutions are at risk because even short stays can cause the emergence or deepening of existing disturbances in intellectual, cognitive, social, emotional and physical development. One illustrative example is that children living in institutions on average reach a much lower level than those living in families. They can develop the psychosocial syndrome called dwarfism (low growth as a result of emotional deprivation and extreme stress). Experts who monitored the children in the months after leaving the institution and placement in the family (biological, foster, adoptive) noticed the great progress in the growth, behaviour and general condition of the child (Browne, 2009). Daily care of children and youth with disabilities in the Republic of Srpska Since the 1950s, European countries have been developing alternative forms of protection, transforming large social institutions (deinstitutionalisation), and favouring non-institutional care for children and youth with disabilities. The right to live in a community is one of the basic human rights that applies to all people regardless of the type and level of difficulty or disability. All people have a common right to live independently and to be included in the community, including the right to choose a place to live, to choose a roommate, and the right to a dignified life. This process was significantly supported by the ratification of the CRPD and the development of a social model of disability. Deinstitutionalization is defined as the political and social process of developing a wide range of services and support within the community for people with disabilities. This process enables all citizens to live in the local community, involved in the environment and society. Deinstitutionalization provides the gradual closure of large social welfare institutions and the relocation of their beneficiaries to the community with adequate support. In addition, this process involves the development of adequate community support services to meet the specific needs of beneficiaries and to prevent new institutionalizations. Complex process of deinstitutionalization involves a whole range of participants, starting from the highest state level to the individuals with their specific needs. The basic components of the deinstitutionalization process are: referral of persons placed in social care institutions to alternative institutions in the community, redirection of potential institutionalizations to other forms of care and development of specialized services that can support users in institutionalization prevention (Pejaković and Zajić, 2014). One of the social services that are in the function of deinstitutionalization is the day care service. In the Republic of Srpska, daily care has been associated with the catalogue of social protection rights since 2012. This has exercising rights throughout the territory of the Republic. Before 2012 daily care was provided in certain local communities, which developed services in accordance with needs and the condition of their population.1 Daily care is usually defined as staying outside one's own family with different types of organized daily services.

1 Social protection holders in the Republic of Srpska are the entity and local government units (Municipality and cities). Local governments have the opportunity to adopt a social protection program based on the analysis of the social situation of residents in their area, make decisions on extended rights and other acts prescribing conditions for exercising rights and measures determined by the decision and programs. Also, provide a fund for realization provide funds for the realization of social protection activities, establishes and takes care of the work of social protection institutions and, coordinates social protection activities in the area of the local government unit.

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Services provided through day care should include nutrition, care, custody, health care, upbringing and education, psychosocial rehabilitation, work occupation and other necessary services (Law on Social Protection, Article 51). The number of daily care users is growing through years. According to the data of the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, in 2018, 107 children and youth with disabilities used some sort of day care services (62 boys and 45 girls). Daily care for children and youth with disabilities can be provided in another family, social welfare institution, separate centres or day care canters organized and provided by public institutions, OCDs, religious communities and other legal entities. Day care Centres are usually organized in local communities. Aldo there is a legal obligation for all local communities to have such services, only a third of them have established day care centers so far (18). The largest number of day care centres for children and youth with disabilities in the Republic of Srpska is organized within OCDs that, in cooperation with centres for social work, ensure the realization of day care services for beneficiaries. The most common initiatives makers for the establishment of Day care Centres are Associations of parents of children with disabilities, and they are most active in providing services. The Day care Centres provide children and youth with disabilities with specialist services in the function of preventing institutionalization, ensuring a higher quality of life, socialization, encouraging their development and inclusion in life of their community. Daily care in emergency and emergency situations caused by the COVID-19 pandemic In the conditions of the COVID-19 virus pandemic in the Republic of Srpska, from March to June 2020, a state of emergency and a state of emergency were declared in order to protect the health of the population and prevent the spread of the virus. A state of emergency is usually defined as a decision of state to suspend certain normal functions of government, warning citizens to change their usual ways of behaving and adapt them to new circumstances. State agencies in this circumstance act in according to prepared contingency plans. An emergency situation is legally regulated as a situation in which the risks and threats or consequences of catastrophes, emergencies and other dangers to the population, environment and material goods are of such scope and intensity that their occurrence or consequences cannot be prevented or eliminated by regular action of institutions in charge. The purpose of declaring a state of emergency was to apply measures that deviate from certain human and minority rights that are guaranteed by the Constitution. The declaration of a state of emergency is envisaged as the only exception to the constitutional guarantee of certain rights. Following the example of the regional and European "lock down", model the Republic of Srpska introduced restrictive measures in the fight against the pandemic: prohibition of movement, gatherings prohibition, working from home instead in organizations, etc. The largest number of social welfare institutions in the Republic of Srpska had a changed way of organizing and functioning. Beneficiaries exercised all cash benefits, while social services, including day care, were exercised to a very small extent. According to UNICEF (2017), emergencies are unwanted, unexpected, unpredictable and endanger people's lives and property, and create panic, fear and uncertainty, which is certainly the case during the COVID- 19 virus pandemic. The emergency situation is legally regulated by the Law on Protection and Rescue in Emergency Situations (Official Gazette of the Republic of Srpska No. 121/12).

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Research results In the Republic of Srpska, no daily care research has been done. There are no data on the way it functions, types of specialized services, or the satisfaction of beneficiaries of daily care. The research that was conducted is the first research with published results in this filed. The aim of the research The research that will be presented in this paper aimed to examine the manner of operational functioning of day care canters and providing support to children and youth with disabilities during the COVID-19 pandemic. Research methodology The research was conducted on entire the territory of the Republic Srpska in May and June 2020. At this period Republic of Srpska were in state of emergency due to a COVID-19 pandemic. Restrictive measures were in force, which reflected on the functioning of the system in general, including the social protection system, restrictions on the movement and people staying in groups. The population consisted of all day canters for children and youth with disabilities (18 in the Republic of Srpska1). 15 day canters participated in the research. Three day canters working on a project basis from time to time, and during pandemic they did not have any activities. From this reason they did not participate in the research. On behalf of the day canters, the questionnaires were filled in by authorized representatives: the president of the OCD (6), the administrative worker in the day centre (4), the professional worker in the day centre (3) and the organization's management representative. Data in the study were collected by the test method. Used instrument was questionnaire which was specially created for this purpose in accordance with the objectives of the research, and respecting of all four ethical principles of social research (Bryman, 2016). The questionnaire contained 19 questions, of which 38% were closed-ended, 53% had the possibility to expand the answers, and 29% were open-ended. Semi-open and open-ended questions were constructed so that respondents could, , describe the specifics of the organization and functioning of Day care Centres during a pandemic within their own context. After receiving the answers to the open questions, they were coded and categorized. Research results and comments During the processing of the research results, four research units were formed: organization of Day care Canters during the COVID 19 pandemic, organization of work with users, activities and activities performed in Day care Centres during the pandemic and expansion of Day care Centres activities. For easier monitoring, the results of the research will be presented through these units. Organization and orderliness of Day care Canters during the COVID-19 pandemic

1 There are 61 local-government units in Republic of Srpska. Day care centers exist in 18 local communities, according to the data of the Association of Mentally Underdeveloped Persons

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Day care Centres for children and youth with disabilities in the Republic of Srpska are organized within the Associations and for assistance and support to children and youth with disabilities. Operationally, the this facilities are working in the territory of the local community in which they are registered. The provision of Daily care services is realized in cooperation with the Centres for social Work. Centres for social Work are responsible for recognizing rights on Daily care for beneficiaries. The users of this services can be can be referred by the Associations. OCDs that organize daily care realize their mission and vision in close cooperation with the local community in whose territory they are registered. The coordinator of Day care Centres and Centre for social Work in most cases is a professional from Centre for social Work that works with people with disabilities. Together with the expert team of the Centre for social Work he decides to direct users to the Day care Centre, depending on the individual needs. As an organized public service, Day care Centres were obliged to make preparations for action in crisis situations (Law on Protection and Rescue, Article 13) In case of various natural disasters, social events, financial crises, business crises, etc. they have to be able and know what their priorities are, and how they will perform their activity. In preparation for emergencies, all public services should analyse potential problems, weaknesses, vulnerabilities, define what the priorities for action are and assess potential risks that may lead to an emergency. Based on the established situation develop plans they are obligate to set the direction of their actions. Organizational planning helps the organization to be internally and externally better defined in the local environment (Locke & Latham, 2002). The obligation of Day care Centres for children with disabilities to have contingency plans is all the greater because they take care of children, and perform their activities in cooperation with several entities in the community. Every change in their work necessarily reflect the work of the Day care Centres. The results of the research showed that these services providers did not perform any preparation and did not have contingency plans in 93.33% of cases. In a state of emergency during pandemic, they found themselves in a very difficult situation. They were not prepared for any work in the new conditions. Only one Day care Centre had an action plan and could take into account the specifics of the current situation, and direct its activities to defined priorities. These results indicate that changes are necessary in the work of these public services, which must systematically regulate their work in all conditions. According to Erickson (1950), crises are not necessarily negative life phenomena. They can also be transitional developmental points and through crises one can grow and develop in a certain direction. In order for the crisis to become developmental, the organization needs to systematically plan and regulate its response to the crisis and to use all the forces and benefits from the environment to strengthen and overcome the crisis. In the absence of plans and in the conditions of pandemic, the change of work had to take place quickly and each of the Day care Centres adjusted its work in relation to the measures prescribed by the state authorities. Changes in the way they worked were done differently, without uniform instructions from the local communities or organizations that supervise these institutions. The largest percentage (49%) changed their way of working and established a new organization without any decision. New decisions, mostly oral, were made by the Day care Centre management independently in 33% of cases, the Day care Centre management in cooperation with the crisis headquarters of the local government unit in 22%

8 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 of cases, and in one case the Centre for social Work1 is the decision maker. In only one day Centre in the Republic, recommendations of the Institute of Public Health were considered a new acting decision and acted upon it. New ways of working and work organization in the state of emergency are conditioned by the resources of the organizations themselves. Day care Centres that had the resources organized their work with users through various online platforms (54%). A small number of them (20%) made the decision that the staff works from home, and in the premises were a duty officer during working hours to collect information’s and forwards them to all employees. Two Day care Centres (13%) suspended work and focused on the reconstruction of the space using the absence of beneficiaries, and one (6.5%) occasionally organized its work, usually twice a week only for urgent situations. One Day care Centre (6.5%) did not change anything in its work. They continued with all activities as before the pandemic, respecting the prescribed protection measures that were adopted at local community as well as at the entity level. (Table 1). Table 1. Day care Centres work organisation during the state of emergency Work organisation % Suspended 14 Work on duty 20 Work organized through online platforms 54 Occasional work 6,5 Normal (without change) 6,5

The data show us that in almost all cases, the beneficiaries left the Day care Centre and stayed at home. For further communication with them, it was necessary to adopt a communication plan and define new way of communication. Special communication plans in case of emergency did not exist in any case, so further communication took place in accordance with the capabilities of users and Day care Centre. It is important to note that electronic communication did not take place with one third of the users and that occasional visits were the basic means of communication. In the case of organizing work through online platforms, the main means of communication were telephones (93%), social networks (20%), e-mail (6.5%), viber (13%). The beneficiaries of the Day care Centre were mostly unable to understand the gravity of the situation, so it was important to involve family members in communication and share information with them. “Communication is very important for any organization on all occasions, especially in times of crisis at any level. The emphasis on communication stems from the very context of an emergency situation in which fear and insecurity are at a high level. In emergencies, owning and managing information is one of the key tasks of crisis management” (UNICEF, 2017: 137). Contradictory information contributes to people feel uniformed, especially those who are not professional enough to assess the danger and its duration. Citizens depend on the information provided by those who have been trained to deal with such situations. True information will reduce the reasons that causing panic and the appearance of informal stories that contribute to fear and anxiety among people. Lack of clear communication and confusing messages

1 Centers for social Work are public institutions that provide social protection services, established in local communities. They perform the activities of exercising rights in social, child and family protection and social work activities in providing social protection of beneficiaries.

9 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 increase fear and feelings of uncertainty, especially at a time of pandemic that has never been recorded in the world before (National Convention on the European Union, 2020). In addition to communication with beneficiaries, an important part of communication in Day care Centres was related to communication with the environment. Facing with unknown, it is very important to obtain appropriate guidance, instructions or similar information from the organizations responsible for making decisions on protection and operation, as well as from professional organizations that monitor and supervise the work of Day care Centres. During the pandemic caused by the COVID 19 virus Day care Centres for children with disabilities in the Republic of Srpska in 40% of cases did not receive any guidelines or instructions for work from these organizations. The only information was the decisions of the crisis headquarters on protection measures, while professional organizations in most cases were not reacted. UNICEF for Bosnia and Herzegovina at the end of the pandemic has published the appropriate material on child protection during the pandemic, which was not available to Day care Centres1. All of the above points to the conclusion that there was no systematic and planned regulation of the work of Day care Centres for children and youth with disabilities during the state of emergency in Republic of Srpska. There was inequality of practice and reliance on the decisions of competent authorities, most often from the local community level. Based on the obtained results, it can be concluded that the social protection system and its competent authorities and organizations did not provide adequate organizational or professional support and assistance to Day care Centres for children and youth with disabilities. This resulted in diversity of organization and work of Day care Centres in Republic. The founders of the Day care Centres did not take the necessary actions to prepare and create conditions for these organizations to perform their activities in changed circumstances Organization of work with beneficiaries Professional work with beneficiaries of Day care Centres is based on the work plans of organization and on Individual plans that are made for each of them in relation to his/hers needs. An Individual plan is a document that social workers in Social work Centers are obliged to work out as a professional and legal obligation (Article 75 of the Law on Social Protection of the Republic of Srpska, Official Gazette no. 37/12, 90/16 and 94/19). An Individual plan is a plan of changes that are to be achieved in working with the beneficiaries; it operationalizes the diagnostic conclusion by determining which services should be provided to the beneficiaries, what is the content and sequence of these services, what are the goals to be achieved, when they will be achieved, who will participate in their realization, how the feasibility of the goals will be evaluated and who manages the whole process of plan implementation (Vidanović, 2009). The large number of Day care Centres (2/3) used home visits as a way of working with beneficiaries, thus collecting information on their health status, needs, realization of social rights, problems that arise due to compliance with protection measures and inability to move.

1 Document available at https://www.unicef.org/bih/media/5211/file/Zastita%20djece%20tokom%20pandemije%20korona %20virusa%20-%20Djeca%20smjestena%20u%20sistem%20alternativne%20brige.pdf

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Visits to beneficiaries were also used to distribute information, instructions, material assistance and share tasks for. Visits to theirs' homes were performed by the Day care Centres staff once a month during a state of emergency in 27% of cases, and more than once in 40% of cases. Communication with parents of children and other family members was, to most parents, a chance to get the necessary information and help for which they needed. Parents sought help more than once in 60% of cases, rarely in 27%, and not at all in 13% of cases. The organization of work with beneficiaries through online platforms was more informative and referred to the sharing of information about working hours, on-call time, obtaining information about the health, the beneficiary’s reaction to stop coming to the Day care Centres. Activities of Day care Centres with beneficiaries during the state of emergency Without new Individual plans, working with users was in the most number of cases geared to the demands of parents who expressed the needs of the children. A very small number of Day care Centres designed some activities for children. When asked what activities they carried out to inform users about the situation and protection measures (development of instructions, development of appropriate educational material, video material, etc.), 80% of respondents answered that Day care Centres did not have any organized activities. They usually provided information over the phone, and the specific educational activities carried out by 20% of the Day care Centres were solving tasks from the workbooks they use in their daily work, and they did nothing about the pandemic. As they were unable to organize group work, on-line workshops for children and families are convenient ways to activate and occupy beneficiaries at their homes. Videos posted on social networks or delivered by e-mail enable the realization of exercises with different purposes. Only a third of the Day care Centres developed such facilities. Most often, these were exercises that serve to maintain physical fitness and mobility, various board games or individual workshops on specific topics. Parental requirements determined most of the activities of day care centers (Table 2). Their requests for help were related to: providing material assistance for children and families (food - 33%, hygiene products and protective equipment -20%, medicines - 7%, transport to a health institution -7%), psychological counseling for children - 33%, and full information on the work of the day center (20%). The activities of employees in response to these requests were (Table 2): provision of protective and hygienic equipment (73%), food aid (27%), medicines and other medical assistance (7%), cash assistance (20%) and advisory assistance children (7%). The results of the research showed that the families of children with disabilities are burdened with the inability to meet their existential needs due to poverty and material vulnerability and that their requests during the pandemic are focused on material assistance, especially on covering the costs of the pandemic (hygiene and protection material, money). Experts estimate that poverty during the COVID-19 pandemic will increase worldwide and that the number of people living on the poverty line will increase. According to consumption surveys in Bosnia and Herzegovina, more than 30% of the population lives on the poverty line and a large number of people with disabilities are among them. (Ćuk, 2013). Table No. 2: Parental requests and Day care Centres responses

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Parents' requests Day care Centres for help % Day care Center activities % Food aid 33 Providing food 27 Hygienic products and protective equipment 20 Provision of hygienic means and protective 73 equipment Medications 7 Provision of medicines and other medical 7 assistance Transportation to a health facility 7 Help with money 20 Psychological help for children 33 Counseling for children 7 Information on the work of Day care Centers 20 Information on the work of Day care Centers 90

The data collected in the research showed that the Day care Centres did not address the possible risks for the users due to the cessation of the provision of day care services. Lack of adequate preparation for new conditions can lead to anxiety and dissatisfaction of users with whom the family does not have the resources to cope. Very little attention has been paid to psychosocial support, as it has been sporadically provided to a small number of children at the request of parents. 3.4.4. Expansion of day center activities during the COVID-19 pandemic Unable to carry out their daily activities in accordance with the annual work plans, one third of the Day care Centres decided to develop other temporarily activities in accordance with local needs and their resources during the pandemic. Since they had equipment for tailoring workshops, the staff of Day care Centres was oriented towards sewing face masks. They distributed their products to Associations of persons with disabilities and local communities. In that way, they also provided additional income for Day care Centres. Some Day care Centres (14%) worked on new projects for donors, as well as projects to improve working conditions by arranging space, developing staff capacity etc. The largest number of activities was related to humanitarian, which include providing assistance to their beneficiaries. Day care Centres contacted a large number of organizations (municipalities, international organizations, embassies of individual countries, private companies) asking for material and financial assistance. In this way, they responded to the requests of parents to meet the needs of children and families. Conclusions Day care is one of the basic forms of support for a family caring for a child with disabilities and a basic form of prevention of institutionalization of these children. Day care in the Republic of Srpska and throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina is in its infancy even if it is defined as a right in social welfare system Day care Centres are basic public services that work on providing day care services. In Republic of Srpska, only 30% of local communities have these institutions. Existing capacities are insufficient and include a small number of children in need of this type of social protection. Day care Centers exist in more developed local communities, and underdeveloped environments have not been established these kind of organizations. In this way, children are discriminated according to their place of residence. The results of the research showed that the work of Day care Centres during the pandemic caused by the COVID-19 virus took place spontaneously, according to their own capabilities and without the necessary support from all stakeholders. State bodies, as well as civil society organizations, have not achieved the necessary strength in support to families and these

12 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 institutions in order to provide professional assistance to children and their families to cope with the completely new situation in the changed working conditions. In the new conditions, Day care Centres with their modest capacities adapted themselves and realized activities using electronic means of communication and working mostly according to the requirements of parents. Without contingency plans, new organizational work plans and Individual plans for beneficiaries in their work, they denied them the necessary information on protection, access to resources for children, mental health care, psychosocial support, positive discipline and organization of children's lives and a house filled with customized activities. In the emergencies responsibility of the Day care Centres, as well as other social and child protection services is to prepare contingency plans, to define clear childcare policies, to make them accessible to all service providers, families, local organizations and to develop procedures for addressing children's needs. This is a path that will significantly improve the quality of work in a pandemic and allow for a longer period to clearly define the manner and organization of work in Day care Centres during the pandemic, which certainly did not end in May 2020. References [1] Aleksanrović, M., Jorgić, B. and Mirić, F. (2016) Holistic approach to adaptive physical exercise, Niš: Faculty of Sports and Physical Education, University of Niš. [2] Brayman, A (2016). Social research methods, (5th ed.), Oxford University press [3] Browne, K.(2009) The risk of harm to young children in institutional care“, Save the Children UK [4] Bulletin of social, family and child protection (2017). Banja Luka: Ministry of Health and Social Welfare of the Government of Republic of Srpska [5] Bulletin of social, family and child protection (2018). Banja Luka: Ministry of Health and Social Welfare of the Government of Republic of Srpska [6] Bulletin of social, family and child protection (2019). Banja Luka: Ministry of Health and Social Welfare of the Government of Republic of Srpska [7] Constitution of the Republika Srpska, Official Gazette of the Republika Srpska No. 21/92 - consolidated text, 28/94, 8/96, 13/96, 15/96, 16/96, 21/96, 21/02, 26/02, 30 / 02, 31/02, 69/02, 31/03, 98/03, 115/05, 117/05 [8] Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD)/United Nations, dostupno na www.un.org/development/desa, accessed 09.10.2020 [9] Ćuk, M. (2013), Reforme socijalne zaštite u Bosni i Hercegovini, Istočno Sarajevo: Zavod za izdavanje udžbenika. [10] Erikson, E. H. (1950). Growth and crises of the "healthy personality." In M. J. E. Senn (Ed.), Symposium on the healthy personality (p. 91–146). Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation. [11] European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) – European Court of Human Rights, dostupno na www.echr.coe.int, accessed 10.10.2020. [12] Hrnjica, S (1997), Deca sa posebnim potrebama, Beograd: Učiteljski fakultet. [13] International Convenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), dostupno na www.ohchr.org, accessed 09.10.2020. [14] International Convenant on on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), dostupno na www.ohchr.org, accessed 09.10.2020. [15] Jones, C. (1998). Early intervention: The eternal triangle? Issues relating to parents, professionals and children. In: C. Robinson & K.

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[16] Kornai, J. (2006), Velika transformacija srednjoistočne Evrope, uspjeh i razočaranje, Zagreb: Revija za socijalnu politiku broj 3-4, str. 335-373). [17] Law on Protection and Rescue in Emergency Situations of the Republic of Srpska, Official Gazette of the Republika Srpska no. 121/12, [18] Law on Social Protection of the Republic of Srpska, Official Gazette of the Republika Srpska, No. 37 / 12,90 / 16 and 94/19 [19] Law on the Government of the Republic of Srpska, Official Gazette of the Republika Srpska, No. 118/08 [20] Locke, E. A., & Latham, G. P. (2002). Building a practically useful theory of goal setting and task motivation: A 35-year odyssey. American Psychologist, 57(9), 705– 717. accessed on https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.57.9.705 10.09.2020. [21] Mihanović, V. (2011). Invaliditet u kontekstu socijalnog modela, Hrvatska revija za rehabilitacijska istraživanja 2011, No1: 72-86. Ministarstvo zdravlja i socijalne skrbi Republike Hrvatske [22] Miljković, A (1982), Deca ometena u razvoju, Beograd: Institut za socijalnu politiku. [23] Ministry of Health and Social Welfare (2014) Rulebook on exercising the right to day care, Official Gazette of the Republic of Srpska, No. 02/14. [24] Nacionalni konvent o Evropskoj uniji (2020), Analiza komunikacija državnih struktura sa građanima tokom vanrednog stanja u Srbiji, uvedenog zbog pandemije virusa COVID 19, available at http://eukonvent.org/wp- content/uploads/2020/08/Monitoring-izvestaj-ANALIZA-KOMUNIKACIJA- DRZ%CC%8CAVNIH-STRUKTURA-SA-GRA%C4%90ANIMA-TOKOM-VANREDNOG- STANJA-U-SRBIJI-UVEDENOG-ZBOG-PANDEMIJE-VIRUSA-COVID-19.pdf [25] Pejaković, L., Zajić, G. (2014). Djeca sa teškoćama, preporuke za podršku i procenu. Beograd, Familia. [26] Republički prosvjetno-pedagoški zavod, (2016), Monitoring vaspitanja i obrazovanja djece sa smetnjama u razvoju u Republici Srpskoj školska 2016/2017, Banja Luka, https://www.rpz- rs.org/sajt/doc/file/web_portal/04/4.9/D.Pesic/Monitornig_16-17.pdf accessed 10.09.2020. [27] Stalker (Eds.), Growing up with disability, chapter 3. London: Jessica Kingsley. [28] Turnbull, A. P., & Turnbull, H. R. (1986). Families, professionals and exceptionality: A special partnership. Columbus, OH: Merrill Publishing. [29] UNICEF BiH. (2017). Priručnik za djelovanje centara za socijalni rad u vanrednim situacijama izazvanim prirodnim nesrećama, Sarajevo [30] Vidanović, I. (2009), Pojedinac i porodica, Beograd, Autorsko izdanje.

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Possibilities for Modernization of Conciliation Board Procedures in the Countries of Central and Eastern Europe - Online Dispute Resolution and Electronic Communication

Balázs Hohmann J.D. Assistant Lecturer, University of Pécs (Hungary), Faculty of Law, President, Association of Hungarian PhD and DLA Students, Department of Jurisprudence (Budapest, Hungary), Board Member, Conciliation Board of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Baranya County (Pécs, Hungary)

Abstract Conciliation bodies are the main European forums for alternative dispute resolution for consumer disputes, providing an institutionalized opportunity to remedy consumer infringement cases quickly, cheaply and efficiently. The institution has excellent dispute resolution efficiency not only in Hungary, but also at the international level, which greatly contributes to the enforcement of the consumer protection legislation of the countries concerned. The scientific examination of the work of the bodies and the legislation related to them, the number of domestic and international scientific works resulting from them are modest, while the efficient operation of the bodies depends not only on practical and legal factors, but also on the theoretical basis. Although legislative reforms in this area have led to a number of innovations and modernizations, they have left untouched a number of theoretical and practical issues that also pose significant problems in law enforcement, such as the satisfactory settlement of cross-border disputes, electronic communication and even communication, that it is possible to involve artificial intelligence, other software solutions in decision-making or online dispute resolution within the framework of the procedure. Applied research on the operation of conciliation bodies covered bodies and bodies in Hungary, Romania and Slovakia. Due to the large number of consumer legal relations, the significance of these research results in the national economy cannot be considered negligible either. The research supported by the ÚNKP-20-3 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry for Innovation and Technology from the source of the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund. Keywords: consumer disputes, alternative dispute resolution, conciliation bodies, ODR, artificial intelligence.

Introduction How can we capture the importance of conciliation bodies in consumer disputes? These are bodies which, in an ad hoc manner or in an institutionalized form, serve the purpose of settling disputes arising out of small, pity consumer disputes outside the judicial and administrative enforcement proceedings by agreement between the parties (Smith, 1977, pp. 205-207).

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Accordingly, given their cross-border consumer disputes and regulatory difficulties (Hill, 2008, pp. 43-68), their activities are extremely important, non-negligible and economically incidental to the overall consumer protection system (Bates, 2003), especially in times such as the current coronavirus epidemic and the associated epidemiological situation (COVID-19- Consumer Law Research Group, 2020). The operation of these bodies (Plevri, 2020, pp. 367-392), the applied alternative dispute resolution methods and the economic, business scientific analysis of the bodies (Jespersen, 2018, pp. 21-32; Kirillova et. al., 2016) have been of great interest in scientific forums and publications for many years. Related to this, the issues of electronization, digitization, and automation in organizations have already been addressed in international scientific research, but a number of issues remain that are undeservedly overlooked by scientific attention and fundamentally define the practices of these bodies. This is especially true if we consider the institutionalized bodies of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which carry out their activities with a certain territorial competence, according to state regulation (Hodges et. al., 2012, p. 167). In these countries, especially in Hungary, state regulation basically creates the conditions for their operation, but in many cases dictates rigid operating conditions and legal requirements for conciliation bodies, which hinder or even make it impossible to use modern infocommunication technologies and tools in their proceedings. However, the untapped use of these techniques and modern infocommunication opportunities can mean a loss of efficiency of their procedures, a lack of response to legal cases in the modern environment, and problems with cooperation with the European Union or other online dispute resolution platforms. In this context, this article seeks to examine the processes of state-established, institutionalized conciliation bodies and procedures, and the possibilities for applying the modern solutions mentioned in the title, to highlight areas for improvement and to identify risks and obstacles . To this end, it examines the role of electronic communication in corporate dispute resolution processes, the compatibility of traditional procedures with online dispute resolution solutions in the European Union, and, finally, the applicability of algorithmic decision-making solutions in these procedures. The article essentially seeks to answer the legal and technical requirements that must be met in order for them to be applicable in institutionalized conciliation panel proceedings. The research is based on the hypothesis that these conditions are not yet fully available in the studied systems today. Applied research on the operation of conciliation bodies covered bodies and bodies in Hungary, Romania and Slovakia. Electronic communication - one step forward, two backwards? Given the mass of consumer relations and contracts (Marques, 2017, pp. 211-220), the Internet, which created the possibility of electronic communication, and its appearance in the world, soon developed the possibilities of electronic communication for settling disputes related to consumer relations. This applies primarily to contracts concluded between the consumer and the business between distant parties (Dumitru, & Tomescu, 2020, pp. 226-230). These online dispute resolution options - not only instant messaging with e-mail exchange - have led to a major improvement in the enforceability of consumer rights (Scott, 2019), as online consumer transactions typically involve cross-border contracting (Stewart &

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Matthews, 2001, p. 1111). In the case of these transactions, it is characteristic that the value of the consumer product or service in the event of a fault is disproportionate to the elimination of the infringement and the costs of enforcing consumer rights on the consumer's side (Brownsword, 2017, pp. 165-204). That is why a lot of attention has been paid to the possibility of so-called direct dispute resolution, ie. to the consumer to look for the trader instead of official or court enforcement, and in this process all factors should work in the direction of reaching an agreement (Magoń, 2017, pp. 91-106), according to Distance Selling Directive (97/7/EC) and Directive on Consumer Rights (2011/83/EU) requirements. On the other hand, account must be taken of the fact that, typically for Central and Eastern European countries, the procedure of traditional, institutionalized conciliation bodies has remained a conservative process in many respects similar to official, administrative consumer protection procedures (Malik, 2016, pp. 103-110). An excellent example of this is the Act CLV of 1997, which regulates the subject in relation to Hungary (Fejős, 2018, pp. 116-120). The mentioned Act on Consumer Protection and related implementing regulations and ministerial instructions, which in many respects regulate the communication between the conciliation body and the complaining consumer or between the consumer and the trader during the proceedings. All this, of course, also helped to settle the disputes in some respects, as clarified communication conditions are one of the most important preconditions for mediation and conciliation processes. However, it should also be noted that for several countries, these rules were designed for traditional procedures with the personal appearance of the parties. An important element in these proceedings is the joint personal hearing, which is the most intensive stage of conciliation in the proceedings. This is difficult or impossible at all to resolve cross-border disputes, disputes arising from online consumer transactions, because the consumer and the trader are located or operating in different countries. Thus, they cannot be expected to incur costs in excess of the value of the product or service due to the claim. The situation, which is already regular and difficult to resolve due to established procedural rules, has been exacerbated by the emergence and spread of the coronavirus epidemic in Europe . The parties to the dispute were no longer able to participate personally in individual conciliation proceedings not only because they had originally resided or operated in other countries, but also because the role of social distance had increased in order to prevent the epidemic from spreading further (Riefa, 2020, pp. 451-461). Institutional conciliation bodies, which would have waited for the parties to a personal hearing, have no choice but to discontinue these hearings and switch to written procedures. This in itself would not have resulted in a deterioration in the effectiveness of their activities. However, for most of the conciliation bodies examined, there was a legal requirement to contact the parties by post during the written procedure. Strictly speaking, in the realities of the field, this would have meant that the parties and the bodies would have had to wait weeks for each other’s response and counter-response to the other party’s position. This would obviously have made effective conciliation impossible due to the procedural deadlines, which were also fixed and otherwise short. Examining the case law of the conciliation bodies, it was found that instead of the above solution, they switched to e-mail and electronic administrative notification systems for communication with the parties. This clearly violated the legal requirements applicable to them, but they remained fit to conduct an effective procedure and achieve conciliation even in the face of a critical epidemiological situation. On the other hand, this may also result in the near future that one or the other party in a civil court may even effectively challenge the

17 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 validity of the decisions and agreements reached by the bodies. This may be the case if the party succeeds in proving that the case has been adversely affected by the failure to comply with the notification rules and that damage has ultimately resulted. Legitimately raised as a matter for the parties and the conciliation boards not have been more appropriate parallel ordering of the written proceedings to temporarily repeal or amend the provisions of the notification by the legislature? And looking ahead - it would not be important to take steps to allow for rapid, electronic communication between the parties in the future if, for any reason, a face-to-face meeting between them cannot be established? The lack of this calls into question in many respects the real effectiveness of the procedure in terms of the effectiveness of conciliation between the parties. Another aspect that may be of interest may be the emergence of the above practice: for decades, there has been a serious scientific debate among some authors in the literature about how to reach a more effective, faster agreement between the parties in dispute, either in writing or at a hearing (Agustin et al., 2018, pp. 179- 196). Professional opinions differ, but based on the author's observations in his own conciliation proceedings and the case law of the conciliation bodies examined, it appears that although the settlement rate did not fall during the epidemic period, it was difficult to clarify became time-consuming, which made it difficult to carry out the procedures successfully. The relationship between traditional conciliation board procedures and EU online dispute resolution system In the light of recent experience, another very topical issue has arisen in relation to the relationship between the procedures of the institutionalized conciliation bodies and the online dispute resolution platform operated by the European Commission. The Commission operates this particular, OVR platform in accordance with Regulation (EU) No 524/2013 of the European Parliament and of the Council on online dispute resolution for consumer disputes. It is important to note that in cases initiated on the online platform, conciliation bodies are an important forum for reaching an agreement between the parties, which can act on the disputed consumer transaction at the discretion of the parties. The two procedures (the traditional conciliation body procedure and procedure via the online platform) should seem to work best together under the rules of the Regulation. However, based on practical experience, a number of problematic issues (van Gelder, 2019, pp. 219-226) have emerged in the recent period, which have been further exacerbated by the phenomenon of the coronavirus epidemic due to the social distance, the breakthrough of ODR solutions. Let's take a closer look at these problems. Among the first: in some countries, especially Hungary and Romania (Chereji & Pop, 2014, pp. 185-204) , the consumer protection legislation does not necessarily make it clear that the use of the ODR interface is mandatory or optional for the parties in the case of online consumer contracts or cross-border disputes. Examining the Hungarian case law, it can be stated in this issue that in such cases some bodies terminate or do not initiate the procedure and direct the applicant consumer to the online platform, while other bodies also conduct their proceedings in these cases. Through the online interface, the consumer can finally get a joint decision with a business to have their dispute resolved by a traditional conciliation body. In the issues of the case on the online dispute resolution portal, the question of whether the company should appear at the personal hearing could also have become problematic. In the case of the legislation of some of the States (especially Slovakia and Hungary) examined, this

18 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 could not be established and, in the end, the situation could only be resolved on the basis of Article 10 of the Regulation. Under Article 10 (b) of the Regulation, an undertaking is required to appear only if "(b) if the rules of procedure of the [dispute settlement body] so provide and the parties agree". Since, pursuant to Section 29 (11) of the Hungarian Act, the undertaking removes from the cooperation obligations the provision of the participation of the person authorized to enter into the settlement in this procedure, therefore the Hungarian conciliation proceedings did not oblige the undertaking to provide it in online dispute resolution. Nevertheless, it should be noted that Member States' regulations may even require a personal appearance, which, in terms of its final meaning, may run counter to the original purpose of the Regulation and the benefits of the online procedure. The question also arises in cases initiated directly on the online dispute resolution portal that conciliation bodies must conduct a written procedure, as the parties are not obliged to appear in person? Although one requirement would follow from the other, in several of the conciliation bodies examined, a traditional case was initiated instead of a written procedure to deal with cases from the platform, which could lead to incorrect application of the law. Examining the scope of each Member State's legislation, is it also vague to regulate how the conciliation body is to communicate with the parties in the context of online dispute resolution? It does not matter that the parties and the bodies may communicate during the proceedings only and exclusively on the interface or may lawfully communicate outside it if there is a need to do so. And related to this: how should the decisions and orders in the proceedings be communicated to the parties - is it possible on the interface or on their traditional contact details? And if it is only possible to make these notifications on the interface, how do the rules and presumptions related to delivery change? These issues are usually not subject to requirements in either the Member States' rules or the Regulation, so in our view they should be dealt with in accordance with the Conciliation Body's own rules, which should be extended to the online platform. In connection with the online procedure, due to the nature of legal transactions, language issues also arise legally. In which language should the procedure or conciliation be conducted between a consumer or business domiciled in a different Member State? The Decree only stipulates that in one of the official languages of the Union - however, in Hungary, for example, the language of conciliation proceedings is, as a general rule, Hungarian (Section 20 (6) of Act CLV of 1997). Can the Parties agree to choose another language? If they do not agree, but the company has its registered office or establishment in a different Member State, how should the information and decisions related to the procedure be communicated to it? What should be done if the conciliation body does not have a suitable linguistically competent person in relation to this agreement? Based on the Regulation and the information materials on the online interface, in this case the Parties may communicate in the official language of their country and the European Commission is obliged to provide translation services. This is to enable all parties, including the Board, to understand all parts of the procedure and to communicate their views and decisions in their own language. Summary Conciliation bodies in the European Union and Central and Eastern Europe are unquestionably important parts and forums of the consumer protection system of a given Member State. These

19 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 bodies provide free, fast and efficient procedures for consumer disputes that have become a dispute, which can provide an appropriate solution for both the consumer and the business in the final settlement of their dispute. However, how institutionalized, permanent conciliation bodies can adapt to change will become a key issue in this priority. It is also crucial how they can deal with the characteristics of e-consumer transactions, which are becoming massive in the 21st century, and how they can put their own operations in a modern framework. The coronavirus epidemic, and with it the outstanding increase in the number of electronic purchases and the resulting consumer complaints, have highlighted in recent times the critical points at which almost immediate changes in regulation and practice are needed to maintain effective and legitimate corporate decision-making. In this case, too, differences in the application of the law between and within states can increase the distrust of market participants, divert them from these alternative dispute resolution solutions and turn them back to the traditional means of redress. This should be avoided at all costs, as they could involve significant costs and difficulties for both the consumer and the business in the context of a possible dispute. This, in turn, could mean harmonization expectations and obligations for Member States' legislators so that the European single market can truly function as a common market - not only in terms of the free movement of goods and services, but also in terms of enforceability of legal claims. References [1] Agustin, C. P., Cruz, C. B., Medrano, G. T., & Sinco, R. L. (2018). The effectiveness of conciliation process: A practical way of delivering justice. International Journal of Advanced Research in Management and Social Sciences, 7(2), pp. 179-196. [2] Bates, D. M. (2003). A Consumer's Dream or Pandora's Box: Is Arbitration a Viable Option for Cross-Border Consumer Disputes. Fordham International Law Journal, 27. [3] Brownsword, R. (2017). The E-commerce directive, consumer transactions, and the digital single market: Questions of regulatory fitness, regulatory disconnection and rule redirection. European contract law in the digital age. Intersentia, Cambridge, pp. 185-204. [4] Chereji, Christian & Pop, Adrian. (2014). Community Mediation. A Model for Romania. Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences. 41 E. pp. 56-74. [5] COVID-19-Consumer Law Research Group. (2020). Consumer Law and Policy Relating to Change of Circumstances Due to the COVID-19 Pandemic. Journal of Consumer Policy, 1. [6] Dumitru, O. I., & Tomescu, A. (2020). European consumer law in the digital single market. Juridical Tribune, 10(2). pp. 226-230. [7] Fejős, A. (2018). ADR in Hungary. Journal of European Consumer and Market Law, 7(3), pp. 116-120. [8] Hill, J. (2008). Cross-border consumer contracts. Oxford, Oxford University Press. pp. 43-68. [9] Hodges, C., Benöhr, I., & Creutzfeldt, N. (2012). Consumer ADR in Europe. London, Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 167. [10] Jespersen, A. M. (2018). Reducing Demand for Litigation in Consumer Disputes—a Randomized Field Experiment with Social Information. Journal of consumer policy, 41(1), 21-32.

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[11] Kirillova, E. A., Shergunova, E. A., Ustinovich, E. S., Nadezhin, N. N., & Sitdikova, L. B. (2016). The principles of the consumer right protection in electronic trade: a comparative law analysis. International Journal of Economics and Financial Issues, 6(2S). [12] Magoń, K. (2017). Implementation of the Directive 2013/11/EU on Alternative Dispute Resolution for Consumer Disputes–Historical Background and Legal Consequences of a Failure to Transpose the Directive within the Prescribed Time. Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie, 968(8), pp. 91- 106. [13] Malik, E. (2016). Alternative Civil Dispute Resolution in Numbers in Hungary. Studia Iuridica Auctoritate Universitatis Pecs Publicata, 154, pp. 103-110. [14] Marques, C. L. (2017). Relations between international law and consumer law in the globalized world: challenges and prospects. In Consumer Law and Socioeconomic Development. Springer, Cham. pp. 211-220. [15] Plevri, A. (2020). Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) & Online Dispute Resolution (ODR) for EU Consumers: The European and Cypriot Framework. In: EU Internet Law in the Digital Era. Springer, Cham. pp. 367-392. [16] Riefa, C. (2020). Coronavirus as a catalyst to transform consumer policy and enforcement. Journal of Consumer Policy, 43(3), pp. 451-461. [17] Scott, C. (2019). Consumer Law, Enforcement and the New Deal for Consumers. European Review of Private Law, 27(6). [18] Smith, D. N. (1977). A warmer way of disputing: Mediation and conciliation. American Journal of Comparative Law Sup. 26, 205. [19] Stewart, K., & Matthews, J. (2001). Online arbitration of cross-border, business to consumer disputes. University of Miami Law Review 56, p. 1111. [20] van Gelder, E. (2019). The European approach to Consumer ODR. International Journal of Online Dispute Resolution, 2019(2), pp. 219-226. [21] Directive 97/7/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20 May 1997 on the protection of consumers in respect of distance contracts [22] Directive 2011/83/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 25 October 2011 on consumer rights, amending Council Directive 93/13/EEC and Directive 1999/44/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council and repealing Council Directive 85/577/EEC and Directive 97/7/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council Text with EEA relevance [23] Hungarian Act CLV of 1997 on consumer protection [24] Regulation (EU) No 524/2013 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 21 May 2013 on online dispute resolution for consumer disputes and amending Regulation (EC) No 2006/2004 and Directive 2009/22/EC [25] Romanian Government Ordinance No. 21/1992 on consumer protection [26] Romanian Law No. 296/2004 regarding the Consumer Code [27] Slovak Act 250 of 2007 on Consumer Protection and amendments to Act of the Slovak National Council No. 372/1990 Coll. on Offences, as amended

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The Comparision of Classical Ethical Theories in Ancient Greece Philosophy and Islamic Philosophy: The Example of Aristotle and Ibn Miskavayh, Tusi and Kinalizade

Emine ÖZTÜRK Prof. Dr., Kafkas University, Theology Faculty, The Department of Philosophy and Religious Sciences

Abstract In this study, I will make an analysis of the comparision of classical ethical theories in Ancient Greece Philosophy and Islamic Philosophy. The analysis of the comparision of classical ethical theories in Ancient Greece Philosophy and Islamic Philosophy depends on three philosophical and psychological concepts. These concepts are first of all, the thought in other words the ability of thinking, secondly the desire, in other words the ability of desire, as Freud said libido, and thirdly agression the ability of anger. These three abilities in one person reveals one virtue in society, this virtue is the virtue of justice. And this study will tells about how we can reveal the virtue of justice in one society by applying these three abilities and virtues in one person. Because these abilties corresponds three virtues in classical ethics. These three virtues are thinking, chastity and courage. And this study will analyze the thinking, chastity and courage in Ancient Greece Philosophy and Islamic Philosophy. Keywords: Comparision, Classical Ethics, Theories, Ancient Greece Philosophy, Islamic Philosophy

Introduction The first work written on social ethics in the history of philosophy is the following three works of Aristotle. Ethics for Nikhomakos, Ethics for Eudemos and Magna Moralia. In this text, it is certainly not thought to explain the life of Aristotle, which everyone and especially European scientists, who are the platform where this text is presented, well known. However, it is planned to include Arsito's views, especially on virtue ethics, here. Because, despite the abundance of moral schools in the philosophical sense in the West, the only moral school that comes to mind when Philosophical Islamic Moral is mentioned in the east is the morality of virtue. And the first and the only work written in the field of Philosophical Islamic Morality in the Islamic world is Ibn Miskavayh's work titled Tahzibu’l-Ahlak, namely the Beautification of Morals. And this work is a work written in the field of virtue ethics. Apart from this work, it is the work of Ibn Miskavayh named Tartibu’s-Saadat and Manazilu’l-Ulum. This work has been translated into Turkish under the name Happiness and Philosophy. And this work is a work on virtue ethics. And the other work which is written after Ibn Miskavayh’s works Nasirduddin Tusi’s work named Ethics of Nasıri. And the last work which is wirtten about virtue ethics is the Highest Morality in Turkish named Ahlak-ı Alai.

