A
THESIS
THE
SUB
MUTED
PROBLEMATIZING
NIHANGS
B.A.,
The
The
The
©
IN
OF
Sharanjit
University
Faculty
PARTIAL
University
FOR
WITHIN
Sharanjit 19TH
(Asian
Master
August,
(Vancouver)
THE
Kaur
CENTURY
of
of
FULFILLMENT
of
Graduate
Kaur
in
DEGREE
Studies)
THE by
British
THE
of
Sandhra,
the
2008
Arts
Sandhra
Fraser
GREAT
PROBLEMATIC:
Columbia
OF
INDIA
Studies
2008
Valley,
OF
SIKH
THE
2005
COURT REQUIREMENTS
court.
they
Nthangs
I
disobeying
were
also
were
aspect
on
as
were
as
somewhat,
obvious
the There
ruler
dissect
fragmentary,
although
work period
This
Abstract
hope
players
players
the
entire
were
were
able
thus
able
thesis
Ranjit
has
that
one
of
is
in
the
did
immense
no
this
I
a
also
to
history.
even
been
Sikh
to
outside
within
hand,
in
would
orders,
Nihangs
and
continual
is
doubting
have
Singh,
demonstrate
alter
reading
sect
and
an
able
nation,
incorporated
done
altered
the
attempt
the
certain
the
which
not
contradictory.
power
While
of
and
to
and
within
Nihangs
the
on
Sikh
menacing
this balances
that
be
dually
and
even
such
his
the
Sikh
countered
privileges
able
conducting
Ranjit
to
great
thesis,
Maharaja
court,
even
Sikh