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Let’s have a look what is ethics and morality. In the Turkish Language Association's Grand Dictionary, morality is defined as “the forms of behavior and rules that people must obey in a society.” “Morality is the plural of the Arabic word "hulk". In Islamic sources, "hulk" and morality are used in the same sense. "Hulk" is often used to describe the human being as a whole, together with the word "halk" meaning creation. “Hulk” belongs to the inner/psychological properties of man, and the people to the outer / physiological aspect of man. “Such man's halk and hulk are beautiful.” means that such man’s the inner/spirit and apparent/appearance are beautiful.” Our studies on the concept of morality show that the definitions of the concept of morality, as a term that has received intense interest from humanities and social sciences, can be grouped into three main groups. sweating. The first group is the definition of the concept of morality in similar meanings with the human behavior, lifestyle and character or temperament expressing the internal processes related to these behaviors. The second group morals; They defined it by referring to a framework of meaning in which concepts such as external principles, measures or social norms make up human behaviors or control their behavior. The definitions in the third group are moral; It has been treated as a science or art with both theoretical and practical dimensions carried out with the aim of describing or improving / developing on the individual and social dimensions specified in the first two definitions. a) Morality in terms of human character structure and actions: Morality is the situation that enables the soul to reveal its own actions without thinking and thinking about it. This situation occurs in two ways. The first is the natural morality stemming from temperament such as being quick to anger and fear; the second one, while at the beginning is by thinking and moving, it gradually becomes a habit.” (Ibn Miskavayh, 2018, 51.) b) Morality as a social product that directs human behavior: Morality is a set of rules that reveal how these values are to be kept alive and how to achieve these goals with a set of values and purposes accepted, determined and defined within a cultural environment, or a certain kind of belief, order, prohibition, norm of a human community during a certain historical period. and it can be defined as a traditional life style that is organized according to values and depending on the regulation in question. (Cevizci, 2002: 3) c) Morality as a science or art that seeks to examine and develop human character and actions and social rules: There is a science of morality that examines moral events. This science is often expressed briefly with the word morality. Morality is the science of the ideal laws (rules) that govern human movements and the art of adapting them to the various situations of life in the best way. The purpose of ideal laws is not how people act, but how they should act. He wants them to be like this or that according to a purpose. (Pazarlı, 1980: 11-15) As a result, a definition can be made that includes all dimensions of the concept of morality, “the social rules that guide human actions and the character structure that derives from these actions; actions and their evaluations about them; the concept that simultaneously expresses

23 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 the theoretical and practical field that deals with human volition.” (Kaymakcan & Meydan, 2014: 19) Lets’s have a look about ethics phenomenon. “As a social being, man personally experiences morality. When he not only lives with morality, but begins to think about the concepts of morality and to express his thoughts, he transcends morality and enters the path of ethics. It is a factual and historically experienced thing, a certain practice of morality and morality; We can say that ethics is the theory of the practice in question, the philosophy of morality. Or, in other words, we can define ethics as the discipline of moral principles or philosophical discipline, which is the subject of value, the way of thinking that includes everything that adds meaning to life.” (Cevizci, 2002: 4) Three different ethical approaches / types are mentioned according to the way they handle morality. These are descriptive, normative and meta-ethics. “1-Descriptive ethics; morality emerged as a result of the application of the scientific approach to the field of morality. Descriptive ethics defines the consequences of actions by simply observing human actions rather than declaring or determining rules. It is concerned with the moral facts that exist, not the morality that should be. 2-Normative ethics; investigates the moral principles that inform how we should live, discuss what the highest and most valuable things in life are, consider what elements a just society should include, and question what makes a person good morally. Normative ethics is an area of ethics that aims to guide the correct attitude, behavior and action patterns and policies at individual, social and universal levels. What is right and what is wrong, what are the moral standards that regulate our behavior, what character and character we should have, what moral duties we have to do are the main areas of inquiry. 3-Meta-ethics, is the reflection of contemporary analytical philosophy in the field of ethics. He says that the moral philosopher has no responsibility to set norms or give lines, nor have the power to tell people how to be happy. Those who deal with ethics with the meta-ethical approach talk about and analyze the moral concepts and judgments set by normative ethics. To talk about morality in a kind of meta-ethics is to look at the notion of morality from the top and the outside.” (Cevizci, 2002: 6-11) Apart from these basic concepts, there is also an external and internal morality. Now let’s have look to these two concepts. “Ethics or morality is subjected to the distinction between internal / internal and external / external, depending on whether the basic motive leading the individual to moral behavior is derived from values internalized or external to himself. External morality forces the individual to discipline and accept his own values with a feeling of fear, love and authority. It expects obedience from him. Love and authority are essential in inner submission. Fear gets out of the way completely, instead understanding remains. The social function and the inner / inner - controlled understanding, which expresses the individual to put his own intent and goal instead of the moral understanding that prioritizes the understanding of benefit, is deemed a true moral understanding and is considered more valid. The main purpose of the child's socialization is to provide self-management, to reach internal morality from external morality, instead of being governed by external factors. Values education is the process of supporting

24 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 the individual to acquire moral character traits consisting of values that have turned into virtues in order to achieve this inner obedience.” (Kaymakcan & Meydan, 2014: 23) “Unlike the use of the concept of value that goes beyond the moral field and personality, virtue and virtue are perceived as concepts related to morality and character, which is the moral aspect of the individual's personality. Values internalized by the individual, worthy of human dignity, often socially and religiously approved, are accepted as virtues.Let's also look at the concept of virtue. In order for a state to be virtue / virtue, it must be well established in the soul. In this sense, being virtuous and being moral are the same. This is the fact that the verbs come from the self without the need for long thinking and any force. For example, who occasionally helps someone else by forcing himself. Even if someone has acted generously, they are not considered to have the virtue of generosity. All virtues are established predispositions.” (Kaymakcan & Meydan, 2014: 27) “Virtue and virtuous -often used interchangeably- have become one of the most important concepts of practical morality, with the views and practices put forward for both theoretical and moral education, especially in the context of individual morality, starting from Socrates, Plato and Aristotle and reaching the present day through Islamic moralists. According to Socrates, the ways to reach happiness, which is the purpose of life, are the virtues of competence states that make up the personality. Accordingly, human competence that contributes to the realization of the purpose of life is virtue. Virtue is equivalent to knowledge. According to Plato, nothing in the world is futile and haphazard, and there is a function that every living and non-living being has to replace. Virtue is the state of something that occurs when a being or an organism performs its own proper function, fulfilling its own task properly. For human beings, there are three different virtues arising from the fact that the soul fulfills the functions of three different aspects of the soul / soul in a balanced manner. The virtue of the appetite function is proportionality, the courage of the will function, and the virtue of the thinking function is wisdom.” (Cevizci, 2002: 33-73) In this study, I will make an analysis of the comparision of classical ethical theories in Ancient Greece Philosophy and Islamic Philosophy. The analysis of the comparision of classical ethical theories in Ancient Greece Philosophy and Islamic Philosophy depends on three philosophical and psychological concepts. These concepts are first of all, the thought in other words the ability of thinking, secondly the desire, in other words the ability of desire, as Freud said libido, and thirdly agression the ability of anger. These three abilities in one person reveals one virtue in society, this virtue is the virtue of justice. And this study will tells about how we can reveal the virtue of justice in one society by applying these three abilities and virtues in one person. Because these abilties corresponds three virtues in classical ethics. These three virtues are thinking, chastity and courage. And this study will analyze the thinking, chastity and courage in Ancient Greece Philosophy and Islamic Philosophy. Let’s have a comparative look between these four writers thoughts and books. “Fist of all let’s have a look to Ethics for Nicomachus (Nicomachus's Morality), which is considered to be the most important foreign resource affecting Islamic Moral Thought; It consists of ten books that deal with virtue, evil, happiness, pleasure and what must be done in order to gain real good and virtue and keep it alive in society. At the beginning of the book, Aristotle states that he researches what is good for man through morality and- depending on him - politics. He states that his work aims not only to find out how to achieve the best of a

25 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 single person but all people living in the city, and that this goal and effort is divine.” (Kaymakcan & Meydan, 2014: 48) The First Book, which questions what the real good is, begins with the statements that ‘every action and choice desires a good: Therefore they appropriately articulated the good as the thing that all desires’ (Aristotle, 2019: 42) and concludes that the ultimate good is the happiness that comes from behavior in accordance with the perpetual virtue. (Aristotle, 2019: 42) The subject of the second book is what is the virtue that will lead to happiness when followed constantly. When Aristotle began the chapter to question what virtue was, he actually made his decision. Therefore, “There are two types of virtues, one is the virtue of thought and the other is the virtue of character ... The virtue of thought is formed and develops more with education, therefore it requires experience and time; the virtue of character is acquired by habit ...” (Aristotle, 2019: 90). He regards being a middle ground, the traits that enable them to do the actions that constitute them, and the commands of the right mind, acquired willingly. (Aristotle, 2019) In the third book, it is discussed whether viciousness done due to coercion or ignorance can be regarded as virtue or goodness done in this way and the virtues of valor and proportionality. It is a forced structuring, the beginning of which is outside of the doer or the exposed person, and therefore without any share of the doer or the exposed person. (Aristotle, 2019: 127-175) In the fourth book, the virtue of generosity, which is the middle of stinginess and extravagance, the virtue of splendor, which is the middle of stinginess and sternness, and the virtues of self- confidence, which is the middle of self-righteousness; The fifth book deals with the virtues of justice and righteousness. According to him, all virtues exist together in justice. Justice is the most important virtue that carries its own purpose. Justice is not a part of virtue, it is the totality of virtue; the opposite of injustice is not a part of evil, but the totality of evil. (Aristotle, 2019: 176-278) The sixth book is devoted to questioning what is the right mind, in which virtue is realized by its own choice. Sanity and wisdom, which are basic thought virtues, are also examined under this title. Therefore, the right mind that leads to virtue is acquired by making decisions with common sense and wisdom. (Aristotle, 2019: 279-319) In the seventh book, the three vices to be avoided: the concepts of evil, self-control, monstrosity, and pleasure and pain; in the eighth and ninth book, the issue of friendship is discussed. (Aristotle, 2019: 320-477) The tenth book deals with the issue of enjoyment and the effect of youth education and education being permanent through law. In this chapter, politics is presented as a science that complements education, as a kind of science to accustom citizens to virtuous behavior. (Aristotle, 2019: 477-532) Ibn Miskavayh (d. 1030), who was named “the greatest author of morality in Islam” by Macit Fahri1 and accepted as the author of the first ethics book in his own right, became famous as

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Tahzibu'l Ahlak (Improving Morality). The name of the work found is Taharetu'l A'rak (Purification of Temperaments). (Fahri, 2004 :21) Tahzibu'l Ahlak (Improving Morality), which is the first work that comes to mind when morality is mentioned in Islam, is the first systematic work in the history of Islamic thought that deals with the main subjects of morality. In his work, the author significantly benefited from ancient Greek philosophy, especially Aristotle's Ethics for Nicomachus, but he adhered to Islamic thought in fundamental issues such as human nature, religion-moral relationship, child education and the highest purpose of morality. (Ibn Miskavayh, 2018: 21-50) In the work, while emphasizing the virtues and the importance of reason in discovering them and overcoming the deceptions of the soul, there is a mystical point of view on the ways of making virtue into a habit and making the soul devilish. In a way it is; He tried to blend the mystical ethics of Islam with the philosophical moral understanding of some Greek philosophers, especially Aristotle, by melting them into the pot of Islamic philosophy. There are some who attribute the wide impact of the work to Ibn Miskeveyh's success in presenting the views of ancient Greek philosophers in harmony with the moral understanding of the basic sources of Islam. The author explains the purpose of writing the book as reaching a character that will ensure that all our behavior is good, but easy, simple and effortless, and to find a method that will achieve this morality. (Ibn Miskavayh, 2018: 17) The book consists of seven chapters, after a brief introduction in which the purpose of the writing is explained. In the first chapter, the human soul is defined in detail; in the second part, the concepts of morality and character are discussed; the third part deals with the difference between well-being and happiness; in the fourth chapter, under the title of human verbs, basic virtues are examined in terms of verbs that are similar to virtue in appearance but are not virtue; in the fifth chapter, types of love, divine love and friendship; In the sixth chapter, the diseases of the soul and in the seventh chapter, the treatment methods of the diseases of the soul are discussed. (Ibn Miskavayh, 2018: 21-263) The author, who states that the human soul consists of the abilities of thinking, desire and anger, seems to be that the thinking faculty of these three faculties of the soul must dominate the others in order to reach the moral character. If the desiring or angry faculties do not obey the thinking ability, there is no difference in terms of fate between knowing the truth but losing it to the soul and deliberately doing wrong. As the author puts it, “A person who sees with a blind who falls into a well - although the former is excused in his case - are the same in terms of being in danger. This is the case of a person who knows the wrong, and the person who knows the truth but cannot afford himself.” (Ibn Miskavayh, 2018: 21-50) One should not allow the desiring and angry soul to overcome the thinking self, and should be strong when he feels such a struggle in his soul. Due to laziness, looseness and not taking a lot of trouble, Bahla should not fall, if he is eaten and regrets he should follow his regret. Ibn Miskeveyh's justification and classification of virtues is based on the trinity division from the Ancient Greek philosopher Plato. (Plato, 2005:153) In this division, virtues are based on each of the three faculties of the soul: wisdom for the ability to think (reason), bravery to anger (gadap), and chastity to lust (desire). When these faculties act in harmony, the fourth virtue, justice, emerges. These main virtues also have sub-virtues. The sub-virtues of wisdom are

27 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 intelligence, memory, reasoning, quick understanding, clarity of mind, correct judgment and easy learning; The lower virtues of courage are generosity, courage, steadfastness, perseverance, perseverance, self-confidence, courage, and tolerance of boredom. The lower virtues of chastity are shame, tranquility, patience, generosity, freedom, blood thrills, gentleness, regularity, good mood, peace-loving, dignity and avoidance of evil. The sub-virtues of justice are friendship, greatness, maintaining relationships with relatives, rewarding, treating well, doing something beautifully, grace and piety. (Plato, 2005:153) A large part of Tehzib is beautifying habits; It is about the upbringing in which the different parts and faculties of the soul will be harmonized and directed towards the main goal of human actions, namely happiness. This discipline is named as protecting the health of the soul in relation to medicine. In order to protect his moral health, one should take care not to arouse the pleasurable things that he tastes, he should carefully take into account his own faults, make friends who will openly tell him his faults, and struggle to cleanse himself from the traits that are regarded as disgrace compared to the virtues and the bad deeds such as anger and cowardice. The author, who works richly on the issue of recognizing one's own flaws, relating to friendship and quoting Galinos; he concludes his work with praise and salawat after the statements of Socrates, which emphasize that in order to attain calmness and joy, we should not value world wealth. The other big writer of ethics in Islamic Literature is Nasiruddin at-Tusi. The work named Ahlak-ı Nasıri by the Khorasan scholar Nasirudin Tusi (d. 672/1274), who has studies on mathematics, astronomy, medicine, philosophy and exquisite science (psychology), is one of the important touchestones of Islamic moral thought in terms of its characteristics and its effect on the latter. is one of The idea of writing the book was formed by the request of a translation of this work into Persian during the discussion of the outstanding and competent philosopher Ibn Miskavayh Tahare (Tehzibü'l Ahlak) while in the service of the Governor of Kuhistan, Nasiruddin Abdurrahim Ibn Abi Mansur. The author states that the exact translation of the work is requested, but he thinks that this will not be sufficient to reflect the real and beautiful meanings of the work, and that the science of housekeeping and politics, which are not included in this work, should be included among the subjects of the science of ethics, and he wrote that work in a different style. (Nasiruddin at-Tusi, 2016 :25-341) The book will be classified as “Tahzi'bu'l Ahlak (Moral Education)”, “Tedbir-i Menazil (Home Management)”, “Siyaset-i Müdün (State Administration)”, three main articles and thirty chapters. The first article deals with theoretical morality and individual morality, largely in the extended translation style of Ibn Miskeveyh's Arabic work Tahzibu'l Ahlak. The second part is devoted to family ethics and the third to the issues of city administration and social morality. In the second chapter, from Ibn Sina's treatise, Tedribü'l Menazil, in the third chapter, Farabi's views on politics and social morality are greatly benefited. Although the work is not original as it was written with extensive use of various sources written before it, it is considered important with its descriptions, arrangement and concise content. (Nasiruddin at- Tusi, 2016) The fouth book in Islamic Literature is Kinalizada Ali Efendi’s book named Ahlak-ı Alai (The Highest Morality). “Kinalizada Ali Efendi was born in Isparta in 1510 and died in Edirne in 1572. Coming from a cultured family, after completing his first education in Isparta, he studied at various level madrasas in Istanbul and the Sahn-ı Seman Madrasah in Fatih. After working

28 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 as a professor in madrasas in Edirne, Bursa, Kütahya and Istanbul for more than twenty years, he was appointed to Damascus judge and wrote his famous moral work while he was in this post. In the following periods, he worked as the judges of Bursa, Edime and Istanbul in Aleppo and rose up to the Anatolian Kazasker.” (Kinalizada Ali Efendi, 2017: 1-18) Kınalızade Ali Efendi's Ahlak-ı Alai; It is an ethics book that Ibn Miskeveyh started as Arabic and completed the peak of Islamic moral thought developed by Tusi in Persian. It was written with the idea of creating a Turkish work in accordance with these by making use of the works of Persian Ahlak-ı Devvani, Ahlak-ı Nasıri, partly Ahlak-ı Muhsini and the works of the Arabic era Tahzibü'l Ahlak and Ghazali, who were famous before him. Through these ethics books that he made use of, Aristotle’s Ethics for Nicomachus also has the effect. Ahlak-ı Alai is a work created by benefiting from the ideas of all the famous representatives of the traditionalist, philosophical and mystical schools of Islamic morality, and gained fame in its field with its language, style, method and arrangement. The work begins with a broad preoccupation about the spirit, the soul and the innate characteristics of man. The first chapter, titled the science of morality, is devoted to theoretical and functional ethics. In this section, the science of morality, purification of the soul, virtues and disgrace, four basic virtues and sub-virtues; verse, hadith, couplet and so on. It is explained using. Kınalızade accepts four wisdom as wisdom, courage, chastity and justice in accordance with the moralists before him. He assigns sub-virtues to these four virtues by adhering to Nasiruddin Tusi. The definition of virtue also depends on tradition: Virtue is mediocre and moderate. Disgrace, on the other hand, is to go out of moderation and deviate from extremism and tefrit. If justice is subjected to persecution, its interpretation is to consent to being persecuted. It is disgrace to persecute someone else, and consenting to persecuting oneself is a resignation. Diseases of the soul that drive people to disaster are unnecessary fear; excessive eating and drinking and cravings; hear the sadness of unreachable requests; envy; It is hypocrisy and illnesses of the language such as dealing with empty things, curse, malice, backbiting and supposed non-stop. Fear of death or other inevitable things prevents the fulfillment of the right and the achievement of good. However, if the feared situation is inevitable, fear does not help it. The important thing is to brace him with steadfastness. Unnecessary worrying about a manageable situation will fail us in vain. So in any case, excessive fear is unnecessary. (Kinalizada Ali Efendi, 2017: 21-316) The second part of the work is devoted to topics related to family morality, and the third to social ethics. In the family ethics section, the characteristics of the kindergarten, the duties of the family head, and the responsibilities of family members to each other are explained. Kinalizade; After stating that the house should be built in a way that is far from being pretentious, simple but sufficient enough to meet the needs of the family, it attaches special importance to the fact that neighbors are righteous and benign people in house selection. He advises to avoid the neighbors of the evil, cruel and ignorant. (Kinalizada Ali Efendi, 2017: 317- 468) While Kinalizade criticizes polygamy, he defends the importance of monogamy for a good family life, religious education for children and the need to teach girls to read and write. In the third chapter, which includes ethics related to society, politics and business life, he investigates the moral conditions of a virtuous city in accordance with the tradition of Farabi. It attaches special importance to the knowledge and virtue of statesmen in the administration

29 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 of the country, and to compassion and justice in the administrative procedure of the country. (Kinalizada Ali Efendi, 2017: 471- 522) Conclusion Thess four writers divide the virtues to three parts. The division of virtues are based on each of the three faculties of the soul: wisdom for the ability to think (reason), bravery to anger (gadap), and chastity to lust (desire). When these faculties act in harmony, the fourth virtue, justice, emerges. These main virtues also have sub-virtues. The sub-virtues of wisdom are intelligence, memory, reasoning, quick understanding, clarity of mind, correct judgment and easy learning; The lower virtues of courage are generosity, courage, steadfastness, perseverance, perseverance, self-confidence, courage, and tolerance of boredom. The lower virtues of chastity are shame, tranquility, patience, generosity, freedom, blood thrills, gentleness, regularity, good mood, peace-loving, dignity and avoidance of evil. The sub-virtues of justice are friendship, greatness, maintaining relationships with relatives, rewarding, treating well, doing something beautifully, grace and piety. Let’s have a short and quick look to these four book’s and four writer’s division of virtues. VIRTUES AND SUB-VIRTUES ACCORDING TO ISLAMIC MORALISTS AND ARISTOTLE BASIC VIRTUES AND VITALS ACCORDING ACCORDING TO IBN ACCORDING TO ACCORDING TO TO ARISTOTLE MISKAVAYH NASIRUDDİN TUSI KINALIZADE ALI PHILOSOPHY Intelligence, Intelligence, quick Intelligence, quick Wisdom is a remembering, thinking, understanding, mind understanding, result of the quick understanding, clarity, ease of clarity of mind, easy virtue of thought. understanding learning, learning, thinking It occurs with strength, open mind good thinking, right, more education. and easy learning. retention in memory honing and thinking. (memory), recall (contemplation). CHASTITY Feeling of Mildness, good Grace, morality, It is a result of embarrassment, trajectory peace desired character virtue. calmness, (self-authorization restraint, patience, It is won by patience, generosity, effort), at peace with conviction, dignity, habit. Validity of free itself sincere valor and don't be content, soft being, peace, servitude, living with moderation are disposition, regularity, patience, faith, dignity discipline, among them. good (dignity), avoidance freedom and mood, peacemaking, (vera), generosity. heavy regularity, freedom of headlines and evils and avoidance. generosity. BRAVERY Exquisite greatness Exquisite greatness Willfulness and It is the result of (honor), (honor), maturity, valor, daring, large courage, supreme coping with events, generosity, have service, purposefulness, zeal and ideal glory, sublime perseverance, perseverance, hilm, tenacity, soft volunteering, patience, gentleness, calmness, temperament, courage and to calmness, courage daring, endurance, moderation, righteousness. and boredom modesty, maternity, self-well-being and folding. grace (rikkat). devote to good, endure, modesty, patronage and humanity. JUSTICE When the virtue Friendship, affection, Friendship (loyalty), Loyalty, loyalty,

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of thought, virtue with relatives glory loyalty, of character, maintaining (opinion of the group compassion, my valor, relationships, and mother's womb, moderation, rewarding, good unity in faith), loyalty, reward, in joint affairs generosity, treatment, affection, looking after honesty to everyone sublime something beautifully relatives, honesty, relatives willingness, fulfill, love, reward (kindness and and courage and piety, not holding a my response to to win the love of righteousness grudge, beauties friends, are fully good for evil giving), good to divine will implemented, reply gracious relationship (taking to lean on or trust in the virtue of being, in all cases restrained in giving), Allah justice is also not to leave humanity, beautiful and servitude. revealed. hostilities judgment (when it to leave, right and gives what it deserves pleasant unrepentant), from the invisible tenderness, not to convey words, surrender, of the righteous trust, worship. talk about your behavior, demanding let alone the evil Non-Muslim to leave everything,

Referrences [1] Aristotle, Ethics for Nicomachus, Translator: Zeki Özcan, Synthesis Publishers, Bursa, 2019. [2] Cevizci, Ahmet, Introduction to Ethics, Paradigma Publications, İstanbul, 2002. [3] Fahri, Macit, Islamic Ethical Theories, Translators: M. İskenderoğlu ve A. Arkan, Litera Publishers, İstanbul, 2004. [4] Ibn Miskavayh, Ebu Ali Ahmad bin Muhmmed bin Yakub, Tahzibu'l Ahlak (Improving Morality), Translators: Abdülkadir Şener, Cihat Tunç & İsmet Kayaoğlu, Büyüyen Ay (Growing Moon) Publishers, İstanbul, 2018. [5] Ibn Miskavayh, Tahzibu’l Ahlak ve Tathiru’l Ahlak (Beautifying Morality and Cleansing Morality), Translators: Abdülkadir Şener, Cihat Tunç, İsmet Kayaoğlu; Büyüyen Ay Publications, İstanbul, 2018. [6] Kaymakcan, Recep & Meydan, Hasan; Ethics and Values Education, Dem Publications, İstanbul, 2014. [7] Kinalizada Ali Efendi, Ahlak-ı Alai (The Highest Morality), Translator: Mustafa Koç, Klasik Yayınları, İstanbul, 2017. [8] Nasiruddin Tusi, Ahlak-ı Nasıri, Translators: Anar Cafarov & Zaur Şükürov, Litera Publishers, İstanbul, 2016. [9] Pazarlı, Osman; Morality in Islam , The Bookstore of Remzi Publicaitons, İstanbul, 1980. [10] Plato, The State, Translator: Ersin Uysal, Dergah Publications, İstanbul, 2005.

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Democracy and Its Rollback: Addressing Some Challenges of the Flawed Democratic Countries

Sri Nuryanti Center for Political Studies, Indonesian Institute of Sciences

Abstract In 2015, the Economist Intelligent Unit based in UK had released the Democratic Index covering the report of 167 countries among others are Indonesia and Thailand. Indonesia has 7, 75 total score while Thailand has 5, 09 total score have categorized the two countries into flawed democratic countries. They measured democracy from the following categories namely electoral process and pluralism, functioning of government, political participation, political culture and civil liberties. This paper is aimed at discussing the above five challenges of the so called flawed democratic countries from qualitative perspective employing some literature reviews, analyzing some secondary data and some thoughts of prominent politicians and scholars. Without trying to review the real parameters that have been used by the economist Intelligent Unit during their research, this study will discuss more on the challenges faced by Indonesian and Thailand government in addressing the related issue above. This study will analyze the post 2014 election, by having a look at the dynamics and process of election and its aftermath, some related issues on voting behavior that affecting the political participation (In Indonesia 2014 elections resulted at 75,11% for its legislative election, 69,58% for its Presidential election and Thailand 2 February 2014 election resulted at 47,72% due to boycotting election in 69 constituencies), the development of political culture as well as the issue addressing the implementation of political rights. Some findings suggest furthering the discussion by taking into account the emergence money politics and internal political situation that affecting on people participations in politics. From the preliminary study it is found that both two countries have significant challenges in the future in developing their culture of democracy. The provision of political laws in those two countries will also be examined in order to see the possible improvement for their democratic life performances. 1 Keywords: Flawed Democracy, Its Rollback, Indonesia, Thailand

Introduction Political Background of Thailand and Indonesia

1 Paper is presented at International Conference on International Relation and Development (ICIRD), Bangkok, Thailand, 23-24 June 2017

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Analyzing the development of democracy in practice is very much interesting these days. In many part of the world, democracy has chosen as the country political orientation. Some countries in MENA region (Middle East and North Africa) as for example, these current years they have learnt how to implement democracy as the politics of the country. Some of them are quite successful but some of them experiencing the mass rally in the street and demanding their political rights. On the other hand, in many part of the world also shows a trend of declining democracy. This trend could be caused by some reasons: Firstly, there is leveling off of in the extent of democracy. Secondly, there has been a rise in incidence of democratic breakdown in the world. Thirdly many of these democratic breakdowns have happened in places that can be considered big, strategically important states, powers in their regions.1 By considering the above declining trend, we can have a look at the Freedom House category on Political Right and Civil Liberties. Indonesia from 2006 to 2013, Freedom House ranked Indonesia in the category of “Free” but move back to “ Partly Free” in 2014-2017. Thailand is also experiencing a decline in term of Political Right and Civil Liberties. According to Freedom House, Thailand has been categorized as “partly free” up to 2014, but categorized as “ Not Free” from 2015-2017. 2 Herewith, the table below is another trend shown by Democracy Index 2014-2016 of Thailand and Indonesia. This is to draw attention on how both country need to response to the challenged existed in the flawed democracy. Comparative Democracy Index 2014, 2015 and 20153 Thailand Indonesia 2014 2015 2016 2014 2015 2016 Score 5,39 5,09 4,92 6,95 7,03 6,97 Electoral Process 5,33 4,50 4,50 7,33 7,75 7,75 and Pluralism Functioning of 4,29 3,93 3,93 7,14 7,14 7,14 Government Political 5,56 5,56 5,00 6,67 6,67 6,67 Participation Political Culture 5,00 5,00 5,00 6,25 6,25 6,25 Civil Liberties 6,76 6,47 6,18 7,35 7,35 7,06 Rank 93 98 100 49 49 48 Source: Compared from Democracy Index From the above table, it shows that in both Thailand and Indonesia, we have some challenges in term of becoming a full democratic country.

1 See Larry Diamond, How is Indonesia’s Democracy Doing?, East Asia Forum, 29 October 2009 at http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/10/26/how-is-indonesias-democracy-doing/ accessed May 25th, 2017 at 14,45 2 See Freedom in The world at https://freedomhouse.org/report-types/freedom-world, accessed May 26th,2017, at 16.44 3 Table is a comparative Democracy Index from 2014, 2015 and 2016 Democracy Index of Economist Intelligent Unit, UK.

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Regarding with the development of democracy in Southeast Asia, Joshua Kurlantzick once argued that democracy in Southeast Asia was in retreat and indicated three factors that caused it: Most first-generation democracy leaders used their electoral victories to consolidate power against their rivals; the failure of governments to provide effective governance and communication technology has been used by some governments to conduct surveillance on citizens, instead of being used for enhancing democracy. 1 Democracy is not about how international institution gives rank, but it is purely on how we appreciate many aspect of democracy as stipulated above as guaranteeing Political Rights and Civil Liberties. Therefore, any response towards the dynamics development of democracy in two countries is appreciated. Indonesia as for example, has so much to offer to the region in terms of promoting democracy and human rights. However, it does not mean that the rest will follow what has been done in Indonesia and Indonesia leadership. Indonesia since what the so called Reform Era, is actually has experience a continuous exercises towards the consolidation of democracy. However, challenges are always been there and Indonesia politically has been doing great in trying to response to the above challenges showed by the restlessness discussion and some legal changes in order to accommodate the call for better democracy. However, this institutional effort is not in line with the development of internal political dynamics. It is started during the 2014 Presidential election in which only contested by two pair or president and vice president candidates namely Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla and Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa. It was a head to head competition and resulted at two big coalition group namely KMP (Merah Putih Coalition which consist of Partai Gerindra, Golkar, PAN, PKS, PPP, PBB, Democrat with its 352 seats of 560 seat at parliament) and KIH (Indonesia Hebat Coalition which consist of PDIP, PKB, Nasdem, Hanura, PKPI with its 208 seats of 560 seats at parliament). However, after the casting a ballot take place on July 9th, 2014, the election result shows that Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla won the election. The 2014 Presidential election has assumed to left mark of the dynamics-latent- prolonged contestation up to nowadays. If this symptom is maintained up to nowadays, Indonesia is facing democracy rollback where democratic practice is no longer determined by reasonable democratic progressive reason, but based on sentiment towards ethnic, religious, race and inter-group differences. Thailand after the election in 2014 has marked a declining democratic practice by the voter turnout of 47, 72% as boycotting was on during Election Day. The history of Thai democracy itself is actually started in 1932 when absolute monarchy is replaced by Constitutional Monarchy. So, the year 1932 witnessed the abolition of the absolute monarchy in Thailand. A group of military officers and civilians who called themselves the Khana Ratsadon, literally meaning the “People’s Party,” seized power from the king and put an end to centuries of royal absolutism. In the Constitutional Monarch, the King Bhumipol Adulyadec functioned as symbolic head of state while the head of Government is led by Prime Minister. The political development after 1932 uprising was quite dynamics by several coup. In 2006, after the ousting of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra due to financial allegation case, there were two big opponent groups namely Red Shirt and Yellow Shirts. After Thailand experience political crises in 2008, Thailand is actually felt into a quite un stable condition by many protests. Again,

1 See Joshua Kurlantzick, Regression From Democracy and Its Implications, at Southeast Asia Report, May 2014

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Thailand was experiencing political crises in 2013, and it goes on and off up to 2014. With the 2014 election that resulted at half of eligible voters did not cast the ballot, therefore, there is NCPO (National Council for Peace and Order) taking over the situation. Then, Thai began its political history under junta. Thailand has introduced temporary charter as to replace the constitution 2007 that has been abolished by the junta. Later on NCPO has mainly used article 44 to address the current condition of Thai politics until the formulation of new Constitution. Article 44 is widely known as the tool that the NCPO has invoked to swiftly enforce legislative, administrative, and jurisdictional powers led by Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha. If the situation is extended, democracy in Thailand will face its rollback by having difficulties in exercising political right and civil liberties due to some restrictions. Thailand is going to finds itself in the strange political fever with it’s up and down of the eagerness to implement democracy on one hand and to respect to the monarchy. With its current situation Thailand has 149 Article 44 orders that have been enacted to deal with a range of topics from reshuffling government officers, establishing special bodies, putting Dhammakaya Temple in a controlled area, granting policing power to military officers, and many other things. Article 44 is part of temporary charter and it will effective until the installation of new government. Some may say that article 44 was actually used to be part of the charter in 1959 charter. There are some key issues under article 44 which are in education (15 orders), economy (21 orders), bureaucracy (69 orders), security (13 orders), social order (25 orders), Media (3 orders), transportation (2 orders), public healthcare (2 orders) and other issue especially in sport reform (1 order). On bureaucracy, this article mentions the establishment of super committee on administrative reform, reconciliation and national strategy, suspension, appointment and reshuffle of civil servants, including appointment Mayor of Pattaya and Bangkok governor who are usually elected, and selection of the constitutionally independent committee of the National Anti-Corruption Commission. From the stipulations of the article above, it can be seen that this article is very powerful in shaping the future of Thai politics. Since this charter is under the junta, therefore it needs to be seen the influence in making the new constitution. From positive thoughts, the formulation of the new Constitution supposedly consists of rehabilitation of democratic political life, so that the future of Thai democracy is part of the good hope to be resulted by Constitution 2017. Desirability of democracy Before going into further detail, actually the implementation of democracy in any country can be measured from the desirability of democracy. Theoretical overview will address that desirability of democracy can be based on the argument that every people has their own political right, and their civil liberties should be protected. Schattschneider’s argument to consider democracy is timeless because he describes a widespread belief in the power of democracy. However, he also realizes that in implementing democracy sometimes people have unrealistic expectations about the power of ‘the people’. This is very likely with what Civil Republican thought that people, although they have to

35 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 exercise their political right, but they cannot do it by themselves.1 In this account, Scattschneider beliefs that the more realistic vehicle for democracy should be led by government, although in the government it is contained undemocratic elements too. So, he provides a series of warnings against the assumption that there is a simple way to encourage popular democracy.2 In one study conducted on the desirability of Democracy it found the fact that in Thailand and Indonesia are both expecting to implement democracy as shown by figure below:3

From the study above it shows that in each country they have high expectation to the implementation of democracy in their country. However, in reality, some expectations were not manifested. According to the study, it is caused by internal dynamics of the country. In order to secure the desire towards the implementation of democracy in the country, in the country needs to have a political reform that can be started by having a legal norm as a baseline for bringing up electoral governance. As in the case of Thailand nowadays, after the enactment of new Constitution, it is better to be followed by formulating the political laws that usually includes the law on the electoral commission, the law on the political party, and the law on the electoral management. The law on electoral commission will give legal foundation on the institutionalization of electoral process. It is usually contains of the model of the electoral commission whether the electoral commission is having one of three models of electoral management body (EMB) as can be seen below:4

1 See Vontz, Thomas. 2000. We Project Citizens. Washington: USAID, p. 38 2 See Schattschneider’s The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy (in America – first published 1960 3 See Larry Diamond, ibid 4 See International IDEA, Handbook of Electoral Management Design, 2014,p.6

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From the law of electoral commission as above mention, it is not only concern on the model of Electoral Management Body taken in the country with each consequence in term of its relationship to other stakeholder of election, but also it will explained the principle of the EMB, the power function of the EMB, composition, role, financial resources of the EMB and last but not least, the nature of the organization. The second law that is considerably important is the law on political party. The law on political party will regulate the installment of political party, the registration and the administration of political party to become electoral contestant. The third law needed to conduct election is the law on electoral management of election itself. It can be in detailed version like what has been implemented in Indonesian election 2014, or just on principal matters of managing electoral cycle. The above three electoral related laws are very important to ensure the running of electoral cycle in the country. Electoral Process and Pluralism Following is the discussion of five categories of the democracy index. The first category is on electoral process and Pluralism. To understand the complexity of electoral process, in the following feature, it shows the electoral cycle as formulated by Ace Electoral Knowledge Networks. Basically, the electoral cycle is divided into three stages namely: pre electoral period, electoral period and post electoral period. This cycle ideally is implemented fully in running one election. The Electoral Management Body in turn has its role to formulate the detail of each step within each electoral period. Electoral Cycle1

1 See Electoral Cycle formulated by Ace Electoral Knowledge Networks at aceproject.org

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The above cycle is easy to follow especially by newly democratic country. It also gives a hint on what the sequential activities that may be taken following the implementation of particular steps. It gives guidance for any model of electoral management body to implement election in the country. By having this knowledge, an electoral institution can execute single complete election with clear parameter. Therefore, it is hoped that the election run in any country can fulfill all of step and resulted at smooth process and successful result. Other categories embedded in the electoral process, according to the parameter given by Democracy Index, it will touch upon the implementation of pluralism principle. Pluralism is the recognition and affirmation of diversity within a political body, which permits the peaceful coexistence of different interests, convictions and lifestyles. Therefore, it can be said that election should uplifting the idea of respecting the pluralism principle in the country. It is believe that every country has its own diversity. Therefore, the rank of democracy index is touch upon this value in everyday political life. The existence of plurality in any country and the successful rate of democracy index are somehow related to the implementation of liberal value in the country. In the category of free country, it is seen that the support of liberal value is higher. Indonesia as for example, from the index it shows that support for liberal values is surprisingly high in Indonesia. It is at 47 per cent. This vastly outstrips Thailand and the Philippines. Since this is usually highly

38 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 correlated with education and economic development, and given limited years of experience with democracy, Indonesia is way ahead of other country studied. They are much closer to Korea and Taiwan as in the following table.1

Functioning of Government The second parameter that has been analyzed by the democracy index is on functioning of Government. Although in earlier mention, Indonesia is facing a harsh competition during 2014 Presidential election and the sentiment is somehow extended up to nowadays, the government under president elect is function properly. It grows respect to the new government resulted from 2014 election. It is quite different with what has been experienced by Thailand, where nowadays is still under Junta. The function of government is needed. This is according to Schattsneider that the people are ‘semi-sovereign’ – only able to exercise their power in a few areas. Therefore, Schattschneider (1975: 12; 119) highlights the need for government to intervene: Democratic government is the greatest single instrument for the socialization of conflict … big business has to be matched by … big democracy. Jones and Baumgartner were actually optimistic about the links between public opinion and government action. 2 The above mechanism is important because there are systematic imbalances in social systems that may require systematic attention. For example, the pressure group system is not pluralistic due to they are representing a small proportion of the population or group of people. The pressure system is largely the preserve of the business class seeking to minimize attention to their activities or from the owner of capital. Within the general knowledge that elected officials within the government can only pay attention to a small number of issues, they cannot bring up all issue. Usually they have to promote a few to the top of their agenda

1 See Larry Diamond, ibid 2 Schattsneider, 1975, ibid, p.119

39 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 and ignore the rest. This is where one kind of power becomes important. They are functioned to leveling up the issue and to attract government attention. The structures of government, such as legislative procedures controlling debate, reinforce this process by determining which conflicts receive attention and which are left un-discussed. To attract government intention is another problem. Some issues may get more attention such as education, economic issues, poverty alleviation, increasing productivity of farming, etc. rather than sensitive issues such as politics and security. Therefore it can be said that policymaker will pay more attention on the relatively ‘safe’ issues. But if the existing political life, there are some restriction, interest group and pressure group will likely force on the issue that draw public attention first rather than the sensitive issues that was not gain popular support. In this framework, although the government is functioning, they are functioning in limited area. Looking in historical terms, and in comparative terms, what Indonesia has achieved after the reformation era is intake (in terms of the development and improvement of democratic institutions, a critical and substantial base of public support for democracy, of trust in public institutions, and, surprisingly perhaps, robust support for liberal values relative to elsewhere in the region) is quite remarkable and is deserving of admiration. This is due to the ability to maintain peace throughout the country and keep trying to increase welfare of the nation. Although, there are always pro and contra in implementation such policy, but frankly it can be said that the government function well, and checks and balances among executive, legislative and judicative powers are also achieved. In this situation, the elite will try to remain at their most power balance in order to retain democracy rollback to happen. In the current issues in Thailand, the article 44 is an important power according to the temporary constitution of 2014. It gives the power to the head of the NCPO to order, restrain, and suppress or do anything even if these become effective on the legislation, the administration, or the judiciary. In this kind of power, there will be two possible trends which are either NCPO is helping in the succession of elite therefore there will be elite circulation where later on civilian is in power or they will remain in power for some time and only handed to civilian when they think the civilian is ready to hold power. This power is not new because during the whole period of the revolution, there will be always this special kind of power; even if there is election. Therefore, it is necessary need that there will be succession and ensuring circulation of elite within the prepared timeframe. If this can be done, Thailand can refrain from democracy rollback. Political participation Political participation in each election is very important in determining the degree of democracy and the result of election. Voting behavior of the people in the country, will significant in reshaping political life, because they will determine who win the seat. In country where they are already mature in democracy, the voting behavior will be significantly influence by the degree of political knowledge of the society towards politics. In contrast, the country where they are still under parochial political culture, the voting behavior will be influenced by parochial aspect such as ethnicity, religion and other socio-cultural attachments. Therefore voting behavior will affect political participation.

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In the beginning, it is already quoted that in Indonesia 2014 elections resulted at 75, 11% for its legislative election, 69, 58% for its Presidential election. From the percentage of election result, it is still in modest to high result. During New Order, Indonesia’s political participation during election were very high, due to mobilized participation. After the step down of President Soeharto who was in power for 32 years, Indonesia was facing a total reform started in 1998 and in 1999 election was conducted in order to select parliament members and to installing new set of government. The process is achieved with some notes for example: the final result of election cannot be announced by election commission due to internal conflict within election commissioners who consist of 48 persons of political party representatives and 5 (five) persons representing Government. Theoretically this is a mixed model of electoral management body where the members consist of two different sections combining section of government and non-government.1 After the announcement of parliament member which was then be done by President Habibie, the parliament is starting functioning. Later on, the election in 2004 was done by different model of electoral management body where the members of electoral commission are coming from independent. Therefore, Indonesia is experiencing the use of having government model of EMB during New Order political regime; having a mixed model EMB during transitional period (1999) and after that, having the independent model of EMB started in 2004 election. Aside from Indonesia, Thailand on 2 February 2014 election resulted at 47, 72% due to boycotting election in 69 constituencies. This was an alarm of having urgent evaluation towards electoral politics of the country. Yet, the development is hoped to get better and transitional period from this situation to better democratic political life is achieved soon by conducting election and respecting the result. Political Culture As has been a little bit explained in earlier mentioned, there is political culture embedded in political life of the nation. Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba have formulated a theory that political culture or civic culture can be divided into three categories namely parochial, subjective and participant. Those divisions refer to the attitude towards political dynamics in the country. At the very least contribution to the development of politics, civic culture is defined as parochial where their attitude towards political life is driven mainly by traditional values in a conservative way. It breeds an attitude in very least participative towards politics. The second category is the subjective culture where people is less likely participate in political life and usually their participation is driven by certain subjective value and or ordered as top- down relations. The third dimension of political culture is participant culture where people actively involved in politics.2 Hence, from the above overview, it can be seen that in every country, political culture is truly determinant in expecting the development of democracy. Political culture in the country is not a sole aspect in determining the democracy. The history of the nation is also giving a great impact in the direction of democracy implementation in the country. Country like Indonesia which used to have experienced under authoritative rule during New Order Political format, and later on has been followed by reformation in all

1 See International IDEA, ibid, p.8 2 See Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba, The Civic Culture, Political Attitude and Democracy in Five Nations, Sage Publication, Inc, 1963

41 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 sectors, enjoying significant development now and it is hoped to harvest a more consolidated democracy. However, challenges are there. With the evidence of the last local election in Jakarta Governor, is shows tremendous challenges towards retracting democracy from its rollback. The last local election in Jakarta shows that there were mushrooming reasons use religious sentiment and pejoratives-assumption towards Chinese ethnicity on one hand and growing unimaginable political solidarity on the other hand. It is clear evidence of the retracting from mature participation in politics. Civil Liberties Civil liberties are always underpinning democracy in practice. There are some issues addressing the implementation of political rights. Challenges those are exist in different country maybe different substantially. In Indonesia, although according to Democracy Index, Indonesia is having higher degree of Civil Liberty compare to Thailand as in the example, it does not mean that there is no such challenge in term of securing Civil Liberties. The very current issue fades is on the provision of electronic id during election. The case of fraud in providing electronic id is brought up to the surface and now is still ongoing process in the courtroom. Other fact says that there was such bureaucratic process in obtaining the electronic id. Therefore, to facilitate the implementation of Civil Liberties is an example of challenge exists in Indonesia nowadays. Current Challenges: Indonesia Perspective Currently, the challenges for retaining democracy and its rollback to happen in Indonesia are at least closely related to the use of money politics in election and political situation especially triggered by post Jakarta Gubernatorial Election. The emergence of money politics is actually has its long history. We are not sure when it was started, but it said that since there is competition for power, there will be the use of other power to influence the result. This is including the use of money. In many elections, there were cases involving money politics that were sanctioned if evidence found. From the terminological approach, it is well-known lately the use of money to buy votes and or to smoothening the process of obtaining power. This practice is actually against the idea of appreciating political right of the people. Therefore, this practice should be prohibited by considerable sanctions towards the doers. Other thing that challenges the political dynamics of implementing democracy is the internal political situation itself. In the country like Indonesia, where we have direct election for executive body as well includes local elections to be conducted in due time in each level of local government, therefore challenges are mainly related to the dynamics of the regions that differ from region to region and how to maintain the process of election remain democratic, with upholding a principle of LUBER JURDIL (Direct, public, free, maintaining secrecy, honest and justice). Bibliography [1] Ace Electoral Knowledge Networks at aceproject.org [2] Democracy Index from 2014, 2015 and 2016 Democracy Index of Economist Intelligent Unit, UK. [3] Freedom in The world at https://freedomhouse.org/report-types/freedom-world,

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accessed May 26th,2017, at 16.44 [4] Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba, The Civic Culture, Political Attitude and Democracy in Five Nations, Sage Publication, Inc, 1963 [5] International IDEA, Handbook of Electoral Management Design, 2014,p.6 [6] Joshua Kurlantzick, Regression From Democracy and Its Implications, at Southeast Asia Report, May 2014 [7] Larry Diamond, How is Indonesia’s Democracy Doing?, East Asia Forum, 29 October 2009 at http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/10/26/how-is-indonesias- democracy-doing/ accessed May 25th, 2017 at 14,45 [8] Schattschneider’s The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy (in America – first published 1960 [9] Vontz, Thomas. 2000. We Project Citizens. Washington: USAID, p. 38

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“Fortnite” and New Kids’ Sociabilities

Dalvacir Andrade University of Minho, Portugal António Ferreira Polytechnic Institute of Cávado and Ave

Abstract In this paper, we’ll be researching the influence of digital games on contemporary kids’ sociabilities, based on the assumption that the online universe allows exchanges and social ties in a digital context, with potential evidence on the dynamics of face-to-face interaction. In this perspective, Fortnite videogame will be our case study, which since 2017 has been dominating the entertainment industry and has become a social phenomenon, attracting millions of players using several types of digital devices. Fortnite presents elements that infer a paradigm shift in the videogame industry, directly interfering in the playful world of kids and, consequently, in the way this audience socializes. The interactive and fictional narrative, the expression of freedom and multiplatform creativity, as well as the monetization model by microtransactions are some of the additional factors we will analyse, which reflection also starts from conceptualizations about sociability and a brief literature's review on the aimed subject. Keywords: Childhood; Adolescence; Sociabilities; Digital Games; Fortnite.

Introduction The advance of new communication, information and entertainment technologies has led to emerging digital activities of new generations, whose daily routines have been radically transformed. Even before literacy, children learn to use technological devices with ease, allowing easy access to a previously unknown and unexplored world by this audience. One of the factors refers to the change on the scenario in which kids are exposed to mass media, that is, the contextual spectrum has expanded from the living room of their homes to everywhere: Unlike any other point in time, young children are exposed to media content via multiple devices in multiple locations and in multiple formats, potentially leading to a new blooming, buzzing confusion. This technology explosion is shifting the use of screen media from a centrally located television set in the family’s living room to anywhere and everywhere a child might be (Barr & Linebarger, 2017, p.xii). Young kids keep preferring toys of digital nature, so there is a progressive decrease of traditional recreational activities (Fantin, 2006) and sociability, understood as a process of interaction and social relationship between individuals (Férreol, 2007), is ruled by the virtuality of online digital communication devices. Lauricella et al. (cit. in Barr & Linebarger eds, 2017, p. 9) mention that we are starting to understand the effect, use and learning that children get from this new universe of apps: We are beginning to understand the content available to young children via this new media platform, but the effects - both positive and negative - of exposure to and engagement with app content are far from known.

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Much more research is needed to understand how children use these apps, what they learn from them, and how the opportunity to create and design their own content influences development, learning, and creativity (Lauricella et al. Cit. In Barr & Linebarger eds, 2017, p. 9). Huston (cit. In Barr & Linebarger eds, 2017, p. Viii) says that we are currently starting to get some interesting answers about that. According to research on psychology and social sciences' fields, for instance, several issues have been occurring, especially when there is excessive exposure to technologies. Concerns regarding sedentary lifestyle, technology dependence and learning difficulties in the school environment are some indicative factors of those issues. There are also the dangers of exposing privacy, the absence of direct physical contact, difficulties surrounding personal relationships and the development of experiences with the real world (Postman, 1999; Buckingham, 2006; Zanolla, 2007). Until the 1990s, studies about relationships between media and the universe of kids and teenagers, predominantly focused on TV content and audiences. It included the influence on behaviors and a special focus on children protection, considering they are susceptible to media manipulation. In this perspective, Postman (1999) warned of the risks of television, due to an increasingly accelerated childhood towards the adult world and pointed to a “death of childhood”. These concerns, currently directed at online digital media infrastructures, present polarized views. On one hand, a pessimistic notion of the influence of technologies and, on the other hand, the enthusiastic idea of the “communications' revolution”, which conceives new electronic media as liberating and empowering. Tapscott (1998) says that the technological expertise of the internet generation, made kids master several mediums and devices over adults, for the first time in history. This would then be a more creative, critical, globally oriented and even smarter generation than parents or compared to baby-boomers, who boosted culture, social life and the consumer goods' markets of their time. Thus, there is an idea of a radical change in childhood activities, which, due to the interactivity and active control of their environment, favors their social, motor, cognitive and linguistic fast development than previous generations; configuring it, according to Tapscott (1998), not in the "end of childhood", but in a new world to play. Buckingham (2006), in turn, does not present such an optimistic point of view about the technological presence in kids' lives. But he also avoids exaggerated negativism about media influences. He states that "such debates in general do not allow more than a limited choice between great despair and hurried optimism" (p. 9). From this perspective, considering that childhood is a “stage of life that has an important dimension of social construction” (Pinto, 1997, p. 33) and that “culture and representations - also in the form of electronic media - are the main arenas in which this construction is developed and sustained ”(Buckingham, 2006, p. 10), we propose in this work a reflection on the role of electronic games in contemporary kids' sociability. For that purpose, Fortnite video game is our case study, which has been revealing significant success since 2017 and becoming part of the playful universe of millions of kids in different countries. 2. Video Games in the Sociocultural Context Video games, directly linked to the entertainment industry, have become a spotlighted cultural media object in contemporary society. Like cinema, the games' industry consolidates itself as art and pop culture. A story that began in the 1960s, today has an important impact on culture, revealing itself to be a fruitful and promising sector for several related areas to communication, computer engineering, audiovisuals, among others. As presented by Cabral (1996), video games “offer those who manipulate them, the possibility of inserting themselves into a 'reality' that is richer in emotion than that which they will certainly find in their own experience, particularly when it does not correspond to your creative potential ”(p. 93). Thus, electronic devices and games,

45 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 increasingly improved to meet the objectives of this market, have dominated kids' attention, teenagers and even adults, also due to the everywhere factor, specifically the omnipresence of mobile devices. Additionally, as an artifact, electronic games have a communicative, operative, informative, appealing and persuasive dimension (Vasco Branco cit. In Zagalo, 2009, p. 11), therefore, allied to the omnipresence factor, it proves to be a powerful and influential instrument widely used by the mass media. Zagalo (2015) highlights the transformations that occurred in the art of video games, which left the place of digital substitute for analog games and expanded their action from linearity and repetition to abstraction and generalization, by including narrative and stimulating creativity. Video games depend on narrative for the simple reason that they want to convey ideas, moral values. The video game creator, unlike the analog game creator, does not dedicate himself to the creation of systems of rules to manipulate player's attention, but rather seeks to convey ideas, express feelings, confer meanings (Zagalo, 2015, p. 66). In this way, the narrative's meaning fulfills actions with sense in video games, which, due to the game characters and own experiences, stimulate not only the mastery of the game, but also develop a mental construction of the players' own world. Adicionaly, there is the broadening of the concept of playing, by including the idea of having fun, which comes up freely, spontaneously and without rigid predeterminations. As mentioned by Planells de la Maza (2019), the expansion of the technical and creative possibilities of video games has allowed a wide playful conformation, which admits different variables defined, to a certain extent, by the players themselves. In this respect, the wide open video game's nature makes it possible to bring the richness of analog games to the digital universe, however, while still presenting serious internal tensions to adapt the narrative in this context, needing to simulate changes in the fictional world so that the actions can make sense to the players. Unlike cinema or literature, in which it is possible to mentally organize the role of all narrative elements and the space in which the facts develop, as Garcia (2018) recalls, the video game narrative is composed of living beings in constant change and adaptation and therefore obey the needs of the players. In this way, the “transmedial worlds” change according to the activities of the players and are, therefore, made for and by the user. Unos jugadores que como comunidad alimentan su mundo narrativo para hacer más y más grande. Pero este mundo no podría ser transmedial si no utilizara diferentes medios para desarrollar ya no solo su narración, también para hacer crecer su universo narrativo. (Garcia, 2018, p. 10). In this sense, that is also a scenario of convergence and participation in which consumers become “prosumers” - “followers who not only consume a certain story, but who also create their own content, from the original, to grow the narrative world that they love so much ”(Garcia, 2018, p. 13). Therefore, communication via digital social networks and streaming channels have become a space for communicative fusion and proliferation of the strategies of video game developers. The necessary engagement for advertising and loyalty of the video games' audience is guaranteed by strategies of the producers and developers, based on transmedial actions, which involve the most varied means and personalities. Influencers, youtubers, instagramers, among others, have become references for this industry. It is also important to highlight the business model of the video game sector called free-to-play (f2p), which consists of allowing free access to the game and later propose the purchase of special items, characters or properties, sometimes to enhance player's performance, with an attractive cost to encourage purchase and

46 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 guarantee profits. This billing model with microtransactions, driven by digital social networks and mobile technologies has become an example of success in the gaming consumer market. Planells de la Maza (2013) points out that f2p breaks with certain previous consumption logic, encouraging free access to the game, but limiting the complete experience to the fictional playful world by paying for the various elements of the video game. This system, which differs according to the modality, has a huge commercial and playful impact, since it allows a theoretically free game, but supported by the product's fans, who choose which games will survive and which ones won't. Considering this new commercial model, “true digital literacy focused on video games, emotions and honest consumption models” is essential (Planells de la Maza, 2013, p. 727). 3. Sociabilities in the Fortnite Play World Baechler (1995, p. 65-66) defines sociability as a modality of the social universe that is defined by the “human capacity to establish networks, through which the units of activities, individual or collective, circulate the information that express their interests, tastes, passions, opinions”. According to the french sociologist, the occurrence of sociability in social life, as well as their sociological objects, have great diversity and can be identified in established relationships between individuals. These relationships can be born due to generated networks, by more or less solid and exclusive ties (kinship, neighborhood, class, etc.) and through deliberate networks, that is, networks in which social agents find themselves by choice, pleasure, common interests (salons, circles, clubs, etc.). From this perspective, the concept of sociability is directly linked to the various forms of social interaction, from the most elementary “face to face” (Gofman, 1992), shared in the same space-time context, to “mediated interaction” (Thompson, 1995), in which agents can be located in different contexts of space and time, whose interactions are being developed through communication's technological devices. The expression of sociability occurs according to the social group, the intensity of the relationships, the type of structure or concrete conjunctures. As Thompson (1995) points out, due to media's development, interactive situations have been multiplied and becoming more complex, in many cases, defined by the hybridity of their elements. This context created new forms of interaction and allowed new action forms with different properties and consequences. The development of the internet, in turn, “not only constitutes a new mean of communication, but it is also a new mean of production and interaction, valid for both public and private activity” (Sotomayor, 2006, p. 2). In this virtual world spectrum, in which video games move comfortably, a true phenomenon in the entertainment industry has stood out since 2017. It is called Fortnite - an online electronic game that has become a worldwide fever among kids, has gained more than 125 million players in less than a year and was the main responsible for the historical revenue of Epic Games (North-American developer of electronic games and software), which ended the year 2018 with three billion dollars of net profit (Silva , 2018). In 2019, Fortnite stood out as one of the most popular video games, consolidating itself in the competitive landscape through several marketing strategies and partnerships with world renowned brands and companies. Created in 2011, Fortnite redefined the video games' scene because it pioneered the creation of real multiplatform experiences. In 2017, it was released "Save the World'' mode (available for Microsoft Windows, macOS, PlayStation 4 and Xbox One) and "Battle Royale" mode (available on the same platforms in addition to the Nintendo Switch, iOS and Android devices). This second mode of the game is pointed out as the reason for the resonant success. “Battle Royale Multiplayer Fortnite is the most popular game in the world, with more

47 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 than 250 million players'' (Marr, 2019, p. 1). In 2020, Epic Games revealed the surpassing of 350 million players. The fact is that Fortnite has entered the kid's universe in an impactful way. There are those who say that it is not just a game, but “it is a way of being and asserting oneself” (Vasconcelos, 2018). It is possible to play in teams, with conversation between players and sharing sounds and images, which provides interaction and fun between friends without the need to leave the space of their own homes. It is also possible to play with strangers who are connected all over the world, which can be a facilitator for expanding relationships and learning other languages. However, this type of interaction is not absent from certain risks like cyber-bullying and violation of moral principles, which parents must be aware of. Serrano (2018) highlights the game's aesthetics and design as one of the main keys to its success, as Fortnite combines the colorful and naive style of the cartoon with the fast pace of the survival game (one against a hundred), also with the possibility to build protective structures, that encourage creativity and quick thinking while in battle. The narrative of Fortnite's "Battle Royale" is another key factor, as it is often unpredictable and surprising. Epic Games uses environmental narrative, which tells stories based on visual and sound details, equivalent to the staging of cinema and theater, in which the context speaks for itself. There is no clear story, no narrator or definite characters, however, with each new season different items are added in a logical sequence, with a new theme, shrouded in mysteries and with connections to the real world. For instance, the actual season is based on Marvel superheroes characters. The change from one season to the next one is always marked by impactful events, which makes millions of players enter the game, with a set date and time, to witness together the great event that changes the game's world in real time. Fortnite is part of the free-to-play model (also called GaaS - game as a service), but what differs it from other free video games is the complete access to the fictional playing world without the need for payment and “none of the elements that are included in purchases brings competitive advantage over other players" (Serrano, 2018, p. 10). However, Fortnite was designed to provide users a virtual adventure experience that involves several aspects of real life, such as clothing and objects' possession, actions such as dances that, in addition to acting in a playful sense, confer status, because they are only conquered by the "winners" or by those who paid to have such elements. In this sense, dancing rare moves, having the coolest accessories of the season, having many "kills" and "wins", using epic and legendary "skins", etc., are prominent elements in this game in which self-affirmation is, indeed, part of the "rules". These codes reach the physical world through verbal and non-verbal language, rising to new forms of sociability, inclusion (or exclusion), and to the definition of identities among kids. Epic Games also knew how to keep the attention of a new generation that has grown up with the Internet and is used to boasting on social media networks like Facebook and Instagram. Skins and emotes may be purely cosmetic and optional items, but they are the foundation of Fortnite's success. Epic Games was able to keep up with the trends, launching funny dance emotes and creating "noise" around the game with each new Season. (Loureiro, 2018, n/p). Repercussions promoted by influencers, youtubers and streamers are fundamental to the success of Fortnite, which is also spread by famous athletes and artists. Ordinary players themselves carry out free advertising by creating, for instance, channels on the YouTube or Twitch video platforms, exclusively to share their plays. The content creation, coupled with frequent updates of paid items, build expectations of what will come next and assures the maintenance of the players' interest.

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A carried out study by the National Research Group (NRG) of United States of America in March 2019, refers that Fortnite goes far beyond the profile of a video game, configuring itself in a new social media for the teen audience (10 to 17 years old), from which the video game fulfills an average of 25% of free time. With a sample of 1500 consumers, that research revealed that Fortnite has become more than an electronic game, being often referred to as a “third place” for making new friends and creating social bonds. Although the Battle Royale mode is highly competitive in nature, many young Fortnite players use the game as a place to socialize with others and to express their authentic selves, purchasing “skins” to customize the look of their in-game avatars, performing dance modes and engaging in an increasingly immersive virtual world. (NRG, 2019, p. 5). The survey also shows that Fortnite "steals" time from all leisure activities, significantly changing the way consumers spend their free time (21% of total free time among weekly players of all ages). Aiming for an exclusive combination of benefits from games, social media and streaming platforms, Fortnite is seen as the video game that offers consumers a different experience: “Consumers say its the best place 'to be my authentic self and to connect to what everyone is talking about, making me feel like I'm not alone '”(NRG, 2019, p. 9). Fortnite is thus identified by users as having a positive impact on their lives, because unlike traditional social platforms, indicated as causing isolation and loneliness, the video game offers interactivity capable of creating a sense of community, feeling of action and control, in a virtual experience that contributes to forgetting real life problems. It is important to mention that Fortnite is part of a group of phenomena defined and provided by the globalization of the economy and culture, but its uses are inserted in specific cultural contexts, with variables according to the age group, gender, social capital among other factors that define unequal access to technologies. However, this scenario has revealed the emergence of new ways of integration of childhood in socio-cultural life all over the world, notably marked by the distance from public spaces and traditional ways of participating in culture, as discussed by Fantin (2006). Permeated by the products of the media industries, the world builds an arena of very important meanings for the formation processes. This arena escapes the spatiotemporal limits of face-to-face interaction and creates new forms of interaction between people and, consequently, people with culture, nature and the world. This also changes children's play, which is increasingly linked to the media (Fantin, 2006, p. 14). Therefore, we consider it necessary to understand the context in which childhood and adolescence are inserted to reflect on the new forms of emerging sociability. When mediated by new technologies or online electronic games, to which this communication specifically refers, there are individualization and socialization movements confined to relationships without physical contact. On the other hand, a context of action, communication, experience and learning is perceived through the interaction with technologies, but also through the playful relationship with other children in virtual spaces. Thus, as presented by Cabral (1996), we are focused “to reject the idea that technology stimulates non-social or antisocial behaviors, we understand that it is another type of relationship and sociability, from a distance, what lies ahead” (p.93). 5. Final Considerations The communicational and media context that we are living today leaves no question about the development of new forms of sociability, guided by living together in cyberspace. From this perspective, Sotomayor (2006) points to a social model that is organized around elective communities of interest or “specialized communities”, better known as “sociability networks with a variable geometry and composition, according to the interests of social agents and according to the size of the network” (p.5).

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When we focus on the universe of online electronic games in general and on Fotnite in particular, we perceive an environment whose reality is rich in emotions and creative potentialities, setting up an attractive playful context, especially for kids. In this way, it is an alternative place of new and free spaces for adventure and virtual sharing, which acts in the creation of new forms of sociability and the construction of identities. Fortnite is certainly not the only video game to feature today with an important integration among its audience. But, as we already mentioned, this video game provided a redefinition of the scenario of its industry, through the creation and fusion of several elements (complex construction and strategy mechanisms), acting on several fronts to attract, engage and keep players. In this sense, we infer that the observation of the elements that make up Fortnite, its integration in the audience and especially its use by the players, is important to understand the new sociability model that is being built, especially by kids. It is relevant to note that this other type of sociability that occurs outside the geographical limits of traditional communities does not exclude, but coexists with, face-to-face interactions. In this sense, despite the technical mediation, the ephemerality and the anonymity possibility in communications, it is likely to establish affinity bonds that can result in solid relationships, which can go from online to offline (Silva, 2007). These social networks are flexible, because their models of social interaction are built and reconstructed by the individuals themselves, through technologies. On the other hand, ways of social support in this configuration have a greater tendency to fragility, considering the low demanding level regarding the commitment of its members (Sotomayor, 2006). When reflecting on the virtual as a new imaginary territory for kids, Pasín (2009, p. 5) argues that “cyberspace is also a magnificent receptacle from which youth can develop interactions based on common affinities, tastes or passions”. Thus, the spatial distance is not an obstacle to the building of more solid bonds, nor to the development of new communities. Plus, the current context offers several creative and democratic opportunities and has the potential for kids' protagonism, since through access to the means of communication and cultural expression they can reflect their views and perspectives (Buckingham, 2006). However, we are also in agreement when Buckingham (2006) emphasizes that interventions in terms of social, educational and cultural policies are necessary in order to include kids themselves in the process of social and cultural change, giving them a more independent agency, taking them not just as passive recipients and not denying their active role in creating their own culture. More than presenting answers, the present reflection tried to ask about what kind of kids' sociability is favored by online electronic games, with emphasis on Fortnite. In this sense, we exposed diferent perspectives for new analytical developments or empirical research, aiming to understand the meaning of the actions of the inserted agents in the referred social context. Such an undertaking is, indeed, a challenge that requires the use of methods that include observations in different environments (online and offline) of sociability related to video games. However, research in this area is necessary and fundamental for the understanding of our culture so strongly impacted by digital technologies. References [1] Baechler, J. (1995). Grupos e sociabilidade. In: BOUDON, R. (Ed.). Tratado de sociologia. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Ed. P. 65-106. [2] Barr, R. & Linebarger D. N. (2017). Preface. In: Barr & Linebarger (Ed.). Media Exposure during Infancy and Early Childhood: The Effects of Content and Context on Learning and Development, p. xi-xvi. Washington, DC, USA, Springer.

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[3] Buckingham, D. (2006). Crescer na Era das Mídias: após a morte da infância. Florianópolis. [ebook] Accessed on: https://www.academia.edu/2748378/Crescer_na_era_das_mídias_ eletrônicas [4] Cabral, F. (1996). O lúdico e a sociabilidade infantil. Cadernos Ceru. Série 2, nº 7. [5] Fantin, M. (2006). As crianças e o repertório lúdico contemporâneo: entre as brincadeiras tradicionais e os jogos eletrônicos. Revista Espaço Pedagógico, v. 13, n. 2, Passo Fundo, jul./dez. P. 9-24. [6] Ferréol, G. (2007) Sociologia: Léxico das Ciências Sociais, Porto: Porto Editora. [7] Garcia, J. M. (2018). Narrativas transmedia y videojuegos: la retroalimentación entre los mundos transmediales y la comunidade prosumidora. Trabajo Final de Máster em Contenidos Adaptados a la Sociedade de la Información. Universidade Politecnica de València. Escuela Politecnica Superior de Gandia. [8] Goffman, E. (1992). A representação do eu na vida cotidiana. Petrópolis: Vozes. [9] Loureiro, J. (2018). Porque razão Fortnite tem tanto sucesso? 25 de Agosto. Eurogamer.pt. https://www.eurogamer.pt/articles/2018-08-24-porque-razao-fortnite-tem-tanto-sucesso [10] Marr, B. (2019). Como a inteligência artificial deixa o “Fortnite” mais divertido. (junho) Forbes. https://forbes.com.br/colunas/2019/06/como-a-inteligencia-artificial-deixa-o-fortnite-mais- divertido/ [11] National Reserch Group, NRG. (2019). Fortnite the new social media?. Accessed on: https://assets.ctfassets.net/0o6s67aqvwnu/5z4ja8fNx2NputEG49AVWs/ff1f591ad988f9a30856 bab68e3908bb/NRG_Fortnite_White_Paper.pdf [12] Pasín, A. (2009). El ciberespacio. ¿Un nicho imaginario para la juventud?. II Congreso de la Cibersociedad. Barcelona. Accessed on: https://www.academia.edu/8515463/Comunicaci%C3%B3n_El_ciberespacio_Un_nicho_imagin ario_para_la_juventud_II_Congreso_de_la_Cibersociedad_Barcelona_2009 [13] Pinto, M. (1997). A infância como construção social. In M. Pinto e M. Sarmento, As Crianças. Contextos e Identidades (pp. 33 – 72). Braga: Universidade do Minho. Centro de Estudos da Criança. [14] Planells de la Maza, A. J. (2013). “Videojuegos y el modelo free-to-play: ¿el esclavismo lúdico del siglo XXI? Luces y sombras en las redes sociales e Internet”. En Actas del Congreso Internacional Educación Mediática y Competencia Digital, Barcelona, pp. 717-728. [15] Planells de la Maza, A. J. (2019). Nuevos desafíos para el videojuego. El estado de los game studies y las tendencias de diseño de juegos en españa. [Entrevista]. E-tramas 3, Julho. pp. 81- 95. ISSN 2618-4338. [16] Postman, N. (1999) O desaparecimento da infância. Rio de Janeiro: Graphia. [17] Sensor Tower (2018, 16 de março) Fortnite Fever Is Boosting Installs of Rival Survival Games on iOS [blog post] Accessed on: https://sensortower.com/blog/fortnite-rivals

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[18] Silva, R. R. (2018) – 27 de dezembro. Canaltech. Sucesso de Fortnite é responsável por lucro histórico de US$3 bi da Epic Games. Accessed on: https://canaltech.com.br/games/sucesso-de- fortnite-e-responsavel-por-lucro-historico-de-us3-bi-da-epic-games-129853/ [19] Silva, S. (2007). Sociabilidades juvenis online. In: Comunidades virtuais de aprendizagem e identidades no ensino superior. Projecto @aprende.com. Coordenadores L. Aires, J. Azevedo, I. Gaspar e A. Teixeira. Universidade Aberta. [20] Sotomayor Garcia, G. (2006). La socialización en los espacios virtuales: posibilidades y limitaciones. Teoría de la Educación en la Sociedad de la Información. Vol. 7, n. 1. Accessed on: https://gredos.usal.es/handle/10366/56527 [21] Tapscott, D. (1998). Growing Up Digital: The Rise of the Net Generation. Nova Iorque: McGrawHill. [22] Thompson, J. (1995). The Media and Modernity - A Social Theory of the Media. Cambridge: Polity Press. [23] Vasconcelos, F. (2018, 7 de agosto). Porque devemos acompanhar o fenómeno Fortnite. [blog post] Acedido em: http://www.meiosepublicidade.pt/2018/08/devemos-acompanhar-fenomeno- fortnite/ [24] Zagalo, N. (2015). Como o videojogo se afastou do jogo, através da narrativa e criatividade. Universitat Autônoma de Barcelona. Institut de la Comunicació (InComUAB). [25] Zagalo, N. (2009). Emoções Interactivas: do Cinema para os Videojogos. Coimbra, Grácio Editor. [26] Zanolla, S. (2007). Indústria Cultural e Infância: Estudos sobre formação de valores em crianças no universo do jogo eletrônico. Educ. Soc., Campinas, vol. 28, n. 101, p. 1329-1350.

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The Urban Dimension of the Albanian Cities of Transition Was Damaged as a Result of the ‘Big Government’ and Not Its Absence: An Assessment in Relation to the Construction Permit!

Gentian Kaprata European University of Tirana

Abstract The main Albanian cities and inhabited centers have suffered great damage of urban and environmental dimension in the years of transition. These implications of rapid and intensive development have produced cities that offer a very low quality of urban life to their citizens. What requires immediate political and legal intervention is to create the preconditions for Albanian cities to change by improving their potential in relation to the quality of urban life they offer to their citizens. One of the basic aspects, where this political goal can be achieved, is the function of controlling the construction development in these cities, in other words the function of building permits. Formal construction, or construction that has been subject to political- administrative decision-making, has faced increased pressure from the government to obtain a building permit. The performance of the government, regarding the function of construction permitting, is presented as very bureaucratic and corrupt. The technical, administrative and legal rules through which the administration exercises in the construction permit process have been very difficult for private entrepreneurs to implement. This has produced, firstly, the phenomenon of informal construction, and secondly, the change in the focus of entrepreneurs in the formal construction sector. In great administrative difficulties and obstacles, private entrepreneurs have shifted their focus from the aim of offering high quality products and low price in the market, to the goal of obtaining a building permit while ignoring the quality of the buildings they have developed. In this sense, what is required is the facilitation of technical, administrative and legal procedures and rules for obtaining a construction permit, which would ensure the reduction of the informal sector and refocus of the formal sector on quality and competitive price in a free market. This is a basic precondition for the situation of cities not to deteriorate further, and that paves the way for the improvement of their situation in the future. Keyword: big government, small government, classical liberalism, modern liberals, the left, the right, development control, construction permitting.

Introduction

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During the years of transition, the demographics of Albania have undergone strong internal migratory movements, in two main directions: from the countries of the northern and southern regions to the central region; and from rural areas to urban areas of the same country (INSTAT, 2004, 2014; King and Vullnetari, 2003; King, 2010; Vullnetari, 2007, 2010, 2012). This phenomenon has produced strong changes in the spatial structure of the country, especially in relation to the demographic distribution across the cities and inhabited centers of the country (Faja, 2008; Aliaj, 2008). The cities and inhabited centers that have experienced a large and immediate increase in the resident population as a result of these movements, are mainly the major cities of the country, and especially the city of Tirana, Durres and their surroundings (INSTAT, 2004, 2014; King and Vullnetari, 2003; King, 2010; Vullnetari, 2007, 2010, 2012; Fuga, 2012). These cities have been multiplied, in these years of transition, in terms of indicators of total resident population, housing density and construction intensity (HIS Alumni et al., 1998; Faja, 2008; Aliaj, 2008). Rapid and intensive construction development, as a result of demographic changes, have produced urban and environmental damage in the main cities of the country (Fuga, 2012; Aliaj, 2008). There have been two ways of accommodating this increased demand for new construction. First through the informal market, where 350-400 thousand families have addressed their needs by building their apartments and buildings without the permission of legal authorities (WB, 2012). The second way is through the formal market, where families or enterprises in the housing and building construction sector have addressed their request for construction development through the institutions charged by law for this governing function (Aliaj, 2008; Imami et al., 2008). In this paper we will focus on the second type of development (formal construction) because it is in his interest to assess how transition governments have performed in this sector. In this sense, we will not address the informal market and the demand for new housing and buildings addressed through it. However, as we will see later, there is a link between the ease or difficulty of obtaining a formal building permit, and the size of the informal market. First in this article we will make a brief theoretical presentation on the characteristics and distinguishing features between the 'big government' propagated by leftist approaches such as 'proper governance' and the 'small government' which according to classical liberals is more productive for a rapid and sustainable economic development. We will further address the connection between formal construction in transition Albania and two other aspects of sustainable development: environmental development and the quality of citizens' urban life: and overall economic development. As we will see, this rapid construction development has produced urban and environmental damage in Albanian cities and inhabited centers, while contributing significantly to the national economy. Recognizing that the urban and environmental dimension is more important and in turn can produce even higher economic costs, we have attempted to understand what was the cause of the damage it produced, focusing on the ease or difficulty of equipping a building permits. As we will see in this article, the "boom" of new construction and their negative impact on cities and residential areas has not come as a result of the ease of obtaining a building permit from the authorities charged by law for this governing function. So we cannot blame the government for acting like a Smithian ‘small government’ inspired by the ‘laisser faire’

54 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 concept. On the contrary, long bureaucratic procedures, costly in time and money ’will be the real reasons that produced this unacceptable urban reality. The ‘big government’ vs. the ‘small government’, presented in theoretical context! There are two tools used by 'big governments' to reduce individual freedoms. They must be kept in check, because their enlargement makes the government bigger and its damage to society even bigger. The first, to use a Spencer concept, is "hyper-legislation" (Spencer, 2005, pp. 104-157). Speaking of the futility of redundant regulations and laws, Spencer would argue that "Although it no longer occurs to us to impose coercion on people for their own spiritual good [matters of religion], we continue to think that it's our duty to impose it on them for their material good: we do not see that one is as useless and as impermissible as the other. Countless failures have not yet been enough to draw this lesson” (Spencer, 2005, p. 106). So, although every day companies face countless failures, the same companies believe that an act of Parliament and an institution with a certain staff of officials, set up specially or enlarging an existing institution, is enough to implement or tighten the society to implement this law, and whatever set goal it has to achieve (Spencer, 2005). According to Spencer, it makes no logical sense that on the one hand we acknowledge that the state is performing poorly, the need for legislative changes proves that the government has failed, and on the other hand we give it more power, through new laws and increased administration. In contrast, for the classics of liberalism, according to Friedman's argument, there are two pillars of the functioning of a free society, which must be understood as separate, "[1] the daily activities of the people and [2] the usual general structure within which they develop” (Friedman, 2005, p. 28). In Friedman's argument, people's daily activities are like the actions of participants in a game or competition, and like any good game or fair competition, it requires its members to know and accept the rules of the game in advance, and it also requires even a referee to interpret and enforce the rules of the game. Referring to Friedman in the same way, a good society requires its members to know in advance and agree to all the general conditions under which the government will govern the actions and relations between them (Friedman, 2005). Whereas, the structure in which daily human activities and activities take place, is the legislation. And in this sense, it is basic, for a free society, for individuals to know in advance and agree with the laws through which, the government as an arbitrator will arbitrate their daily activity (Friedman, 2005, p. 28). But for Friedman, this is not enough, the laws should not change, or “Most of us [libertarians] consider only making minimal modifications to them, although the cumulative effect of a series of minimal modifications can lead to a dramatic change in the character of play in society” (Friedman, 2005, p. 28). So even Friedman, although acknowledging that the government, in the role of an arbiter in the game of individuals, can make changes to legislation, they should be small and not repetitive because individuals and society are harmed. Beyond "hyper-legislation", another instrument of 'big government' is 'hyper-administration', which is also harmful and costly to society and taxpayers (Spencer, 2005; Friedman, 2005). Spencer considers hyper-administration as an integral part of his concept of "hyper- legislation", and it makes sense, because the expansion of the scope of governance starts with

55 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 the drafting of a new law, but that the "set goal to be achieved" there must also be an institution or agency to enforce that law (Spencer, 2005, p. 106). For Spencer, the transfer of political power from the sovereign to the representative deputies, from the deputies to the executive, from the executive to the responsible ministry, from the responsible ministry to the institutions, agencies and inspectorates, from these to the employee in charge of this issue, is a very long operation, which by operating, through many successive levers and gears, consumes through friction and inertia a part of the driving force (Spencer, 2005). This process due to its complexity is so bad in itself, that it is a good system due to its simplicity, according to which society directly employs individuals, private companies or spontaneously created institutions (Spencer, 2005, p. 121). In this argument, Spencer would list some shortcomings of the state administration, which prevent it from performing the same functions that the private sector would perform faster. According to Spencer "Bureaucracy is slow" and this harms the individual and the enterprise (Spencer, 2005, p. 121). When a private agency drags things, people solve the problem by no longer using that agency and contracting another. As for procrastination by government departments, the solution is not simple because you cannot leave the government (Spencer, 2005). Also, "Bureaucracy is mindless" (Spencer, 2005, p. 122). According to Spencer, in the natural way of ordering things, the individual tends to move towards the function that best suits him, those who succeed in the work given to him are held accountable in relation to the skills they show or carry, and the man who fails is fired and forced to move towards something simpler, but that suits his abilities. But, it happens completely differently in state bodies because there the selection does not go according to meritocracy, but according to the affiliation of background, age, intrigue, behind the scenes and servility, as Spencer would say “A family idiot, I will always find a church post, if the family has strong ties” (Spencer, 2005, p. 122). If we refer to Spencer again, "Another characteristic of bureaucracy is that it consists of excessive spending" (Spencer, 2005, p. 122), in relation to the high salaries of incompetent officials, or to overcrowded structures occupied them. As he would underline "These public agencies are not subject to any influence like the one that forces the private enterprise to be economical, businesses and commercial entities are successful by serving society at low cost" (Spencer, 2005, p. 123). In the same context, Spencer would add, “Another shortcoming of the bureaucracy is its inability to adapt. Unlike the private enterprise, which, in order to respond to urgent needs, rapidly changes its activities: unlike the shopkeeper, who for a request that comes out suddenly, immediately finds a way to fulfill it” (Spencer, 2005, pp. 123-124). But also the state administration, in general, is presented with a high level of corruption, because they are not exposed to competition through meritocracy to keep the job and at the same time, there can be no creative spirit, and this is another damage that the great state brings with hyper- administration. While private groups have initiative and bring innovation in the sectors they develop, state institutions are static and moreover become an obstacle to development (Spencer, 2005, pp. 125-126). Formal construction as a cause of the condition of inhabited centers and its impact on the national economy

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The argument in defense of the thesis that it was the leftist "big state", the hyper-legislation and hyper-administration that shape it together with the corrupt bureaucracy that characterizes it, (Spencer, 2005; Friendman, 2005), that brought this unacceptable reality of other cities and territories of the country, in this article is related to the process of obtaining a construction permit in the main municipalities of the country. It must first be acknowledged that the main cities of the country have experienced a population densification and an intensification of buildings, especially in their central areas (IHS Alumni et al., 1998; Imami et al., 2008; Fuga, 2004, 2012; WB, 2007, 2018). Fuga, while scanning the way cities develop, would point out that “in our urban micro- environments [structural units of the city], especially in the main areas [large cities] of the country, we have a narrower and more populated area denser than before” (Fuga, 2012, p. 13). All of the demographic shifts presented earlier met their housing needs, either through the informal market or through the formal housing construction market (IHS Alumni et al., 1998; Imami et al., 2008; WB, 2007). In this article we are interested in building permits and in this sense we will focus on buildings created by the formal market. Because, it is generally the formal housing construction market that is related to the construction permit, and the buildings offered by this market are also the problem we are talking about. The intensification of buildings in the main Albanian cities, a phenomenon that is inevitably associated with population densification, has damaged the structural units of the city (IHS Alumni et al., 1998; Aliaj, 2008). In the case when these construction developments have come through the formal market, ie as a result of construction permits by public authorities, these urban damages blame the governing performance (Imami et al., 2008; Fuga, 2004, 2012). The damages of construction dynamics, in the urban dimension of cities and the quality of urban life of citizens, are numerous and extend from the deformed spatial structure of the country to the damage to the infrastructural structure (engineering and social) of inhabited centers (WB, 2007; Aliaj, 2008). The impacts of this demographic densification and construction intensification are also felt in the environmental aspects of the urban quality of life in major cities (Fuga, 2004, 2012; Imami et al., 2008), and issues related to the social structure and level of democracy in the country. (Thomson, 2007; Imami et al., 2008). The issue we need to analyze here is: it was the ‘small government’ inspired by classical liberalization that granted building permits easily and without strict and austerity rules; or the “big state” bureaucratic, slow and corrupt (Spencer, 2005; Friedman, 2005), which produced this damaging urban and territorial reality? As we will present below, the process of obtaining a building permit for individuals or entrepreneurs has been very difficult and very costly, and has gone through very long and costly processes in the first place '. First, I would like to point out that there is a strong link between building permits and the economy in general and the ease of doing business in particular, which is the primary catalyst for economic growth rates (WB, 2015, 2018, 2019). Building permits enable construction, which is a very important business worldwide, especially in developing countries like Albania, where according to INSTAT the construction industry occupies 17% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (INSTAT 2019). This contribution of the construction industry started in the first years of the transition, where in the first five years alone it almost doubled, as IHS Alumni, et al. would point out,

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“construction would rise from 6,6% to 11% of GDP in 1996” (IHS Alumni, et al., 1998, p. 55). Even in developed western countries, construction is a strong contributor to GDP, in the EU it gives 10%, and it is also a strong employment accelerator, where in the EU in 2018 it manages to employ about 5 million people (Schmid, 2018). Fuga, while talking about the construction sector would underline that “in these past years, a series of conjunctural circumstances make the residential construction sector one of the most developed sectors of the Albanian economy, and perhaps it still continues to remain this way. This sector, for better or worse, has provided a very significant part of the Gross Domestic Product of the country, guaranteeing a satisfactory economic growth in its quantitative indicators” (Fuga, 2012, p. 195). In fact, this contribution of the construction industry would be noticeable in the first years of the transition, which IHS Alumni et al. would present in 1998 “Construction from 6.6% of GDP in 1991, has increased to 11.6% of GDP in 1996” (IHS Alumni et al., 1998, p. 55). This growing expansion of this industry would continue in the coming years and as the World Bank would underline in 2007 “Services and construction are the two largest private employment sectors” (WB, 2007, p. 15). In 2018, the three largest sectors of the Albanian economy are agriculture with 20% of GDP, construction with 14% and trade with 13.5% (Reiter, Schwarzhappel and Stehrer, 2020, p. 12). These latest statistics for the Albanian economy showed that the construction sector in Albania also surpassed the trade sector. Moreover, the construction industry is a locomotive for many other economic sectors, such as other businesses that supply it with raw materials, technology and machinery, but also for the fact that it is the construction industry that produces buildings with economic functions and for other entrepreneurial activities. Thus, the construction industry is an important contributor to the national economy (IHS Alumni, et al., 1998; Fuga, 2012), and as such it should be treated with care by state institutions; on the one hand, it is precisely this construction boom that has negatively impacted the condition of Albanian cities (Aliaj, 2008; Fuga, 2004, 2012). In this context, this does not mean that since there is such a contribution to the economy, we must accept "construction as an economic goal in itself", because the damage it produces in the urban and territorial dimension of the country, are often morecostly than the benefits from it. The difficulty of obtaining a building permit as an expression of the left ‘big government’ and its characteristics We have tried to clarify two issues so far: first, that it was construction (including formal construction) that contributed positively to the Albanian economy on the one hand, and very negatively to the condition of Albanian cities; and second, it was the governing performance, in the manner of exercising the construction permitting function, that bears responsibility for both of these formal construction contributions. What we are interested in further understanding is the question of how governance was introduced in the performance of this governing function. Did they perform, as right-wing ‘small governments’ inspired by the Smithian ‘laisser faire’ concept within a minimalist legislation and administration; or as left- wing ‘big governments’ influenced by the hyper-legislation and hyper-administration that characterize this type of government (Smith, 2005; Spencer, 2005; Friedman, 2005)?

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To answer this essential question in the most argumentative way possible, we will turn to the World Bank, which compiles and publishes the annual ‘Doing Business’ report. This report assesses 10 aspects of doing business in 189/190 countries of the world and is a very important document for the economies of developing countries, which need foreign investment, such as Albania (AIDA, 2019). International entrepreneurs and investors refer to that report before creating interest in investing their money and knowledge in a particular country. If we consult with it, Albania is always in the last places, and generally due to the difficulties and high costs that an individual or an entrepreneur needs to be provided by the authority with a construction permit (WB, 2015, 2018, 2019). Regarding the indicator of construction permits, Albania in the 2015 assessment dropped 35 places from a year ago. In the evaluation of that year's report, Albania was ranked 97th from 62nd a year earlier (WB, 2015). This negative ranking continues in the following years, and in 2018 Albania was ranked 63rd out of 190 countries for doing business easily (WB, 2018). Compared to a year ago, the country improved by two positions, while remaining the penultimate in the region. The first in the region remains Northern Macedonia, which is ranked 10th in the world and has been a strong competitor in recent years for Albania, attracting not only foreign investors (WB, 2018) but also attracting Albanian private investors. The indicator where Albania performs worse is obtaining a construction permit, in which it ranks 151st (WB, 2018), with a decrease of 54 countries from 2016. This report, in addition to helping countries understand what needs to change to improve the business climate in the country, indirectly gives us an idea of what the level of legislation and bureaucracy is. For 2020, Albania accompanied by Bosnia and Malta were ranked last in Europe for the business climate, deteriorating 9 out of 10 indicators measured by this report. Albania was ranked 82nd globally, down 19 places compared to 2019 (WB, 2019). In addition to these negative records, Albania is also ranked in the countries with the highest deterioration from a year ago, especially the indicator 'construction permits' has deteriorated further, dropping from 151st a year ago (WB, 2018) to the 166th country this year (WB, 2019). The World Bank's annual 'Doing Business' reports, and their assessment of Albania in the 'building permits' indicator, prove that it is not the 'small government' inspired by the Smithian 'laisser faire' concept in the context of a minimalist legislation and administration. It was not the lack of rules or the ease of obtaining a building permit that accompanied a ‘small government’ that brought about the devastating construction boom we are talking about. In contrast, it was exhausting bureaucracy, high financial costs, and corrupt decision-making as characteristics of ‘big government’ and centralized socialism (Spencer, 2005; Friedman, 2005). As the specialized reports of the World Bank show us, the numerous regulatory barriers and high costs in time and money to obtain a construction permit have made it difficult for entrepreneurship in Albania in recent years. The World Bank's annual 'Doing Business' reports, and their assessment of Albania in the 'building permits' indicator, prove that it is not the 'small government' inspired by the smith-jan 'laisser faire' concept in the context of a minimalist legislation and administration. It was not the lack of rules or the ease of obtaining a building permit that accompanied a ‘small government’ that brought about the devastating construction boom we are talking about. In contrast, it was exhausting bureaucracy, high financial costs, and corrupt decision-making as characteristics of ‘big government’ and centralized socialism (Spencer, 2005; Friedman, 2005). As the specialized reports of the World Bank show us, the numerous regulatory barriers and high costs in time

59 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 and money to obtain a construction permit have made it difficult for entrepreneurship in Albania in recent years. The rules, technical, procedural and legal conditions that a development enterprise must face have remained in the conservative meanings of experts and public bureaucrats, who find it difficult to understand the new reality in the field of construction and urbanistic development (Aliaj, 2008). Administration and governance as a whole have not understood the new role they have to play in the reality created after the fall of the socialist system that relied on centralized planning (HIS Alumni et al., 1998). Derraj in 2008 would underline that "Regarding the construction or transformation of the territory [development enterprises], this process still continues to be based on the criteria and technical norms for the construction and transformation of territories defined in the urban literature of the '70s” (Imami et al., 2008, p. 55). There were two causes that produced this difficulty in obtaining a building permit: the inability of officials to change their meanings and approaches and to adapt to new realities; and secondly, the preferential decision-making for construction permits, trafficking in influence, and even bribery (Aliaj, 2008; BB, 2007). In this context, the World Bank would underline "Corruption appears as a problem especially of large cities, and especially in the construction sector" (WB, 2007). Because the ‘big governments’ that the leftists consider to be the “right governments” have another characteristic; the larger they are, the greater the level of corruption in them (Spencer, 2005). As will be stated Aliaj preferential decision-making of government officials during the transition period "if the architect / urbanist planner [architects of state administration], or decision-makers themselves want to favor a particular property, it is enough for them to determine that parcel as a construction area; maximize the utilization coefficient; to increase the number of floors ”(Aliaj, 2008, p. 181), and further“ Otherwise, to devalue a certain property / land it is enough to define it as a garden, school or something else with a public / social function ”(Aliaj, 2008, p. 185). Conclusions and recommendations Although the role of government in the construction permitting function is mandatory (HIS Alumni, et al., 1998; Aliaj, 2008; Faja, 2008; Imami et al., 2008), referring to the World Bank, Albanian governments have much to do about by facilitating the technical, procedural and legal rules through which an enterprise is provided with a construction permit (WB, 2015, 2018, 2019). It was the difficulty that made the left ‘big government’, through its bureaucratic and corrupt characteristics, the process of obtaining a building permit, which produced about 350-400 thousand informal buildings in these years of transition in Albania (BB, 2012). If the technical, procedural and legal rules were more 'liberal', individuals and enterprises would not turn to informal construction. But, also, formal construction would not be under the pressure of bureaucracy and corruption. Found in this pressure created by the 'big government' and its many rules and high costs, formal construction was not in competition for the best quality and price in the market, but in competition to obtain a permit. building. The difficulty of equipping one changed the target of entrepreneurs in the construction sector, and this produced major urban and environmental damage to Albanian cities during the transition.

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A ‘small government’ driven by a liberalizing, modernizing and decentralizing approach would not have recognized so much technical incompetence and misuse of public money at this high cost in the territorial and urban dimension of the country. Construction permits must be recomposed in a simple administrative procedure, where the authority charged by law with this task, within a minimum time, responds to applicants whether their property development application is approved, conditionally approved or not approved at all. This is a very simple action if the civic demand was evaluated only in relation to the previously approved urban projects and territorial planning. But for this to work, we would first need planning instruments, which we do not have even though we have funded them two or three times (HIS Alumni et al., 1998; Aliaj, 2008). Basically, the left ‘big government’ has no interest in making these plans, because then it would be much clearer to every citizen, owner, or entrepreneur what is being built and where it is being built. If this were to be clear to anyone, then the government official would not have what preference to offer, in exchange for the envelope with money. The same situation with building permits, if they are worth as much as a simple administrative procedure, as a liberal 'small government' would aim, at the same time and to the same extent the "power" of the official falls who has the "supernatural" power to give you a building permit. Although we tried to argue that it was difficult to obtain a building permit as a presentation of ‘great governance’ and its characteristics, we think this is a topic that needs to be addressed in more depth. In this sense, we suggest scholars in the fields related to economic, legal, governance and public policy issues to address in the future this very important issue for the development of the country. We also recommend that public institutions charged by law with duties in this sector, make proposals and legal and sub-legal regulations to liberalize and facilitate the procedures for obtaining a building permit. Bibliography [1] AIDA, (2019), ‘Shqipëria thërret-një vend mundësish’, Tiranë, whttp://aida.gov.al/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Albania- Calls.pdf?fbclid=IwAR2NG61nuerA28iunot23fLbviX8pDgbacCUqm2EbvXtWCabu0lo Z0ojU7k [2] Aliaj, B., (2008), ‘Misteri i Gjashtë’, Tiranë: shtëpia botuese Botime Afrojdit, [3] Banka Botërore, [BB], (2007), ‘Shqipëria: Zhvillimi Urban, Migrimi dhe Ulja e Varfërisë’, Tiranë, http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/547941468004218271/pdf/400710 ESW0P0961Dec0310200701public1.pdf [4] Banka Botërore, [BB], (2012), ‘Qeverisja në mbrojtjen e të drejtave mbi pronën e paluajtshme në Shqipëri: sfidë e vazhdueshme’, Tiranë, http://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/735421468003297969/pdf/62519 0EGR0ALBA00Property0Rights0ALB.pdf [5] Faja, E., (2008), ‘Urbanistika; teknika dhe kompozimi’, Tiranë: Ufo University Pres, [6] Fuga, A., (2004), ‘Shoqëria periferike’, Tiranë: Botime Ora, [7] Fuga, A., (2012), ‘Rënia e Qytetit’, Tiranë: shtëpia botuese Papirus, [8] Friedman, M., (2005), ‘Kapitalizmi dhe Liria’, Tiranë, 2005: shtëpia botuese IPLS dhe Dita, përkthim nga Adri Nurellari,

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[9] IHS Alumni, IHS, Co-Plan, (1998), ‘Qyteti i ndërtuar nga njerëzit; Ide për të menaxhuar realitetin urban në Shqipëri’, Tiranë: Shtëpia Botuese Eurorilindja, [10] INSTAT, (2004), ‘Migracioni në Shqipëri; Regjistrimi i Popullsisë dhe Banesave 2001’, Tiranë http://www.instat.gov.al/media/3117/migracioni_n__shqiperi.pdf [11] INSTAT, (2014) ‘Migracioni në Shqipëri’, Tiranë: shtypshkronja Gentgrafik, [12] INSTAT, (2019), ‘Prodhimi i Brendshëm Bruto sipas Rajoneve Statistikore’, Tiranë: http://www.instat.gov.al/media/5793/pbb-rajonale-2017.pdf [13] Imami, A., Dhamo, S., Derraj, E., Kulluri., Lelaj, O., dhe Aliaj, B., (2008), ‘Hapësira qytetare drejt fundit të tranzicionit ?!, Këndvështrime filozofike dhe teknike’, Tiranë: Botime Afroidit [14] King, R., and Vullnetari, J., (2003), ‘Migration and Development in Albania’, file:///C:/Users/Planet/Downloads/Migration_and_Development_in_Albania.pdf [15] King, R., (2010), ‘‘Shqipëria si një laborator për studimin e migrimit dhe zhvillimit’, Tiranë: Revista Përpjekja, Viti XVII, nr. 26-27, pranverë-vjeshtë 2010, fq. 11-28 [16] Reiter O., Schwarzhappel M. and Stehrer R., (2020), ‘Productivity and Competitiveness of the Western Balkan countries’, Vienna: The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, https://wiiw.ac.at/productivity-and- competitiveness-of-the-western-balkan-countries-an-analysis-based-on-the-wiiw- western-balkan-productivity-database-dlp-5340.pdf [17] Schmid, D., (2018), ‘Total number of employed persons in the building construction industry in the European Union (28 countries) from 2008 to 2016’, https://www.statista.com/statistics/763219/total-employed-persons-in-building- construction-industry-eu/ [18] Smith, A., (2005), ‘Pasuria e Kombeve’, Tiranë: Dita 2000, përkthyer nga Gjergj Peçi [19] Spencer, H., (2005), ‘Njeriu kundër Shtetit’, Tiranë: shtëpia botuese Dita 2000, përkthim nga Bashkim Shehu, [20] Thompson, J., M (2007), ‘The suburban assault on democracy’, The Urban Reinventors Issue 2 November 07, The Urban Reinventors Paper Series 2005-2007, http://www.urbanreinventors.net/2/thompson/thompson-urbanreinventors.pdf [21] Vullnetari, J., (2007), ‘Albanian migration and development: state of the art review’, file:///C:/Users/Planet/Downloads/Albanian_Migration_and_Development_State.pd f [22] Vullnetari, J., (2010), ‘Nga “gulak” komunist në geto ballkanike: Shqipëria dhe politikat migratore në vite’, Tiranë: Revista Përpjekja, Viti XVII, nr. 26-27, pranverë- vjeshtë 2010, fq. 11-28 [23] Vullnetari, J., (2012), ‘Albanian on the Move: Links betëeen Internal and International Migration’; Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press [24] World Bank, [WB], (2007), ‘Albania Urban Sector Review’, Tiranë, https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/19622/372770E NGLISH01iew1P09932501PUBLIC1.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y [25] World Bank, [WB], (2015), ‘Doing Business, 2016’ https://www.doingbusiness.org/en/reports/global-reports/doing-business-2016 [26] World Bank, [WB], (2018), ‘Doing Business, 2019’ https://www.doingbusiness.org/en/reports/global-reports/doing-business-2019 [27] World Bank, [WB], (2019), ‘Doing Business, 2020’ https://www.doingbusiness.org/en/reports/global-reports/doing-business-2020

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[28] World Planners Congress, [WPC] (2006), ‘Vancouver Declaration’, Kanada http://www.globalplannersnetwork.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/WPC- declaration-2006-updated-June-2017.pdf

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Euroscepticism and Traditions of Nationalism

Zekeriya Alperen Bedirhan Ugur Ozgoker

Abstract The European Union and its member states are in the effect of populism and its catalyzer populist parties. Most of populist parties are the right-wing parties and their politic discourses can be called nationalist. In this study, relations between tradition of nationalism within the context of its historic roots and in the current use, and Euroscepticism will be examined. European identity will be discussed as an important integration factor and populist parties of the European zone will be analyzed with internal and external factors. Keywords: Euroscepticism, Nationalism, Populism, Populist Parties, Euroepan Union, Identity Politics

1.Introduction The project of European integration or the European Union has been confronted with opposition ideas called Eurosceptism. According to European Commission president Jean- Claude Juncker, “Rising Euroscepticism and domestic political point-scoring pose an existential threat to the European Union.’’ (Boffey, 2017). However, what are the main reasons for the Eurosceptic movement? From the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) to the EU, this sui-generis organization was transformed from economic cooperation to political union and this top to bottom evolution in the organisation has disturbed some political groups and created origins of Eurosceptism. In other words, the supra-national character of the EU is seen as a threat to the sovereignty of nation-states by this Eurosceptic movement. Within the context of this argument, radical right parties as well as left parties use this idea as propaganda against the European Integration in their negative stance. “Radical left and right wing eurosceptism have a common denominator which is nationalism.” (Halikiopoulou, Nanou and Vasilopoulou, 2012: 504) However, can this relation between Eurosceptism and nationalism be generalized and applied in the entire European continent by political scientists? To what extent does Euroscepticism reaffirm or challenge traditions of nationalism? The aim of this article is to answer these questions with examples of European countries, especially France and Greece. 2.Tradition of Nationalism and Eurosceptism The European nation-state system was framed by nationalism because of the raison d’être of modern state structure since the French Revolution. Mostly, nationalism was a tool of

64 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 patriotism, national unity and sovereignty in nation state borders. Unfortunately, the concept of nationalism was expanded and abused with discourses by political leaders to execute expansionist policies, conflict and war. On the other hand, “at various times, nationalism has been progressive and reactionary, democratic and authoritarian, liberating and oppressive and left wing and right wing.” (Heywood, 2002: 115). According to Heywood (2002: 115), nationalism can be classified into four; liberal nationalism, conservative nationalism, expansionist nationalism and anti-colonial nationalism. Therefore, the definition of nationalism is relative. Moreover, nationalism is not strong in the case of ethnic, cultural and linguistic differences which occur between different ethnic origins. The United States of America and Canada are examples which show that a supra-nation identity can be constructed to promote national unity, and this approach destroys the necessity of main elements for a classic definition of nation like common language, history, tradition and ancestral blood ties. Moreover, current international politic system witnessed migrations, thanks to globalization and this movement disturbed homogeneity of population. Reactions showed that these developments were not welcomed by some radical political parties. As a result, racism, xenophobia, a fear and hatred against foreigners occurred. In this nation-state system, the EU tried to change its structure from an economic organization to a political unit which aims to establish a federal Europe in the brand of ‘The United States of Europe’ which was first coined by Winston Churchill. (Packwood, 2016: 2). However, opposition ideas and criticism against the EU project and the EU policies are made by Eurosceptics who think that the EU weakens the nation-state sovereignty. Eurosceptism can be classified into two; hard Eurosceptism and soft Eurosceptism. Hard Eurosceptism is the rejection of the entire EU project which is economic and political integration and it defends the leaving of the EU. Mostly, it is articulated by right parties. (Condruz-Bacescu, 2014: 56). On the other hand, soft Eurosceptism is interested in criticism of one or more policies of the EU, like economic crisis, democracy deficit and immigration problems and it is basically reformist. (Bertoncini, Koenig, 2015: 6) However, this classification is seen as too broad and not specific. An alternative classification of the term is offered by Kopecky and Mudde (2002: 300-301) which are Europhobe/Europhile and EU-optimist/pessimist axes to analyze different types of party positions. This categorization can be expanded with; “Euroenthusiasts” who are close to pro-Europeanism; secondly, the “Eurorejects” who are against the European integration; “thirdly, the “Eurosceptics” who support the idea of a united Europe but disagree with the general practice of integration; and finally, the “Europragmatists” who are against the idea of the EU but support the practice of European integration.” (Vasilopoulou, 2009: 5). Beyond the theoretical discussions of Eurosceptism, it is believed that Eurosceptism started with the Maastricht Treaty, because as a symbol of political unity, a single currency ‘Euro’ was formalized and a lot of countries did not accept it. This disagreement on single currency can be examined within the context of eurosceptism and nationalism, especially conservative nationalism as a main defender of Eurosceptism. A project of federal Europe is a threat for conservative right parties, this idea argues that European integration burdens potential destruction of nation-states. For instance, the United Kingdom possesses a special or privileged status in the EU. She did not join Eurozone and Schengen area. ‘’Also, she gained an opt-out from the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, and refused to sign the fiscal compact.’’ (Mourlon-Druol, 2018). Not only national interests but also traditions,

65 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 symbols like existence of the Royal Family played important role in the case of the isolation of the UK from the EU. The leadership of the EU has tried to halt the Eurosceptic movement. However, since 1999, actors of anti-European parties have begun to show resistance against the changing character of the EU. For example, ‘’The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe’’ was rejected by some members of European Parliament (MEPs) under the new founded group called ‘’Independence and Democracy’’. In 2005, French and Dutch European constitution referendums resulted in a win for the ‘NO’ campaign, but the Lisbon Treaty solved disagreements and determined the future of the EU which is based on agreements. Dissatisfaction within the Member States has become stronger in the wake of the Eurozone debt crisis and refugee crisis. Provisions of the EU increased the Eurosceptic movement and resulted in Brexit which was against hierarchy and elitism according to Michael O’Neill (O'NEILL, M., 2018). As mentioned above, British exceptionalism was a part of the integration problem in the European identity but the main reason was the EU’s decision on the refugee quotas and immigration which increased eurosceptism in the UK. Main executors of these Eurosceptic activities are radical parties in the EU. They can be classified into two; radical right and radical left parties. Features of radical right parties are nationalism, authoritarianism and populism. (Mudde, 2010) Mostly, right parties focus on immigration, national identity, domestic security and cultural or moral deterioration in the society. Radical left parties improve their party policies on the systematically critical of neo- liberal capitalism and globalization (March, 2012: 1725) and European integration is a barrier for this aim. Mostly, as a strategic maneuver to catch up all electorate, importance of nationalism in these radical parties can be seen in the elections rather than paying attention to their ideologies, values and beliefs. Therefore, new populist parties which is connected with the radical right and new politics parties and their predecessors the old left constitute unorthodox strategies. Main arguments of eurosceptic radical right parties defend that the EU is a source of assimilation of identities, loss of sovereignty, external threat for independence and unity. On the other hand, radical left parties defend that the EU is the executor of capitalist or free market economy to exploitation and imperialism, violator of economic and social rights against the equality and internationalism and threat to the territorial integrity. But ‘’these radical parties share elements of nationalist ideology leading to a common eurosceptic stance.’’ (Halikiopoulou, Nanou and Vasilopoulou, 2012: 505) Fundamentally, structural and ideological background of these radical parties are incompatible for this notion but in the EU politics, to convince the society in the elections, this is the most popular and effective discourse. 3.Effects of Eurosceptism and Nationalism for European Countries Euroscepticism is based on some negative discourses. For instance, democracy deficit in the EU decision making process leads to lack of participation of the electors in the EU elections. Public opinion mostly believe that the EU is operating in ‘technocratic’ mode (Bretherton and Vogler, 1999: 77). The EU cannot be deepened or widened because of its lack of societal relations and this causes legitimacy problem. Consequently, the EU is not able to become a global leader. It cannot establish a powerful political unit between its member states. In addition to this, the EU is based on mutual agreements that still protect national interests.

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However, in the case of undermining national sovereignty, voting behavior changes. For example, the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe that was a significant step to give more power to the EU, French and Dutch voters rejected it in the referendums, most especially the French voters who felt cheated in the 1992 Maastricht Treaty (Franck, 2005: 1073). The EU replaced it with the Treaty of Lisbon, like a soft transition, but it can be seen that for France, referendums hold significant places to show the relations between eurosceptism and nationalism. Within the context of referendums, results of the Brexit referendum in the UK was an important sign to not only the future of Europe but also France too because worries on domino effect occurred. Across Europe, rise of eurosceptism can be shown in the poll results. ‘’The Pew Research Center found a majority of people were unfavorable towards the EU in Greece (71%) and France (61%).’’ (BBC News, 2018) In the case of France, Frexit which is the name of French withdrawal from the EU was proposed by the Front National leader Marine Le Pen who called herself as Madame Frexit. Moreover, the refugee crisis in France helped Marine Le Pen in the 2017 presidential election. In the election promises, she defended another referendum like Brexit in France. However, in the election, Emmanuel Macron of ‘En Marche!’ who is a centrist and liberal politician had been elected by a decisive margin. He aims to carry out a reform in the EU to overcome a withdrawal trend from the EU. Nationalism in France is a very decisive factor in the political issues and French Eurosceptism mostly reaffirms nationalism but it is not able to push the voters to Frexit. First reason to the disadvantage of Eurosceptism in France is that French people became rational and gave a chance to Macron about the EU reforms and solving immigration problems in the presidential race. Another reason is that, after the Islamic terrorist attacks in France, voting behavior was expected to shift radical policies like after 9/11 attacks in the US. However, interesting point is that the 2017 French presidential election was between progressive populist Macron and nativist populist Le Pen. French voters tried to elect one of the populist leaders who follow different ideologies. Therefore, rather than radical policies of Le Pen, French voters were interested in progressive reforms of Macron in the same populist scale. Like France, refugee crisis in the EU triggered Eurosceptic movements with populist far right ideas in European countries. There are a number of Europeans who still continue with their task to welcome and also support the influx of refugees. However, in certain places, the influx of immigrants to the country would fall as a play in the populist parties’ hands and even to the right-wing movements. Austria has already made a declaration for a quota for the immigrant asylum seekers. Alternatively, Greece is struggling to cope with the refugee backlog that are restricted from crossing into Macedonia. Between Sweden and Denmark, the temporary controls are well in place, and these temporary controls are also at different other borders of the generally Schengen area which is passport-free. (Traynor, 2018) In Spain and Italy in 2015, population between 60 to 80% had reported to the pollsters about their being unhappy regarding their governments’ immigration policies. The anti-migration AfD party in a few areas in Germany surpassed the mainstream Social Democrats. Migration would have been a decisive factor in the UK, regarding the in-out referendum, whereas the incumbent governments in other EU countries would be adopting a tougher stance related to migration for re-capturing voters which had been drifting towards the populist challengers. This kind of domestic pressures related to politics might, in turn, make it difficult for the governments at the EU level to have workable compromises without which there is going to be more

67 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 fragmentation in the EU. Kentmen-Cin and Erisen (2016: 3) stated that there is yet a scope in Europe to turn the migration crisis into the shape of political and economic opportunity, but the window is witnessed to close very fast. Refugee crisis in the Europe is one of the main reason which triggers tradition of nationalism and causes Eurosceptism. However, in the case of Greece, a different approach and version of Eurosceptism can be seen because of the Eurozone economic crisis. The solution for the voters who suffered from the Greek government-debt crisis in the 2015 general election was the Syriza and its leader Alexis Tsipras whose ideology is based on left-wing populism and soft eurosceptism. Generally left-wing parties defend cross-border solidarity, however, since the 1940s there has been a rise in left-wing nationalism which uses nationalism for social cohesion against the difficulties like exploitation, anti-imperialism and foreign interventions. Syriza is not an exception to this left-wing nationalism but ‘’its patriotic rhetoric has ditched its Eurosceptic platform.’’ (Papadogiannis, 2018) It can be seen that Syriza moderated its ideology and softened its approach towards Greek withdrawal from the EU or Grexit and this helped the popularity of Syriza. The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and Popular Unity which split from Syriza supports leaving the euro but these parties cannot satisfy voters’ expectation and received less votes in the elections. Because, for the voters, pros of Syriza was different from other parties. For them, Syriza brings back hope and defends dignity of the Greek people but in fact as a populist party, Syriza has linked with ‘underdog culture’ which shows a society that lives in an economically vulnerable country, fears international competition and feeds populist leaders. (Stavrakakis and Katsambekis, 2014: 120) 4.Conclusion Is the tradition of nationalism an existential problem for the European integration? Eurosceptism claims that the EU is against the nation-state system. As a method to continue nation-state’s power or status quo in the EU, Eurosceptism is an opposition idea and mostly pessimistic criticisms about the current structure and policies of the EU. In this perspective, it can be said that the tradition of nationalism is reaffirmed by Eurosceptism. In this article, some of the challenges between Eurosceptism and traditions of nationalism are tried to be found. It can be seen that nationalism is based on identity which is basically, who you are. At this point, Eurosceptics use identity for its purposes. Eurosceptism believes that the EU project which wants to establish ‘the United States of Europe’ is against the nation-state system and it weakens the sovereignty of the nation-states. Especially, not only nation-state level but also supranational level, Eurosceptic right parties or ideologies use nationalism to enforce its discourses more than left parties. In the common aim which is to weaken the EU project, Eurosceptic left parties which are ideologically against the nationalism to destroy class system and to unite a society based on left ideology, compromise with Eurosceptic right parties. Like differences between hard and soft Eurosceptism, Eurosceptic left and right parties brought different approaches on nationalism while criticizing the EU. Therefore, there is a link between nationalism and eurosceptism but the fact that to reach their political ambitions, a lot of populist parties in Europe abuse nationalism and accuse the EU for the crisis with Eurosceptic ideas. Therefore, after a while, the EU became a scapegoat for failures, debts and crisis in the nation-states. In fact, Eurosceptism is a political tool for the populist parties in Europe to maximize their sympathizers rather that change their minds.

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Bibliography [1] BBC News. (2018). Euroscepticism on rise, poll suggests. [online] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-eu-referendum-36471989 [Accessed 5 Mar. 2018]. [2] Bertoncini, Y., & Koenig, N. (2015). Euroscepticism Or Europhobia: Voice Vs. Exit?. Notre Europe. [3] Boffey, D. (2017). Rising Euroscepticism 'poses existential threat to EU'. [online] the Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/mar/03/brexit-has-put-other- leaders-off-wanting-to-leave-says-ec-vice-president [Accessed 24 Dec. 2017]. [4] Bretherton, C., & Vogler, J. (1999). The European Union as a global actor. Psychology Press. [5] Condruz-Bacescu, M. (2014). Euroscepticism across Europe: Drivers and challenges. European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 6(2), 52. [6] Franck, R. (2005). Why did a majority of French voters reject the European Constitution?. European Journal of Political Economy, 21(4), 1071-1076. [7] Halikiopoulou, D., Nanou, K., & Vasilopoulou, S. (2012). The paradox of nationalism: The common denominator of radical right and radical left euroscepticism. European journal of political research, 51(4), 504-539. [8] Heywood, A. (2002). Politics (palgrave MacMillan). New York. [9] Kentmen-Cin, C. and Erisen, C., 2017. Anti-immigration attitudes and the opposition to European integration: A critical assessment. European Union Politics, 18(1), pp.3-25. [10] Kopecky, P., & Mudde, C. (2002). 'The two sides of Euroscepticism', European Union Politics, 3(3), pp. 297-326. [11] March, L. (2012). Radical left parties in Europe. Routledge. [12] Mourlon-Druol, E. (2018). Brexit debate ignores UK’s privileged position in Europe | Bruegel. [online] Bruegel.org. Available at: http://bruegel.org/2016/05/brexit-debate-ignores-uks- privileged-position-in-europe/ [Accessed 5 Jan. 2018]. [13] Mudde, C. (2010). The populist radical right: A pathological normalcy. West European Politics, 33(6), 1167-1186. [14] O'NEILL, M., (2018), Challenges to the western liberal order: the end of 'the west'? Research Seminar, Nottingham Trent University, Nottingham, 24 January 2018. [15] Packwood, A. (2016). Churchill y los Estados Unidos de Europa, 1904-1948. Comillas Journal of International Relations, (7), 1-9. [16] Papadogiannis, N. (2018). Power to Our People. [online] Foreign Affairs. Available at: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/greece/2015-09-21/power-our-people [Accessed 11 Mar. 2018]. [17] Traynor, I. (2018). Is the Schengen dream of Europe without borders becoming a thing of the past?. [online] the Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jan/05/is-the-schengen-dream-of-europe- without-borders-becoming-a-thing-of-the-past [Accessed 4 Mar. 2018]. [18] Vasilopoulou, S. (2009). Varieties of Euroscepticism: the case of the European extreme right. Journal of Contemporary European Research, 5(1), 3-23. [19] Yannis Stavrakakis & Giorgos Katsambekis (2014) Left-wing populism in the European periphery: the case of SYRIZA, Journal of Political Ideologies, 19:2, 119-142, DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2014.909266

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Social Work and Social Protection in crisis circumstances – Organisation and activities of Centre for Social Work Banja Luka during the floods in 2014

Dragana Šćepović University of Banjaluka, Faculty of Political Science Andrea Rakanović Radonjić University of Banjaluka, Faculty of Political Science Ljubo Lepir University of Banjaluka, Faculty of Political Science

Abstract Modern man is at constant risk to his/her security, which threatens him/her from natural disasters. Today, these risks are much more frequent and intense than they were before. Climate change is affecting more and more extreme natural disasters that bring greater security risks. The most common risks that lead to crisis situations are related to extreme events during the escalation of natural disasters, such as: fires, floods, earthquakes, heavy rainfall, landslides, etc. These situations require adequate systemic responses, which are recognized through the actions of various institutions, mainly public institutions of public systems towards the vulnerable groups. Increased interest in the work of institutions and services in crisis situations comes from the need to seek effective responses to the existential vulnerability condition, but also to the condition of social need that is often associated with existential vulnerability. The paper presents organization and of work terms of the Centre for Social Work (CSW) in Banja Luka during the extreme floods in 2014, which hit this city twice in six months period. Conclusions and recommendations that have been defined, aimed at systematically improving the protection of the population and professionals in crisis situations at the local level are based on the results of the analysis of the activities that have been carried out and the Centre’s direct actions, as well as an assessment of the achieved level of social protection and support to the population affected by the effects of the floods. Keywords: social work, social protection, crisis, organisation, activities, social work Banja- Luka, the floods

Introduction Republic of Srpska is one of the two entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina that has its competencies, among which are social protection and the population protection in emergency situations.

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Social protection, as an activity of special interest to the Republic, provides assistance to persons when they are in a state of social need and takes the necessary measures to prevent and eliminate the consequences of such a situation. Tis part of system has a significant role in protecting persons in natural disasters and other accidents. The Law on Social Protection of the Republic of Srpska (“Official Gazette of the Republic of Srpska” No. 37/12; 90/16; 94/19 and 42/20) recognizes a natural disaster as a special circumstance that leads to a state of social need. Centers for Social Work, as bearers of social protection at the local level represent important systemic subjects of protection in such situations they must provide adequate and efficient answers to the citizen’s state of social needs. The social need can be defined as a life situation in which an individual, family or group of people finds themselves, and need the help and support of others (individuals, systems) to overcome existential and social difficulties that they have in meeteng basic life needs. The consequences of natural disasters in extreme cases bring many into a state of social need. General material deprivation, endangerment of life, loss of loved ones, loss of safe housing, but also psychosocial and emotional problems are the consequences that natural disasters leave behind and and produce a state of social need. The State and its institutions have an obligation to respond to such situations, and to provide adequate assistance and support to the endangered so that they can overcome such a situation. The key institutions implementing social protection measures in the Republic Srpska are Centers for social work (CSW). CSW through the mechanisms of the social protection system provides immediate assistance and support to those who need it. With approach “user in the center of attention”, CSW ensures that system solutions are implemented in the best way in practice, that is, in the immediate living environment of the beneficiaries. In the conditions of emergency situations caused by natural disasters, the CSW provides the necessary material, but also psycho-social support to the beneficiaries, as well as to the professional workers who participate in providing assistance. The Law on Social Protection defines the obligation of local government units to plan, organize and implement activities to prevent and remedy the consequences of the social needs of the population caused by various causes, including emergencies resulting from sudden natural disasters. Other legislation, Law on Protection and Rescue in emergency situations (“Official Gazette of the Republic of Srpska” No. 121/12 and 46/17), defines emergency situation as a state in which the risks, threats or consequences of disasters (natural disasters), emergencies and other hazards to the population, life environment and material goods of such scope and intensity that their occurrence or consequences cannot be prevented or eliminated by regular action of competent bodies and services, due to which it is necessary to use special measures, forces and means for their mitigation and elimination ”(Article 5) . In accordance with this definition of the concept of emergency, operation of CSW is recognized as primary and secondary. The primary activity of the CSW means direct activities carried out during a natural disaster, and the secondary activity means the activities of the CSW before and after a natural disaster where the existing system solutions arising from the Law on Social Protection are harmonized with possible and new situation. in which the resources of the system are additionally engaged in finding new solutions in order to respond to possible risks and the state of social need.

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The CSW as one of the basic, leading institutions of the social protection system in local communities, in emergency situations has an extremely important role in protecting and rescuing the population, especially socially vulnerable groups, such as: people with disabilities, the poor, children, residents of collective accommodation, the elderly and infirm, etc. The position and role of the CSW in natural disasters arises from the general competencies defined by the Law on Social Protection, and are specifically determined by the Plan for protection against natural disasters and accidents prepared by local communities, based on the Decree on the content and manner of natural disasters and other accidents ("Official Gazette of the Republic of Srpska" No. 68/13). In order to fully understand the operation CSW during an emergency, it is necessary to keep in mind that the management of all protection and rescue resources in the Republic of Srpska is the responsibility of the Republic Emergency Headquarters, emergency headquarters at local government units and headquarters for emergency situations of companies and legal entities. This means that the operation of CSW must be under the direct authority of these institutions in order to align the overall activities with the priorities arising from the urgency imposed by the situation on the ground, and to identify CSW as a real resource of the overall rescue system. The Manual for the Centers for Social Work in Emergencies Caused by Natural Disasters (RS Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, 2015) clearly states that “protection and rescue is carried out by citizens, authorities, companies and other legal entities, rescue services, units and commissioners of civil protection, who also represent the subjects or forces of the protection and rescue system ”(p. 27), whereby the focus of action is equally distributed to all actors involved in the rescue process. This empfisise the importance of the subjects of protection to a higher level, and the CWS as social institutions, were given a new dimension, initiators and creators of local programs of help and support for vulnerable categories of the population whose social sensitivity is especially pronounced in natural disasters. In May 2014, the Republic of Srpska was hit by a natural disaster whose consequences for property and persons at the time of the event were incalculable. It is a flood that affected more than a third of the territory of the Republic and a significant part of the area in the region. Three cities were completely flooded (Doboj, Šamac and Obrenovac in Serbia), while several other cities and municipalities were partially or mostly flooded. Unfortunately, the same natural disaster, but in a lesser extent, hit Republic of Srpska in August of the same year. During this period CWS, which were subjects of protection and rescue in local government units, operated in accordance with the Law on Protection and Rescue in Emergencies and other Republic of Srpska is an entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina that has its competencies in, among which are social protection and the population in emergency situations.. They also acted in accordance with the Law on Social Protection, which recognizes natural disasters as the cause of the state of social need. The CWS Banjaluka (Capital and administrative center of Republic) participated every time in providing direct help and support to the citizens when the river flooded the wider city area and when the lives of the citizens were endangered. The long-term operation of the Centre for Social Work Banja Luka has provided valuable experience in improving the systemic response to the state in natural disasters. These experiences are subject of interest of this paper.

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CWS Banjaluka organizational and material assumptions for acting in emergency situations For the efficient operation of the institutions in the system, existence of resources and a well- established management structure are of key importance for dealing with consequences of natural disasters, (Buljubašić, et al. 2015). According to the Rulebook on Internal Organization and Systematization of Workplaces in the Public Institution, the work of the CSW Banja Luka in regular circumstances is organized into three departments. The departments that are organizational units CSW Banjaluka are: Department of General Affairs, Department for Family and Legal Protection of Children and Families and the Department for Adults and the Elderly. In the Departments for Family and Legal Protection of Children and Families and the Department for Adults and the Elderly, jobs that carry out specialist-professional work are systematized, in accordance with the needs of priority groups of users. In the General Affairs Department, managerial positions and other positions are systematized in the vay to provide supports to professional work. In this Department are systematized positions directed towards the legal and financial functioning of CSW. At the time when the catastrophic flood hit Banja Luka, the total number of employees in CSW in 2014, was 75. 49 had the status of professional workers, while the remaining 26 workers performed general work and had the status of other workers in social protection. Social workers have the largest share in the group of professional workers. There were no special jobs for carrying out activities related to emergency situations. Therefore, the success of acting in emergency situations depended on the same workers who performed regular activities of the institution, which indicated the need for good additional education of existing, primarily professional staff, related to content in the field of assistance, support and rescue. At the time of the natural disaster, CSW Banja Luka, ie its employees, were burdened with a large number of beneficiaries of social protection measures and services. The number of beneficiaries immediately before the catastrophic floods was 21,070, which represented about 10.5% of the total population of Banja Luka according to the 2013 census. In just a few days, the number of those who sought help from CSW increased by 800. The management of CSW had to count on a sharp increase of the number of beneficiaries. However, from the aspect of material and technical conditions and the human resources in the institution, we arise the questions Was CSW ready for such a development?! From the material and technical means, it should be pointed out that the CSW Banjaluka at that time had a fully equipped and safe office space that was not endangered by floods, so that assistance activities could be managed without fear that it would be endangered. The mobility of professional workers was related to the use of three cars, none of which were prepared for extreme conditions of use. In accordance with article 23 of the Law on Protection and Rescue, in emergency situations, organizations and companies are obliged to train and prepare protection and rescue teams and to hire them to perform protection and rescue tasks independently, as well as upon request. This provides the basis for CWS Banja Luka in November 2013 to adopt a Plan for protection and rescue from natural disasters and other accidents. This Plan clearly elaborates the obligations and activities that CSW must carry out in order to prepare for action in

73 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 emergency situations. This Plan was important legal document in the preparation phase of the CSW emergency response. In the preparation phase, the management of the CSW Banjaluka complied with all the required elements defined by the Decree on the content and manner of drafting a plan for protection against natural disasters and other accidents. The result of these activities was a Plan for protection and rescue from natural disasters and other accidents. The development of the Plan was preceded by activities related to the preparation of results of risk assessment and assessment of the situation. All these activities were completed in November 2013, ie some six months before the catastrophic floods, when the preparation of the Plan for protection and rescue from natural disasters and other accidents, was completed. What was noticed as a shortcoming in the process of drafting the Plan is the non-implementation of parallel education and informing the employees of the CSW. The focus was on drafting a written document that should satisfy the form, ie the obligation of CSW to have an official document, while educating and informing employees was left aside. In contrast to the preparation, the more significant engagement of the CSW took place in the immediate action phase. The new situation has necessitated the need to seek quick answers to the growing needs of the population. Several standard and a couple of new, innovative activities have enabled consistency in activities, which has enabled the CSW to establish itself as an important entity in the process of providing support and assistance to citizens who are in a state of social need due to the consequences of catastrophic floods. Cooperation in the emergency management process In accordance with Mayor decision from mid May 2014 in Banja Luka, was declared a state of emergency due to the flood that hit the city. From that moment CSW Banja Luka made itself available to the Civil Protection of the City of Banja Luka. As a first step, the CSW compiled information on material and technical equipment and human potential, which could be placed in the protection and rescue service. At the same day, CSW Banja Luka passed a Decision establishing an Emergency Headquarters for responding to an emergency situation caused by a flood, and harmonizing working hours, jobs and tasks in accordance with the requirements of the emergency situation. During the emergency situation, the CSW continuously carried out activities in accordance with the orders of the City Crisis headquarters, and in cooperation with the Department of Civil Protection and the managers of checkpoints in the flooded areas. CSW Banjaluka organized work in three shifts, which provided coverage for all twenty-four hours a day. After first three days of declaring a state of emergency, when the workers of the CSW participated for twenty-four hours in rescuing and evacuating the population in the flood-affected areas, and in the distribution of basic foodstuffs, the work of the CSW was organized in two shifts. 07.00 hours was provided through “standby". This way of working was maintained until the Decision on declaring a state of emergency was repealed on May 26, 2014. During the August floods of the same year, in accordance with the City Mayor Decision, CSW adjusted its working hours in the same way, and again organized duty shifts 24 hours a day. During the emergency situation in May and August 2014, 63 of 75 CSW employees were on duty and perform activities related to meeting the needs of the population and ensuring its safety. Twelve workers who did not participate in tih activities were on maternity leave or prevented due to age, illness or disability, which means that the organization of work is set quite broadly, covering all available staff.

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Bebneficiaries registration During the floods, and in accordance with the order of the Crisis headquarters of the City of Banja Luka, a Social Map was prepared. This included households that were endangered by the flood. A total of 2529 households whose housing units were flooded were listed, of which 1801 were completely flooded, while 289 households were partially flooded. The total number of enumerated household members was 7645, of which 6284 people were endangered by the flood. These data refer to May 2014. The same procedure in August covered 408 families. In the survey that was made participated 52 employees of CSW Banja, as well as 70 employees of the City Administration. The survey was conducted over a period of two days. For thir purpose professionals from CSW developed analytical questionnaire. The same instrument used in the following period. This instrument was also used by Ministry of Health and Social Welfare to create a social map at the level of the entire Republic of Srpska. For data processing 80 people were engaged. Significant number of them was from CSW Banja Luka. Professionals from CSW Banja Luka also participated in the data processing managed by the Department of Informatics of the Banja Luka City Administration. The collected and processed data served for the distribution of humanitarian aid in the field. The professionals from CSW also directly participated in the distribution of humanitarian aid in the first five days after the declaration of the state of emergency, before these activities takes over Red Cross Banja Luka. Professionals of CSW Banja Luka were engaged in the work of the Commission for collection, records and distribution of humanitarian aid for the City of Banja Luka. The main task of that Commission was to fairly and equally distribution of humanitarian aid to the population that was most endangered, according to the levels of priority. One of the activities of CSW Banja Luka was the networking of data and information on flooded areas and households, in cooperation with the Republic Red Cross. Population protection in the City areas affected by the floods In the activities of caring for the population of City that found itself in a state of social need caused by a natural disaster, the CSW directly participated in the protection and rescue of the people that was endangered by the flood. In the first days professionals from CSW were focused on taking care of people who needed accommodation. On the social anamnesis basis care was provided in the families of relatives or friends, shelters for adults and the, shelter for children and social welfare institutions in the City of Banja Luka. After the emergency placement the professionals from CSW focused on activities related to the social protection rights for persons in a state of social need caused by natural disasters, as well as assistance in the procurement of. Some other activities, which were also in focus, were related to the distribution of basic foodstuffs to flood victims who were taken care of in the families of relatives or friends, and activities related to visiting institutions that accepted persons who lost their property. These activities included seeking an exit strategy for more permanent care of these persons. Activities related to planning further care were undertaken. During these activities, over 3,000 field visits were made to the flooded population, more precisely, 2,529 home visits were made to flooded households, while the remaining number of field visits were made during the distribution of humanitarian aid, visits to temporary care centres, and field visits.

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A particularly important activity was helping people from other areas who found themselves in the territory of the City of Banja Luka. These activities were aimed at helping families from the area of the City of Doboj, the municipality of Šamac and Obrenovac in the Republic of Serbia, which suffered the greatest damage from the floods in May 2014. These are 9 families that found themselves in the area of the City of Banja Luka, and they were provided with support in food and medicine, material resources and psychosocial support. One of the activities that started immediately after the flood, and lasted for the next 18 months, is active participation in the project of rehabilitation of housing units that suffered as a result of the flood, which was carried out by UNDP. The task of the professionals from CSW Banja Luka was to review the overall social situation and make an assessment, on which basis persons that applied were awarded a donation in the form of rehabilitation of a housing unit. This assessment was preceded, among other elements, by a field visit to the household. More than 300 households applied for the programme announced by the UNDP, which means that the CSW conducted over 300 home visits and many more interviews with the household members. Organizing and providing psychosocial assistance and support after the flood Disasters affect large numbers of people whose lives, health or safety are endangered, leading to the destruction of property and the disruption of normal activities in the community. Floods, as a form of natural disaster, are not part of everyday, ordinary human experience, are unpredictable, and as sudden, unpleasant traumatic events cause fear, helplessness and horror, and lead to suffering for most people, regardless of their psychophysical condition and coping. . Reactions to traumatic events are inevitable and universal, very similar in most people, and specific symptoms depend on age, the nature of the traumatic experience and the significance they have for the individual (Čaldarević, 1995). There is a difference in the type and intensity of reactions to trauma, as well as the time it takes for people to recover. People are generally unprepared for floods. They represent rare traumatic events that can be triggers for crises. It is important to note that, although at the root of every crisis is event that are highly stressful or traumatic, yet stress and trauma do not necessarily lead to a crisis. In order for a crisis to develop a feeling of helplessness, loss of control and internal balance, and disorganization of behaviour must be present. Both victims and helpers may experience reactions that are a sign of the development of a psychological crisis, and which often do not receive the necessary attention. A large-scale crisis event requires the engagement of a larger number of experts and services, their fast, precise and coordinated action. According to Dejan Ajduković, when a crisis occurs, the primary goal is to mitigate its impact (saving lives, safety and health care, saving property), then to eliminate the consequences as soon as possible and establish a normal level of functioning of individuals, groups and communities. The same author further points out that “immediately after people are rescued, injured are taken care of, and property is insured, it becomes obvious that in terms of feelings, opinions, bodily signs and overall functioning, the situation is not stabilized. People’s reactions can be a sign of the development of a psychological crisis. They are recognized both by the immediate victims and by the helpers/professionas that participated in providing assistance or witnessed the events (Ajduković, D., 2000: 94). In accordance with the above, once they are placed in a safe place, it is necessary to provide psychosocial help and support to both victims and professionals. Also, Pregrad (1996) believes that it is necessary to first provide material and somewhat social care

76 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 to people in order to successfully provide them with psychological assistance, and states that "Maslow's following model of personality development is clear that there is not much benefit from working on respect, acceptance, self-esteem and self-actualization if the basic biological, existential needs and the needs for security and predictability are not met ”(Pregrad, 1996: 88). It is indisputable that it is necessary to provide material, as well as social and psychological assistance during and immediately after the crisis events. Pregrad (1996: 87) proposes the division of the total area of psychosocial assistance into three sub-areas: crisis psychosocial intervention (shorter crisis intervention), psychosocial support and psychotherapy. Crisis psychosocial intervention is applied immediately after crisis events that occur suddenly and abruptly and goes beyond the ordinary human experience, and to which individuals and groups cannot readily, effectively and psychologically respond sufficiently defensively (Pregrad, 1996: 87). These crisis events include, but are not limited to, natural disasters such as floods. Psychological crisis interventions are not psychotherapy, but are in fact preventive procedures aimed at alleviating traumatic stress, helping people to more easily endure traumatic events and to integrate them into their daily experience, which is necessary for their further normal functioning. Eranen and Liebkind (1993, according to Arambašić, 2000) define psychological crisis interventions as a set of procedures that are used to help people overcome what they have experienced after crisis events. Psychosocial crisis interventions provide support and assistance to people to regain a sense of autonomy and control over life. Vlajković (2009), as the most frequently used models of crisis interventions, states: concise psychological integration of trauma, relief and demobilization. The goal of psychosocial support is to provide support to people, take on some of their tasks until they cope with the new situation and strengthen their own capacity to cope with stress. It is important to accept themselves as they are at the time, to accept part of their responsibility, but at the same time it is necessary to strengthen their coping capacity with stress and the new situation, and support them to take responsibility for meeting their own needs. This is a role of helper/professional. According to Pregrad (1996: 89), when providing psychosocial support, professionals must not insist too early on taking responsibility and to leave people enough space to process personal painful experiences, as this can create a sense of misunderstanding, rejection or injustice. Psychotherapy is carried out with people who have symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder, as well as with people whose psychopathology has been present for a long time and makes it difficult to adapt to the new situation. Although reactions to traumatic events are universal, the way individuals react reacts to a person's level of sensitivity to stress, the dimensions of the traumatic event (natural or man- made, duration, complexity, number of people affected, the possibility of recurrence), but also from the level of support they receive from other people and the way they experience the support they receive. Given that traumatic events bring people into a state of complete helplessness and create a sense of insecurity for life, it is especially important that the traumatized feel safe when providing support and assistance after traumatic events. It should be noted that an event that causes a crisis in one person will not necessarily cause a crisis in another person and that, regardless of the fact that crises lead to mental confusion,

77 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 disorganized behaviour and overwhelmed with feelings, people in crisis are open to psychological interventions (Arambašić, 2000 ). In the CSW Banja Luka during and immediately after the flood, all human resources and potentials were used to provide psychosocial assistance and support to victims of natural disasters. These interventions mainly had the characteristics of short-term crisis interventions and the characteristics of psychosocial support that were realized in the field and immediately after the first intervention with persons who were endangered. Immediately after the floods in June 2014, the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare of Republic of Srpska, in cooperation with the Association of Psychologists of Republic of Srpska, activated the "Psychological Counselling Phone", which aimed to improve the provision of psychosocial support and assistance to the overall population. Psychosocial help and support for professionals Although social workers and other professionals in CSW in providing help and support to people in need are often exposed to events that disturb them, which can be threatening for them and can even cause post-traumatic stress reactions, crisis events can still be say they are not part of their daily professional experience. The fact is that the professionals in the CSW are not adequately prepared to act in emergency situations, in which the lives and health of a large number of people are endangered, but also their lives and health. They are not trained as police officers, firefighters and ambulance workers, so they can be confused or inappropriate at this kind of environment. For these reasons they are more likely to suffer from professional burnout and psychological crises. Indirect trauma also may occur in helpers/professionals due to exposure to other people's traumatic experiences, which have a traumatic effect on helpers. Hotkinson and Stewart (Hodkinson and Stewart, 1991, according to: Arambašić, 2000) talk about the superman reaction, about the behaviour of professionals who function well while at work, and the symptoms of indirect trauma appear when they come home. Because of this, it is necessary for professionals to understand the crisis as a mental state, to know the basic principles of crisis interventions, to be able to recognize crisis situations in their work, their own crises and their impact on their way of work. Arambašić (2000: 34-35), emphasise that good preparation for supportive work implies "mastering theoretical knowledge about crisis, crisis interventions, acquiring skills of crisis interventions, developing understanding of crisis through expanding personal knowledge about its impact on personal and professional life". Crisis intervention models are specific procedures that are primarily intended for helpers, whose goal is to prevent the deterioration of their mental state, to mitigate and reduce long-term psychological, social and physical consequences, and to speed up the recovery process. Psychological crisis interventions can successfully alleviate or prevent psychological difficulties due to exposure to a crisis event. Certain number of the professionals from CSW Banja Luka, who were involved in the protection and rescue of the people in the areas affected by flood during the emergency situation in the City of Banja Luka, were included in the psychosocial support and assistance program. This program was designed, coordinated and implemented by the Association of Psychologists of the Republic of Srpska, with the help of the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, and donors who supported its implementation.

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Conclusions and recommendations The participation of the CSW Banja Luka is an unavoidable element in the analysis of system institutional activities in rescuing and caring for the people that found themselves in a state of social need caused by the catastrophic floods during 2014. The manner of organization, implementation of activities, and coordination of actions with the crisis headquarters, communication and direct provision of services to beneficiaries are the key elements that determine the participation of CSW Banja Luka in the rescue process. CSW Banja Luka had activities that they were implemented and placed CSW Banja Luka as a significant subject in defining an adequate response to the people needs during natural disasters. In the preparatory phase, the CSW Banja Luka adopted the Plan for protection and rescue from natural disasters and other accidents, which created the preconditions for adequate action in case of an emergency situation. After the declaration of the state of emergency, CSW Banja Luka went through three phases of action during the emergency situation:, phase of activation, phase of urgent action and the phase of stabilization. CSW Banja Luka had rehabilitation phase that in some segments lasted much longer than the phase of material rehabilitation conducted by the local government. It should be noted that the management of the CSW Banja Luka tried to take all measures of protection and support of the population that were provided by the Law on Protection and Rescue in Emergency Situations of the Republic of Srpska, as well as the Law on Social Protection. In this regard, the CSW Banja Luka carried out the following activities: detection and direct monitoring on the field with a special focus on the state of social needs of victims of natural disasters, assessment of the living condition and needs of people affected by the natural disaster, measures implementation monitoring during the action phase, preparation of reports, analyses and other information for local government bodies, proposing measures for situation improvement, encouraging, organizing and coordinating professional and voluntary work with affected, developing local projects to solve specific social problems, cooperation with donors, organizing and providing psychosocial assistance and support to beneficiaries and providing psychosocial assistance and support to the employees of the CSW Banja Luka. It is especially important to note that the CSW Banja Luka successfully responded to the organizational and professional challenges. Specifically, at the end of 2014, the CSW Banja Luka had approximately 800 more beneficiaries in the total number of beneficiaries of social protection, who were recruited from flood-affected areas in the City of Banja Luka, They came to a state of social need as consequences of the flood, and thus fulfilled the conditions for exercising certain rights from the Law on Social Protection. The experience of the CSW Banja Luka and the direct engagement of professionals in the field indicate that it is necessary to expand the scope of activities that improve the direct practice

79 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 of social work and social protection in situations of natural disasters. The following activities and tasks are necessary as desirable in the future operation of all CSW at the territory of the Republic: Improvement of Plan for protection and rescue from natural disasters and other accidents in the CSW in the Republic of Srpska, which would include monitoring and evaluation, Education of professionals in social protection for dealing with and implementing activities in emergency situations, Development of a general plan of crisis interventions in the CSW, as well as special plans for different types of crisis events, Psychosocial assistance and support procedures for victims, as regular activities in post-crisis action plans, Provision of adequate support and assistance to the professionals who are facing crisis events or are in a state of crisis, as a part of an Action plan, Support plans should involve all organizations and institutions in the local community in whose competence is the organization and provision of assistance, The plan should contain all specific tasks that the CSW faces immediately after crisis event, tasks that must be completed a few days after the event (psychological assistance), as well as tasks that must be completed in a few months after the crisis (systemic provision of assistance and support to persons identified as particularly vulnerable), Make a plan for assessing the success of the implemented crisis interventions, Mobilization of all experts who are trained to provide psychosocial support and assistance at the local community level and coordinate their work, when drafting a Crisis intervention plan, Plan to implement continuous psychological support and assistance to victims and professionals, Training of CSW in professional and material sense to act in crisis situations, Representatives of CSW need to be part of in crisis headquarters municipal Integrate the activities of the CSW into the Law on Protection and Rescue of the Republic of Srpska. The analysis of the activities of the CSW Banja Luka indicated the limited possibilities of the social protection system during the emergency situation caused by natural disasters. However, insufficient recognition of the importance and role of CSW by other subjects continues to be an obstacle to achieving the full acting capacity of CSW during emergencies. Therefore, in the coming period, it is necessary to intensify cooperation with all those involved in the rescue process at the local community level. Literature [1] Ajduković, D. (2000). Psychological crisis interventions in the community in: Arambašić, L. (ed.), Psychological Crisis Interventions (pp. 93 - 120). Zagreb: Društvo za psihološku pomoć.

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[2] Ajduković, M (2000). Crisis events and crisis as a mental state in: Arambašić, L. (ed.), Psychological Crisis Interventions (pp. 33 - 56). Zagreb: Društvo za psihološku pomoć. [3] Arambasic, L. (2000).Psychological crisis interventions. Zagreb: Društvo za psihološku pomoć. [4] Buljubasic, S., at all. (2015). Manual for the operation of the Centers for Social Work in emergencies caused by natural disasters. UNICEF Sarajevo: RS Ministry of Health and Social Protection of Republic of Srpska Government and the Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Policy [5] Čaldarević, O. (1995). Social theory and gambling. Zagreb: Croatian Sociological Society. [6] Annual work report of the PI Center for Social Work Banja Luka (2014). [7] Plan for protection and rescue from natural disasters and other accidents (2013). PI Center for Social Work Banja Luka. [8] Pregrad, J. (1996). Stress, trauma, recovery. Zagreb: Društvo za psihološku pomoć. [9] Decree on the content and manner of drafting a plan for protection against natural and other disasters ("Official Gazette of the Republic of Srpska" No. 68/13) [10] Vizek - Vidović, V. and Arambašić, L. (2000). Psychological crisis interventions in: Arambašić, L. (ed.), Psychological Crisis Interventions (pp. 57 - 92). Zagreb: Društvo za psihološku pomoć [11] Vlajkovic, J. (2005). Life crises. Prevention and overcoming. Belgrade: IP "Zarko Albulj. [12] Vlajkovic, J. (2009). From victim to survivor. Belgrade: IP "Zarko Albulj. [13] Law on Social Protection of the Republic of Srpska (“Official Gazette of the Republic of Srpska” No. 32/12 and 90/16). [14] Law on Protection and Rescue in Emergency Situations of the Republic of Srpska ("Official Gazette of the Republic of Srpska" No. 46/17).

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A Discursive Examination of White Americans’ Attitudes about White- Black Interracial Marriages in USA

Ilham Malki

Abstract The primary objective of this article is to manifest by means of discourse analysis the attitudes of White Americans towards White-Black interracial marriages. The research draws on qualitative analysis of the discourse of some white Americans to find out the genuine convictions they bear about interracial unions, especially those incorporating Blacks and Whites. Regardless of the fact that White Americans have asserted their approval of White-Black marriages, the results of the study reveal that some White-Americans are still not in favour of their close relatives marrying outside their own race. As Van Dijk (1992) postulates, one of the distinctive peculiarities of contemporary racism discourse is its denial. On accounts of rigid constraints posed upon overt expression of racist perspectives, individuals bring about a set of discursive strategies that enable the deliverance of negative constructs without being trapped by racism charges. In addition to the denial of racism, the results of the research disclose various strategic choices through which white Americans legitimize their views towards white-black interracial marriages. Such choices embark on justifications, denying, excuses, positive self-presentation, negative other- presentation, and blaming the victim. (Van Dijk: 1992) Keywords: White-Black interracial marriage, racism, denial, discourse analysis

1-Introduction The United States of America is one of the most ethnically and racially diverse countries all over the world; it "is a nation of nations, made up of people from every land, of every race and practicing every faith.” (Powell, 2001, web) America owes its culturally diverse picture to the large-scale migration of people from various ethnically and racially different countries throughout its history as well as to the heritage of the Native Americans. The diverse picture that distinguishes the social make-up of the American society is reflected in the heterogeneous kinds of relationships that join the various individual entities of America. One of these relationships that celebrates the different racial and ethnic differences of the American nation is interracial marriage. The latter is, by definition, a phenomenon that results from the involvement of two people of different races/ethnicities who willingly opt for beginning a relationship together. In America, the interracial marriage is said to increase at a relatively

82 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 rapid pace due to “the decrease in white prejudice against Blacks, and the narrowing of the racial gap in education, income, and occupation.” (Honeycutt, et al: 2005) 2-Background of the study It is worth saying that interracial marriage in America touches the different races that compose the social structure of the American society, namely the Native Americans, African Americans, Asian, and White (European) Americans. However, this paper sheds light on white and black interracial marriage. A study has been carried out by the Pew Research Center reveals that “of the 275,500 new interracial marriages in 2010, 14.9% were White-Black.”² Tough this number is not highly significant compared to other forms of interracial marriages, more specifically White-Hispanics 43% and White-Asian 14,4% , but “it is undeniably increasing rapidly” (Qian:2014) since 1980 in which the figure did not exceed 5% ² Staff TNO, “Interracial Marriages in the US: Facts and Figures (and Why White People Must Have More Babies) ” http://newobserveronline.com/interracial-marriages-in-the-us- (accessed 10 January. 2014) The main objective of this paper is to examine white Americans attitudes towards White-Black interracial marriages in USA and highlight the different discursive strategies through which they justify these attitudes. In addition, this study aims at highlighting how the whites' discourse with respect to White-Black interracial marriages serve the ideologies of the dominant group. Before delving deeply into the primary topic a historical background of interracial marriage is provided along with examining some approaches that outline the motives behind integrating in such kind of relationships. 3-Historical Background of Interracial Marriages in America Indeed, the White-Black union has historically been the most controversial issue in the history of America’s interracial marriages since the 15th century. In 1660’s, several American states, markedly, Maryland, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and South Carolina enacted a number of anti-miscegenation laws which totally outlawed interracial marriages as it was leading to “ abominable mixture and spurious issue,” (Johnson, 2003, pp:23) which eventually would stain the ‘white gene pool.’ The abolition of slavery in1865 did not side away the legal restrictions over interracial marriages in America; conversely, it strived to widen the gap between the White and the so-called ‘inferior’ Black race through the legislation of “Black Codes” that enhanced the official interdiction of the marital combinations between the White and African Americans. However, the anti-miscegenation laws did not hamper the White race from taking advantage of Black women with whom they gave birth to many children. The anti- miscegenation laws maintained the prohibition of interracial marriages in 16 states, more specifically, in the South and the Midwest, until 1958. The cancellation of the anti-Jeter, a black woman, who went to Washington, D.C., a state which did not prohibit interracial unions, to get

83 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 married. When Mildred Jeter and Richard Loving returned to their Virginia home, they were arrested and indicted for breaking Virginia’s anti-miscegenation laws. Miscegenation laws, then, burst with the story of the interracial couple, Richard and Mildred Loving. During the trial, the judge who sentenced the Lovings to one year in prison, reverberated the Johann Friedrich Blumenbach's 18th-century interpretation of race, “Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, Malay and red, and he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with his arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages? The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix.” (Sollors , 2000, pp.7) For nine years, The Lovings waged a campaign against the anti-miscegenation laws through the Supreme Court that eventually revoked the Lovings’ accusations in 1967. The court's decision confirms “the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual and cannot be infringed by the State;” (Botham, 2009, pp. 175) and hence the anti-miscegenation legislation was officially declared invalid. 3-1-Approaches to Interracial Marriages According to Paul Taylor, the Pew Research official “Intermarriage in this country has evolved from being illegal to being a taboo to being merely unusual….with each passing year, it becomes less unusual.” (Jordan: 2014, web) In the light of the increasing rate of interracial marriages in America, a number of theories have been developed with the objective of determining the primary factors that motivate the White and Black race to get involved in such kind of marital relationship, namely, the Structural Theory, the Status Exchange Theory, and the Racial Motivation Theory. Initially, the Kouri and Lasswell’s Structural Theory (1993) suggests that “interracial couples marry for the same reasons that racially homogeneous couples do: they meet, they discover similar interests, they fall in love, and they decide to marry.” (Ross, 2004, pp. 3) In the same manner, the Structural Theory affirms that interracial marriage is more common in a setting where different races get the opportunity to be engaged in any form of social contact, be it at workplace, neighbourhoods, or universities. Unprecedented interest given to White-Black interracial marriages in media and academic research; in addition to the close social contact among the different ethnic and racial groups have raised the public acceptance of mixed-race relationships. In contrast with the Structural Theory, the Racial Motivation Theory (Kouri and Lasswell 1993) proposes purely racial incentives for the couple who interracially marry. The basic tenet of the Racial Motivation Theory is based on the idea that the couple is attracted by the exotic cultural differences of each other. It is the curiosity about those who belong to a heterogeneous cultural pool that heightens individuals' desire to be engaged in interracial relations. (Orbe and Harris, 2008)

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The Status Exchange Theory (Merton 1941), by contrast, is based on the fact that in Black- White marriage, which most often joins between high status black men and low status white women, the objective is to exchange the so-called “higher status” of the female partner as a white for her male partner's higher socio-economic status. In this sense, the interracial marriage as a social behavior is the result of an exchange process through which each individual seeks the satisfaction of a particular psychological or economic need. However, this approach has been the target of many critical studies for lacking enough empirical support. (Wang: 2006) Regardless of the fact that the aforementioned theories suggest some possible motivating factors that urge the white and the black race to get engaged in interracial marriage, yet no theory could be exclusively used to provide the very real factors for which Whites and Blacks are involved in interracial marriages. 3-2- Public Attitudes Towards Interracial Matrimony Since interracial marriage falls within the realm of race issues, it is highly recommended to heed the public attitudes towards interracial marital unions. These attitudes are meant to measure Americans’ insights of race relations as well as the quality of these relations in the contemporary America. For the sake of assessing Americans’ attitudes towards White-black interracial marriages, Gallup's Minority Rights and Relations poll, conducted a survey (June 13-July 5, 2013) which targeted 4,373 Americans, including 1,010 non-Hispanic blacks.

(Adapted from: Gallup poll: 2013)

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The survey results reveal that Blacks' approval of White-Black marriage (96%) is now nearly universal, while Whites' approval is 12 percentage points lower, at 84%. Americans’ attitudes towards interracial marriage have undergone dramatic changes since the 1950s when disapproval was well over 90%, to the point today when approval is approaching 90%. (Gallup Poll) The significant shift in the American public attitudes towards this kind of mixed-race relations reveal to what extent the American society’s perception of race issues have substantially changed. Notwithstanding the fact that the majority of the White Americans approve White-Black marriage, yet in reality the latter remains rare as they represent, according to the Census poll, “less than 1%.” The low rate of White-Black interracial marriage underlines that this kind of relationship is still unfavourable for White Americans. It seems, then, race issues are still prevailing in the American society. In this regard, Field, et al (2013) argue that "despite these changes, Black/White marriage still strikes a raw nerve in U.S. society; the colour line remains strong."(742) Before tackling the issue of white Americans' attitudes towards white-black interracial marriages, it is significant to define racism. 3-3-What is Racism Gosfoguel (2016: 10) identifies racism as "a global hierarchy of superiority and inferiority along the line of the human that have been politically, culturally and economically produced and reproduced for centuries by the institutions of capitalist/patriarchal western centric/Christian-centric modern/colonial world system." The above definition distinguishes between two ranges of individuals. Those who establish themselves on the top of the line of the human and those who are at the top of the line of the human. The former are identified within social boundaries as human beings, and henceforth, are entitled human rights, social recognition, and material privileges. As for the second range of individuals, who are beneath the line of the human, they are recognized as 'non-human, and therefore, they are denied "the extension of rights, material resources and the recognition of their subjectivities, identities, spiritualties and epistemologies." (Gosfoguel, 2016, pp. 10) It is worth mentioning that racism is recognizably different from racial inequality and racial discrimination. While racial inequality is typically related to asymmetric distribution of power, economic resources and social opportunities, racial discrimination highlights any discriminatory practices against people on the basis of their race. However, racism as a social practice is frequently embedded in both racial inequality and racial discrimination. Still, one cannot anticipate racial inequality and racial discrimination as inevitable outcomes of racism. Racism does not only cover the set of beliefs an individual or ethnic group firmly holds to justify their discriminatory behaviours against others, it covers a stored system of cognitive stances that distinguishes 'the self' from 'the other' also. It is in this manner that racism affects the way in which people conduct themselves relative to their social norms.

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Research within the field of racism identifies three types of racism, "personal, institutional, and social." (Blum, 2002, pp. 9) Personal racism is the set of views that regards an individual or members of a social group as inferior to another individual or social group on accounts of physical differences. Institutional racism, on the other hand, manifests through inferiorizing laws and legal practices enacted by social institution, such as universities, hospitals, etc., and that lead racial inequality. The third type of racism that Blum (2002) refers to is social racism or sociocultural racism. The latter incorporates "racist beliefs, attitudes, and stereotypes widely shared within a given population and expressed in cultural and social modes such as religion, popular entertainment, advertisements, and other media." (Blum, 2002, pp. 9) 4-Research Question Notwithstanding the considerable increase in White-Black matrimonial relationships in America, the disapproval of these relationships has not necessarily decreased. The desire of two individuals belonging to different races to join in matrimony cannot negatively alter the social construction of race in any country. Yet, the society's reactions towards interracial marriages, be they behavioural, discoursal, or visual, provide deep insights into the social hierarchy of race. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to unravel the attitudes of White Americans towards White-Black marriages. It also examines the discursive mechanisms through which they justify their attitudinal stances towards White-Black interracial marriages. In sum, the study answers the following questions: What are the attitudes of White Americans towards White-Black interracial union? What are the discoursal patterns through which White Americans justify their attitudes towards White-Black couples who enter into marriage? What social purposes, the White Americans' prejudice discourse towards White-Black matrimony function? 5-Research Methodology and Data The current study employs discourse analysis as a qualitative framework to examine the selected data. It, more specifically, applies Van Dijk's (1984) (1992)'s analytical theories to examine the discourses White Americans produce about White-Black interracial marriages. Considerable research studies have been conducted within the field of discourse and racism to provide deep insights into the correlation between discourse and contemporary forms of racism. When critically approached, discourse should not be regarded as merely a structural construct, text and talk; rather, it should be examined as a social process that contributes to the production and reproduction of racism. In this regard, Wodak and Reisigl (1999) postulate that "racism, as a social construct, as a social practice, and as ideology, manifests itself discursively. On the one hand, racist opinions and beliefs are produced and reproduced by means of discourse, and through discourse, discriminatory exclusionary practices are prepared, promulgated, and legitimated." (pp: 175-176)

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In order to understand how is the production and reproduction of racism established through discourse, Van Dijk (1993) argues that the analysis of discourse should be carried out across the micro and macro levels of racism as well as across the social practices, mental models, and ideologies people construe about either social members or certain situations. Based on his triangle socio-cognitive model, Van Dijk (1984) adapts a social, cognitive, and discursive analysis of the production and reproduction of racism. To illustrate the relevance of this model to the understanding of racism discourse, Van Dijk (2015) explains: the discursive component of the theory deals with the many structures of racist text and talk, such as specific topics, negative descriptions of minorities or immigrants, disclaimers, the lexicon and other grammatical structures, topoi, argumentation or metaphors, among many other structures of ideological polarization between ‘Us’ and ‘Them’. Secondly, such discourse structures are interpreted and explained in terms of underlying, socially shared ethnic prejudices and racist ideologies and the ways they influence the mental models of individual language users. Thirdly, such discourses and their underlying cognitions are socially and politically functional in the (re)production of ethnic domination and inequality by white dominant groups against minority groups or immigrants. They are controlled by powerful symbolic elites and organizations, e.g. those of politics, mass media and education, who have privileged access to public discourse. Each of these components of the theory and the analysis is necessary to account for racist discourse in society. We shall show below that a similar triangular approach is necessary for the study of racism and anti-racism. (64) While examining the role of discourse in production and reproduction of racism, Van Dijk (1992) emphasizes that contemporary race discourse is distinctively identified with the denial of racism. Societal norms against perspicuous stances of racism against minority groups has fostered the inauguration of discourse that considers negative attributes about 'the other' as non-racist and justifiable. Henceforth, negative representations and judgement moves about 'the other' are typically prefaced by the use of disclaimers, justification, excuses, or reversal that simultaneously serve positive self-presentation purposes. By means of socio-cognitive approach of Van Dijk (1984) (1992), the researcher examines the discourse of White Americans to identify their attitudes towards White-Black interracial marriage. Furthermore, the study aims at investigating the discursive mechanisms through which White Americans legitimize their attitudes about White-Black interracial unions. When people produce discourse about a particular minority group, they do not only deliver verbal utterances, but they discursively manifest their cognitive structures, shared knowledge, and ideologies as a social group as well. It is significant to indicate that a comprehensive critical study of racism discourse requires probing the social dimension under which covert ideologies occur. In other words, the socio-cognitive approach underlines the different cognitive structures that correlate with discourse at its all levels and the different possible means that both maintain power, social injustice and establish ideologies.

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The data of this study has been drawn from the discourse of White Americans who have been interviewed in two TV talk shows, Jenny Jones talk show, and Trisha Goddard talk show, and a CNN news program. Accompanied by their relatives having a black spouse, the participants have been interviewed to identify their attitudes and beliefs about their close relatives marrying black partners. The third source of the data is extracted from the discourse of Keith Bardwell who represents Louisiana Justice of the Peace. The data has been drawn from YouTube processor. The analysis of the data is performed in the light of discourse analysis based on Van Dijk's socio-cognitive approach (1984-1992) 6-Data Analysis and Results 6-1- It is Not that Serious In October 2009, Keith Bardwell, a Robert, Louisiana, Justice of the Peace, refused to perform a marriage of Beth and Terence McKay based on the fact that they are interracial couple. The judge points out “I don’t do interracial marriage.” Having been interviewed by CNN (Nov 4, 2009) about the basis on which he refused to perform interracial marriages, Bardwell explains that “I came to the conclusion that most Black society does not readily accept offspring of such relationships, and neither does White society." He continues, "I don’t want to put children in a situation they didn’t bring on themselves. In my heart, I feel the children will later suffer.” Judge Bardwell strongly believes that interracial marriages pose a number of challenges not only on the couple but also on the offspring of this kind of communion. He later explained that the decision was taken only on the ground of his concern for the serious problems biracial children would experience, “I do ceremonies for black couples right here in my house; my main concern is for the children.” In this respect, Bardwell asserted that biracial children are likely to face rejection from most of black and white society as well. Interestingly, the very early utterance judge Bardwell produces in another CNN news show (Oct 19, 2009) as a response to the TV presenter's question: "do we have the news straight that you refused to grant the marriage license based on the fact that they are an interracial couple?" displays that he is aware of the pertinence of the situation he has involved himself in; and thus, he is much more focused on saving his individual face. He initiates his speech with an evasive discourse strategy encoded in denial of responsibility through which he states, "one thing is the Justice of Peace does not issue a marriage license permit. Nobody, no Justice of the Peace does. We only, we only perform the ceremony." The production of the previous move serves as a mitigating strategy that reduces the bad effects of his racist act against the couple and makes it seem less important. Remarkably, Bardwell's pronominal choice of "exclusive we" serves to downplay his involvement in this controversial situation by anchoring himself as a judge member in the Justice of Peace while the TV presenter's question is directed to him. Bardwell does not provide his answer with the first subject pronoun "I"; instead, he uses the exclusive "we" to deflect responsibility and distance himself from the controversial event, hence, diminishing the threat to his individual face when disconcerted with a face-threatening

89 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 question. Bardwell's intention of attenuating the situation is manifested once more with the discourse marker 'only' that performs depreciatory function. A further instance of Bardwell's intention of depreciating the situation and saving his face is corroborated as he responds to the TV presenter's statement: "but, you refused to perform the ceremony. The judge produces a second pair part to the presenter's first-pair part in the form of repair utterance, "I recuse myself of performing the ceremony." Noticeably, Bardwell does not provide a direct answer to the presenter's question. Instead, he resorts to euphemism as an evasive discourse strategy that serves face-keeping purposes. To legitimize his behaviour against the couple, Bardwell refers to judicial recusal as a legal right granted to any judge who wants to abstain from participating in an official action: "a judge can legally recuse himself eh, here or uh, of a case or marrying people." 6-2- I Am Not Racist! It is About the Offspring Bardwell’s refusal to perform the marriage ceremony for Beth and Terence McKay reveals his personal attitudes that disapprove interracial marriages between White and Black Americans. As has been asked by the presenter on which basis he recuses himself of marrying the couple, the judge argues "well! you said a while ago the reason uh that are, that are, (pause) there, uh because, the, they (pause) of, had, (sigh) on account of number of people that was born on in a situation and they claim that blacks or the whites didn't accept the children and I don't want to put the children in that uh uh, in that position." Having examined Bardwell's response, the researcher underlines very interesting discursive aspects of his speech, namely hesitation and inability of articulation that turn up when interrogated about his incentive of refusing to perform the ceremony. From the beginning of his intervention, Bardwell has been confident in his discourse and thoughts, and verbalized his statements without hesitation. However, once the conversation touches upon the reason why he has refused to perform a matrimony for the interracial couple, Bardwell becomes hesitant, unable to utter complete and meaningful utterances, and makes pauses and sighs before he finally succeeds in formulating his statement. The excuse move the judge uses for not doing the interracial wedding, namely the mixed-race children’s rejection by society, grants his racism a kind of a pretty polished and a happy face that would justify his bigot perceptions against interracial marriage. Strikingly is the fact that throughout his carrier of 34 years as Louisiana justice, Bardwell refused to perform any kind of interracial marriage. By so doing, Bardwell gives supremacy to his convictions over his commitment to the law that accords any American individual the freedom to marry or not marry outside of his/ her race. Bardwell's discourse about interracial marriage is loaded with his concern about the negative outcome of White and Black interracial marriage, more specifically, social rejection of biracial children. As a discursive construct, social rejection is cognitively interpreted as a distressing situation that highlights further underlying concepts such as estrangement from family and

90 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 society, anxiety, embarrassment, juvenile delinquency, etc. Bardwell's reference to 'rejection' in his discourse, "Blacks or the Whites didn't accept the children," cognitively emphasizes the fear of social exclusion, bullying, hostility, and accordingly the fear of criminal behaviours and other painful situations that replete Bardwell's mental model, and therefore, control his discourse. Ultimately, the use of such construct and its cognitive outcome on interlocutors is not socially innocent. If the rejection of biracial children successfully urges emotional responses such as fear of the likely negative outcomes social rejection may cause, and some of these have been listed above, this may develop anti- White and Black interracial marriage attitude, e.g., by generalizing mental models of other negative consequences that may generate of socially rejecting biracial children. 6-3- Blacks Are Not Pretty Sight A white American mother, Casey, has not remised to express disgust towards her two daughters, namely Cashley and Cynthia, simply because they have engaged in interracial relationship. Having been hosted by Trisha Goddard show, Casey expresses her view that she is not happy with the choices her daughters have made with regard to their engagement to black males. When Casey has been interrogated about what that brings up in her mind once she sees a black male, she answers, "It's just not pretty sight." She continues, "I want them [daughters] to be with sexy, hot, white, professional guys." Casey's utterances reflect the cognitive content she stores about black people: blacks are not pretty sight, blacks are not sexy, blacks are not hot, blacks are not professional, and blacks are not white. Casey's discourse is a concretized representation of her beliefs and opinion about black ethnic group. The production of such beliefs do not serve information-processing; rather they provide evaluative belief framework " that "is needed to assess the (inter)subjective "position" of social members toward such episodes." (Van Dijk, 1987, pp.189) 6-4- Positive Self-Presentation Lest she should be perceived as breaking the American societal norms of tolerance, Casey embarks on discursive mechanism that represents the self positively. During her interview with Trisha Goddard, Casey tries to speak her attitudes in such a manner that her audience construe a positive or at least neutral impression of her. Casey's positive self-presentations are articulated in the following phrases: "to me John and James are very nice guys. I have nothing bad to say about them. Uh Umm, They are just of a different culture." The white mother remains determined about avoiding the interlocutors' negative impression and evaluation about her personality that she keeps reminding her daughters and the TV presenter, Trisha, that " it's not the colour I'm talking about, it is the culture." When Casey asserts that she has nothing bad to say about her daughters' black partners and that her dissatisfaction is not established on colour basis, she leads the audience to focus more

91 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 on a permanent attitude, rather than on the specific attitudinal stance she is currently verbalizing (cultural differences.) By so doing, Casey is implicitly interrupting any inference process the interlocutor may make from her particular attitude (culture differences) to a more general impression about Blacks. It is in such a way that Casey tries to justify her specific negative attitude about her daughters having black partners. 6-5- I Am Not Racist, I Was Taught to Stay Within My Race Having black sons-in-law is a disgusting fact for Casey. Her dissatisfaction stems from the fact that “I was just raised in a small town and I was taught to stay within your own race and just I never thought my daughters would do this.” She continues that her daughters “will be judged throughout their lives.” Things have become worst when Casey has had knowledge of her Cynthia’s pregnancy; she states that the piece of news “made me totally sick to my stomach.” Casey is mortified that there will now be black blood mixed in her family bloodline. She has found it difficult to accept having a biracial baby within her family; she says, “It's hard to accept the culture the baby coming into. I have a very large family and there’s not one black person in my family.” Casey's attitude against White and Black interracial marriage is not premised on culture differences as she is trying to prove; it is based on colour accounts, and this is clearly stated in the last part of her above statement: "there’s not one black person in my family." As Casey has expressed her concern about mixing her White family bloodline with Black bloodline, Trisha asks Casey if she is racist. Casey immediately denies racism: "no, no, no, I'm not." However, what she provides as a justification of her non-racism does in fact emphasize her racist ideology against blacks: " no, I mean, I just don't want my daughters been and it's not just blacks. I don't want them with Jamaicans." Casey's utterance once again highlights the issue of colour as a foundation of her attitudes against White and Black interracial marriage. Throughout the show, Casey openly admits that she will never accept the interracial relations her daughters have engaged in. Her personal attitudes are overloaded with racism not only against her daughters’ partners but also against her biracial grandchild that she acknowledges she will not be there for his birth. For fear that she should be perceived as a racist, Casey draws on excuses as a discursive strategy of racism denial. She states that her convictions have been strongly shaped by that of her family: "I was just raised in a small town and I was taught to stay within your own race." Additionally, the very truth that her large family lacks a history of interracial marriages has made her reluctant to accept it within her small family. Interestingly, the white mother makes use of her family’s influence on her as a form of racism denials and as a means to justify her thorough disapproval to her daughters’ interracial relations which she states that it is based on her concern for her daughters not to be judged by society. However, Casey’s discourse highly dispatches racist views and prejudice about Black race.

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6-6-Negative Other-Presentation 6-6-1- Blacks Cannot Be Trusted Some white Americans show no concern about unequivocal expression of their negative attitudes against White and Black interracial marriages. Their racist perspective draws from the conviction that hierarchies exist among humans at individual, institutional and cultural levels. There is, henceforth, a polarisation classification between the superior ‘self’ and the inferior ‘other’ through processing negative portrayal of the other. Billy, a white American, is upset that his sister is dating a black man. During his interview with Jenny Jones (2014), Billy threatens "if my sister marries this black man, she will never be invited to my house again." Billy expresses his categorical objection to have a black brother- in-law. For face concerns, he supports his objection with presenting Blacks negatively. In this regard, he points out "black people can't be trusted. Every time you try, they just betray you." He continues, "every time you try to trust black men, they're going to stab you back, that's from my experience." Based on his personal experience with some Black Americans, Billy formulates strong interpretations of generally negative truth about Black people. Seemingly, Billy has had some negative experiences with some Blacks who have been untrustworthy and betraying. As a cognitive reaction, Billy constructs a personal mental model that portrays the Black race as untrustworthy and betraying. By justifying why he holds negative attitude about his sister marrying a Black person, Billy implicitly urges his recipients not to blame his attitudes that raise from Blacks misdeeds. He, thus, presents himself free of racism and even claims being a victim of "reverse racism" (Jensen, 2005) Blacks practise against the White dominant group. Therefore, the over-generalization moves and negative stereotypical utterances Billy produces against black people may be regarded as integrally connected to the justification force of his racist ideology. 6-6-2- Interracial Couples De-Promote Whites' Greater Unity In November 2011, Stella Harville and her fiancé, Ticha Chikuni, a native of Zimbabwe who sung once in Kentucky church, were banned from a Kentucky church for being an interracial couple. (Hallowell, 2011) The church also made it clear, via a resolution, that married interracial couples are prohibited from becoming members of the church. WYMT, CBS- affiliated television station, obtained a copy of the resolution. It states: That Gulnare Freewill Baptist Church does not condone interracial marriage. Parties of such marriages will not be received as members, nor will they be used in worship services and other church functions, with the exception being funerals. All are welcome to our public worship services. This recommendation is not intended to judge the salvation of anyone, but is intended to promote greater unity among the church body and the community we serve. (Hallowell: 2011, web)

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The resolution was made when “members of the congregation had said they would walk out if Chikuni sang again.” (Hallowell: 2011, web) The church makes an open acknowledgment that interracial couples can neither perform interracial marriages nor be members of the church. Additionally, those who are interracially married or engaged are not allowed to take part in worship services but they may attend them. The decision of banning interracial couples from the church has been taken by virtue of personal attitudes the church body holds against this kind of relations. The church reaction reveals a large amount of overt racism and prejudice against Black race that is perceived as a threatening force to the unity of the White community. This incident outlines that the relationship between Blacks and Whites in America is still determined by factors (skin colour, religion, geographical location, etc.,) that make of ‘difference’ a valid and reliable variable for categorizing and marginalizing human beings. Strikingly, is the fact that this reaction was produced by a religious institution that is supposed to take an integral part in unifying all human beings regardless of their differences. 7- Social Functions of White Americans Discourse Against Interracial Marriages During the analysis of the data, the researcher has stumbled upon some social functions of the discourse White Americans have developed about their attitudes against White-Black interracial marriages; such functions have been indicated to as positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation. Obviously, the talk White Americans produce against White- Black interracial marriages does not only mediate their personal views about the target issue, it does also operate to verbalize, share, and reproduce the social cognitions of the dominant group. In other words, when the participants in the TV shows articulate their attitudes against White-Black interracial communion, they do so as social members of in-group. The set of convictions, beliefs, perspectives Bardwell, Casey, and Billy hold about black people have been accounted on their shared societal norms, acquired values and experiences as social entities of the White race. In discourse about Black out-group, the participants do not only disclose their shared group social cognitions, but they reveal their own experiences as well. This has been manifested in Billy's discourse. (section 6-6-1) Billy refers to his personal experience with some Black Americans to justify and explain his negative attitudes about Black Americans. These explanatory and justificatory moves serve as a self-defensive and legitimizing mechanism of his prejudiced behavioural or discursive practices. In the same manner, legislations, commandments, and interdictions that exert power on out- groups, discourse plays a crucial role in the exercise of power and dominance. Because prejudice discourse conveys shared social cognitions, justification and explanation moves of certain negative actions, it highly likely to influence and control the cognitions and the mind of other groups.

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Implication In the light of the samples’ analysis, a very significant implication is drawn out. Despite the fact that number of surveys have revealed that the rate of white-black interracial marriages has increased in America, and irrespective of the fact that all the formal restrictions on this kind of marriages have been removed out, yet in reality a number of white Americans are still reluctant to welcome this kind of communion. This truth has been realized through the very low rate white-black interracial marriage represents among other types of interracial marriages in USA, namely “less than 1%.” (Census poll) Interracial couples are still victims of family rejection, racism, and discrimination, chiefly from the part of the majority group (the whites.) These racist attitudes white Americans form about White-Black interracial unions is “reflective of the powerful historical social boundaries between blacks and whites that continue to separate these two groups,” (Yancey, 2007, pp. 197) regardless of the different justification and excuses the cases under study have used to legitimate their reactions. Yancey’s argument bears a significant importance as it could be exploited to get an insight of why White-Black interracial marriage is perceived as the least favourable types of interracial communions in USA. Conclusion To conclude, the issue of white-black interracial marriages has been always most controversial of all types of interracial marriages in America. However, this type of interracial marriages have achieved advances in great strides since the 1950’s, all of which reveal the fact that the American society have made a shift with regard to their perception of race issues as well as the quality of racial relations in USA. Nevertheless, it is of significant importance to mention that white-black interracial marriages are still confined to the historical social boundaries set between the whites and the blacks. Discourse analysis of the data has shown that racism is an integral part among the White Americans. In micro-context, white Americans have represented themselves as non-racist; they have denied any racism attitudes. Rather, they outline certain motives that soften their negative attitudes against White-Black interracial communion, such as having concerns about interracial offspring rejection, that others will judge their relatives throughout their lives, that Whites' strong unity is negatively influenced by mixing with Blacks. Furthermore, the analysis of the data reveals that some White Americans form negative attitudes about Black race only because few of them exert immoral behaviours towards members of the dominant group. All these form of racism denials have been articulated through such mechanism of mitigation, euphemistic lexical items, face-saving strategies, positive self-presentation, negative discourse about Black race.

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Bibliography [1] Blum, Lawrence. 'I’m Not a Racist, But... The Moral Quandry of Race" Cornell University Press, 2002. Print [2] Botham, Fay. “Almighty God Created the Races: Christianity, Interracial Marriage, and American Law” The University of North- Carolina Press: 2009. Internet resource. [3] Field, et al. "Attitudes Toward Interracial Relationships Among College Students: Race, Class, Gender, and Perceptions of Parental Views." Journal of Black Studies, Vol, 44(7), pp, 741–776, 2013. DOI: 10.1177/0021934713507580 [4] Fleming, Jan. “The Dilemmas of Biracial Children.” May 9, 2011. Web. 20 Jan. 2014. [5] Grosfoguel Ramon. "What is Racism" Journal of World- Systems Research, Vol. 22 Issue 1, pp. 9-15, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.609 | jwsr.org [6] Hallowell, Billy. “Kentucky Church Bans Interracial Couples From Becoming Members & Leading Worship.” http://www.theblaze.com/stories/2011/11/30/ (accessed January10. 2014). [7] Honeycutt, et al. “Attitudes Toward Interracial Marriage and Factors Which Influence the Choice to Enter an Interracial Relationship” Sociology 30.4: 2005. https://ttu-ir.tdl.org/bitstream/handle/2346/62281/SASSER-THESIS- 2015.pdf?sequence=1 (accessed February12. 2020). [8] Jensen, Robert. "The Heart of Whiteness: Confronting Race, Racism and White Privilege" San Francisco, City Lights Publishers, 2005. Print [9] Orbe and Harris. "Interracial Communication: theory and Practice." Sage Publications, Inc, USA, 2008 [10] Qian, Zhenchao, “Black-White Marriages Increased Rapidly Since 1980, Study Finds” http://researchnews.osu.edu/archive/intermarriage.htm (accessed 10 January. 2014). [11] Ross, William. " The Perceptions of College Students About Interracial Relationships." NATIONAL FORUM OF APPLIED EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH JOURNALVOLUME 17, NUMBER 3, pp. 1-16, 2004. https://silo.tips/download/the- perceptions-of-college-students-about-interracial-relationships [12] "Small Ky. church bans interracial couples." CBSNEWS. 30 Nov. 2011. 18 Jan. 2014. . [13] Sollors, Werner. “Interracialism: Black-White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law.” New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. Print. [14] Van Dijk, T. "Communicating Racisim: Ethnic Prejudice in Thought and Talk" Sage Publications Inc, California, 1987. Internet resource, www.discourses.org/OldBooks/Teun A van Dijk - Communicating Racism.pdf [15] Van Dijk, T. “Critical Discourse Studies: a Socio-Cognitive Approach.” Methods of Critical Discourse Studies, Edited by, Wodak and Meyer, Sage Publication Ltd, 2016, pp. 63-85. Print. [16] Van Dijk, T. A. "Analyzing racism through discourse analysis: Some methodological reflections". In J. H. Stanfield II & R. M. Dennis (Eds.), Sage focus editions, Vol. 157.

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Race and ethnicity in research methods, Sage Publications, Inc. p. 92–134, 1993. http://www.discourses.org/OldArticles/Analyzing%20racism%20through%20dis course%20analysis.pdf [17] Van Dijk, Teun. ‘Discourse and the Denial of Racism’, Discourse & Society 3, pp.87– 118, 1992, https://doi.org/10.1177/0957926592003001005 [18] Wang, Yujun. “A Critique of The Status Exchange Theory of Merton and Davis in Mate Assorting.” Diss. Cornell University: 2006. Web. 14 Jan. 2014. [19] Wodak and Reisigl . "Discourse and Racism: European Perspectives" Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 28, 1999, pp. 175-199, Published by: Annual Reviews Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/223392 [20] Yancey, George. “Experiencing Racism: Differences in the Experiences of Whites Married to Blacks and Non-Black Racial Minorities.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies: 2007, Vol. 38 Issue 2

Webliography [21] CNN. "Louisiana justice who refused interracial marriage resigns." CNN.com, November 4, 2009, https://edition.cnn.com/2009/US/11/03/louisiana.interracial.marriage/index.ht ml [22] CNN News. "Justice Says Law Wasn't Broken." Youtube, Uploaded by CBS News,Oct 19, 2009, Oct 19, 2009, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x7e0lQzgJbc [23] Jones, Jenny. "Disgusted By His Sister Dating Black Men - She Should Date White Men Only!" Youtube, Interview by Jenny Jones, uploaded by Crayonscribble, Feb 22, 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7z71nohMzE0&t=1573s [24] Goddard, Trisha. "Disgusted by Her Daughters Dating Black Men; I Hate Being A Black Man." Youtube, Uploaded by Magi Mego, Feb 26, 2017, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yCTh6JAJGyk&t=1479s [25] Hallowell, Billy. “Kentucky Church Bans Interracial Couples From Becoming Members & Leading Worship.” http://www.theblaze.com/stories/2011/11/30/ (Accessed January10. 2014). [26] Johnson, Kevin, R., ed. “Mixed Race America and the Law: A Reader.” New York: NYU Press, 2003. Web. 14 Jan. 2014. [27] Jordan, Miriam. “Interracial Marriages in U.S. Reach a Record” http://www.amren.com/news/2012/02/interracial-marriages-in-u-s-reach-a- record/ (accessed 10 January. 2020). [28] Newport, Frank. “In U.S., 87% Approve of Black-White Marriage, vs. 4% in 1958” January http://www.gallup.com/poll/163697/approve-marriage-blacks- whites.aspx. (Accessed 10 January. 2014). [29] Powell, Colin. “Remarks at Iftaar Dinner.” State.Gov, November 29, 2001, http://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/former/powell/remarks/2001/6577.htm (accessed 10 January. 2014).

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The Social Innovation Potential of the Northern Hungarian Region

Dora Szendi Institute of World and Regional Economics, University of Miskolc, Hungary

Abstract In the last two decades, a new direction has appeared in the study of innovation processes in the literature. Researchers are paying more and more attention to social innovation beside the classical Schumpeterian approach. Social innovation is new solutions (product, technology, organizational solution) that can effectively meet market needs that are not or hardly met on a market basis, innovation can lead to new or more advanced skills / relationships, and contribute to a more efficient use of resources. However, there is no uniform definition of the concept. The issue of social innovation is particularly important in the case of the Northern Hungary region, because it can bring hope for some peripheral areas and a new approach to solving problems. High technological innovation potential and performance do not necessarily go hand in hand with high social innovation activity, so in the case of peripheral regions there is a hope for social innovations even in the absence of technological innovations. Keywords: social innovation, Northern Hungary, peripheries, inequalities, technological vs. social innovation

Introduction Defining Social Innovation One of the most complex and shortest definitions of social innovation is the definition of Mulgan et al. (2007, p. 4), who argue that social innovation is a “new idea that provides a solution to fulfil unmet social needs”. In another point of view, social innovation aims to form social practices that can respond to challenges, thereby it can result in increasing life quality and reach greater social responsibility from civil society actors than before (Lombardi et al. 2020). Cajaiba – Santana (2014, p. 44.) examined the social innovations from a sociological perspective and concluded that these are new social practices created from collective, intentional, and goal-oriented actions aimed at prompting social change through the reconfiguration of how social goals are accomplished. Phills et al. (2008) also focus on social problems, according to them social innovations are novel solutions for problems that are more efficient, effective, sustainable than the existing ones, the value created through them primarily serves the well-being of the society as a whole (not just separately the individuals).

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According to the definitions, not only an idea can be new or novel, but as Rehfeld et al. (2015) states it, a novel combination of ideas and a higher level of collaborations can also result in a social innovation. To sum up, therefore, the social innovation has a number of unique characteristics that distinguish it from the traditional technical innovations. According to the OECD (2016, p. 82), social innovation differs from classical technical innovation in the following ways: “social innovation does not aim to create new forms of production or reach new markets, but provides a new opportunity to meet social needs, and their integration into production." Thus, some definitions emphasize the character of social innovations to meet social needs in a novel way that the market cannot (e.g., Mulgan et al. 2007), while others focus on increasing efficiency (Phills et al. 2008; Lombardi et al. 2020), and also others highlight that it can help to solve problems caused by market and government failures (Rehfeld et al. 2015). According to the most definitions, the basic goal of social innovation is to improve the quality of life of people living in the area through innovative ideas and solutions and to solve critical problems to which the market cannot respond effectively. In this way, the value creation can be realized for all those involved in the innovation process. From the definitions, we can conclude, that these innovations typically emerge as bottom-up initiatives to meet a need of the society in a novel way. Social innovations, similarly to classical technological innovations, can take many forms, covering the full range of processes (product, technology, organization, marketing, service, business model, etc.). Their form of financing can range from self-financing to various forms of support (Figure 1).

Figure 1. The goal, character, form and financing of social innovation

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Source: own compilation based on Jastrzebska (2017), Lombardi (2017) and Kocziszky-Szendi (2018) The interpretation of social innovation may also differ from one geographical area to another. For example, in the Western Balkans or Eastern Europe, in the case of innovation the countries still focus on classical technological innovation and on R&D activities. Besides the classical challenges (demographic change and aging societies, social inclusion), factors such as political change and the need for economic reforms are the main drivers of social innovation in the Eastern European region. In Anglo-Saxon countries, the role of individual responsibility is high, so social innovations are usually as “greenfield” investments, with the cooperation of a large number of independent stakeholders, and the micro, mezzo and macro levels. In the continental countries, there is a strong dependence on social welfare systems, so the main objective is to achieve the “common good”. In the Eastern European model, we encounter larger differences in quality of life. Here, social innovations are even less institutionalized, resp. in many cases, they have lower social acceptance (OECD, 2016). Comparing social innovation potential and performance is a major challenge, as there are different measurement methods for each geographical area and even within individual countries. One of the EU's key objectives is to strengthen social innovation activity. Therefore, a huge number of projects are being supported. In the last 10 years, a number of analyzes have been carried out to measure the social innovation potential of a given region (country, regional or local level), but till now there is no agreed-on methodology and indicator structure. One of the most complex models suitable for regional analysis was developed by the Economist Intelligence Unit in 2016, which has four basic pillars: political and institutional, financing, entrepreneurial, and social. The Role of Social Innovations in the Catch-up of the Peripheries One of the critical features of social innovations is the support of grassroots initiatives, so its bottom-up nature (Lombardi, 2017), which makes it suitable for meeting the needs of individual social groups more effectively than by top-down methods. As social innovation usually tries to satisfy social needs that the market cannot, it can also be a solution in the catch- up of the peripheries (Kocziszky et al. 2015; Szörényiné, 2015; Benedek et al. 2016; Kocziszky et al. 2017; Kocziszky – Szendi, 2018; Lombardi et al. 2020). Some problems of the disadvantaged, peripheral regions (e.g. low educational attainment, low activity rate, high unemployment, low human development index, poverty, etc.) cannot be solved by technological innovations due to low innovation potential (absorption capacity). Therefore, new or novel solutions are needed that provide creative answers to these problems (Moulaert et al. 2014; Benedek et al. 2016) and can serve as effective innovation through bottom-up initiatives. From the 24 districts of the Northern Hungarian region, 10 can be classified by the 106/2015. (IV. 23.) Governmental Regulation in the category, that is called most disadvantaged area which problems can be solved by a complex program, therefore the examination of the social innovation capacity is significant in this region (Figure 2).

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Figure 2. List of the most disadvantaged areas which problems can be solved by a complex program (2020) Source: own compilation based on the 106/2015. (IV. 23.) Governmental Regulation Technological innovation performance is usually examined on the basis of R&D expenditures, research and development, and the regional number of patents created. There are a number of recommendations for measuring social innovation performance in the literature (e.g. Krlev et al. 2014; Economist Intelligence Unit, 2016; Castro Spila et al. 2016). Usually, three indicators are analysed (social enterprises, non-profit organizations, self-employment rate). In this case of the social innovation potential we think on the regions’ capabilities (agreeing with Kocziszky et al. (2015)) that help the generation and creation of social innovations. The choice of each indicator is justified by the following factors: Number of social enterprises per 1000 inhabitants: As in the case of the social enterprises the main objective is not only the profit maximization, but similarly to make social innovation efforts, to address and solve social problems (e.g. labour market, equal opportunities, health, culture) (Popoli, 2016; Market & Profit, 2017). In the areas with a significant number of social enterprises, social sensitivity and responsibility are stronger, and in the long run more ideas and creative solutions can be created to address the challenges. Number of non-profit organizations per 1000 inhabitants: In the case of social innovation, as it is supported by its different approaches, the existence of community-based bottom-up initiatives has critical importance as the starting points for innovative solutions. The non- profit sector can contribute to a more efficient use of scarce resources, thereby increasing the

101 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 quality of life, which is one of the main goals of social innovation efforts (Economist Intelligence Unit, 2016; Andion et al. 2017; Krlev et al. 2019). Proportion of self-employed as a percentage of total employment: The self-employed not only contribute positively to economic growth and the traditional innovation activity, but also play an important role in social innovations by satisfying local needs and generating ideas (Interreg, 2019; Akgüc, 2020). The role of the self-employed in social innovation can also be observed as creative actors with innovative ideas and / or venture capital to implement these new ideas and even create start-ups. The Social Innovation Situation in the Northern Hungarian Region Settlement Level Surveys In terms of the non-profit organizations per 100 inhabitants, the largest positive changes in the national comparison took place in Inke, Ziliz and Zalaszabar in the period of 2012-2017, where the number of these organizations increased significantly. In contrast, in the case of Vásárosdombó, Zsombó, Adács, Csobánka or Zselickislak, for example, the number of non- profit organizations decreased. The majority of settlements have on average 1-2 organizations per 100 inhabitants (interesting note, that there are zero non-profit organizations in 258 settlements in Hungary). The most non-profit organizations in the Northern Hungarian region have three small villages in Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county: Teresztenye, Tornabarakony and Sima, where there are more than 10 organizations per 100 inhabitants, while in Abaújlak, Gagyapáti, Kozárd and Égerszög there are 7.5-8 non-profit organizations per hundred inhabitants. The assumption that the social innovation may be a breakout point for peripheral areas seems to be justified in the distribution of non-profits. Specifically, the most number of non-profit organizations can be identified in the northern, north-eastern part of the region, in the areas of Cserehát and Zemplén (parts of the complex disadvantaged areas, Figure 3). In this territory, there are only few for-profit companies due to the disadvantaged socio-economic situation and accessibility conditions, so a part of the population should be engaged in non- profit activities. In the case of the county capitals, the non-profit activity is weaker, but in all cities it exceeds the regional average (Eger: 2.1; Miskolc: 1.3 and Salgótarján: 1.6 non-profit organizations per 100 inhabitants). There is no registered non-profit organization in 45 settlements of the region, including also areas that fit to the 106/2015. (IV. 23.) Government Regulation (e.g. Csenyéte, Dámóc, Felsőgagy, Gadna or Kiscsécs).

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Figure 3. Number of non-profit organizations per 100 inhabitants at the settlement level (2017) Source: own compilation based on the data of the Hungarian Central Statistics Office Based on the number of social enterprises per 100 inhabitants, Záhony, Adács and Áporka have the biggest changes in the period of 2012-2017 (with extremely high values in some places), while the largest decline in social enterprises occurred in Zsédeny, Zók and Aka. In total, in the case of 549 settlements, all social enterprises ceased to exist in the period of 2012- 2017, while in the case of 726 settlements, no social enterprises are present. Specifically, most enterprises are located in Iborfia, Kaszó and Patca, while (where there is at least one) the fewest are in Tornyospálca, Ópályi and Arló. Regarding the Northern Hungarian region, the most social enterprises can be found in the middle path of the region, only a few can be identified in the mentioned most disadvantaged regions (with a few exceptions: Teresztenye, Galvács, Keresztéte, Varbóc and Viszló). The county capitals also perform outstandingly, Eger is 17th, Miskolc is 26th, and Salgótarján is 46th in the distribution of social enterprises (Figure 4). (Social enterprises are still relatively new economic formations, so it is not surprising that 260 settlements in the region have no one from this type.) Empirical research proves that social enterprises operating in a given field have a multiplier effect, as they can help financial, tax and tender consulting local initiatives that enable the creation of new businesses (G. Fekete et al. 2017).

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Figure 4. Number of social enterprises per 100 inhabitants at the settlement level (2017) Source: own compilation based on the data of the Hungarian Central Statistics Office The studies confirm that the settlements mostly affected by complex problems are the settlements of the previously mentioned Northern Hungarian region’s borderline area, with mostly foreign neighbourhood (Figure 5).

Figure 5. Complex social innovation problems in the settlements (2017). Source: own compilation

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The Situation of the Northern Hungarian Region and Its Counties from the Aspect of Social Innovation Between 1996 and 2018, the number of non-profit organizations per 1,000 inhabitants showed a slight increase in the case of the Hungarian regions (except for the Central Hungarian region after 2010), which is favourable in terms of social innovation conditions. At the same time, the position of the Northern Hungarian region deteriorated throughout the analysed period, despite the fact that all three counties of the region significantly increased the number of their non-profit organizations. By 2018, the Northern Hungarian region was the penultimate among the Hungarian regions, surpassing only the Northern Great Plain region (Figure 6). The most non-profit organizations (in the proportion of all organizations) are in the Southern Transdanubia region, which can be an example to follow for the Northern Hungarian region as well, because the settlement structure (existence of small village areas, significant peripheries, spatial features) and socio-economic situation are very similar.

Figure 6. Change in the number of non-profit organizations per 1000 inhabitants (1996, 2000, 2005-2018). Source: own compilation The distribution of non-profit firms by organizational form has changed only moderately over the past 20 years (Table 1). In the Northern Hungarian region, the largest proportion of non- profit organizations are associations and foundations, which have one of the highest shares after the Central Hungarian region. Similarly, compared with other territorial units, the share of public bodies in the total non-profit structure is the lowest. There is also a small difference in the distribution of foundations and associations in the counties of the region, as the former has the highest share in Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county and the latter in Nógrád county, for example. The region of Northern Hungary is in a particularly good position in terms of

105 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 foundations in a national comparison as well. The 11.4% of all foundations and 17.5% of public bodies are concentrated here, which in both cases is in the third place among the regions. Table 1. Distribution of non-profit organizations by organizational form (2018)

Distribution of non-profit organizations by organizational form in the regions of Hungary (%)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 summa

Central Hungary 37.3 0.8 47.9 0.2 1.4 4.8 7.3 0.2 100 Central Transdanubia 28.5 3.0 59.2 0.5 1.2 2.5 5.0 0.1 100 Western Transdanubia 26.4 2.1 64.0 0.4 1.2 2.3 3.7 0.1 100 Southern Transdanubia 25.3 2.4 63.5 0.6 0.8 2.8 4.5 0.1 100 Northern Hungary 31.4 2.2 56.2 0.7 0.9 2.4 6.3 0.0 100 Northern Great Plain 28.8 1.7 59.4 0.4 0.8 3.0 5.9 0.0 100 Southern Great Plain 29.2 1.6 59.2 0.6 0.9 3.1 5.4 0.0 100 Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 34.6 2.1 52.8 0.4 1.0 1.9 7.2 0.1 100 Heves 29.6 2.2 56.7 1.4 1.0 3.7 5.3 0.1 100 Nógrád 24.8 2.5 65.0 0.3 0.5 1.7 5.2 0.0 100 Country total 19179 1056 34579 269 674 2075 3600 59 61491 Share of regions in non-profit organizations by organizational form (%)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 summa Central Hungary 38.2 15.4 27.3 18.2 40.9 45.8 40.1 62.7 32.0 Central Transdanubia 9.8 18.9 11.3 12.6 11.6 8.0 9.1 6.8 10.7 Western Transdanubia 9.0 13.0 12.0 9.3 11.4 7.1 6.7 6.8 10.6 Southern Transdanubia 8.5 14.6 11.9 13.8 7.7 8.8 8.1 11.9 10.5 Northern Hungary 11.4 14.4 11.3 17.5 9.2 8.0 12.1 5.1 11.3 Northern Great Plain 11.3 12.0 12.9 10.8 8.5 10.8 12.3 3.4 12.2 Southern Great Plain 11.8 11.6 13.3 17.8 10.7 11.5 11.6 3.4 12.6 Country total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 6.7 7.4 5.7 5.9 5.3 3.4 7.4 3.4 6.1 Heves 3.0 4.0 3.2 10.0 3.0 3.5 2.9 1.7 3.2 Nógrád 1.7 3.0 2.4 1.5 0.9 1.1 1.9 0.0 2.1 Source: own compilation based on the data of the Hungarian Central Statistics Office Note: 1. foundation, 2. public foundation, 3. association, 4. public body, 5. employee advocacy, 6. professional advocacy, 7. public benefit company, 8. union/merge There is also a positive trend in the change of the number of social enterprises per 1000 inhabitants (Figure 7). The number of enterprises increased in all regions during the whole period, the largest positive shift happened in the capital region, while in the Northern Hungarian region the number of enterprises developed positively, but its value was the last in the ranking of regions except in 1996 and 2000. This is largely due to the fact that in Heves and Nógrád counties, the proportion of social enterprises (15-16 enterprises per thousand inhabitants) goes significantly behind the national values (approximately 22-23 enterprises per 1000 inhabitants).

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Figure 7. Change in the number of social enterprises per 1000 inhabitants (1996, 2000, 2005- 2018). Source: own compilation According to their main form of activity, the non-profit organizations can be classified into the following categories: culture, sports, leisure, education, social care, professional and economic advocacy. The proportion of non-profit organizations engaged in non-social activities was extremely low in all counties in 2018 (Figure 8), suggesting that the survey of non-profit organizations may be an appropriate measure for examining social innovation, as the vast majority deal with social problems. The proportion of non-profit organizations engaged in social activities is over 90% in all counties, and their distribution has not changed significantly since 2001, which indicates the growing social role and activities of the organizations. In the region of Northern Hungary, the total share of non-profit organizations engaged in non-social activities is 3.98%, while in its two counties (Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén 3.41% and Nógrád 2.4%) it is even lower. The scope of activities of non-profit organizations varies in the counties of the region, in the case of Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén and Heves counties the main profile is culture, sports, leisure and education, while the share of social care providers is lower and the proportion of professional and economic advocacies is the lowest. In contrast, the distribution of non-profit organizations differs in Nógrád county, and the proportion of organizations engaged in educational activities is also lower. The organizations operating in the region have significant tender/EU funding resources in proportion to their total revenues (region: 14.3%, which corresponds to the national average, and only Budapest (14.5%) and the Northern Great Plain region (19.5%) overlaps it). The situation of Nógrád county is especially outstanding, where this ratio is 28.7%.

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Figure 8. Proportion of non-profit organizations with non-social activities (2018) Source: own compilation based on the data of the Hungarian Central Statistics Office Technological and Social Innovation Performance in the Nuts3 Regions of the Visegrad Countries Based on the complex technological innovation index, the capital regions of the Visegrad countries are the best performing territories at the beginning (2001) and the end (2015) of the analysed period, as well. The best-performing region in both years is Prague (a leader in two components, see Table 2), ahead of Budapest and Bratislava regions. By 2015, the Northern Hungarian region had deteriorated one place in its position among the regions and was only 27th in the ranking; it shows the best ranking in both years in the number of patents per million inhabitants (where it is 5th in a national comparison), while its performance is weaker based on the other two factors. The relatively favourable position of the patent activity among the regions can be the result of the good performance of corporate research (e.g. Bosch) and university research institutes (University of Miskolc, Eszterházi Károly University). Based on technological innovation factors, the worst performing territories are Polish regions, showing relatively poor performance in all dimensions. Table 2. The position of the Northern Hungarian region in the ranking of the NUTS2 regions of the Visegrad countries based on the technological innovation index (2001, 2015)

2001 2015 No. Region No. Region 1. 2. 3. Sum 1. 2. 3. Sum 1. Praha 1 1 2 4 1. Praha 1 1 2 4 2. Central Hungary 3 3 1 7 2. Bratislavský kraj 2 2 4 8 3. Bratislavský kraj 5 2 3 10 3. Central Hungary 4 4 1 9

4. Mazowieckie 4 4 10 18 4. Jihovýchod 3 3 9 15

5. Jihovýchod 6 5 7 18 5. Mazowieckie 5 5 6 16

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… … 26. Northern Hungary 33 28 15 76 27. Northern Hungary 30 31 20 81

… … 31. Podkarpackie 28 30 30 88 31. Severozápad 28 33 28 89 32. Lubuskie 34 33 24 91 32. Kujawsko-Pomorskie 29 28 32 89

33. Opolskie 31 31 32 94 33. Swietokrzyskie 27 34 30 91 34. Warminsko-Mazurskie 32 32 33 97 34. Lubuskie 35 35 27 97 35. Swietokrzyskie 35 34 34 103 35. Warminsko-Mazurskie 34 30 35 99 Source: own compilation Note: 1. R&D expenditure per capita (Euro); 2. Number of researchers and developers per 100 inhabitants; 3. Number of patent applications per million inhabitants. Based on the components of the social innovation index, Prague is at the top of the ranking (Table 3) also in this comparison, but the dominance of the capital regions is not so significant. The first part of the list contains predominantly Czech regions, the region of Northern Hungary is one of the worst positioned regions (32nd in 2001 and last in 2015), mainly due to the low proportion of self-employed. Based on the other two indicators the region is located also in the last third of the list. Table 3. The position of the Northern Hungarian region in the ranking of the NUTS2 regions of the Visegrad countries based on the social innovation index (2001, 2015) 2001 2015 No. Region No. Region 1. 2. 3. Sum 1. 2. 3. Sum 1. Praha 12 1 3 16 1. Praha 6 2 2 10 2. Strední Cechy 16 4 5 25 2. Strední Cechy 5 4 7 16 3. Jihozápad 22 6 2 30 3. Jihozápad 19 6 3 28 4. Jihovýchod 19 5 7 31 4. Severovýchod 16 7 5 28 5. Severovýchod 21 7 4 32 5. Jihovýchod 21 5 4 30 … … 31. Northern Great Plain 27 18 31 76 31. Východné Slovensko 13 27 34 74 32. Northern Hungary 30 20 30 80 32. Southern Great Plain 30 19 26 75 33. Stredné Slovensko 33 23 32 88 33. Západné Slovensko 26 14 35 75 34. Západné Slovensko 34 22 34 90 34. Northern Great Plain 34 22 28 84 35. Východné Slovensko 35 29 33 97 35. Northern Hungary 35 24 25 84 Source: own compilation Note: 1. Proportion of self-employed as a percentage of the total employment; 2. Number of social enterprises per 1000 inhabitants; 3. Number of non-profit organizations per 1000 inhabitants

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Figure 9. Clusters of the technological (left) and social (right) innovation index among the regions of the Visegrad countries (2001) Source: own compilation

Figure 10. Clusters of the technological (left) and social (right) innovation index among the regions of the Visegrad countries (2015). Source: own compilation Summary Analysing the examined components together we can conclude the following. In 2001, the biggest differences among the clusters of innovation factors show the position of the capital

110 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 regions indicated above, on the one hand, and on the other hand there are stronger western- eastern differences based on the social innovation index (Figure 9). The situation of the Northern Hungarian region is more unfavourable in terms of the social innovation index than its technological innovation performance. In 2015, there was a slight positive shift in all regions. The capital regions showed an improving trend in terms of social innovation, however, the examined region of Northern Hungary is still member of the most unfavourable cluster for both indicators (Figure 10). Thus, high technological innovation potential and performance are not associated with high social innovation activity, i.e. in the case of peripheral regions, there is hope for social innovation even in the absence of technological innovations. Acknowledgments This research was supported by the project nr. EFOP-3.6.2-16-2017-00007, titled Aspects on the development of intelligent, sustainable and inclusive society: social, technological, innovation networks in employment and digital economy. The project has been supported by the European Union, co-financed by the European Social Fund and the budget of Hungary. Resources [1] 106/2015. (Iv. 23.) Korm. Rendelet a Kedvezményezett Járások Besorolásáról Szóló 290/2014. (Xi. 26.) Korm. Rendelet Módosításáról. Http://Www.Magyarkozlony.Hu/Hivatalos- Lapok/C7906e368088af259ea68621e00e02277f38b2ab/Dokumentumok/184e1f8 78cb59cd3f0dc13264dca53efedf79d82/Letoltes [2] Akgüc, M. (2020). Understanding the Determinants of Social Innovation in Europe: An Econometric Approach. Eurpean Planning Studies, 28 (5), Pp. 941-954. [3] Andion, C., Moraes, R. L., Gonsalves, a. (2017). Civil Society Organizations and Social Innovation. How and to What Extent Are They Influencing Social and Political Change? Ciriec-España, Revista De Economía Pública, Social Y Cooperativa, Nº 90/2017, Pp. 5-34. [4] Benedek, J.–Kocziszky, Gy.–Veresné Somosi, M.–Balaton, K. (2016). Generating and Measuring Regional Social Innovation. Theory Methodology Practice, 12 (Special Issue): 14–25. [5] Cajaiba-Santana, G. (2014): Social Innovation: Moving the Field Forward: a Conceptual Framework. Technologial Forecast Social Change. 82, Pp. 42-51. [6] Castro Spila, J.–Luna, Á.–Unceta, a. (2016). Social Innovation Regimes: An Exploratory Framework to Measure Social Innovation. Simpact Working Paper, 2016 (1). [7] Economist Intelligence Unit (2016). Old Problems, New Solutions: Measuring the Capacity for Social Innovation Across the World, the Economist Intelligence Unit, London. [8] G. Fekete, É., Bereczk, Á., Kádárné, H. Á., Kiss, J., Péter, Zs., Siposné, N. E., Szegedi, K. (2017). „Alapkutatás a Társadalmi Vállalkozások Működéséről.” Zárótanulmány Az Ofa Országos Foglalkoztatási Közhasznú Nonprofit Kft. Megbízásából, a Ginop-5.1.2- 15-2016-00001 „Piactárs” Kiemelt Projekt Keretében. Miskolc. [9] Interreg (2019). Guidelines for Evaluating the Social Innovation Capacity of Policies and Practices. Deliverable D.T1.5.1 Technische Universität Berlin.

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Https://Www.Interreg-Central.Eu/Content.Node/Siforref/7-Guidelines-Si- D.T1.5.1.Pdf [10] Jastrzebska, E. (2017). Engaging Stakeolders as a Condition of Creating Social Innovations. Research Papers of Wroclaw University of Economics, Nr. 464. Pp. 57- 68. [11] Kocziszky, Gy.–Benedek, J.–Veresné Somosi, M.–Balaton, K. (2015). Regionális Társadalmi Innováció Generálása Szakértői Rendszer Segítségével. Észak- Magyarországi Stratégiai Füzetek, Xii (2): 4–22. [12] Kocziszky, Gy.–Szendi, D. (2018). Regional Disparities of the Social Innovation Potential in the Visegrad Countries: Causes and Consequences. European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 12 (1), 35–41. [13] Kocziszky, Gy.–Veresné Somosi, M.–Balaton, K. (2017). a Társadalmi Innováció Vizsgálatának Tapasztalatai És Fejlesztési Lehetőségei, Vezetéstudomány, Xlviii. Évf., 6–7. Szám, Pp. 15-19. Issn 0133-0179 [14] Krlev, G., Anheier, H. K., Mildenberger, G. (2019). Introduction: Social Innovation - What is It and Who Makes It? in: Anheier, H. K., Krlev, G., Mildenberger, G. (Ed): Social Innovation, Comparative Perspectives. Routledge, New York. Pp. 3-36. [15] Krlev, G.–Bund, E.–Mildenberger, G. (2014). Measuring What Matters – Indicators of Social Innovativeness on the National Level. Information Systems Management, 31: 200–224. [16] Lombardi, M. – Lopolito, a. – Andriano, a. M. – Prosperi, M. – Stasi, a. – Iannuzzia, E. (2020). Network Impact of Social Innovation Initiatives in Marginalised Rural Communities. Social Networks 63 (October), Pp. 11-20. [17] Lombardi, M. (2017). L'innovazione Sociale Nel Settore Agricolo Del Mezzogiorno. Collana Agricoltura E Benessere. Francoangeli, Milano, Pp. 1–160. [18] Moulaert, F., Maccallum, D., Mehmood, a., Hamdouch, a. (2014). the International Handbook on Social Innovation: Collective Action, Social Learning and Transdisciplinary Research. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. [19] Mulgan, G. (2007). Social Innovation; What It is, Why It Matters and How Can Be Accelerated. Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship: the Young Foundation, Oxford University, Uk. [20] Murray, R. – Grice, J.C. – Mulgan, G. (2010). the Open Book of Social Innovation. Https://Youngfoundation.Org/Wp-Content/Uploads/2012/10/the-Open-Book-of- Social-Innovationg.Pdf [21] Phills Jr. J. a., Deiglmeier K., Miller D. T. (2008). Rediscovering Social Innovation, Stanford Social Innovation Review, Fall. [22] Piac & Profit (2017). Társadalmi Vállalkozások Üzleti És Társadalmi Hasznosság Alapján Történő Minősítése a Ginop-5.1.3-16 Pályázaton Való Részvételhez. Https://Ginop512.Ifka.Hu/Ginop513/Piactars_Minositesi_Elj_Taj.Pdf [23] Policy Handbook (2016). Social Innovation Policy Framework for Croatia, Policy Handbook, Oecd Global Relations, South East Europe. [24] Popoli, P. (2016). Social Enterprise and Social Innovation: a Look Beyond Corporate Social Responsibility. in: Laratta, R. (Ed): Social Enterprise - Context-Dependent Dynamics in a Global Perspective. Intech Open. [25] Rehfeld, D., Terstriep, J., Welchhoff, J., Alijani, S. (2015). Comparative Report on Social Innovation Framework, Simpact Working Paper, Germany.

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[26] Szörényiné, K. I. (2015). Vidéki Térségeink Innovációt Befogadó Képessége. Egy Kutatás Tapasztalatai. Tér És Társadalom, Xxix.: 97–115. [27] the Economist Intelligence Unit (2016). Old Problems, New Solutions: Measuring the Capacity for Social Innovation Across the World. Https://Www.Essmart- Global.Com/Wp-Content/Uploads/2016/12/2016.09.29-Economist-Social- Innovation-Index.Pdf [28] the Young Foundation (2012). Social Innovation Overview. a Deliverable of the Project: “the Theoretical, Empirical and Policy Foundations for Building Social Innovation in Europe” (Tepsie), Brussels: European Commission, Dg Research.Https://Youngfoundation.Org/Wp- Content/Uploads/2012/12/Tepsie.D1.1.Report.Definingsocialinnovation.Part-1- Defining-Social-Innovation.Pdf

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Families Face Pandemic – A Review of Psychological Suggestions and Empirical Findings Regarding the Covid-19 Pandemic

Krisztina Törő Gábor Csikós Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church in Hungary Psychology Institute

Abstract Aims. Even though child psychology researches related to a pandemic are extensive, the knowledge of practitioners about interventions and practices is still very limited. The complete novelty of such an epidemic situation in Europe, the diversity of terminology and methods are factors that make results hard to interpret. Therefore, the current study aims to give an overview of the psychological literature of the family aspects of the Covid-19 pandemic. Methods. A search was executed in four databases (Science Direct, Medline, Scopus, Google Scholar) using the following keywords: pandemic, Covid 19, family, children, adolescents, anxiety, depression. Our review focuses only on English language literature. Results. The majority of the articles focus on non-pathological phenomena and draws attention to the behavior of healthy populations (increase in internet use, the decline of concentration). Methods were dominated by online surveys. These surveys were mainly constructed ad-hoc and they preferred to address parents. Direct child investigations are underrepresented, but several suggestions were formulated for their optimal functioning. Conclusion:. Researches focusing on psychopathology emphasize the growth in the prevalence of disorders. However, other researches are needed to explore the psychodynamics of the pandemic on the family level. Our study aimed to contribute to the field by summarizing the main findings, suggestions, and interventions hoping that it might be a useful tool for practitioners and reduce the territory of the unknown. Keywords: Pandemic, COVID 19, anxiety, depression, psychology, families, children

Introduction Experts formulated suggestions at the very beginning of the coronavirus pandemic. These recommendations focused on efficient coping with the psychological challenges of the global epidemic. Notwithstanding the absence of such an epidemic in Europe these suggestions were created on a practical basis using the lessons of former Asian (SARS-1) or African (Ebola) epidemics. However, regional differences cannot be neglected that might be shaped by both former experiences (e.g. Singapore; Ho et al 2020) and cultural patterns in obeying rules. The current coronavirus pandemic is not only a health issue. There are also significant effects on social and economic processes that heavily influence the daily life of even the smallest units of society, the families, and especially children. (Prime et al 2020) Cognitive maturity, personal

114 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 characteristics, coping mechanisms, and resilience have a great impact on the child's psychological responses, but the interactions within the family should be also taken into consideration. (Parsons 2020) The long-term effects of the pandemic are unknown and there is only a small amount of research even on the normal population (Lee 2020) this review aims to 1) collect the suggestions made by experts for effective coping with the current challenges, and to 2) summarize the main findings on families. Recommendations: Possible factors that carry risks for adolescents were formulated at the very early phase of the pandemic. At that time little was known about the pandemic but previous experiences of natural catastrophes (see: e.g. Pisano et al 2020) or local epidemics (e.g. Remmeswaal – Murris, 2011) could be used. The effects of the suddenly-imposed lockdown and especially the closure of schools reshape everyday life for teenagers. Missing daily routine and live peer-relations, the unpredictability due to the abrupt of (university entrance) exams, or the extra burdens of online education could turn to be the pivotal stressors for children. (Sharma et al 2020; Dubey et al 2020, Ghosh et al 2020) Experts agreed that the greatest difficulty for the children would be sudden student life changes due to school closures. (Sharma et al 2020) Some even labeled this as “disruptive exogenous shock” (Huebener et al 2020). Furthermore, the adherence to social distancing rules might be challenging for the young for their high need for social connection, their heightened sensitivity to peer influence and risk-taking. (Andrews et al 2020). Excessive social media use also contains possible dangers for adolescents (Sharma et al, 2020) as the messages of the media influences their fears, and in-middle term it might contribute to posttraumatic stress syndrome (PTSD) or phobias. So, not surprisingly besides pandemic researches also mention infodemic as a risk towards (mental) health. (Dubey et al 2020) Recommendations drew attention to dynamics within the family. Children's emotion and cognitive regulation system are more vulnerable than adult's, so they might display impatience and annoyance, which may cause them suffering from physical and mental violence by overwhelmed parents. (Dubey et al 2020, Ghosh 2020) Intensified workload and fear of uncertainty might also hinder the parents’ effective coping. (David et al 2020) Stressful family members can create a distressing family atmosphere that exposes children to secondary traumas. (Zhou et al 2020) Plus, there are certain risk groups within the adolescent/children population who face greater challenges than their peers. Ethnic minorities, refugees, and other marginalized groups within the society (Prime et al 2020, Ghosh et al 2020) Institutionalized children. The deinstitutionalization of the children raises the risk of contagion. However, on the other hand, restricting the visits could reduce social support and makes harder the coping with stress (Goldman et al 2020)

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Children with disabilities, including intellectual disabilities, (Ghosh et al 2020) autism and mental health disorders. For those who battle with depression, a daily routine is particularly important that might be disturbed by sudden life changes related to the pandemic. (Lee 2020) Children of health care workers (Ghosh et al 2020; Dubey et al 2020) whose parents face a higher chance for contagion. People diagnosed with Covid-19. (Dubey et al 2020) Quarantine increases the prevalence of post-traumatic stress syndrome and in long term, it also raises the occurrence of psychosis or suicide in adulthood. (Liu et al 2020) For getting the full picture some other approaches are worth mentioning which focused on the possible positive effects of the pandemics. Inspired by positive psychology these suggestions highlighted that increased proximity within the family provides opportunities for promoting positive relationships by engaging in collaborative activities. Plus, adolescents may find themselves to be experts of the household technology expert that might raise their self-esteem and agency. (Dvorsky et al, 2020; Bruining et al 2020) However, these suggestions represent a minority compared to those that emphasize risks and threats. Suggestions Suggestions concentrated on 1) children/adolescents or 2) parents and family and finally, on 3) broader social context. Recommendations focusing on adolescents generally highlight the importance of daily routine (Lee et al 2020, Parsons et al 2020) and a sufficient amount of sleep and physical activity. (Király et al 2020, Davis et al 2020). Coping with a stressful situation might be facilitated by information acquiring and the use of stress-reducing techniques. (Király et al 2020, Zhou et al 2020). Another group of suggestions focuses on the family as a microsystem. This draws attention to the value of maintaining communication among family members (Király et al 2020). Family can function as a buffer for children regarding negative impacts. Family members might perceive the unpredictable events as threatening that promote anxiety. But, speaking openly about their feelings and thoughts can reduce stress effectively. (Dalton et al 2020) However, stress raises the prevalence of authoritative parenting or even domestic violence which hinders this type of communication. (Usher et al 2020; Cambell 2020; Prime et al 2020) Parents can reduce the stress of their children by 1) looking after their own mental wellbeing 2) providing age-appropriate information 3) reducing exposure to news and social media related to Covid-19 4) maintaining routines 5) involving children in a family plan to mitigate risk and promote mental and social wellbeing (Parsons 2020) Parents also function as role models for the children (Király et al 2020) The parental experiences and perceived stress can raise the stress of their children due to secondary traumatization. For that reason, it seems important to provide support for parents in managing stress. (Zhou et al 2020, In a broader context, the importance of social experiences should be also mentioned. Peer- influence is strong among adolescents and this can be even useful in promoting risk-avoiding behavior. It would be beneficial to involve teenagers in health campaigns for they convince

116 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 their peers more effectively in e.g. prosocial behavior or physical activity. (Andrews et al 2020; Davis et al 2020) Experts also highlight the responsibility of the whole society. The Childcare system, school, and other institutions of the social sector should also provide psychological help both for children and adults who work with families (including teacher and child care workers) Teachers and parents should be trained not only in improving their self-help skills but also in detecting early signs of risks and disorders among children. (Liu et al 2020) There is also an urgent need for a supporting network that can concentrate on the families as wholes. (Goldman et al 2020; Zhou et al 2020) Empirical findings In the following, those researches are collected that was focusing on how the life of children/adolescents affected by the pandemic. Researches could acquire data by (1) investigating the children/adolescents themselves (2) asking parents about the psychological status of their children (3) investigation of the family as a microsystem (1) Studies examining adolescents directly In accordance with the expectations formulated by the expert previously the greatest challenge for children was the school closures. Over 90% of enrolled learners worldwide were out of education (Lee 2020; Ellis et al 2020) First findings of Chinese research on a sample of 1210 persons pointed students as members of a risk group due to experiencing a high level of psychological distress. (Ho et al 2020) As in many countries, university entrance exams were postponed late adolescents faced a lot of uncertainty. According to a poll by a student counseling group in Hong Kong one-fifth of the 757 candidates said their stress levels were at a maximum 10 out of 10. In the United Kingdom, 83% of the participants in a survey that included young people up to 25 years with mental illness history reported the worsening of their living conditions due to the pandemic. (Lee 2020) Qualitative research was carried out in Spanish research that highlighted the importance of feeling guilt which can be a marker for post-traumatic stress symptoms. This study detected boredom, anger, tiredness, and loneliness among children on one hand, but also found several signs of positive sentiments including joy and happiness for the increased amount of shared activities by the family members. So, it should be noted that families were doing great work in creating safe and pleasant spaces for the youngest. (Idoiaga et al 2020) For the descriptive statistics of the researches mentioned here, see Table 1. sample surveys source n= 228 free association exercise Idoiaga et al 2020) Mage = 7.14±2.57

n = 1,054 Covid-19 Test, Social Media Use, Time in daily activities, Ellis et al 2020 Mage = 16.68±0.78 Brief Symptom Inventory (Depression), Loneliness Scale, Physical Activity N1= 86, N2= 196, N3= 54 perceived stress scale, GCES Depression Scale, Anxiety Elmer et al 2020 undergraduate students Disorder 7 Scale, UCLA Loneliness Scale, n= 683 Patient-Reported Outcomes Measurement Information Oosterhoff et al 2020 Mage = 16.35±1.13 System (PROMIS)anxiety scale; Interpersonal Needs Questionnaire

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Table 1: Descriptive statistics of some major research with a focus on the experiences of the adolescents Focusing on youth in their middle – or late adolescence research found the virus, the schooling, and peer relationships as the greatest subject of concern in Canada. Those who spend more time on social media reported a higher level of loneliness and depression. Physical activity and family time correlated with a lower level of depression while connecting to friends virtually raised its prevalence. (Ellis et al 2020) The surveying of undergraduate students revealed that friendship networks remained relatively stable, while informational and emotional support nominations slightly increased. They reported that personal problems affected them more than usual. Students felt more socially isolated, and they were more worried about family and friends, the economy, and their future carrier. Surprisingly, they were only slightly more worried about their own health or their financial situation. (Elmer et al 2020) Taking personal responsibility for others proved to be a center motivation for adolescents in other researches too. Teenagers most commonly named prosocial motivation in their engagement towards social distancing. Social responsibility (78,1%), not wanting others to get sick (77,9%) were the core elements in their responses. Not wanting to personally get sick remained underrepresented (57,8%) comparing to prosocial reasons. (Oosterhoff et al 2020) (2) Research examing children through parental perception Experts in their recommendation highlighted that the absence of hostile parenting patterns and parental wellbeing plays an important role in maintaining the children's social and emotional wellbeing. (Parsons 2020) Therefore, the investigation of parental responses to the challenges might contribute to a better understanding of the children's psychological state too. For the descriptive statistics of the studies mentioned here, see Table 2. Chinese preliminary research found that children were more likely to show inattention, irritability, clinging, and persistent inquiry. The rates of fear, anxiety, and other emotions were higher in children residing in highly epidemic areas; however, the differences between areas identified by different levels of epidemic risk were not statistically significant. (Jiao et al 2020) Children seem more likely to develop symptoms of depression and anxiety (Xinjan et al 2020) and are also more likely to experience regression, fear, irritability, and sudden changes in mood than they were before the COVID-19 pandemic (Pisano et al 2020). parent population children’s age surveys source N=183 under 18 COVID-19 risks, General Anxiety Disorder-7, Parent-Child Brown et al 2020 Mage = 35.37±7.30 Relationship Inventory, Perceived Stress Scale, female: 89,6% Perceived Control Over Stressful Events Scale, Cognitive Emotion Regulation Questionnaire N= 1114 sociodemographics of parents and children, parental Orgiles et al 2020 Mage = 42.3±6.17 Mage = 9.08±4.22 perception on how quarantine emotionally affects children female: 47,5% through 31 symptoms ranging from 1 (much less compared to before quarantine) to 5 (much more compared to before quarantine), parent ́s perception of family coexistence during quarantine, the severity of the situation caused by coronavirus for the family well-being, and parents stress, on a five-point scale, and children routines: time of screen use, physical activity, and hours of sleep during quarantine compared to before

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N = 854 Mage =7.14±3.38 Home Environment Risk Index (ad hoc); Quarantine Spinelli et al 2020 female: 797 Parent Risk Index; Parenting-Stress Index Short Form mothers: Mage = (PSI); Depression Anxiety Strss Scale, DASS;Strengths 38.96±6.02 fathers and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) Mage = 41.9±6.75

Table 2: Descriptive statistics of some major research with a focus on the parental perception In an Italian Spanish comparative study, only 11,4% of the children perceived family coexistence during the quarantine difficult or very difficult. On the other hand, approximately one-third of the parents reported being stressed or very stressed. Those parents who perceived themselves as more stressed tended to report that their children were more worried, anxious, uneasy, and reluctant. They also experienced that their children cry more and have difficulty with sleeping alone. Unexpectedly, no differences were observed in how serious the current situation caused by the coronavirus is for their well-being and the level of parental stress. (Orgilés et al 2020) The role of parental perception of difficulties is demonstrated in other studies too. This perception seems to be a pivotal factor in both the children’s and parents’ wellbeing as the impact of the quarantine' on children's behavioral and emotional problems is mediated by parent's individual and dyadic stress, with a stronger effect from the latter. Parents who reported more difficulties in dealing with quarantine show more stress. (Spinelli et al 2020) High anxiety and depressive symptoms are correlated with higher parental perceived stress which raises the prevalence of child abuse. However, findings suggest that although families experience stressors from COVID-19, providing parental support and increasing perceived control may be promising in an intervention. (Brown et al 2020) The inner psychological mechanisms beyond successful adaptation were explored by a study of Pisano (Pisano et al. 2020) Despite the fact that the majority of the children (92%) seemed able to adapt to the restrictions, half of them showed increased irritability, intolerance to rules and excessive demands. Regressive symptoms could be also recorded and many withdrew from activities they were undertaking before the pandemic. 942 out of 5543 children manifested fears that they did not display before. So, distress can be detectible even in their cases. (Pisano et al 2020) (3) Research examining family system The structure of families (individuals, dyads, whole families) seem to function as key mediating effects in modifying risk emanating to the individual (Prime et al 2020) Despite the fact that the importance of this approach is articulated by some experts the amount of such research is still relatively low. In a Hungarian online research perceived stress level, resilience, and well-being of 346 adolescent–parent dyads were examined. The level of perceived stress was high. A surprising finding was that the parent’s resilience directly reduced their child’s well-being. However, a higher level of parental wellbeing (that is affected by their resilience) altogether leads to a higher level of well-being among the children too. (Csikós et al 2020) Conclusion The aforementioned studies emphasize the importance of parents coping with the challenges created by the pandemics. Relaxation techniques could be useful tools for decreasing stress

119 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 and preventing depression. Methods of cognitive-behavior therapy also seem to be applicable in managing stress and reducing maladaptive coping mechanisms like avoidance or self- accusation. However, the effectiveness of personal resilience seems to be fragile in these exceptional times (Ho et al 2020) Adolescents are even more vulnerable and require careful consideration by caregivers and the social system for mental health support. Research on adolescent psychiatric disorders is also necessary, as such a global situation could be prolonged or repeated. (Guessoum, et al 2020, (Racine et al 2020) So, health systems and the social sector should also be prepared both for helping adolescents and family structures by free counseling (Sharma et al 2020) Acknowledgments This research was financed by Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church. References [1] Andrews Jack L Lucy Foulkes Sarah-Jayne Blakemore: Peer Influence in Adolescence: Public- Health Implications for COVID-19 Trends in Cognitive Sciences Volume 24, Issue 8, August 2020, Pages 585-587 [2] Brown SM, Doom JR, Lechuga-Pe ̃na S, Watamura SE, Koppels T, Stress and Parenting during the Global COVID-19 Pandemic, Child Abuse and amp; Neglect (2020), doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2020.104699 [3] Bruining, H., Bartels, M., Polderman, T.J.C. et al. COVID-19 and child and adolescent psychiatry: an unexpected blessing for part of our population?. Eur Child Adolesc Psychiatry (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00787-020-01578-5 [4] Campbell Andrew M 2020: An increasing risk of family violence during the Covid-19 pandemic: Strengthening community collaborations to save lives. Forensic Science International: Reports. Volume 2, December 2020 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.fsir.2020.100089 [5] Csikós, Gábor; Törő, Krisztina; Rózsa, Sándor; Hadházi, Éva; Kövesdi, Andrea; Földi, Rita 2020: Psychological factors in Hungarian families under the coronavirus pandemic: The effects of resilience and stress on the wellbeing of adolescents, their interconnections within the family In Alison, Taysum; Siavash, Bakhtiar; Sophio, Moralishvili; Ahmet, Ecirli (eds) ICMS XXIII Proceedings Book Volume 1: 23rd International Conference on Multidisciplinary Studies: "Resilience for Survival" European Center for Science Education and Research (EUSER) pp. 11-18 [6] Dalton Louise – Rapa Elizabeth – Stein Alan: Protecting the psychological health of children through effective communication about COVID-19. The Lancet Child & Adolescent Health VOLUME 4, ISSUE 5, P346-347, MAY 01, 2020 [7] Davis, Courtney; Ng, Kee Chong; Oh, Jean Yin; Baeg, Amerie; Rajasegaran, Kumudhini; Chew, Chu Shan Elaine (2020): Caring for Children and Adolescents With Eating Disorders in the Current Coronavirus 19 Pandemic: A Singapore Perspective. J Adolesc Health ; 67(1): 131-134 [8] Dubey Souvik – PayelBiswasbRitwikGhoshcSubhankarChatterjeedMahua JanaDubeyeSubhamChatterjeefDurjoyLahirigCarl J.Lavieh 2020: Psychosocial impact of COVID- 19. Diabetes & Metabolic Syndrome: Clinical Research & Reviews Volume 14, Issue 5, September–October 2020, Pages 779-788 [9] Dvorsky, M.R., Breaux, R. & Becker, S.P. Finding ordinary magic in extraordinary times: child and adolescent resilience during the COVID-19 pandemic. Eur Child Adolesc Psychiatry (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00787-020-01583-8 [10] Ellis, W. E., Dumas, T. M., & Forbes, L. M. (2020). Physically isolated but socially connected: Psychological adjustment and stress among adolescents during the initial COVID-19

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crisis. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science / Revue Canadienne des sciences du comportement, 52(3), 177-187. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cbs0000215 [11] Elmer T, Mepham K, Stadtfeld C. Students under lockdown: comparisons of students' social networks and mental health before and during the COVID-19 crisis in Switzerland. PLoS ONE. (2020) 15:e0236337. 10.1371/journal.pone.0236337 [12] Ghosh, Ritwik – Dubey, Mahua – Chatterjee, Subhankar – Dubey, Souvik: Impact of COVID-19 on children: Special focus on psychosocial aspect. Minerva Pediatrica 72(3):226-235 DOI: 10.23736/S0026-4946.20.05887-9 [13] Goldman Philip S - Marinus Hvan IjzendoornbEdmund J SSonuga-Barkec 2020: The implications of COVID-19 for the care of children living in residential institutions The Lancet Child & Adolescent Health. Volume 4, Issue 6, June 2020, Page e12 [14] Guessoum, S. B., Lachal, J., Radjack, R., Carretier, E., Minassian, S., Benoit, L., & Moro, M. R. (2020). Adolescent psychiatric disorders during the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown. Psychiatry Research, 291, 113264. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psychres.2020.113264 [15] Ho CS, Chee CY, Ho RC. Mental Health Strategies to Combat the Psychological Impact of COVID- 19 Beyond Paranoia and Panic. Ann Acad Med Singap. 2020 Mar 16;49(3):155-160. PMID: 32200399. [16] Huebener Mathias & Waights Sevrin & Spiess C. Katharina &. Siegel Nico A &. Wagner, Gert G (2020). "Parental Well-Being in Times of Covid-19 in Germany," CESifo Working Paper Series 8487, CESifo. [17] Idoiaga N., Berasategi N., Eiguren A., Picaza M. (2020). Exploring children’s social and emotional representations of the Covid-19 pandemic. Front. Psychol. 11:1952. 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.01952 [18] Jiao WY, Wang LN, Liu J, Fang SF, Jiao FY, Pettoello-Mantovani M, et al. Behavioral and Emotional Disorders in Children during the COVID-19 Epidemic. J Pediatr. 2020;221:264–6.e1 [19] Király, Orsolya; Potenza, Marc N.; Stein, Dan J.; King, Daniel L.; Hodgins, David C.; Demetrovics, Zsolt (2020) Preventing problematic internet use during the COVID-19 pandemic: Consensus guidance. COMPREHENSIVE PSYCHIATRY, 100. pp. 1-4. ISSN 0010-440X [20] Lee 2020: Mental health effects of school closures during COVID-19 The Lancet Child & Adolescent Health Volume 4, Issue 6, June 2020, Page 421 [21] Liu Jia Jia – Yanping Bao – Xiaolin Huang Je Shi 2020: Mental health considerations for children quarantined because of COVID-19. The Lancet. Child and Adolescent Health. VOLUME 4, ISSUE 5, P347-349, MAY 01, 2020 [22] Oosterhoff, B., Palmer, C., Wilson, J., & Shook, N. (2020, April 6). Adolescents' Motivations to Engage in Social Distancing during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Associations with Mental and Social Health. https://doi.org/10.31234/osf.io/jd2kq [23] Orgilés, Mireia, Alexandra Morales, Elisa Delvecchio, Claudia Mazzeschi, and José P. Espada. 2020. “Immediate Psychological Effects of the COVID-19 Quarantine in Youth from Italy and Spain.” PsyArXiv. April 21. doi:10.31234/osf.io/5bpfz. [24] Parsons J. (2020): COVID-19, kids, and anxiety in 2020. Aust J Gen Pract 2020;49 Suppl 27. DOI: 10.31128/AJGP-COVID-27. [25] Pisano, Luca, Domenico Galimi, and Luca Cerniglia. 2020. “A Qualitative Report on Exploratory Data on the Possible Emotional/behavioral Correlates of Covid-19 Lockdown in 4-10 Years Children in Italy.” PsyArXiv. April 13. doi:10.31234/osf.io/stwbn. [26] Prime, H., Wade, M., & Browne, D. T. (2020). Risk and resilience in family well-being during the COVID-19 pandemic. American Psychologist, 75(5), 631-643. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/amp0000660

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[27] Racine, N., Cooke, J. E., Eirich, R., Korczak, D. J., McArthur, B., & Madigan, S. (2020). Child and adolescent mental illness during COVID-19: A rapid review. Psychiatry Research, 292, 113307. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psychres.2020.113307 [28] Remmerswaal D, Muris P. Children's fear reactions to the 2009 Swine Flu pandemic: the role of threat information as provided by parents. J Anxiety Disord. 2011 Apr;25(3):444-9. DOI: 10.1016/j.janxdis.2010.11.008. Epub 2010 Nov 19. PMID: 21159486. [29] Sharma Vinita Ph.D., M.P.H.MiguelReina OrtizM.D., Ph.D., C.P.H.NanditaSharmaPh.D.: Risk and Protective Factors for Adolescent and Young Adult Mental Health Within the Context of COVID-19: A Perspective From Nepal Journal of Adolescent Health Volume 67, Issue 1, July 2020, Pages 135-137 [30] Spinelli Maria, Lionetti Francesca, Pastora Massimiliano, Fasolo, Mirco 2020: Parents' Stress and Children's Psychological Problems in Families Facing the COVID-19 Outbreak in Italy Frontiers in Psychology, | https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2020.01713 [31] Usher, K., Bhullar, N., Durkin, J., Gyamfi, N., Jackson, D. (2020). Family violence and COVID-19: Increased vulnerability and reduced options for support. International Journal of Mental Health Nursing. https://doi.org/10.1111/inm.12735 [32] Xinyan Xie, Qi Xue, Yu Zhou, et al. 2020: Mental Health Status Among Children in Home Confinement During the Coronavirus Disease 2019 Outbreak in Hubei Province, China. Jama Pediatrics. [33] Zhou, X. (2020). Managing psychological distress in children and adolescents following the COVID- 19 epidemic: A cooperative approach. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, 12(S1), S76-S78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/tra0000754

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Effects of Covid-19 Pandemic on the Welfare of the Maasai Girl Child in Narok County, Kenya

Morompi Ole Masago Department of Curriculum Instruction and Education Management, Maasai mara university, Kenya Sambu Alice Department of Social Studies, Religion and Community Development, Maasai mara university, Kenya Kweingoti G. Reuben Department of Social Studies, Religion and Community Development, Maasai mara university, Kenya Jebet Sheila Department of Special Needs Education, Maasai Mara university, Kenya Bakari Chaka Department of Mathematics and Physical Sciences, Maasai mara university, Kenya Kelele Joshua Department of Social Studies, Religion and Community Development, Maasai mara university, Kenya

Abstract The Maasai girl child is vulnerable to poor menstrual hygiene, teen pregnancies, early marriages, domestic violence and female genital mutilation (FGM). Schools had temporarily offered the girls a shelter towards these challenges. However, covid-19 pandemic led to indefinite closure of schools forcing the girls back home to the full glare of these predicaments. Additionally, there was fear of the health pandemic which had also affected the economy. This study aimed at examining how covid-19 pandemic had affected the welfare of the Maasai girl child in Narok county, Kenya. A cross-sectional design of study was used. Data was collected using questionnaires and by observations. Descriptive analysis was used to analyze the data. The findings indicate that frustrations over lack of basic needs coupled with numerous domestic violence incidences caused the girls to engage in ‘sex for sanitary towels’. 83.1% of the girls did not use any sex protection means while majority of the rest used ineffective methods. FGM was at its peak as there was abundant time to practice it and less government interference. In conclusion, the Maasai girls’ welfare was in dire need for external assistance. Government and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should urgently intervene to rescue the Maasai girl child. Keywords: Maasai girl child; covid-19 break; teen pregnancies; early marriages; Female Genital Mutilation

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Introduction 1. Background of Study The plight of the Maasai girl child has always been jeopardized by many factors (maasaigirlseducation.org., 2020). Most of these factors are integrated on the patriarchal Maa culture (Morompi et al., 2020; Morompi, 2018, Hodgson, 1999). Heavily laden traditions have negatively affected any form of civil progress to the Maasai girl child. Her education, employment, business or political ambitions are always pulled back by a web of patriarchal cultures and traditions. According to these traditions, her role is reserved in the kitchen and matrimonial bed. Here, she is destined to satisfy all her husbands needs, make and bring up children; without questioning. Her wife-count position is a non-issue as her husband can marry as many wives as his cattle can support. The Maasai girl child does not actually belong to her family and is seen as a passer-by where she is exchanged for cattle from one clan to the next on maturity (maasaigirlseducation.org., 2020). Any girl above the age of 8 (beginning adolescence) is as good as mature. The decision to her marriage is solely bestowed on her father and elders (all male). The groom’s age can range anywhere between a Moran (over 19 years) to that of a senior elder (over 70 years). It is actually not surprising for an 8-year old girl to wed a 90-year old Maasai elder. As a pre- requisite into marriage hood, all the fresh brides have to undergo female genital mutilation (FGM) (Muchene et al., 2018). Failure to undertake this rite leaves the uncircumcised bride with a lot of dishonor and very little respect in public. Menstrual health is perceived as a shameful act and never discussed in public (Pakdamana and Beina, 2014). The Maasai girl experiencing menstruation is expected to sought it on her own in secret using any material; hygienic or not (Pakdamana and Beina, 2014). Sex education is also rarely discussed between parents and the girl. The girl is expected to maintain utmost chastity without necessarily raising any matters on the same to her guardians. Although the Maasai have been rigid in accepting western civilization, formal education has gradually but surely encroached into Maasailand (Morompi and Kweingoti, 2018). The government and other non-governmental organizations have heavily invested in formal education through building leaning infrastructure and provision of teachers and other learning resources. The process has not been quite successful owing to the rigidity of their culture towards foreign civilization. Numerous efforts have been made by education stakeholders to persuade the custodians of the culture (elders) to allow their daughters to go to school (Morompi and Kweingoti, 2018). This is because formal education is perceived to be the savior that will free the Maasai girl child from her plight. Introduction of free primary education by the government in 2003 increased the enrollment rate of the girls by a significant margin. However, other issues, most linked to culture have ensured the completion and transition rate of the girls as they advance academically is very low. Formal education has reduced some of these challenges faced by the Maasai girl child, community illiteracy and oppression. Most of the initial challenges such as teenage pregnancies, FGM and menstrual health matters reduced when the girls were taken to school. Enrollment of the girls in school kept them away from these matters (Korir et al., 2018) while increasing their level of understanding on the matters in a more rational manner. In school, the girls are actively engaged with curricular and co-curricular activities that keep their minds

124 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 occupied thus avoiding these challenges (Archambault, 2017). School vacations slightly affect tis temporal relief from their challenges but to an insignificant margin. The covid-19 pandemic led to indefinite closure of all learning institutions in Kenya. The learners were forced to go home until the pandemic was contained. The situation worsened with time and days became weeks which later became months. The challenges faced by the Maasai girl child which had taken so long to alleviate began re-manifesting themselves back. There was no more school to shelter the girls from teenage pregnancies, FGM and poor menstrual activities. Additionally, other social immoralities attributed to modern civilization and tourism such as drug and substance abuse and sexual immorality merged with the traditional vices to mount more misery onto the girls. As if this is not enough, economic hardships arising from covid-19 pandemic saw and increase in domestic violence which indirectly affected the girls. Finances for purchasing girls’ necessities such as menstrual towels were thus out of priority as families used the meagre resources available to purchase food and pay for shelter. Economic frustrations also saw an increase in the rate of drug and alcohol abuse. Many guardians chose to use these commodities as a temporal relief to their problems. On the other hand, idleness resulting from mandatory staying at home with no meaningful learning increased the girls’ exposure to drug abuse and sexual immoralities. This study aimed at assessing the social, psychological and economic impacts of covid-19 pandemic on the welfare of the Maasai girl child in Narok county, Kenya. Narok county is one of the three counties in Kenya (alongside Kajiado and Samburu) with a large population of the Maasai people. It is a marginalized county with the Maa culture deeply rooted amongst most of its inhabitants. 2. Research Methodology 2.1 Design of Study A cross-sectional research design was used for the study. This design was opted to enable the researchers determine the impacts of covid-19 on the welfare of Maasai girls at the epitome of the pandemic (the month of June, 2020). The month was suitable since a grace period of 3 months (since march) was sufficient for the challenges affecting the girls to manifest out. This was also the most unprecedented month of the pandemic in Kenya with most decisions anchored on the presidents’ decision to be made on 6th July, 2020. The economy was at its lowest and domestic violence cases had sharply increased. The study was conducted in Narok county (co-ordinates 1.1041°S, 36.0893°E; figure 1). The county has the largest population of Maasai people in Kenya (Bussmann et al., 2006; Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2019). Data was collected using questionnaire guides and observation and descriptive statistics used to analyze it. The findings were presented in form of text, tables, quotes and graphs.

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Figure 1: Map of Narok county, Kenya where the study was conducted. Source: pngkey.com, (2020). 2.2 Sampling Techniques Random sampling was carried out throughout the county. The target population was all the Maasai school-going girls between the age of 12 to 18. This cluster was assumed to be mature enough to experience the challenges faced by the Maasai girl child. All the girls within this bracket were randomly picked as respondents. The method was preferred for its ability to sample a small representative group from a bigger population with limited bias. Any respondent could be taken from the main target population with equal probability. 2.3 Sample size The target population of the girls in the county was very large and had to be narrowed down to a desirable size. The target population could not be wholly analyzed and was therefore reduced to 80 samples. The sample size was arrived at from Slovin’s formulae (Statisticshowto.com, 2020) outlined in equation 1. 푁 푛 = (1) 1+푁(푒2) Where, n-sample size, N-population size, e- Error term (5%) based on 95% confidence interval The samples were spread out across the various wards in the county. 2.4 Research questionnaires, interviews and observation guides used The study involved use of questionnaires guides and observation. The questionnaires were unstructured and had both open ended and closed research questions. The questionnaires were divided into 9 main sections i.e respondents biodata section, family, financial, academic,

126 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 domestic, sexual life, personal and psychological, drugs and alcohol abuse and FGM information. The respondents were assigned the questionnaire guides and given a duration of 3 days to fill the data. During collection of the questionnaire guides, any interesting information that was not captured in the questionnaires was noted down at the back of the questionnaires guides Observations were made to assess some of the situations that could easily be noticed. There was no clear structure or number of research items in an observation guide but rather researchers’ opinion on notable features of respondents. 2.5 Validity and reliability of the research guides used Questionnaires were quite reliable since they were easy to administer and encouraged confidentiality thus, reducing biasness. They were subjected to the test-retest reliability method to check for their consistency in results after a duration of 11 days. A group of 15 respondents (volunteers) was used. There was a similarity index of 63% in the results at the two instances of testing. Observation also ensured gathering of reliable data. The 15 respondents were also assigned with the same task and a 58% similarity index observed. A face validity of the research guides was conducted by 4 volunteers. A pilot study was then conducted to determine the validity of the data collection instruments used. Each of the 110 initial distinct research questions in the questionnaire guide (excluding bio-data section) was assigned to 2 different respondents. In total, there were 220 respondents (volunteers). The data was then debugged and the minimum and maximum values recorded. After a critical analysis check, 15 questions were found to be confusing and leading. These questions were plucked out. The ultimate validity score was thus 95/110 (86.4%) and the outcomes were found to strongly favor the use of these research guides. 2.6 Data analysis The data collected was analyzed and presented using descriptive statistics. The data collected was analyzed using Ms Excel (2016). For the significance levels, a confidence level of 95% was used. 3 Results and Discussions 3.1 Family information regarding the Maasai girls Majority (70.9%) of the girls lived in a nuclear family set-up. Only 7.5% of the girls had been adopted and lived with their foster families while 21.6% of the girls in the county lived in an extended family set-up. The large proportion of nuclear families compared to extended families is partially attributed to western civilization (Ruggles, 2010; Chen et al., 2017). The traditional Maa culture consisted of most of the families living communally; in small clans (Mokgobi, 2014). These clans comprised of several extended families all originating from a common ancestor (Mokgobi, 2014). However, due to western civilization, these clans dispersed as individuals went further apart to seek for livelihoods. With regard to the girls’ welfare, girls living in an extended family setup are likely to have their matters addressed quickly compared to those living in nuclear families. This is because in extended families, they have many peers and can front their needs as a group. On the other hand, there are more stakeholders in the form of cousins, mothers, aunties and grandmothers to address their issues compared to in a nuclear family. 64% of the nuclear families had both parents while 36% had only a single parent living with the girls. Out of the 36% of the families where the girls lived with a single parent, 95% of the single parent were their mothers. The girls’ fathers

127 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 did not live with their families because they were either deceased (9%), worked far away (21%) or lived with another spouse (71%). The high proportion of fathers living with their younger spouses is attributed to the patriarchal Maasai culture which encouraged polygamy (Morompi, 2018; Hodgson, 1999). Some of the younger wives in question were school-going girls who were forcefully wedded. This detachment of girls to their fathers have negative impacts on the girls support as described by one of the girls in Naikarra, Narok south; …my dad used to provide me with everything. He would pay all my school fees, buy me school uniform and get us enough food at home every day. However, since he married the younger wife, some of the necessities are no longer available. For example, my school uniform is worn out and my mother does not have enough money to buy me another one. Most of my colleagues make fun of me in school. My father no longer prioritize most of our basic needs… The was an equal distribution in the number of male and female siblings in the girls’ families as illustrated in figure 2.

4< 11.9 9.4

4 20.4 18.5

3 35.5 33.5

2 19.9 28.6

1 12.3 10 number of siblings in familyin siblings of number 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 % of siblings

Brothers Sisters

Figure 2: Distribution of number of siblings in the families of Maasai girl children Majority of the girls had 3 brothers (35.5%) and sisters (33.5%). This implies that about a third of the girls lived in families consisting of 7 children. According to East (2010), the number of siblings can affect the welfare of girls in terms of provision. Girls with fewer siblings are likely to get more attention from their guardians (Hsueh and Gennetian, 2011). According to Olson et al., (2017), girls deserve more attention from their guardians compared to their male counterparts. A higher number of girls in the families thus imply less attention from the guardians. According to figure 2, the Maasai girl children had a relatively equal distribution in the number of male and female siblings. Therefore, there was no significant diversion in attention resulting from the gender of their siblings. About 69.9% of the families were monogamous while 30.1% were polygamous. The reduction in polygamous families from the conventional Maa culture is attributed to increase in western civilization. Some of the elements of western civilization such as western religion (in this case Christianity) strongly oppose polygamy. The attention for girls living in the polygamous families depended on the

128 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 position of their mothers in the husbands rating (usually based on age). Girls whose mothers were the first wives had less attention compared to those whose mothers were the last wives. 59% of the polygamous families had 2 wives, 32% had 3 wives while 9% had more than 3 wives. The more the number of wives, the lesser the attention the girls received from their fathers. The girls living in polygamous and extended family set-ups faced more competition for attention and necessities due to the higher number of recipients as illustrated in table 1. Table 1: The number of siblings of the Maasai girls living in polygamous and extended families

Number of girls’ siblings % of Maasai girls’ siblings In polygamous families In extended families Those below 18 years 1-5 3.3 8.1 14.6 6-10 20.2 15.3 56.3 11-15 48.5 36.5 20.2 16-20 28.0 29.9 8.9 20< 0.0 10.2 0.0 1 There was no significant difference in the distribution of siblings living in polygamous and extended families (P < 0.05). From table 1, majority of girls living in extended and polygamous families had 11 to 15 siblings. This is significantly higher than the conventional 6 siblings from girls living in nuclear families (P > 0.05). About 96.7% of girls living in polygamous families had between 6 to 20 siblings. This is a very high number compared to the limited resources available for these families. Majority (56.3%) of families with 6 to 10 girls had siblings who were below 18 years. This is a critical factor to consider because these are the siblings who are actively competing for attention and resources. For most of the Maasai families, siblings above 18 years are independent. For the male siblings, they are initiated into Moranhood (adulthood) and are expected to be actively engaging in their independent economic livelihoods (McCabe et al., 2014). Majority of female siblings above 18 years are expected to be married (Bobbitt-Zeher et al., 2018). There was literally no change in the patterns of the girls’ family size due to covid-19 pandemic because its window was barely 3 months old. 3.2 Domestic violence in the Maasai girls’ families The number of domestic violence cases in Kenya increased during the covid-19 pandemic period (Odhiambo, 2020). The Maasai girl child was not exempted from these incidences. 49.7% of the girls confirmed that their guardians had engaged in domestic violence during the covid-19 pandemic period. The girls indicated that the incidences were quite horrible and would not love to experience them again. 28.5% of the incidences were minor and involved heated exchange of vulgar language and minor fights. 66.3% of the incidences were moderate and involved fights which led to severe injuries. The incidences ended up with casualties in hospitals or dispensaries and other social effects to the family members. 5.2% of the incidences were extremely severe and lead to divorce and hospitalization of the guardians for more than 3 days. There was no death reported arising from the incidences. Covid-19 pandemic had increased the frequency of domestic violence incidences as illustrated in figure 3.

1 Sibling population in girls living in an extended or polygamous family

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60 56.5

50 47.3 40.3 40

30 25.3

20 13.3 % Respondents % 10 4.9 5.5 6.9

0 Once Twice 3 to 5 times Many times Frequency of domestic violence

Before the pandemic After the pandemic

Figure 3: The frequency of domestic violence incidences in the girls’ families There was an upward surge in the number of incidences during the pandemic period. The surge might have been triggered by reduced monetary circulation as a result of the failing economy and an increase in contact time between family members. There is a higher probability of domestic violence when family members are together at home and there is little economic activity ongoing. The patriarchal role of the male guardians is put under trial if they stay at home and do not suffice the requirements of the family. This provokes their female counterparts leading to misunderstanding. If the misunderstandings are not controlled, then domestic violence results. Before covid-19 pandemic, most of the families where the Maasai girls belonged to had witnessed only 1 or 2 domestic violence cases. However, after the pandemic, 56.5% of the families had witnessed violence 3 to 5 times while 25.3% of the families had witnessed violence more than 5 (numerous) times. Only 22% of these incidences were reported. The girls indicated that in most of the cases, their female guardians were on the receiving end. Very few would fight back. They were also expected not to report the incidence failure to which they would face severe consequences. The patriarchal Maasai culture allowed for wife battery as a method to instill discipline to Maasai women (maasaigirlseducation.org., 2020). The women were regarded as big children and could easily receive beatings when their husbands so wished. Out of the 22% incidences which were reported, in 46.5% of them no action was taken. 17.9% of the incidences led to police arrests while 35.6% of the cases were settled in the family by clan elders. The Maasai girls indicated that the clan elders always sided with their male guardians and justice was never served. These frustrating measures prompted their female guardians to persevere the incidences. Several factors contributed to the domestic violence incidences as illustrated in figure 4.

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90 77.5 80 70 60 50 41.3 40 33.6 30 20.3 20.6

% Respondents % 20 4.5 10 0 2.2 0 Basic family needs Alcohol and other Marital immorality Miscommunication drugs Causes of domestic violence

Before the pandemic After the pandemic

Figure 4: Causes of domestic violence incidences in the families of the Maasai girls There was an increase in domestic violence arising from lack of provision of basin necessities such as food during the pandemic. This was fueled by the failing economy which led to reduced salaries and job losses. Some of the male guardians were frustrated by the situation and directed their anger onto their wives and children. In some cases, the female counterparts could not withstand insufficient provision of necessities by their male counterparts leading to violence. The number of violence incidences arising from alcohol and drugs as well as marital immorality had reduced because there was little money to engage in these activities. The incidences had a negative impact on the Maasai girls. Majority (68.5%) of the girls whose guardians engaged in domestic violence indicated that they were undergoing depression and mental trauma. This is because of the consequences caused by the violence incidences and lack of harmony in their families. 15.7% of the girls indicated that the violence worsened the provision of necessities in their family. 8.2% of the girls had physical challenges resulting from trying to separate their fighting guardians or being battered together with their mothers in the incidences. 5.2% of the girls’ academic performance were affected because they could not concentrate properly with their studies. Covid-19 pandemic had thus fueled the number of domestic violence incidences thus affecting the welfare of the Maasai girls in several ways. 3.3 Sexual life, teen pregnancies and early marriages faced by the Maasai girls Only 21.5% of the Maasai girls admitted to having sex education with their guardians at home. All the rest of the girls indicated that the issue was considered shameful and their guardians avoided it in all possible ways. The girls indicated that their guardians expected them to learn about sex education in school and with their peers. According to the Maasai traditions, sex education was taught by the girls’ mothers and elderly women (Graamans et al., 2019). However, this custom seems to have gradually eroded with contemporary social ethics as a result of western civilization. A deeper insight into the sex education sessions revealed that the talks were dominated by threats to the girls if they engaged with intimate relationships with boys. One of the girls narrates;

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…it is always a threats session. My mother always insists that I am not to be seen talking to boys. She says that if I allow them to touch or play with me, I will become pregnant and it will humiliate her. This are the same lines used over and over every time… The rest of the girls (78.5%) indicated that they learn sex education from their teachers, elder siblings and friends. With their schools closed as a result of covid-19 pandemic, the sessions were solely left to their elder siblings and friends. However, most of the girls indicated that learning it from their friends was more comfortable. This creates chances of misleading advices and bad peer influence which can lead to sexual immoralities (Widman et al., 2016). Only 31.4% of the girls’ guardians were concerned with the menstrual health of their daughters. The rest always turned a blind eye to it and expected the girls to take care of their menstruation privately and in their own capacity. 84.3% of the concerned guardians were their mothers (or female guardians) while 1.5% were their male guardians. 3.6% of the girls indicated that they had both their guardians being concerned with their menstrual health while 10.6% indicated that their siblings assisted were concerned about it. This category of girls received support both psychologically, being provided with menstrual towels and exemptions from tasking duties during their periods. Provision of sanitary towels was the most common support given to the girls as indicated in table 2. Table 2: How the Maasai girls get their sanitary towels during menstrual periods

Method used by guardians to provide sanitary towels to the Maasai girls % respondents Buy in bulk for the girls to collect when they require them 4.3 Buy when needed by the girls 9.9 Give money to buy in bulk 0.5 Give money to buy when needed 4.2 Not concerned about it 39.3 Get the towels from friends and neighbors 22.5 Improvise using local fabric materials 19.3 1 From table 2, it is evident that most of the girls had been neglected by their guardians as far as their sexual health is concerned. Only 18.9% of the guardians provided the towels. 39.3% of the guardians were not concerned with provision of sanitary towels while 22.5% of the girls obtained the towels from their friends and neighbors. One of the girls confessed that she finds it shameful to ask for the towels from her neighbors and currently obtain it from her friend (boyfriend). However, the towel is not provided freely and she has to ‘pay for it’ at a later date when she is ‘safe to pay’. This leaves the girl vulnerable to other sexual immoralities. 22.3% of the girls indicated that covid-19 pandemic had altered the trend in provision of sanitary towels negatively. There were lesser guardians providing the towels because hard economic times had significantly reduced the provision of these necessities. The meagre earnings by the guardians were directed towards basic necessities such as food. This in turn increased the proportion of girls seeking for the towels from their friends (and boyfriends) thus exposing them to other sexual immoralities. One of the class 6 girls narrates; … before the pandemic, my mother would give me money to purchase sanitary towels when I had my periods. Nowadays she doesn’t have any money for the same. I have no option but to ask it

1 Provision of sanitary towels for the girls by their guardians

132 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 from my boyfriend. In return, I have to sleep with him when the period is over. I do not like it but I don’t have any other option. 64.5% of the girls admitted to having a boyfriend. The girls argued that it was a contemporary issue to have one and lack of one led to jeers and criticism by their colleagues. Those without boyfriends (35.6%) gave various reasons for their choices as illustrated in figure 5a. 36.3% of the girls who did not have boyfriends indicated that they were not concerned with the relationships at the moment. Majority of them were in their primary school level. It is therefore likely that they had not been subjected to a lot of peer pressure by their colleagues. The strictness of their guardians and teachers (25.2% and 3.1% respectively) were also key in preventing the girls from having intimate relationships with boys. According to traditional Maasai culture, guardians were responsible for the moral upbringing of their children (Lawson et al., 2014). It was therefore their responsibility to ensure that their girls did not indulge in intimate relationship with boys before they were of the right age. However, moral degradation of this custom and contemporary social immoralities have reduced this norm. This has led to more intimate relationships amongst the girls. About 21.3% of the girls indicated that they were focusing on their academics for the time being and perceived intimate relationships with boys as a barrier to their studies. Only 2.7% of the girls indicated that they were yet to be approached by a boy for an intimate relationship. There was an increment in the incidences of the girls first meeting with boys with their ages up to after 15 years. The climax of these incidences was between 14 to 15 years. About 72.3% of the girls in a relationship first met their boyfriends between 14 years and 17 years (figure 5b). Majority of the girls were either in class 8 or in their secondary school level. This is the prime age of their adolescence age. According to (Price et al., 2016), many girls are susceptible to intimate relationships at this age bracket. Most of the girls in this age bracket are in their secondary schools (some boarding) and the covid-19 pandemic school closure might have catalyzed their incidences of meeting with boys at home. A good proportion of the girls attended schools away from their hometowns (majority being single-gender boarding schools). The girls are thus deprived any chance of encountering with boys and are excited during holidays when they can finally meet with boys. The pandemic thus provided them with an excellent opportunity to satisfy this desire. There was a lower magnitude of girls first meeting their boyfriends beyond 18 years.

Not concerned about it at all 36.3 Do not believe in love 5.4 Fear pregnancy and STI's 2.7 Separated with boyfriend 3.3 Strict guardians 25.2

boyfriend Strict teachers 3.1 Not yet approached by a boy 2.7

Reasons for not having a a having not for Reasons Focussed on academics 21.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 % Respondents (a)

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45 41.5 40

35 31.6 30 25 20

% Responds % 15 13.5 10.8 10 5 2.6 0 Age of meeting with boyfriend (years)

10 to 11 12 to 13 14 to 15 16 to 17 18 to 19

(b) Figure 5: Reasons for not having boyfriends (a) and the age when the Maasai girls with boyfriends first met (b) The girls met with their boyfriends through different people. About 39.4% of the girls had met their boyfriends though their friends. These friends also had boyfriends and pressurized their friends to join them. The prolonged stay at home owing to the pandemic increased interaction of girls with their friends and by extension more first engagements with boys. 29.2% of the girls first met their boyfriends through social media platforms while 28.6% of the girls had met in their respective schools. Only 2.7% of the girls had met their boyfriends through their relatives. There was a high correlation of the platforms of meeting and the people aware of these relations. 22.3% of the girls’ guardians were aware of their daughters’ relationships and even supported them. Only 21.5% of the relationships were kept secretly between the girls and their boyfriends. 60.3% of the girls were actually remorseful that covid-19 pandemic had interrupted their relationships. The girls indicated that they could not freely see their boyfriends as was the case previously. They only interacted with the boys through social media, phone calls and text messages. About 69.3% of the girls attested to having sex with their boyfriends. These incidences were triggered by peer pressure as well as quests by the girls to be given certain favors such as purchase of confections, credit cards and sanitary towels. In return, the girls had nothing else to offer other than sex. Majority of the girls indicated that the frequency of the incidences had increased during the pandemic period because they were in dire need of money to purchase their necessities. The period between first meeting and sexual intercourse of the girls with their partners is illustrated in figure 6a.

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a) b) c) Figure 6: Duration taken by Maasai girls between first encounter with their boyfriends and sexual intercourse (a), the venue of the first intercourse (b) and the consecutive number of intercourse sessions thereafter (c). There was a relatively little amount of time for teen courtship between the first instance when the girls met their boyfriends and sexual intercourse. Only 28.6% of the girls could persevere for over a year without sexually engaging with their partners. The hurried consent to engage in the vice was informed by the demands of their boyfriends to re-pay favors done as narrated by one of the girls; …I had no intentions to break my virginity this year. However, after the pandemic struck, my guardians could no longer provide sanitary towels for me. I therefore turned to my boy friend for provision of the towels who accepted. It was then that he begun asking me to sleep with him as a reward for providing the towels. I had no option but to concur. The duration between first engagement and sexual intercourse between the girls and their boyfriends was found to be alarmingly low. Though this window is relative, there should be a grace period of adequate time before the two can engage in intercourse (Mishori et al., 2019). Morans’ ‘Simba’ room is the house that a Maasai boy is given after initiation. This is intended to minimize interactions with their guardians (especially mothers) and siblings which can lead to taboos (Hodgson, 1999). This rooms were the most exploited (29.9%) in having sexual intercourse with the girls (figure 6b). This is because they have a lot of privacy in the Manyatta homesteads and are out of reach to other members of the homestead (Hodgson, 1999). 21.4% of the girls had intercourse in the bush. This venue was preferred for being cheap and reliable to both parties involved. The venue is opportune when the boys do not have a ‘Simba’ and have no money to rent a guest room. 16.9% of the boys afforded to take their girls to restaurants and guest rooms. This was a relatively more dignified venue compared to bushes and classroom (used by 13.2% of the girls). Once their virginity was lost, there was no stopping the girls from continuing with the vices; it seemed (figure 6c). This is because more than half (59.6%) of the girls had engaged in the vice more than thrice after the first incidence. Only 11% of the girls had not had intercourse with their partners after the first incidence. The high frequency of sexual intercourse incidences by the girls indicate loose morals and severe need for their necessities by the girls. As the pandemic era is prolonged, provision of necessities such as sanitary towels for the girls’ use is also prolonged thus increasing more chances of the vices. 45.6% of the girls indicated that there were other parties aware of these vices other than themselves and their partners. According to the girls, almost all those aware of their intimate relationship with their partners were also aware of the vices (including their female guardians). Luckily enough, only 21.5%

135 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 of the girls had engaged in the vice with more than one partner. All the other respondents had maintained their initial partners. A more alarming statistics is the number of girls who engaged in intercourse without any protection (83.1%). Only 16.9% of the girls used protection during the incidence. This figure paints a very dark image of the girls when schools will be re-opened after the pandemic. The probability of most of the girls getting pregnant and ceasing school is quite high. The rest of the girls used various means to protect themselves from becoming pregnant or contracting STIs as illustrated in figure 7 (from their own perspective of protection methods). It is indeed sad to realize that majority (64.3%) of the girls believed and actually used withdrawal tactic as an effective method of preventing unwanted pregnancies and STIs. The method is actually very ineffective in preventing either of the situations (Jones et al., 2014). The girls defended this tactic by indicating that they used it when they were in their safe menstrual days. 19.1% of the girls using prevention methods used condoms during the incidences. All the rest used medicinal compounds such as e-pills (5.6%), injections (5%) and traditional pharmacological concoctions (5.6%). The concoctions were praised to be quite effective in controlling menstrual cycles. Several indigenous Maasai herbs have previously been used as phytochemicals in ethnomedicine (Bussmann et al., 2006; Omara, 2020). However, the exact efficiency of these prevention methods can only be determined later on when the girls start experiencing pregnancy related complications.

70 64.3 60 50 40 30 19.1

20 % Respondents % 10 5.6 5 6 0 Protection methods used

Condoms e-pills withdrawal tactic injections Herbal plants

Figure 7: Some of the alleged prevention means as per the Maasai girls’ belief and usage 14.5% of the girls sampled indicated that they already had children. Almost all (91.6%) of them had only a single child. The rest (8.4%) had 2 children. 69.3% of these girls conceived between the age bracket of 16 to 19 years. This can be justified by the high number of girls getting boyfriends between 15 to 16 years (figure 5) and the short grace period between first engagement and sexual intercourse (figure 6a) as well as the low number of girls using effective birth control methods. 24.2% of the girls conceived within the age bracket of 13 to 15 years while the rest (6.5%) conceived with 12 or less years. The teen pregnancies in question are those resulting from sexual intercourse before covid-19 pandemic. From the above findings it is almost guaranteed that the number of teen frequency will shoot within a few months. 71.5% of the girls with a child had less than 18 years. The distribution of teen mothers from the girls’ school and villages is illustrated in table 3.

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Table 3: Distribution of teen mothers in the Maasai girls’ school and villages

Distribution of number of teen mothers % Respondents In the girls’ school In the girls’ village 1-5 10.1 0.7 6-10 20.3 13.1 11-15 36.4 29.9 >15 33.2 56.3 1 From table 3, most of the schools had more than 11 teenage mothers. Almost a third of the girls (33.2%) indicated their schools had more than 15 teenage mothers. The situation was worse in the girls’ villages whereby more than half (56.3%) of the girls attested to there being more than 15 teenage mothers in their villages. The tendency towards more teenage mothers in the girls’ village was skewed towards the higher end. Actually, only 0.7% of the girls indicated there were 1 to 5 teenage mothers. The statistics in table 3 are those indicating the pre-existing teen mothers during the pandemic. From the findings in figures 5, 6 and 7, the number of teenage mothers is likely to be very high within a short period of time. Only 44.6% of the girls are able to resume their learning after conceiving. All the rest (55.4%) are confined to their marital homes and cease learning henceforth. This figures project lower school transition from one academic level to the next when learning will proceed normally. 3.4 Effect of the pandemic on FGM of the girls’ welfare 95.0% of the girls were well aware of FGM through various people. The girls indicated that the vice had been practiced for a long time. Numerous efforts by the government and non- governmental organizations (NGOs) and other social bodies in curbing the menace fell on deaf ears. The residents of the county were determined to guard their culture with all its elements (good or bad). It was therefore very difficult to persuade the residents that FGM was bad. Girls who had not been initiated were regarded with little honor and considered unsuitable for marriage. 45.1% of the girls first heard about FGM through their guardians. The girls indicate that their guardians had always prepared them of being initiated psychologically by telling them its merits since they were young children. The girls then grew up knowing that initiation was mandatory and a good practice. Other girls first heard about FGM through NGOs (15.3%) and in school through their teachers (13.1%). The girls indicate that these sources painted the tradition as a bad practice. Most of the NGOs (such as World Vision) were against FGM and would go an extra mile in rescuing girls who had been initiated (28toomany.org, 2013). The girls would be enrolled in boarding schools which had a collaboration with the NGOs. The teachers in those schools were tasked to preach against the vice by all possible means. 6.9% of the girls heard about FGM from their siblings while 19.6% of the girls knew about it from their friends. This campaigns and awareness measures were not possible since covid-19 pandemic struck since most of the learning institutions were closed. 62.1% of the girls had undergone FGM. All the girls initiated indicated that they had been forced to undertake the initiation. Their guardians and relatives had collaborated in ensuring

1 Distribution of Maasai teen mothers in the girls’ schools and villages

137 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 that they were circumcised. Most of the girls attested that the experiences were quite horrible and would not wish their loved ones to undertake such ordeals in future. Some of their peers whom they were to be initiated together had ran away never to return back to their homesteads. The girls further indicated that 63.5% of their friends, siblings and relatives had also undertaken the rite. The distribution of number of Maasai girls in the same village who had undergone FGM is illustrated in table 4. The number of girls undertaking FGM after covid-19 had sharply risen. This corresponded with more free time at home and less intrusion of the culture by formal education and NGOs. As a result, most of the guardians took the advantage and ensured their girls were initiated. Limited movement of people (especially from foreign nations) ensured that the custodians of the culture could practice their norms with little interference. This ensured the population of girls being initiated was skewed towards the higher end. Before the pandemic, most of the girls’ village-mates (39.9%) had 1 to 20 girls initiated. After the pandemic, the majority (63.6%) had more than 60 girls per village initiated. Table 4: Distribution of number of Maasai girls who had undertaken FGM per village

Number of girls who have undertaken Respondents (%) FGM per village Before covid-19 After covid-19 1-20 39.9 8.7 21-40 38.7 12.3 41-60 16.4 15.4 > 60 5.0 63.6

The girls confirmed that the local administrators had been trying to fight FGM but with very little success. Only 4.1% of the culprits involved had been arrested (according to the girls). All the others had gone free and any case involving the administrators had been withdrawn by one reason or the other. 12.3% of the girls agreed that the local administrators had succeeded in educating the local community against the vice. However, 84.5% of the girls indicated that the local administrators did not put any significant effort to curb FGM. The girls indicated that the administrators were bribed to ensure that the rites proceeded on without any hitch. Only pressure from their external supervisors at county or regional level would make them stop the vice. This would be done for a little time after which they would again relax their restrictions and allow FGM to proceed. Since covid-19 pandemic struck, there was fewer supervision from their seniors. This gave more room for the administrators to relax thus enhancing FGM practice. 4. Conclusions Since covid-19 pandemic struck, most of the daily norms and lifestyles of Maasai girl children changed. The girls’ guardians’ livelihoods were significantly reduced increasing cases of domestic violence (P > 0.05). The number of domestic violence had sharply risen amongst the girls’ guardians. There was a higher engagement in fornication due to idleness and desire for the girls to have necessities. ‘Sex for menstrual towels’ was a common phenomenon by the girls. 71.5% of the girls did not use any protection during intercourse while 64.3% of those who did used ‘withdrawal’ method. This casts a looming health and education pandemic once school reopen with numerous teen pregnancies and early marriages in waiting. Academic enrollment and transition through the classes are also heavily challenged. 58.3% of the girls

138 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 confirmed that they were indeed stressed up. 21.1% of the girls engaged in various forms of alcohol and drug abuse. 62.1% of the girls had undergone FGM and the number was sharply increasing during the pandemic period. 5. Recommendations The local administrators should tighten their grips towards immorality and some of the injustices affecting the girls. Parents should also come up with amicable means to resolve conflicts away from their children. Governmental and NGOs should also move with speed to ensure the welfare of the girls are well taken care of. Acknowledgements The authors wish to sincerely thank all those who participated in this study. Declaration of Interests ‘None’. Funding Sources This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. Data Availability Statement All the data used in this study is enclosed within the manuscript and any supplementary sheets attached. References [1] 28toomany.org, (2013). Country profile: FGM in Kenya, May 2013. Retrieved from https://www.28toomany.org/static/media/uploads/Country%20Research%20and%20Resources/Kenya/kenya_ country_profile_v3_(july_2017).pdf Accessed on 2nd September, 2020. [2] Bobbitt-Zeher, D., Downey, D. B., & Merry, J. (2016). Number of Siblings During Childhood and the Likelihood of Divorce in Adulthood. Journal of family issues, 37(15), 2075–2094. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192513X14560641 [3] Bussmann, R. W., Gilbreath, G. G., Solio, J., Lutura, M., Lutuluo, R., Kunguru, K., Wood, N., & Mathenge, S. G. (2006). Plant use of the Maasai of Sekenani Valley, Maasai Mara, Kenya. Journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine, 2, 22. https://doi.org/10.1186/1746-4269-2-22 [4] Bussmann, R. W., Gilbreath, G. G., Solio, J., Lutura, M., Lutuluo, R., Kunguru, K., Wood, N., & Mathenge, S. G. (2006). Plant use of the Maasai of Sekenani Valley, Maasai Mara, Kenya. Journal of ethnobiology and ethnomedicine, 2, 22. https://doi.org/10.1186/1746-4269-2-22. [5] Caroline S. Archambault (2017) ‘The pen is the spear of today': (re)producing gender in the Maasai schooling setting, Gender and Education, 29:6, 731-747, DOI: 10.1080/09540253.2016.1156061 [6] Chen, F., Bao, L., Shattuck, R. M., Borja, J. B., & Gultiano, S. (2017). Implications of Changes in Family Structure and Composition for the Psychological Well-Being of Filipino Women in Middle and Later Years. Research on aging, 39(2), 275–299. https://doi.org/10.1177/0164027515611181 [7] East P. L. (2010). Children's Provision of Family Caregiving: Benefit or Burden?. Child development perspectives, 4(1), 10.1111/j.1750-8606.2009.00118.x. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-8606.2009.00118.x [8] Graamans, E., Ofware, P., Nguura, P., Eefje, S. & Wouter ten, H. (2019) Understanding different positions on female genital cutting among Maasai and Samburu communities in Kenya: a cultural psychological perspective, Culture, Health & Sexuality, 21:1, 79-94, DOI: 10.1080/13691058.2018.1449890 [9] Hodgson, D. (1999). "Once Intrepid Warriors": Modernity and the Production of Maasai Masculinities. Ethnology, 38(2), 121-150. doi:10.2307/3773979

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[10] Hsueh, J., & Gennetian, L. A. (2011). Welfare policies and adolescents: exploring the roles of sibling care, maternal work schedules, and economic resources. American journal of community psychology, 48(3-4), 322– 340. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10464-011-9423-4 [11] Jones, R. K., Lindberg, L. D., & Higgins, J. A. (2014). Pull and pray or extra protection? Contraceptive strategies involving withdrawal among US adult women. Contraception, 90(4), 416–421. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.contraception.2014.04.016 [12] Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (2019). 2019 Kenya Population and Housing Census Volume I: Population by County and Sub-County. Retrieved from https://www.knbs.or.ke/?wpdmpro=2019-kenya-population-and- housing-census-volume-i-population-by-county-and-sub-county. Accessed on 23rd July, 2020. [13] Korir, E., Okwara, F. N., & Okumbe, G. (2018). Menstrual hygiene management practices among primary school girls from a pastoralist community in Kenya: a cross sectional survey. The Pan African medical journal, 31, 222. https://doi.org/10.11604/pamj.2018.31.222.13521 [14] Lawson, D. W., Borgerhoff Mulder, M., Ghiselli, M. E., Ngadaya, E., Ngowi, B., Mfinanga, S. G., Hartwig, K., & James, S. (2014). Ethnicity and child health in northern Tanzania: Maasai pastoralists are disadvantaged compared to neighbouring ethnic groups. PloS one, 9(10), e110447. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0110447 [15] maasaigirlseducation.org. (2020). The life of a Maasai woman/ Maasai Girls Education Fund. Retrieved from http://maasaigirlseducation.org/the-need/the-life-of-a-maasai-woman/ Accessed on 2nd September, 2020. [16] Masago, J. O. & Kweingoti, R. G. (2018). Education as a goldmine in Africa: A case study of Eastern Africa. Academic Research Insight Journal, 1(1), 30-45 [17] McCabe, J. T., Smith, N. M., Leslie, P. W., & Telligman, A. L. (2014). Livelihood Diversification through Migration among a Pastoral People: Contrasting Case Studies of Maasai in Northern Tanzania. Human organization, 73(4), 389–400. https://doi.org/10.17730/humo.73.4.vkr10nhr65g18400 [18] Mishori, R., Ferdowsian, H., Naimer, K., Volpellier, M., & McHale, T. (2019). The little tissue that couldn't - dispelling myths about the Hymen's role in determining sexual history and assault. Reproductive health, 16(1), 74. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12978-019-0731-8 [19] Mokgobi M. G. (2014). Understanding traditional African healing. African journal for physical health education, recreation, and dance, 20(Suppl 2), 24–34. [20] Morompi, O.M. (2018). Tourism Related Socio-Economic Activities and Pupils Academic Performance in the Kenya Certificate of Primary Education: In Narok West Sub County, Kenya, Kenya Education Research Database. Retrieved from http://kerd.ku.ac.ke/123456789/1560 Accessed on 2nd September, 2020. [21] Morompi, O.M., Walingo, M., Osano, A., Bulitia, G. and Bakari, C. (2020) Impacts of neglecting African Traditional Environmental Conservation Practices and education on the environment: A Case of the Maasai People of Narok County, Kenya. International Journal of Innovative Research in Science, Engineering and Technology (IJIRSET), Vol 9(4). e-ISSN: 2319-8753, p-ISSN: 2320-6710:pg.2660-2669 [22] Muchene, K. W., Mageto, I. G., & Cheptum, J. J. (2018). Knowledge and Attitude on Obstetric Effects of Female Genital Mutilation among Maasai Women in Maternity Ward at Loitokitok Sub-County Hospital, Kenya. Obstetrics and gynecology international, 2018, 8418234. https://doi.org/10.1155/2018/8418234 [23] Odhiambo, A. (2020). Hrw.org. Tackling Kenya’s Domestic Violence Amid COVID-19 Crisis; Lockdown Measures Increase Risks for Women and Girls. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/04/08/tackling- kenyas-domestic-violence-amid-covid-19-crisis Accessed on 2nd September, 2020. [24] Olson, J. S., Hummer, R. A., & Harris, K. M. (2017). Gender and Health Behavior Clustering among U.S. Young Adults. Biodemography and social biology, 63(1), 3–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/19485565.2016.1262238 [25] Omara T. (2020). Antimalarial Plants Used across Kenyan Communities. Evidence-based complementary and alternative medicine: eCAM, 2020, 4538602. https://doi.org/10.1155/2020/4538602. [26] Pakdamana, S. and Beina, A. (2014). Maasai Culture and its Effect on Sexual Health: A Field Study on the Disparities of Knowledge Within the Community, Journal of global health, Retrieved from https://www.ghjournal.org/maasai-culture-and-its-effect-on-sexual-health-a-field-study-on-the-disparities-of- knowledge-within-the-community/

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[27] pngkey.com, (2020). Narokcounty Ginicoefficient - Narok County Map. Retrieved from https://www.pngkey.com/detail/u2w7y3y3w7i1a9o0_narokcounty-ginicoefficient-narok-county-map/ Accessed on 22nd August, 2020. [28] Price, M., Hides, L., Cockshaw, W., Staneva, A. A., & Stoyanov, S. R. (2016). Young Love: Romantic Concerns and Associated Mental Health Issues among Adolescent Help-Seekers. Behavioral sciences (Basel, Switzerland), 6(2), 9. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs6020009 [29] Ruggles S. (2010). Stem families and joint families in comparative historical perspective. Population and development review, 36(3), 563–577. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2010.00346.x [30] Statisticshowto.com (2020). Research Assignments – Slovin’s formulae: What is it and When do I use it – Statistics How to. Retrieved from https://www.statisticshowto.com/how-to-use-slovins-formula/ Accessed on 23rd July, 2020. [31] Widman, L., Choukas-Bradley, S., Helms, S. W., & Prinstein, M. J. (2016). Adolescent Susceptibility to Peer Influence in Sexual Situations. The Journal of adolescent health: official publication of the Society for Adolescent Medicine, 58(3), 323–329. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2015.10.253 [32] Appendices: Questionnaire guide used

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Construction of Reflexivity in Social Workers Working with Vulnerable Children in the Czech Republic

Kateřina Glumbíková Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social Studies, University of Ostrava, the Czech Republic

Abstract Social work in the Czech Republic is confronted with the impact of global neoliberalism, which is manifested by privatisation of social services, individualisation of social risks and economisation. Reflexivity of social workers working with vulnerable children and their families has the potential to lead to a higher quality of social work, strengthening of social workers' identity, and empowering social workers to promote changes in everyday practice. Meeting this potential requires an understanding of constructing reflexivity by social workers, which is the objective of this paper. We used a qualitative research strategy, particularly group and individual interviews with social workers and their analysis using current approaches to grounded theory. Concerning data analysis, we found out that constructing reflexivity (nature and subject of reflexion) derives from the perceived roles of social workers (social worker as an ununderstood artist, social worker a as mediator between social and individual, social workers as an agent of a (society) change, social workers as an agent of normalisation and reflexive professional). The acquired data, within the situational analysis, was inserted into a position map on the scale of holistic and technical reflection. The conclusion discusses the implication for practice and education in social work. Keywords: Reflexion construction, role of social work, neoliberalism

Introduction Social work in the Czech Republic is confronted with the impact of global neoliberalism; which is a political ideology with an economising paradigm applying the laws of the free market. The practice of social work goes though the implementation of market-oriented values, procedures, and management of social services. Neoliberalism in social work is manifested, in general, by privatising social services, individualising social risks (although most risks occur structurally, their solution is expected on an individual level), and economising and rationalising (social work subjects to market demands and effective requirements).1 As a result of global neoliberalism, legitimacy of social services is questioned and social workers

1 Similar impacts on social work outside the Czech Republic are described, e.g., by Ruch (2005), Ferguson (2005), Fook (2016), or Knott & Scrag (2016).

142 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 are perceived as those who artificially create problems and help those who do not deserve their help (Chytil 2007; Valová & Janebová 2015). Contemporary social work in the Czech Republic thus works in the intentions of bureaucratic responses to uncertainty, complexity, risk, and anxiety, which are inherent in social work practice (Glumbíková, Vávrová & Nedělníková 2018; similarly see Ferguson, 2005); resulting in the loss of sense of perspective (Knott & Scragg, 2016). Czech social work thus witnesses a reduction of beyond-rational and emotional behaviour aspects. A client is thus redefined from an “individual with difficulties“ to a “service user“ (see Ruch, 2005). Authors Glumbíková, Vávrová & Nedělníková (2018) add that social work with vulnerable children accentuates the above-mentioned with: a) social workers work with the difficult life situation of, in many cases, traumatised children who may feel distrust toward adults; b) the existence of a series of inconsistent methodological guidelines from various institutions (f. e. the ambiguous definition of concepts, such as "a vulnerable child" or "remediation of the family") and the absence of methodological guidelines on topics such as the situation of unwanted children; c) the fact that child protection service workers need to retain the trust of the client on one hand and, on the other hand, collect evidence for the potential need to "remove a child from a family". According to many Czech authors, a lot of social workers have adapted to the above-mentioned neoliberal trends in social work or they perceive them as unchangeable (Musil, 2008; Janebová, Hudečková, Zapadlová &Musilová 2013; Valová & Janebová 2015). Social workers thus perceive themselves as mere executors of the set social work, which come to them from the “outside” or “above” from those who do not have a direct relation to everyday practice of social work with a client (Gojová & Glumbíková, 2015; Glumbíková, Vávrová & Nedělníková 2018). Within the context of the above-mentioned providing social work with vulnerable children and their families in the contemporary society, the ability of reflexivity seems to be the key skill in coping with the requirements of the current social work, which enables to deal with messy or complex problems (Mathias, 2015; Fook, 2016), to cope with uncertainties, doubts, and anxieties (Gardner, 2006; Holland, 2011; Fook, 2016), or to reveal challenging implicit discourses, knowledge system, assumptions, and values (Sanaya & Gardner, 2012; Fook, 2016). Reflexivity in social workers has the potential to improve social work, strengthen the identity of social workers, and empower social workers to promote changes in everyday practice in this profession. In order to strengthen the social workers’ ability of reflexivity, it is necessary to understand constructing1 reflexivity by social workers working with vulnerable children and their families in the Czech Republic, which is also the objective of this paper.

1 In our text, we proceed from the thesis of social constructionism, which understands social reality as a social construct created by interaction, communication, and language. The reality is experiential, passed on from generation to generation through traditions and socialisation (Gergen, 1999).

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Theoretical grounds: Reflexivity and its concepts Reflexivity1 can be understood as a) ability to assess the situation of a vulnerable child in the context of destabilisation or problematisation of what we consider knowledge and everyday defence of knowledge (see for example D´Cruz, Jones, 2007; Sanaya & Gardner, 2012); b) process of looking from outside on social and cultural artefacts and forms of thinking which saturate the practice of helping professions, and questioning and challenging processes which give a meaning to the world (see for example Ferguson, 2003); c) theoretical approach which enables social workers to deal with dilemmas and identify values and the “important” in their practice (see for example Fook, Gardner, 2007). Individual authors (Schön, 1983; Gould & Baldwin, 2004; Ruch, 2005; Taylor, 2010; Edwards, 2016) distinguish numerous perspectives/understanding a reflection. Schön (1983) formulates two concepts of reflection: reflection-on-action and reflection-in- action. Reflection-on-action is a one-time activity that follows a meeting with a client or after some other practical activity. In the reflection-on-action, a worker studies why he/she acted, how he/she acted, what happened in the process, and considers the future strategy of acting. Reflection-in-action is a concept that expresses the effort to continuously monitor, during the whole meeting, experiences, feelings, and concepts and theories which affect the currently ongoing meeting. It concerns a creative process which enables the social worker to get a situational view to be able to act with respect to the developing situation. Knott and Scragg (2016) add that reflection in action requires the social worker to be experienced as it can be concerned more “intuitive and artistic“ unlike “technical competence“, which prevails at the side of a beginning social worker (Knott & Scragg, 2016). Gould & Baldwin (2004) extend the Schön’s concept with a third component reflection before action, which consists of acquiring information before the client’s visit and enables the worker to prepare for the client’s visit and use his/her sources more effectively. Edwards (2016) extends the concept with a fourth component reflection beyond action, which “can produce the type of learning that may be vital if students are to move beyond the limited confines of mechanistic reflection in the current form of reflection-on-action. With the inclusion of a story of others and their sharing, the development of professional practice can be enhanced through interconnection of the past, present, and future“. Ruch (2005) talks about technical and holistically oriented reflection on social work. Technical oriented reflection on social work orientates on improving the practice by evidence what happened and how it happened. Holistically oriented reflection on social work focuses on

1 Differences between the terms reflexivity and reflectivity can be seen in the following categories a) grounding (term reflexivity stems from socially-scientific research, primarily qualitative); b) relating to the present (reflexivity is related to reflection in action, reflectivity is related with reflection on action; reflexivity is then a continuous process and reflectivity has primarily a one-time character); c) application of a finding (reflectivity creates a theory from one incident, which is then generalised and applied to other incidents or situations; reflexivity does not have this objective, it focuses on a critical attitude to creating knowledge in a given particular situation) (D´Cruz et al., 2006). In this paper, we will approach reflexivity and reflectivity according to Fook and Gardner (2007) and Fook (2016) as interchangeable.

144 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 improving the practice by searching the answer to the question of why it happened (trying to understand the meaning of action). Meanwhile, it perceives the uniqueness and complexity of each client and his/her situation, including irrational aspects. Holistic reflection is thus of an interpretative nature, is relational, dynamic, and situational; it also contains individual and structural aspects of each client’s situation and stems from the respect to the practice wisdom. Taylor (2010) identifies, in accordance with Ruch (2005), technical reflection as empirically based focused on systematic and objective approaches (e.g. evidence-based practice). The author then distinguishes practical reflection, which focuses on our interactions and our expectations of interactions and on emancipatory reflection, which is concerned with power in interactions and trying to liberate people from constraints (e.g. an expert model situating knowledge and solutions in the hands of the practitioner). Methodology The paper presents data from research in 2018 realised within a project of Students’ Grant Competition (SGC) called Critical Reflexivity of Social Workers Working with Vulnerable Children and Their Families. The main research question was set as follows: How do social workers working with vulnerable children and their families perceive critical reflexivity and how do they perceive that critical reflexivity becomes evident in social work with vulnerable children and their families? The research was implemented using a qualitative research strategy, the communication partners (informants) were selected using an intentional selection through an institution (organisations providing socially activating services for families with children1 in the Czech Republic). The criteria to include an informant into the research were set as follows: a) being active in terrain social work with vulnerable children and their families; b) length of practice in terrain social work with vulnerable children and their families of at least 12 moths; c) voluntariness of taking part in the research. The research involved 12 communication partners altogether (11 women and 1 man) from three different towns in the Czech Republic. The average age of the communication partners was 30 years (the age ranged between 22 and 53 years). The average length of practice of the communication partners was 3.5 years (and ranged between 1 and 1 years). 3 communication partners had higher professional education, 9 communication partners had university education.

1 It concerned workers of socially activating services for families with children, specified by §69 Act 108/2006 on Social services as follows: “Socially activating services are ambulant or terrain services provided to retired persons or disabled persons endangered by social exclusion. The service according to…includes the following basic activities: a) mediating contact with social environment: It primarily concerns support of family bonds with broader social environment – with relatives, social and community (local) events, relation to peer and self-helping activities, support of participation in cultural and other events (search, accompaniment, etc.); b) social therapeutic activities: It concerns activities with children and adults focused on the development of personality, understanding oneself and situation in which the clients are, sharing and emotional support, activities focused on the support of sibling relationships and relationships between parents and children, support to understand and make clear life situations, ways of solutions and risks; c) help with assistance with asserting rights, justified interests and looking after personal matters.” Socially activating services cooperate with other services and the Body of social and legal protection of children, which is the state body with regional and city branches designed to protect the rights and interests of a child.

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The data was collected using semi-structured interviews and subsequent three focus groups (N=4, N=5, N=3), which were systematically focused on: perception of reflexivity in the practice of social work with vulnerable children, implemented interventions in the practice of social work and relating to them, own relating of the social worker to the practice of social work, perceived context of implementing social work in the Czech Republic, and anticipated future development of social work with vulnerable children in the Czech Republic. The data was word-to-word transcribed and anonymised. The data was processed using current approaches to the grounded theory of K. Charmaz (2003) and A. Clarke et al. (2018). The data analysis included initial coding; focused coding (which is based on searching similarities and selecting the “most useful” codes and their re-testing from the point of view of their relationship to other open codes), and intentional coding (selective phase where the most significant codes were used to synthesise, organise, and integrate a large volume of data). Next phase of coding was axial coding, which leads to the creation of categories (re-structuring data which was decomposed during open coding and thus it gives it relations) (Charmaz, 2003). Then we used the procedures of a situational analysis A: Clarke, particularly position maps, which graphically depict partakers’ positions or phenomena in relations to the cross- section of (identified) factors affecting these positions (Clarke et al., 2018). Regarding the procedures carried out within the research, they were all in accordance with the Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct, which were approved by the American Psychological Association (APA, 2010). Every communication partner was familiarised with research objectives; every communication partner provided the informed consent; participation in the research was voluntary and the researchers committed themselves to keep confidentiality. Regarding the research limits, it is important to reflect that the data was collected using interviews with the communication partners the premise of which was the ability of reflexivity of communication partners. The data in its nature is rather a perception/opinion of social workers on the reflexivity and their practice rather than a description of a real state of reflexivity in the practice of social work in the Czech Republic. Regarding the data limits, it is also necessary to reflect possible social desirability in the communication partners’ expressions. Regarding the support of data validity (with respect to own reflexivity of the social workers), the data was analysed using the mechanism of mechanism inter-coder agreement. Data analysis The data analysis, whose aim was to understand the construction of reflexivity in social work, revealed that social workers working with vulnerable children and their families1 construct reflexivity reflexivity (nature and subject of reflexion) in social work differently in several percieved roles of social worker in social work. It concerned the role of: social worker as an ununderstood artist, social workers as a mediator between social and individual, social workers as an agent of a change (in society), social workers as an agent of normalisation and

1 Social workers do not explicitly state in their narrations the uniqueness of the construction of reflexivity in relation to the target group they work with; however, it is important to perceive that their construction of reflexivity stems from their everyday practice of social work with vulnerable children and their families.

146 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 a reflexive professional. However, the individual role can be perceived as theoretical constructs which do not exist so clearly, but which intermingle and intersect in the personality of (one) social worker. Social worker as an ununderstood artist In the role of a social worker as an ununderstood artist (creative role), social work is perceived as the possibility of self-realisation, sense, and mission “For me, it’s a kind of self- realisation.” (KP11) “I see it as something like my life mission…“ (KP4) Social work in the role was perceived as a lonely profession where the working tool is the social worker. “It’s a very individual work, the personality of the worker in that family is very important there … one is alone for that situation.“ (KP1) Social work, however, was perceived as an intuitive profession. “Often very intuitively that one cannot say how the model is called in a textbook, but it is used like that.“ (KP6) The communication partners in this role agreed on the fact that social work is a continuous process of learning: “As I do not have such long practice, I take it as I’m learning all the time.“ (KP2) The role of an ununderstood artists relates to the feeling of ununderstanding and undervaluing, both by society and clients. “The work itself, with this group of people, was ununderstood directly… that I’m a terrain social worker, their eyebrow rises. And when you add that you focus on families with children, for example Gypsy families, that you help them with benefits and accommodation, ununderstanding again.“ (KP9) The definition of this role of a social worker reveals that social workers’ reflexions primarily focus on the personality of a social worker. Social work was perceived in the intentions of priceless and often intransferable experience, which led to the change of the personality of its executor. “I’ve always been such a pro-social character, but it is a profession which affects everyone; one is more humble, appreciate what he/she has when seeing people around with their existential problems. And material possessions, greed, and consumerism which predominates in our society, I think it does not touch me so much. I don’t need to race for such conveniences… it’s rather humbleness.“ (KP1) Social workers as a mediator between social and individual Within this role, the communication partners perceived the role of a social worker as a certain balance of the non-existence of collective responsibility in relation to unfavourable social situations and the pressure on individual responsibility for failures; their reflexion was then primarily directed to the setting of contemporary society. “In many clients, it can’t be said who’s guilty… mostly it’s the society and the setting that we have here; for example there are no town flats and multiple families then end up in quarters as they can’t find such big flats…” (KP12) In the context of this role, the communication partners reflected that social work is perceived as necessary even in “problems that get worse”. “Problems of those clients are worse, I think.“ (KP7) “As the population is getting older, social work is really more and more needed, no one else can take care of those people.“ (KP6)

1 Abbreviation KP means communication partner, the number means identification of individual communication partners.

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Social worker as an agent of a change (in society) The role of a social worker as an agent of a change in society is defined by reflexion of the absence of a system approach to solving problems. In this context, one of the communication partners reflected the current situation in the area of social housing “At the moment, I think that most of our practice is influenced by the pressure to close down the quarters and change it to rental housing. Many families cannot afford it. So closing down the quarters pushes them to the hands of resellers of these flats as they cannot go anywhere else.” (KP8) Another communication partner pointed out the setting of the system of benefits “I see it that the benefit system is badly set. Those who don’t work often receive more… it’s not motivating.“ (KP5) Other reflexions were focused on “problems with legislation” which is not set in social work “bottom-up”. “The biggest problem is in laws. Seems like… social workers do their work well, but it is the state which throws a monkey wrench into the works.“ (KP5) „And the best should be that those up should try it, touch this work, they should change…“ (KP7) Concerning this setting, the communication partners pointed out increasing bureaucratisation of social work, which sucks out the time for direct work with a client. “Half of the work time is paperwork about what I do… I’d rather work with clients, but can’t – have to write: I did this and that. Reports. I have to prove to somebody what I do so that someone knows as we are paid. This really annoys me.“ (KP6) Another communication partner was critical to the system of setting interventions within a project, where it is necessary to meet obligatory quota. She pointed out a paradox in social work as the objective of social work is that a client does not need the social worker in the future, but the social worker needs them to fulfil this profession. “But we need the clients… because we need to meet the interventions. I reckon that sometimes there’s a kind of contradiction as I need to gain these interventions and I’m happy that the client does not do it by himself/herself because I need to have these interventions and if the client did many things by himself/herself, I can’t gain the interventions.“ (KP10) Social workers stated that due to the above-mentioned, they lose the sense of social work. “I think that there is a lack of the view from the practice point of view. It’s done by people behind a table. We have to follow certain norms and regulations and I have to spend certain hours in the terrain and then write individual plans which the client changes our times during one meeting. I understand that we have to do it, so I do it, but I see no sense in it.“ (KP11) Social work in the role of a social worker a s an agent of a change in society is perceived as a filed having a certain potential. “I still think that social work does not achieve what it could achieve.“ (KP1) “Social work is quite developing thanks to those projects and so on. Yes, it’s going up, but still does not meet its potential.“ (KP2) Social worker as an agent of normalisation The role of a social worker as an agent of normalisation is a position when the objective of social work is to ”reform” the client according to valid norms in the society. Social workers in their narrations perceived this role as oppressive and they rather connected it with expectations of the society towards social workers and worries of clients from the scope of work of a social worker. The communication partners related this role with the check of the

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“asocial”. “Some (clients) take us as the tool of such a check and that we go there to take their children away.” (KP8) The check of the ”asocial” was related by the communication partners with a perceived discourse of merit, which appears in the contemporary society. “The public doesn’t see it that sometimes they (note: clients) got into it by their own mistake, sometimes it was just a coincidence of many circumstances.” (KP4) “And one friend tells me that she does not understand how I can help such people as they got into the situation by themselves.“ (KP11) In this role, social workers mostly relate reflexivity with the process of executing social work, particularly it is perceived as a tool of setting boundaries of work with a client, freeing from work with a lie from the client’s side. “I free myself for example like that… I just simply take it that it is work and I won’t go to have a coffee with the client, I just do my work and I give the man what I can give.” (KP3). In this context, the communication partners considered reflexivity as a tool to set the level of trust in a client. “Those are really beginner’s mistakes with the trust… , one wants to see the people positively, one wants to believe.” (KP10) Another communication partner perceived critical reflexivity as a tool of work with a failure to meet what was agreed on with the client. “They want something, we work hard on it and I see that they haven’t done a single thing they were supposed to do… go somewhere with son’s application for school… I’m always so surprised that those people want something, but then don’t do anything for that.“ (KP10) Reflexive professional The role of a reflexive professional can be related with holistic reflexivity, which is refers to improving the practice of social work by its reflexion. This reflexion is focused on the uniqueness of each client and each situation in its individual and structural aspects. Reflexivity in this context is understood as a “tool of healthy doubts”. “But I think that if a social were one hundred per cent sure about what he/she is doing, it would not be good either…“ (KP8) Reflexivity was also perceived as a tool of work with own mistake “I it is a mistake… meaning that I didn’t behave professionally, but the client didn’t consider it a… misstep… I solve this situation differently… I get back to this topic and we discuss it a bit differently.“ (KP1) Reflexivity in the role of a reflexive professional is understood as a tool of understanding client’s behaviour. “I might have been disconcerted by client’s reaction as I didn’t see any reason for that. But looking back I thought… yes… that there might have been some reason…“ (KP2) This understanding will subsequently result in the avoidance of taking a judging attitude towards the client. „I think that clients really appraise I consider it quite crucial for me that they see some understanding from the social worker’s part and that there is no a priori judgement of the behaviour.“ (KP4) Reflexivity was also perceived as a tool to accept the client’s norm by the social worker. “Just get closer to the level of the family, don’t criticise. I take it as it is. I perceive it that the client needed it. If they knew to do it better, they would do it better.“ (KP6) Reflexivity was also perceived as a tool enabling to work with a client in (more) empowering ways. “We come to a mutual conclusion how to solve it… I don´t help them indeed… rather motivate.” (KP6) „I see myself not as a directive tool. If a client tells me that he/she doesn’t want to take this alternative to solve the situation, I can’t force them. I can only explain the situation in the case that they wouldn’t like to solve the situation, where it might end up.“ (KP8) The communication partners perceived reflexivity as a tool supporting an approach focused on the

149 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 support of competencies and strengths. “An approach as something like praising… not praising like a small child, but rather highlight what they did.“ (KP9) In the narration, the communication partners perceived the role of a reflexive professional as a certain ideal to head towards. “I would like to be that empowering social worker who is aware of and works with the whole system, but there is a long journey and a lot of support.“ (KP1) Positional map of social workers’ role related to the subject and nature of reflexion The above-mentioned roles of social workers (partakers´) were related with the theoretical concept by Ruch (2005) on technical-oriented and holistically-oriented reflection (nature of reflexion) (identified factors affecting roles of social workers). Thus, a positional map was created. It depicts the above-mentioned roles of social workers according to the subject of reflexion (society, process, client’s personality, worker’s personality) and according to the use of technical-oriented reflection a holistically-oriented reflection (nature of reflexion). Scheme 1: Positional map of social workers in relation to the subject and nature of reflexion

Source: Own construction. The above-presented positional map reveals that two roles of social workers (Social worker as an agent of a change and Social worker as an agent of normalisation) can be perceived in

150 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 the concept of Technical-oriented reflection, when their reflexion stems from the practice evidence and systemic and objective approaches. The subject of a Social worker as an Agent of a change is society while the subject of a Social worker as an agent of normalisation is the process of social work. Three roles of social workers (Social worker as a mediator between social and individual, Reflexive professional and Social worker as an ununderstood artist) can be perceived within the concept of Holistically-oriented reflection. The social worker in these roles focuses on improving the practice using reflexion of searching the answer to the question why happened what happened (they try to understand the meaning of happening) while perceiving the uniqueness and complexity of each client and each situation, including irrational aspects. Discussion and implications for social work The data analysis revealed that constructing reflexivity depends on the roles perceived by social workers. Each created role, however, must be perceived as a certain (ideal) theoretical construct as roles of social workers are of an intersectional nature and thus intersect and mingle depending on a specific context of social work. The above-presented positional map shows that the identified roles of social workers fluctuate in a certain continuum of “doing social work“ and “being a social worker“ (see Ruch, Harrison, 2007). An important finding is that the role of a reflexive professional was marked in the narrations as a certain “ideal” to head towards rather than a matter of everyday practice. When defining the role of a reflexive professional, it is obvious that reflexion has the potential to create more inclusive and less judging practice (similarly see Jones, 2010); to work in more empowering ways (similarly see Fook, 2016); and to create practice less focused on finding a solution and more on building clients’ abilities (Fook & Gardner, 2007; Fook, 2016). Reflexion in the created roles related to various subjects in social practice, such as society, process, personality of a client, or personality of a worker. The research results thus show that reflexion has a wide range of focus which has a potential to empower social workers in relation to a possible change in the setting of social work practice. It seems that it is thanks to reflexion that social workers can become aware that they are not only mere executors of the “above” given setting, but their role in this process is more active. They are implementers who develop own coping strategies helping them, within limited resources, manifest own decision making. It is those processes that enable social workers to shape public policy right when interacting with clients (Lipsky, 2010). In the context of the above-mentioned, it can be stated that strengthening of the ability of holistic reflexivity of social workers (not only in the Czech Republic) should be included in a standard curriculum of social workers (similarly see, for example, Tate & Sills, 2004; or Guransky et al., 2010) and to further education of social workers working with vulnerable children and their families. The first step to include this in the Czech Republic was understanding how Czech social workers construct reflexivity in the practice of Czech social work. The above-stated data shows that integrating into education should have the nature of offering opportunities and platforms to reflect experience from the practice. A roofing concept of this education should be experiential learning, which is based on sharing experience. A particular form of integration into education can be supervisions, intervisions, team meetings, or, for example, using reflexive diaries (similarly see Barlow & Hall, 2007; Grant et al., 2014;).

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Conclusion We gained understanding about constructing reflexivity by social workers working with vulnerable children and their families in the Czech Republic, which is also the objective of this paper. The data analysis revealed that constructing reflexivity depends on the roles perceived by social workers. References [1] Act n. 108/2006 Sb. The Social Services Act [2] American Psychological Association. (2010). Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct. Retrieved from http://www.apa.org/ethics/code/ [3] Bauman, Z. (1987). Legislators and Interpreters: On Modernity, Post-Modernity and Intellectuals. Oxford: Polity Press. [4] Barlow, C., & Hall, B. L. (2007). What about feelings? A study of Emotion and Tension in Social Work Field Education. Social Work Education, 26(4), 399-413. [5] Clarke, A., Friese, C., & Washburn, R. (2018). Situational Analysis in Practice: Grounded Theory After the Interpretative Turn. London: SAGE. [6] D´Cruz, H., & Jones, M. (2004). Social Work Research: Ethical and Political Contexts. London: Sage. [7] D´Cruz H., Gillingham, P., & Mendez, S. (2007). Reflexivity: A Concept and Its Meanings for Practitioners Working with Children and Families. Critical social work, 8(1), 1–18. [8] Holland, S. (2011). Assessment in Social Work Practice. London: Sage Publications. [9] Edwards, S. (2016). Reflectin Differently: New Dimensions Reflection-before-action and Reflection- beyond-action. International practice Development Journal, 7(1), 1-14. [10] Ferguson, H. (2005). Working with Violence, the Emotions and the Psychosocial Dynamics of Child Protection:Reflections on the Victoria Climbié Case. Social work education, 24(7) 781 – 795. [11] Ferguson, H. (2003). Welfare, Social Exclusion and Reflexivity: The Case of Child and Woman Protection. Journal of Social Policy, 32(2), 199-216. [12] Fook, J. (2016). Researching Critical Reflection. Multidisciplinary Perspectives. NY: Routledge. [13] Fook, J, & Gardner, F. (2007). Practicing critical reflection: A resource handbook. Berkshire: Open university press. [14] Forrester, D., McCambridge, J., Waissbein, C., & Rollnick, S. (2008). How do Child and Family Social Workers Talk to Parents about Child Welfare Concerns? Child abuse Review, 17, 23-35. [15] Gardner, F. (2006). Working with Human Service Organisations: Creating Connections for Practice. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. [16] Gergen, K. J. (1999). An invitation to social construction. London: SAGE Publications. [17] Glumbíková, K., Vávrová, S., & Nedělníková, D. (2018). Optiky Posuzování v Agendě Sociálně- právní Ochrany Dětí [Optics of Assessment in the Agenda of Social-legal Protection of Children]. Sociální práce/Sociálná práca, 18(6), 78 – 88. [18] Gojová, A., & Glumbíková, K. (2015). Bezmocná Sociální Práce jako Zdroj Zplnomocnění [Powerless Social Work as a Source of Empowerment]. Sociální práce/Sociálná práca, 16(5), 52 – 64. [19] Gould N., & Baldwin, M. (2004). Social work, Critical Reflection and the Learning Organization. Aldreshot: Ashgate. [20] Grant, L., Kinman, G., & Alexander, K. (2014). What´s all this talk about emotion? Developing emotional intelligence in social work students. Social Work Education, 33(7), 874-889.

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[21] Gursansky, D., Quinn, D., & Le Sueur, E. (2010). Authenticity in Reflection: Building Reflective Skills for Social Work. Social Work Education, 29(7) 778-791. [22] Healy, K. (2005). Social work theories in context: Creating frameworks for practice. Basingstoke, Palgrave MacMilan. [23] Charmaz, K. (2003). Qualitative Interviewing and Grounded Theory Analysis. In Holstein, J., & Gubrium, J. F. (Eds.), Inside Interviewing. New Lenses, New Concerns (pp. 311–330). Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi: SAGE Publications. [24] Chytil, O. (2007). Důsledky Modernizace pro Sociální Práci [Consequences of Modernisation for Social Work]. Sociální práce/Sociálná práca, 4, 64 – 71. [25] Janebová, R., Hudečková, M., Zapadlová, M., & Musilová, J. (2013). Příběhy Sociálních Pracovnic a Pracovníků, kteří Nemlčeli – Popis Prožívaných Dilemat [Tales of Social Workers who did not Stay Silent – Description of Experienced Dilemmas]. Sociální práce/Sociálna práca, 13(4), 66–83. [26] Jones, C. (2010). Voices from the Front Line: State Social Workers and New Labour. British Journal of Social Work, 31, 547–562. [27] Kane, G. (2007). Step-by-step: A Model for Practice-based Learning. The Journal of Continuing Education in the Health Professions, 27(4) 220-226. [28] Knott, CH., & Scragg, T. (2016). Reflective Practice in Social Work. London: Sage. [29] Lipsky, M. (2010). Street Level Bureaucracy: Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Services. NY: The Russell Sage Foundation. [30] Mathias, J. (2015). Thinking Like a Social Worker: Examining the Meaning of Critical Thinking in Social Work. Journal of Social Work Education. 51, 457–474. [31] Munro, E. (2011). The Munro Review of Child Protection. Final Report – A Child-centred System. London: Department of Education. [32] Musil, L. (2008). Různorodost Pojetí, Nejasná Nabídka a Kontrola Výkonu „Sociální Práce“ Práci [Diversity of Conception, Unclear Offer and Control of Performance of Social Work]. Sociální práce/Sociálna práca, 8(2), 60–79. [33] Ruch, G. (2005). Relationship-based Practice and Reflective Practice: Holistic Approaches to Contemporary Child Care Social Work. Child and Family Social Work, 10, 111 – 123. [34] Ruch, G., & Harrison, K. (2007). Social Work and the Use of Self: On Becoming and Being Social Worker. In Lymbery, M., Postle K., (eds.). Social Work: A Companion to Learning. Pp. 40 – 50. London: Sage. [35] Sanaya, R., & Gardner, F. (2012). Critical Reflexion to Identity Gaps between Espoused Theory and Theory in Use. Social Work, 57(2), 145–154. [36] Schön, D. (1991). The Reflective Practitioner: How Professionals Think in Action. Aldershot: Ashgate. [37] Tate, S., & Sills, M. (Eds.). (2004). The Development of Critical Reflection in the Health Professions. London: LTSN Centre for Health Sciences and Practice. [38] Taylor, B. J. (2010). Reflective Practice for Health-care Professionals: A Practical Guide. Berkshire: Open University Press. [39] Thompson, N., & Pascal, J. (2012). Developing Critically Reflective Practice. Reflective Practice, 13(2), 311–325. [40] Valová, H., & Janebová, R. (2015). „Antiradikálnost“ Českých Sociálních Služeb aneb jak Organizace Sociálních Služeb Řeší Pokles Finančních Prostředků [The Anti-radicalism of Czech Social Services or how Social Services Organisations Solves the Decline in Funds]. Sociální práce/Sociálna práca, 15(1), 5 -23.

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Health Returns to Birth Weight: Evidence from Developing Countries

Vaibhav Keshav University of Illinois Urbana Champagne

Abstract This paper explores the effect of birth weight on a series of anthropometric outcomes among children. We use a panel of individual-level data from 39 developing countries covering the years 1999-2018 and attempt to solve the Endogeneity using mother fixed effect and twin fixed-effect strategies. The results suggest that improvements in birth weight result in statistically and economically significant improvements in children's anthropometric outcomes. An additional 100 grams birth weight is associated with a 0.43 and 0.25 units increase in weight for age percentile and height for age percentile, respectively. The links are stronger among low educated mothers and poorer households. The observed protective effect of birth weight on infant mortality suggests that the true effects of birth weight on children’s outcomes are larger and that the estimated effects probably understate the true effects. Keywords: Health, Fetal Origin Hypothesis, Children Anthropometry, Height for Age, Weight for Age, Birth Weight, Twin Fixed Effect JEL Codes: I15, P36, J13, D10

Introduction It is well established that health endowment at birth can affect health outcomes later in life. Fetal Origin Hypothesis provides a theory to explain the link between the antenatal environment and health outcomes later in life. Based on the theory, while the genetic variations among humans are very minuscule (Witherspoon et al., 2007) the epigenetic programming variations are relatively large. An Epigenome is a multitude of chemical compounds that are attached to the DNA and turns off some genes as a response to environmental stressors. The shocks during prenatal development could trigger these changes and program Epigenome to turn off some genomes related to growth with the sole purpose of survival of the fetus. This results in below-normal growth in tissues, brain cells, and other organs. This deficiency in the growth of certain organs is reflected in lower birth weight and conceals its importance later in life (Almond and Currie, 2011). To empirically investigate this link, a strand of literature in economics and health documented the causal effects of birth outcomes, and specifically birth weight, on long term mortalities due to respiratory disorders, neurodevelopmental disabilities, and hypertension (Behrman et al., 2007), child mortality (Lau et al., 2013; McCormick, 1985), and other socioeconomic outcomes such as education and earnings in adulthood (Behrman and Rosenzweig, 2004; Bharadwaj et al., 2018; Conley et al., 2006; Figlio et al., 2014; Maruyama and Heinesen, 2020; Miller et al., 2005).

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A small branch within this literature focuses on the fetal origins of anthropometric outcomes of children. For instance, Bacallao et al. (1996) use longitudinal panel data and document that children with higher birth weight are more likely to have higher height during different ages. The birth weight is also a good predictor of the onset of the pubertal maturation process. These studies usually point to correlational links and fail to offer a causal path (Bacallao et al., 1996; Sorensen et al., 1999) and mostly use data from developed countries (Datta Gupta et al., 2013). This study aims to fill this gap in the literature by using data from developing countries and applying a twin fixed-effect strategy to solve the Endogeneity issues. Using individual-level panel data from 39 developing countries over the years 1999-2018 and applying various econometric techniques, this paper explores the link between birth weight, as an important measure of health at birth, and children’s standardized anthropometric outcomes including weight for age, weight for height, and height for age. We apply OLS, mother fixed effect, and twin fixed-effect models and find that an increase of 100 grams in birth weight is associated with 0.35, 0.43, and 0.25 percentile units rise in weight for height, weight for age, and height for age, respectively. These changes are equivalent to 1, 1.8, and a 0.9 percent rise from the mean of their respective variables over the sample period. Besides, we show the heterogeneity of these associations based on the mother’s education and the household wealth quantiles. We find that the links are stronger for low educated mothers and persists with a stronger momentum among children in poor families. The results of this paper have important implications for governments and policymakers. Since the anthropometric outcomes and specifically height are among the important determinants of labor market success and lifetime earnings (Brinkman et al., 1988; Deaton and Arora, 2009; Meyer and Selmer, 1999), exploring their fetal origins offer an effective long- run policy channel to promote labor outcomes. In addition, the results imply that there are externalities for health policies towards pregnant mothers that go beyond the health of infants and mothers and could affect the health of children several years later. The contribution of the current study to the literature is twofold. First, on the contrary to the ongoing literature, we document a causal path between birth weight and medium-run outcomes in the case of developing countries. Second, it adds to the literature of the Fetal Development Hypothesis by providing evidence of health endowment at birth on children’s anthropometric outcomes. The rest of the paper is organized as follows: Section 0 provides a brief review of the literature. In section 0 we discuss the data source and the final sample. Section 0 introduces the econometric methods implemented in the study. In sections Error! Reference source not found. and Error! Reference source not found. we report and discuss the main results and heterogeneity of the effects across sub-samples. Section Error! Reference source not found. explores one potential source of sample selection bias. Finally, we depart some concluding remarks in section Error! Reference source not found.. A Brief Literature review A small strand of literature in public health and economics investigates the association between birth outcomes and adult height. For instance, Sorensen et al. (1999) use a longitudinal panel of Danish men and find that birth length is a strong predictor of adult height. The association still holds even after controlling for birth weight and other

155 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 socioeconomic confounding factors. Gupta et al. (2013) show that the link between low birth weight and physical growth among children becomes weaker by age and that it is stronger for children in the very low birth weight category. Focusing on anthropometric outcomes is essential mainly due to the hidden benefits associated with improvements in these outcomes. Deaton and Arora (2009) show that taller people in the US population are on average happier, are more likely to have positive emotions, are less likely to suffer from sadness, are less probable to have negative mental experiences, and have higher education and income. The relationship between height and income is also supported in other studies (Brinkman et al., 1988; Meyer and Selmer, 1999). Birth weight also has long-run impacts on a wide range of labor market outcomes. For instance, Behrman and Rosenzweig (2004) apply a twin fixed-effect strategy to explore the effect of birth weight during adulthood. They find consistent evidence that higher birth weight is associated with higher educational levels and higher earnings. If the birth weight of the bottom half of the US population reaches that mean of the US birth weight (an increase of roughly 480 grams), their average earnings would go up by about 6 percent. Using longitudinal data and applying an instrumental variable strategy, Maruyama and Heinesen (2020) explore the effect of birth weight on medium-run health outcomes and long-run non- health outcomes. They find that a 10 percent rise in birth weight is associated with about 13.7 fewer infant death per 1,000 births. However, they do not find any evidence for the long-run effects on other outcomes such as test scores. Royer (2009) exploits the plausibly random variations in birth weight among twins and shows that birth weight has small but explanatory power for later pregnancy complications and the birth weight of the next generation. (Almond et al., 2005) explore the hospital discharge costs and infant mortality rates associated with low birth weight. They find that the average hospital discharge costs of having a low birth weight infant in excess of the costs of having a normal birth weight infant add up to roughly $8,654 in 2000 dollars. The environmental shocks during prenatal development could, in turn, affect birth outcomes including birth weight. Hoynes, Miller, and Simon (2015) explore the effects of the changes in the Earned Income Tax Credit payments birth outcomes. The cash transfers created a sizeable and permanent shock to households’ income. The increased income encouraged health care spending including prenatal care and private health insurance. They find that a $1,000 treatment-on-the-treated increase in income is associated with 6.4 grams higher birth weight and about 2-3 percent reduction in low birth weight. Cole and Currie (1993) explore the effect of cash transfers from Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) on infants’ health outcomes and find no evidence that the program has any effect on birth weight. Noghanibehambari and Salari (2020) explore the effects of unemployment insurance generosity as a temporary shock to income and find that the payments have externality for infants’ health outcomes including birth weight, low birth weight, Apgar score, and gestational age. Similar studies have explored the effects of government welfare and health programs on infants health outcomes (Almond et al., 2011; Currie and Grogger, 2002; East, 2018; Figlio et al., 2009; Ga and Feng, 2012; Hoynes et al., 2011, 2016; Kaestner and Chan Lee, 2005; Leonard and Mas, 2008; NoghaniBehambari et al., 2020b, 2020a; Noghanibehambari et al., 2020; Sonchak, 2015, 2016; Tavassoli et al., 2020; Wherry et al., 2018)

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Data and sample selection The primary source of data is a collection of Demography and Health Surveys (DHS) extracted from Heger Boyle et al. (2020). The DHS Program collects survey data from individuals across developing countries on topics such as health and demography. This program is implemented by ICF International and funded mainly by the United States Agency for International Development. The data provides a variety of information including mothers’ demography, birth outcomes of children ever born, and anthropometry of their survived infants up to age 5. To the benefit of the current study, it also reports whether the child is single, twin, triplet, etc. We remove all individuals and samples for which the essential information (e.g. birth weight, anthropometric variables, mother’s demography, and birth plurality) are missing. The final sample consists of 625,485 children in 39 countries over the years 1999-2018. Table 1 shows the distribution of observations across different countries. Table 2 reports summary statistics for the full sample of children and the sample of twins. Compared to the full sample, twins have lower birth weight (2,483 grams versus 3,063 grams), are more likely to die during infancy (3.3 percent versus 0.44 percent), and are more likely to be female (50 percent versus 48 percent). Since children observed at different ages and that the anthropometric variables are highly correlated, it is inappropriate to focus on reported weight or height. Instead, we use the ranking of children relative to their peers or relative to a reference median person. This specific median value is determined by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). For instance, instead of focusing on height, we use the height for age in terms of standard deviation from the reference median that is defined by CDC and reported by Heger Boyle et al. (2020). Empirical strategy This section discusses the econometric methods used to analyze the association between birth weight and children's health outcomes. The basic idea is to compare the outcomes of children who had higher birth weight to children with lower birth weight. In summary, we use the following OLS regressions:

푦푖푚푟푏푡 = 훼0 + 훼1퐵푊푖 + 훼2푋푚 + 휁푟 + 휂푏 + 휙푡 + 휖푖푚푟푏푡 (1) In this formulation, y is the anthropometric outcome of child i born to mother m who reside in sub- national region r who belongs to birth cohort b and observed in year t. BW represents the birth weight of child i. In X is included a series of mother’s demographic characteristics including dummies for education, wealth, type of occupation, employment status, and the number of prenatal visits. Fixed effects for the region, birth cohort, and observation year are included in ζ, η, and ϕ, respectively. Finally, ϵ is a disturbance term. The assumption is that conditional on covariates and fixed effects, the anthropometric outcomes of children with higher birth weight would have followed the same path and determined by the same influences as the anthropometric outcomes of children with lower birth weight except for the fact that their birth weight varies. However, this assumption could be violated if there are certain characteristics among mothers, such as genetic attributes or socioeconomic characteristics, that affect birth weight and also are correlated with their children's anthropometric outcomes. Although we include a set of observed demographic covariates in equation 1 we are unable to control for the unobserved features. For this reason, the estimations of α_1 could be biased. Assuming that those unobserved mothers’

157 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 attributes that confound equation 1 are time-invariant, we can include a set of mother fixed effects and re-write the equation as the following formulation: y_imrbt=α_0+α_1 BW_i+γ_m+ζ_r+η_b+ϕ_t+ϵ_imrbt (2) This equation takes advantage of variations in birth weight to different children of a mother. In other words, it compares the anthropometric outcomes of siblings with higher birth weight to siblings (of the same mother) with lower birth weight. The estimated coefficient of α_1 in equation 2 is biased if there are unobserved characteristics of a mother that vary by time and sibling. For instance, if the socioeconomic characteristics of a mother change during the prenatal development of one child versus the other child and affect birth outcomes in ways that are unobserved, then the estimated coefficient is biased. In a similar way, if mothers discriminate in the investment of health and wellbeing of their children in unobservable ways the coefficient will be biased, too. To solve this potential source of Endogeneity, we can restrict the sample to twins and compare the outcomes of a child in twin pair with higher birth weight to his/her lower birth weight twin. In summary, we use the following twin fixed- effect strategy: y_i=α_0+α_1 BW_i+λ_i+ϵ_i (3) Where λ_i is set of twin fixed effects. Since twins have the same intrauterine growth and gestational age, their birth weight variation is primarily due to their differential intake of nutrition during the antenatal period. This differential intake and intrauterine growth are assumed to be random which offers a widely used strategy to search for the effects of birth weight on later-life outcomes (Behrman and Rosenzweig, 2004; Bharadwaj et al., 2018, 2019; Black et al., 2007; Figlio et al., 2014; van den Berg et al., 2011). The assumption is that the within twin variation in birth weight, after controlling for twin fixed effect, is orthogonal to other determinants of anthropometric variables of children, i.e. cov(BW,ϵ)=0. Main results We start by reporting the results of the simple OLS model introduced in equation 1. Table 3 shows the estimated α_1 in equation 1 for different outcomes in different panels and slightly adding controls and fixed effects across consecutive columns. Column 1 includes country, year, and birth cohort fixed effects. Column 2 adds to these controls by including region (sub-national district) fixed effects as well as a limited set of mothers’ demographic characteristics. Column 3 also adds a region-by-year fixed effect to account for all macroeconomic and environmental features specific to a region within a country that also vary by time. A full set of mothers’ socioeconomic characteristics is also included in column 3. For instance, looking at panel A and the full specification of column 3, a 10 percent rise in birth weight (equivalent to about 306 grams) is associated with a 1.6 units rise in weight for height percentile. This increase is equivalent to a 4.4 percent rise from the mean of weight for height percentile over the sample period. As explained in section 3, a conventional way to look at the anthropometric values is to deflate them with respect to a reference value. We use the CDC-defined values for the reference median and implement the reported percentiles or standard deviations from the reference median as the proper measures. For instance, instead of looking at the raw value of Body Mass Index (BMI), we use the BMI standard deviation from the reference median. As reported in panel G, birth weight is positively associated with BMI standard deviation from the reference median. If the average birth weight of children in the bottom half of the birth weight distribution could increase to the average of the sample (an increase of roughly 446 grams), the BMI standard deviation from the reference median of children would go up by 0.11 units, equivalent to a rise of 36% from the mean of the variable. The big picture uncovered by Table 3 is that birth weight is strongly associated with improvement in anthropometric outcomes of children. The estimated effects are quite robust in magnitude across

158 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 different specifications and economically significant. All the coefficients are statistically significant at 1% level. To account for time-invariant unobserved characteristics of mothers, we include mother fixed effects as discussed in equation 2. The results are reported in Table 4 for different outcomes in different panels. Specifications in column 1 include only mother fixed effects while column 2 also controls for the region, time, and birth cohort fixed effects. The marginal effects are quite robust with and without fixed effects. Comparing the coefficients in the full specification of column 2 with those reported in column 3 of Table 3, we can see that the marginal effects have diminished in magnitude. This fact implies that unobservable characteristics of mothers over-bias the estimates. However, the reductions are only marginal and the coefficients are statistically and economically significant for all outcomes and all specifications. For example, looking at panel E, a 10 percent rise in birth weight is associated with a 1.23 unit rise in height for age percentile in the mother fixed effect model of Table 4 compared to 1.63 unit change in Table 3. Mothers may respond to the health of their newborn by reinforcing or compensating their health endowment. If this behavior is correlated with unobservable factors of mothers, then variations in birth weight of siblings are correlated with the error term in equation 2 and the estimated coefficients are biased. Therefore, we turn our focus to the twin fixed-effect strategy introduced in equation 3. The results are reported in Table 5 for different outcomes across different columns. While statistically significant, the magnitude of the coefficients is smaller than those in Table 3 and Table 4. For instance, a 10 percent rise in birth weight is associated with 0.07 and 0.06 units rise in weight for age standard deviation from reference median and height for age standard deviation from reference median (columns 4 and 6). These effects are equivalent to an absolute change of 6.2 and 4.6 percent change from the mean of their respective variables. For the same shock to birth weight, the marginal effects are 0.10 and 0.09 in Table 3 and 0.09 and 0.07 in Table 4. This fact implies that the within-sibling changes in unobserved mothers’ characteristics slightly overstate the true effects. However, the link between birth weight and children’s anthropometric variables are statistically significant and economically meaningful. Overall, the results of this section are quite comparable and similar to other studies that investigate the medium- run effects of birth weight and specifically anthropometric outcomes of children (Bacallao et al., 1996; Datta Gupta et al., 2013; Sorensen et al., 1999). Heterogeneity by Education and Wealth Restrepo (2016) shows that low-educated mothers and specifically high school dropouts reinforce the gap between their low birth weight children and their offspring with normal birth weight by providing less investment in their human capital. On the opposite, higher educated mothers compensate for this gap by providing more investment in the human capital of their low birth weight children compared to their normal birth weight children. Therefore, one may expect heterogeneity in the results based on some observed mothers’ characteristics. Table 6 shows the heterogeneity of the effects for different outcomes in different columns. As discussed in section 4, the twin strategy is the preferred model that presumably accounts for unobserved factors and Endogeneity issues. Therefore, we only show the results for the twin fixed-effect models. Each panel reports the effects of a specific sub-sample based on mothers’ education and household wealth. Comparing the magnitude of the effects between panel A (low educated mothers) and panel B (high educated mothers), one can observe that the link between birth weight and children’s health outcomes are larger among low educated mothers. In line with the findings of Restrepo (2016), the results suggest that high educated mothers compensate for the low health endowment of their children. Panels C and D of Table 6 report the marginal effects for poor and middle-rich families, respectively. The link between health endowment at birth and children’s health outcomes are larger among poor and very poor families. This pattern holds across all outcomes except for BMI standard deviation from reference median. Richer families probably have the resources and are able to close the gap between twins that have higher birth weights and twins that have lower birth weight. Also, richer families usually contain

159 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3 high educated mothers who, as discussed above, have a higher tendency to close the health gap among their children. Endogenous Infant Mortality One of the potential confounding issues in examining the long term relationships is the sample selection bias. The fittest and healthiest newborns are more likely to survive the period of infancy and transit into childhood to be included in the sample. This fact concerns the results of this paper since we observe the anthropometric children in the sample up to age 5 when they already passed the transition period. If infants with lower birth endowment who could have revealed lower anthropometric outcomes during childhood die during infancy as a result of lower initial health, the estimated coefficients of equations 1 through 3 will be under-biased and understate the true effects. To explore this potential Endogeneity, Table 7 reports the results of a series of regressions from equations 1 to 3 where we replace the outcome with a dummy that equals one if the child is reported dead at the time of the interview and zero otherwise. We report the results of OLS in columns 1-3, the mother fixed effect in columns 4-5, and the results of the twin strategy in column 6. The signs of all coefficients imply a protective effect of birth weight against the likelihood of infant death. An additional 100 grams of birth weight is associated with 2.2 and 4.4 basis points decrease in the likelihood of infant death in the full specifications of OLS and mother fixed-effect models (columns 3 and 5), respectively, equivalent to roughly 5 and 10 percent reduction from the mean. While the twin strategy also points to the negative effect and the magnitude is very close to that of OLS results it is imprecisely estimated. These results are in line with other studies that relate the infant mortality rates to birth weight and more generally health endowment at birth (Gage et al., 2013; Lau et al., 2013; McCormick, 1985). As a conclusion, the results of this section suggest that the marginal effects, reported and discussed in section 5 and 6, are understating the true effects due to sample selection concerns. We need to use caution in interpreting the results as a lower-bond of the true effects. Conclusion Exploring the long term effects of health endowment at birth is important for policymakers to design optimal policy interventions. In this paper, we investigated the effect of birth weight on a series of anthropometric outcomes among children. On the contrary to the current literature, we explored this link in the case of developing countries. We attempted to solve the potential Endogeneity issues by applying mother fixed effect and twin fixed-effect strategies. Using individual-level data from 39 countries passing the years 1999-2018, we found that if the birth weight of infants at the bottom half of the sample was to converge to the mean birth weight (an increase of about 446 grams), the weight for age standard deviation from reference median, the height for age standard deviation from reference median, and the BMI standard deviation from reference median would have increased by 0.10, 0.08, and 0.08 units, respectively. These marginal effects are equivalent to an absolute change of 9.1, 6.7, and 28.6 percent from the mean of their respective variables. While the effects become slightly smaller in twin fixed-effect models, they remain statistically and economically significant. In line with previous literature, the results suggest that improvements in birth weight results in improvements in anthropometric outcomes among children.

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The results are heterogeneous by mothers’ education and household wealth. The links between birth weight and children outcomes are stronger for low educated mothers and poorer households. The observed heterogeneity points to the ability and tendency of high- educated and wealthy families to compensate for the low health endowment of their weaker offspring. Besides, we discussed that there are protective effects of birth weight against infant mortality. This fact has the potential to under-bias the estimates and suggests that the true effects are larger than the findings in this paper. References [1] Almond, D., Chay, K. Y., and Lee, D. S. (2005). The Costs of Low Birth Weight. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 120(3), 1031–1083. https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/120.3.1031 [2] Almond, D., and Currie, J. (2011). Killing me softly: The fetal origins hypothesis. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 25(3), 153–172. https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.25.3.153 [3] Almond, D., Hoynes, H. W., and Schanzenbach, D. W. (2011). Inside the war on poverty: The impact of food stamps on birth outcomes. Review of Economics and Statistics, 93(2), 387–403. https://doi.org/10.1162/REST_a_00089 [4] Bacallao, J., Amador, M., and Hermelo, M. (1996). The relationship of birth weight with height at 14 and with the growing process. Nutrition, 12(4), 250–254. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0899-9007(96)90851-5 [5] Behrman, J. R., and Rosenzweig, M. R. (2004). Returns to birth weight. In Review of Economics and Statistics (Vol. 86, Issue 2, pp. 586–601). https://doi.org/10.1162/003465304323031139 [6] Behrman, R. E., Butler, A. S., and others. (2007). Preterm birth: causes, consequences, and prevention. [7] Bharadwaj, P., Bietenbeck, J., Lundborg, P., and Rooth, D. O. (2019). Birth weight and vulnerability to a macroeconomic crisis. Journal of Health Economics, 66, 136–144. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhealeco.2019.05.001 [8] Bharadwaj, P., Lundborg, P., and Rooth, D. O. (2018). Birth weight in the long run. Journal of Human Resources, 53(1), 189–231. https://doi.org/10.3368/jhr.53.1.0715-7235R [9] Black, S. E., Devereux, P. J., and Salvanes, K. G. (2007). From the cradle to the labor market? The effect of birth weight on adult outcomes. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 122(1), 409–439. https://doi.org/10.1162/qjec.122.1.409 [10] Brinkman, H. J., Drukker, J. W., and Slot, B. (1988). Height and income: A new method for the estimation of historical national income series. Explorations in Economic History, 25(3), 227–264. https://doi.org/10.1016/0014-4983(88)90001-0 [11] Cole, N., and Currie, J. (1993). Welfare and child health: The link between AFDC participation and birth weight. American Economic Review, 83(4), 971–985. https://doi.org/10.2307/2117589 [12] Conley, D., Strully, K. W., and Bennett, N. G. (2006). Twin differences in birth weight: The effects of genotype and prenatal environment on neonatal and post-neonatal mortality. Economics and Human Biology, 4(2), 151–183. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ehb.2005.12.001Currie, J., and Grogger, J. (2002). Medicaid expansions and welfare contractions: Offsetting effects on prenatal care

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and infant health? Journal of Health Economics, 21(2), 313–335. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0167-6296(01)00125-4 [13] Datta Gupta, N., Deding, M., and Lausten, M. (2013). The effect of low birth weight on height, weight and behavioral outcomes in the medium-run. Economics and Human Biology, 11(1), 42–55. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ehb.2011.06.002 [14] Deaton, A., and Arora, R. (2009). Life at the top: The benefits of height. Economics and Human Biology, 7(2), 133–136. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ehb.2009.06.001 [15] East, C. N. (2018). The Effect of Food Stamps on Children’s Health: Evidence from Immigrants’ Changing Eligibility. Journal of Human Resources, 0916-8197R2. https://doi.org/10.3368/jhr.55.3.0916-8197r2 [16] Figlio, D., Guryan, J., Karbownik, K., and Roth, J. (2014). The effects of poor neonatal health on children’s cognitive development? American Economic Review, 104(12), 4205–4230. https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.104.12.3921 [17] Figlio, D., Hamersma, S., and Roth, J. (2009). Does prenatal WIC participation improve birth outcomes? New evidence from Florida. Journal of Public Economics, 93(1–2), 235–245. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2008.08.003 [18] Frijters, P., Johnston, D. W., Shah, M., and Shields, M. A. (2013). Intrahousehold resource allocation: Do parents reduce or reinforce child ability gaps? Demography, 50(6), 2187–2208. [19] Ga, Y., and Feng, L. (2012). Effects of federal nutrition program on birth outcomes. Atlantic Economic Journal, 40(1), 61–83. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11293-011- 9294-y [20] Gage, T. B., Fang, F., O’Neill, E., and DiRienzo, G. (2013). Maternal Education, Birth Weight, and Infant Mortality in the United States. Demography, 50(2), 615–635. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-012-0148-2 [21] Heger Boyle, E., King, M., and Sobek, M. (2020). IPUMS Demographic and Health Surveys. Version 8 [dataset]. Minneapolis, MN: IPUMS and ICF.2020. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.18128/D080.V8 [22] Hoynes, H., Miller, D., and Simon, D. (2015). Income, the earned income tax credit, and infant health. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 7(1), 172–211. https://doi.org/10.1257/pol.20120179 [23] Hoynes, H., Page, M., and Stevens, A. H. (2011). Can targeted transfers improve birth outcomes?. Evidence from the introduction of the WIC program. Journal of Public Economics, 95(7–8), 813–827. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.12.006 [24] Hoynes, H., Schanzenbach, D. W., and Almond, D. (2016). Long-run impacts of childhood access to the safety net. American Economic Review, 106(4), 903–934. https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.20130375 [25] Kaestner, R., and Chan Lee, W. (2005). The effect of welfare reform on prenatal care and birth weight. Health Economics, 14(5), 497–511. https://doi.org/10.1002/hec.921 [26] Lau, C., Ambalavanan, N., Chakraborty, H., Wingate, M. S., and Carlo, W. A. (2013). Extremely low birth weight and infant mortality rates in the United States. Pediatrics, 131(5), 855–860. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2012-2471 [27] Leonard, J., and Mas, A. (2008). Welfare reform, time limits, and infant health. Journal of Health Economics, 27(6), 1551–1566. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhealeco.2008.05.013

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[28] Maruyama, S., and Heinesen, E. (2020). Another look at returns to birth weight. Journal of Health Economics, 70, 102269. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhealeco.2019.102269 [29] McCormick, M. C. (1985). The Contribution of Low Birth Weight to Infant Mortality and Childhood Morbidity. New England Journal of Medicine, 312(2), 82–90. https://doi.org/10.1056/nejm198501103120204 [30] Meyer, H. E., and Selmer, R. (1999). Income, educational level and body height. Annals of Human Biology, 26(3), 219–227. https://doi.org/10.1080/030144699282723 [31] Miller, P., Mulvey, C., and Martin, N. (2005). Birth weight and schooling and earnings: Estimates from a sample of twins. Economics Letters, 86(3), 387–392. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.econlet.2004.10.002 [32] NoghaniBehambari, H., Noghani, F., and Tavassoli, N. (2020a). Child support enforcement and child mortality. Available at SSRN 3668744. [33] NoghaniBehambari, H., Noghani, F., and Tavassoli, N. (2020b). Early Life Income Shocks and Old-Age Cause-Specific Mortality. Economic Analysis, 53(2), 1–19. [34] Noghanibehambari, H., Noghani, F., Tavassoli, N., and Toranji, M. (2020). Long-term effects of in utero exposure to ’The Year Without A Summer’. Available at SSRN 3668739. [35] Noghanibehambari, H., and Salari, M. (2020). Health benefits of social insurance. Health Economics. [36] Restrepo, B. J. (2016). Parental investment responses to a low birth weight outcome: Who compensates and who reinforces? Journal of Population Economics, 29(4), 969–989. [37] Royer, H. (2009). Separated at girth: US twin estimates of the effects of birth weight. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 1(1), 49–85. https://doi.org/10.1257/app.1.1.49 [38] Sonchak, L. (2015). Medicaid reimbursement, prenatal care and infant health. Journal of Health Economics, 44, 10–24. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhealeco.2015.08.008 [39] Sonchak, L. (2016). The Impact of WIC on Birth Outcomes: New Evidence from South Carolina. Maternal and Child Health Journal, 20(7), 1518–1525. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10995-016-1951-y [40] Sorensen, H. T., Sabroe, S., Rothman, K. J., Gillman, M., Steffensen, F. H., Fischer, P., and Serensen, T. I. A. (1999). Birth Weight and Length as Predictors for Adult Height. American Journal of Epidemiology, 149(8), 726–729. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.aje.a009881 [41] Tavassoli, N., Noghanibehambari, H., Noghani, F., and Toranji, M. (2020). Upswing in Industrial Activity and Infant Mortality during Late 19th Century US. Journal of Environments, 6(1), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.20448/journal.505.2020.61.1.13 [42] van den Berg, G. J., Doblhammer-Reiter, G., Christensen, K., den Berg, G. J., Doblhammer- Reiter, G., and Christensen, K. (2011). Being born under adverse economic conditions leads to a higher cardiovascular mortality rate later in life: Evidence based on individuals born at

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different stages of the business cycle. Demography, 48(2), 507–530. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-011-0021-8 [43] Wherry, L. R., Miller, S., Kaestner, R., and Meyer, B. D. (2018). Childhood medicaid coverage and later-life health care utilization. Review of Economics and Statistics, 100(2), 287–302. https://doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_00677 [44] Witherspoon, D. J., Wooding, S., Rogers, A. R., Marchani, E. E., Watkins, W. S., Batzer, M. A., and Jorde, L. B. (2007). Genetic similarities within and between human populations. Genetics, 176(1), 351–359. https://doi.org/10.1534/genetics.106.067355

Tables Table 1 - Sample Statistics Country Observations Share in the Final Sample (%) Angola 6,865 1.10 Myanmar 1,998 0.32 Burundi 14,653 2.34 Cameroon 10,591 1.69 Chad 1,845 0.29 Congo Democratic Republic 17,711 2.83 Benin 27,010 4.32 Ghana 5,346 0.85 Guinea 8,601 1.38 India 207,316 33.14 Cote d'Ivoire 4,106 0.66 Jordan 45,129 7.22 Kenya 10,831 1.73 Lesotho 7,114 1.14 Liberia 2,282 0.36 Madagascar 6,972 1.11 Malawi 35,939 5.75 Mali 8,968 1.43 Morocco 2,726 0.44 Mozambique 10,773 1.72 Namibia 9,643 1.54 Niger 5,705 0.91 Nigeria 17,105 2.73 Pakistan 4,804 0.77 Rwanda 17,565 2.81 Senegal 29,558 4.73 South Africa 2,896 0.46 Zimbabwe 14,308 2.29 Uganda 18,288 2.92

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Egypt 20,572 3.29 Tanzania 13,533 2.16 Burkina Faso 12,143 1.94 Yemen 1,329 0.21 Zambia 21,260 3.40 Total 625,485 100.00 Notes. The sample covers the years 1999-2018. Table 2 - Summary Statistics Full Sample Twins Mean SD Observations Mean SD Observations 3063.3 701.640 2483.953 733.9937 Birth Weight 625,485 17,548 559 7 3 1 Child Sex 0.4861 0.4998 625,485 0.5009 0.5000 17,548 (female=1) 2009.5 2009.023 Birth Year 4.9230 625,485 5.0773 17,548 854 1 Children 3.1251 2.0693 625,485 4.6624 2.2801 17,548 Ever Born Household 42.118 14.1730 613,503 42.5795 13.4060 17,006 Age 6 Household 1.1622 0.3686 613,503 1.1731 0.3790 17,006 Sex Wealth: Poor 0.3461 0.4757 625,485 0.3270 0.4691 17,548 Wealth: 0.1915 0.3935 625,485 0.1888 0.3914 17,548 Middle Wealth: Rich 0.4089 0.4916 625,485 0.4124 0.4922 17,548 Years of 6.5357 4.9454 623,983 6.1453 5.1070 17,505 Schooling Prenatal 29.115 41.0736 616,112 58.0335 46.3341 17,248 Visits 0 Weight for 35.722 Height 30.5221 441,254 35.4860 29.8707 11,580 6 Percentile Weight for Height Standard Deviation -0.5398 1.2793 441,254 -0.5553 1.2249 11,580 from Reference Median Weight for 23.314 Age 27.3431 440,207 18.4328 24.4983 11,561 3 Percentile Weight for Age Standard Deviation -1.1348 1.2850 440,207 -1.4077 1.2634 11,561 from Reference Median

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Height for 25.640 Age 29.6841 434,701 19.4353 27.15849 11,271 4 Percentile Height for Age Standard Deviation -1.1240 1.5429 442,153 -1.5289 1.5901 11,614 from Reference Median Body Mass Index Standard Deviation -0.2964 1.4811 441,275 -0.3396 1.4955 11,581 from Reference Median Infant Dead? 0.0044 0.0664 625,485 0.0332 0.1792 17,548 Notes. All anthropometric variables are based on the CDC (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention) standards for the reference median.

Table 3 - The Effect of Birth Weight on Anthropometric Outcomes of Children: OLS Models (1) (2) (3) Panel A. Outcome: Weight for Height Percentile Birth Weight 0.00528*** 0.00534*** 0.00518***

(0.00018) (0.00020) (0.00021) 푅2 0.180 0.185 0.190 Observations 441,054 427,505 416,443

Panel B. Outcome: Weight for Height Standard Deviation from the Reference Median Birth Weight 0.00021*** 0.00022*** 0.00020***

(0.00009) (0.00009) (0.00008) 푅2 0.165 0.169 0.173 Observations 441,054 427,505 416,443

Panel C. Outcome: Weight for Age Percentile Birth Weight 0.00680*** 0.00682*** 0.00652***

(0.00045) (0.00049) (0.00053) 푅2 0.178 0.187 0.208 Observations 440,007 426,492 415,439

Panel D. Outcome: Weight for Age Standard Deviation from the Reference Median Birth Weight 0.00035*** 0.00035*** 0.00034***

(0.00001) (0.00001) (0.00001) 푅2 0.191 0.203 0.230 Observations 440,007 426,492 415,439

Panel E. Outcome: Height for Age Percentile

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Birth Weight 0.00558*** 0.00563*** 0.00532***

(0.00020) (0.00020) (0.0020) 푅2 0.089 0.101 0.124 Observations 434,501 428,438 417,385

Panel F. Outcome: Height for Age Standard Deviation from the Reference Median Birth Weight 0.00030*** 0.00031*** 0.00028***

(0.00001) (0.00001) (0.00001) 푅2 0.090 0.105 0.131 Observations 434,501 428,438 417,385

Panel G. Outcome: Body Mass Index Standard Deviation from the Reference Median Birth Weight 0.00024*** 0.00025*** 0.00024***

(0.00001) (0.00001) (0.00001) 푅2 0.154 0.157 0.159 Observations 441,073 427,466 416,285

Country FE Yes Yes Yes Year FE Yes Yes Yes Birth Year by Birth Month FE Yes Yes Yes Sub-National Region FE No Yes Yes Sub-National Region by Year FE No No Yes Mother Characteristics Set 1 No Yes Yes Mother Characteristics Set 2 No No Yes Notes. Standard errors, reported in parentheses, are clustered on the sub-national region level. All regressions are weighted by person weights provided by DHS-IPUMS. Mother characteristics set 1 includes: a polynomial function of age, number of children ever born, a polynomial function of household age, household sex, and number of prenatal visits. Mother characteristics set 2 includes all covariates of set 1 in addition to mother’s employment status, dummies for the type of occupation, household wealth quintiles, and education.

Table 4 - The Effect of Birth Weight on Anthropometric Outcomes of Children: Mother Fixed Effect Models (1) (2) Panel A. Outcome: Weight for Height Percentile Birth Weight 0.00519*** 0.00513***

(0.00021) (0.00020) 푅2 0.681 0.689 Observations 441,054 441,054

Panel B. Outcome: Weight for Height Standard Deviation from the Reference Median Birth Weight 0.00020*** 0.00020***

(0.00009) (0.00008) 푅2 0.885 0.887 Observations 441,054 441,054

Panel C. Outcome: Weight for Age Percentile Birth Weight 0.00598*** 0.00528***

(0.00019) (0.00018) 푅2 0.688 0.714 Observations 440,007 440,007

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Panel D. Outcome: Weight for Age Standard Deviation from the Reference Median Birth Weight 0.00031*** 0.00030***

(0.00009) (0.00008) 푅2 0.713 0.734 Observations 440,007 440,007

Panel E. Outcome: Height for Age Percentile Birth Weight 0.00425*** 0.00404***

(0.00021) (0.00020) 푅2 0.649 0.674 Observations 434,501 434,501

Panel F. Outcome: Height for Age Standard Deviation from the Reference Median Birth Weight 0.00021*** 0.00022***

(0.00001) (0.00001) 푅2 0.661 0.685 Observations 441,953 441,953

Panel G. Outcome: Body Mass Index Standard Deviation from the Reference Median Birth Weight 0.00024*** 0.00025***

(0.00001) (0.00001) 푅2 0.674 0.680 Observations 441,073 441,073

Mother FE Yes Yes Country FE No Yes Birth Year by Birth Month FE No Yes Sub-National Region by Year FE No Yes Notes. Standard errors, reported in parentheses, are clustered on the mother level. All regressions are weighted by person weights provided by DHS-IPUMS.

Table 5 - The Effect of Birth Weight on Anthropometric Outcomes of Children: Twin Fixed Effect Models Weight Body Weight Height for Mass Weight for Age for Age Height Weight Height Index for Standard Standard Standard for Age for Age Standard Height Deviation Deviatio Deviatio Percentil Percentil Deviatio Percentil from n from n from e e n from e Referenc Referenc Referenc Referenc e Median e Median e Median e Median

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)

0.00357* 0.00014** 0.00426* 0.00023** 0.00249* 0.00017** 0.00019** Birth ** * ** * ** * * Weight (0.00116 (0.00004 (0.00081 (0.00003 (0.00061 (0.00003 (0.00005 ) ) ) 7) ) ) )

푅2 0.817 0.839 0.852 0.878 0.899 0.911 0.849

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Observatio 11,574 11,574 11,555 11,555 11,265 11,265 11,575 ns

Twin FE Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

Notes. Standard errors, reported in parentheses, are clustered on the twin level. All regressions are weighted by person weights provided by DHS-IPUMS.

Table 6 - Heterogeneity of the Effect of Birth Weight on Children Anthropometric Outcomes by Mother's Education and Household Wealth Weight Body Weight Height for Mass Weight for Age for Age Height Weight Height Index for Standard Standard Standard for Age for Age Standard Height Deviatio Deviation Deviatio Percentil Percentil Deviatio Percentil n from from n from e e n from e Referenc Referenc Referenc Referenc e Median e Median e Median e Median (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) Panel A. Mother’s Education

Panel B. Mother’s Education≥Secondary 0.00416* 0.00022** 0.00218* 0.00015** 0.00245 0.00014* 0.00011** Birth ** * * * (0.00199 (0.00008 (0.00004 Weight (0.00137 (0.00006 (0.00113 (0.00004 ) ) ) ) ) ) ) 푅2 0.825 0.842 0.854 0.881 0.898 0.911 0.851 Observatio 5,029 5,029 5,028 5,028 4,980 4,980 5,024 ns

Panel C. Household’s Wealth: Very Poor, Poor 0.00505* 0.00024** 0.00250* 0.00023** 0.00339 0.00011 0.00016 Birth ** * ** * (0.00253 (0.00008 (0.00010 Weight (0.00165 (0.00007 (0.00093 (0.00005 ) ) ) ) ) ) ) 푅2 0.829 0.850 0.872 0.895 0.903 0.914 0.862 Observatio 3,719 3,719 3,714 3,714 3,734 3,734 3,708 ns

Panel D. Household’s Wealth: Middle, Rich, very Rich Birth 0.00321* 0.00010** 0.00395* 0.00022** 0.00241* 0.00014** 0.00020** Weight ** * ** * ** * *

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(0.00117 (0.00004 (0.00100 (0.00004 (0.00082 (0.00004 (0.00005 ) ) ) ) ) ) ) 푅2 0.811 0.833 0.843 0.869 0.896 0.910 0.865 Observatio 7,178 7,178 7,167 7,167 7,200 7,200 7,183 ns

Twin FE Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Notes. Standard errors, reported in parentheses, are clustered on the twin level. All regressions are weighted by person weights provided by DHS-IPUMS.

Table 7 - Birth Weight and Child Mortality

Outcome: Child is Dead × ퟏퟎퟎ Twin Mother Fixed Effect Fixed OLS Model Model Effect Model (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) ------0.00025 Birth Weight 0.00018*** 0.00021*** 0.00022*** 0.00045*** 0.00044*** (0.00073) (0.00004) (0.00006) (0.00006) (0.00015) (0.00014) 푅2 0.006 0.035 0.036 0.686 0.687 0.776 Observations 624,919 603,564 579,530 624,919 624,919 17,533

Twin FE No No No No No Yes Mother FE No No No Yes Yes No Country FE Yes Yes Yes No Yes No Year FE Yes Yes Yes No Yes No Birth Year by Birth Yes Yes Yes No Yes No Month FE Sub-National Region No Yes Yes No Yes No FE Sub-National Region No No Yes No Yes No by Year FE Mother Characteristics No Yes Yes No No No Set 1 Mother Characteristics No No Yes No No No Set 2 Notes. Standard errors, reported in parentheses, are clustered on the sub-national region level for columns 1-3, mother level for columns 4-5, and twin level for column 6. All regressions are weighted by person weights provided by DHS-IPUMS. Mother characteristics set 1 includes: a polynomial function of age, number of children ever born, a polynomial function of household age, household sex, and number of prenatal visits. Mother characteristics set 2 includes all covariates of set 1 in addition to mother’s employment status, dummies for the type of occupation, household wealth quintiles, and education.

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Sovereignist Populism: from Post Fascism to Post Communism - and Back?

Federigo Argentieri Prof. Dr., John Cabot University, Rome

Abstract This paper will elaborate on the origins and main features of the current political trend known as sovereignist (or identitarian) populism, relying on past and contemporary studies ranging from Gino Germani to Yascha Mounk. The latter identified in Argentina’s Peronism the first example of this ruling pattern and elaborated on the level of its kinship and the differences with Mussolini’s fascism, which Perón had known well as military attache to Rome. Interestingly, since 2010 Hungary’s Viktor Orbán was the first to proclaim principles that somehow echoed Perón’s, albeit over 60 years later, endeavoring to have them implemented in a country that had exited recently from Soviet-type communism: in so doing, he is ever more frequently establishing a connection with Horthy’s regime of the 1930’s, which had a close alliance with Mussolini. Irrespective from the point of departure, therefore sovereignist populism appears to be inevitably attracted by fascist(oid) examples and patterns, without however coinciding with them. Keywords: Sovereignist Populism, Post Fascism, Post Communism

171 ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of September - December 2020 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online) Social Sciences Volume 3, Issue 3

Gender Quotas and the Achievement of Gender Equality in Political Parties

Elvina Daja Universiteti "Aleksander Moisiu " Durres Jonida Brati Universiteti "Aleksander Moisiu " Durres

Abstract This dissertation focuses on the role of women in society, mainly women in public and political decision-making. The paper refers to the protection of human rights: there are no women's rights but only human rights. The choice of this topic is strongly related to the protection of human rights in general and in particular, all vulnerable and marginalized groups in society. Despite the positive development of the legal framework that regulates women's participation in political life in Albania, the legal concept of equitable representation has not yet become a political culture in our country. Thus, there was a need to analyze and assess the concrete situation of the implementation or incorrect implementation of these rights accepted and implemented de jure but not so respected de facto. In order to confirm whether Albanian women in leading roles have real power or not, during the paper their participation and representation in all levels of the main powers in Albania is evidenced and evaluated in several plans. Gender equitable representation, gender justice and the concept of gender equality are widely accepted by institutions and political actors, as a significant issue, which in terms of importance has become a significant part of Albanian legislation, whether in the framework of fulfilling the obligations of our state as member in international institutions and at the same time as a signatory of the acts adopted by these structures, either in the framework of the approximation of the national legislation with that of the European Union Keywords: gender, quotas, achievement, gender, equality, political, parties

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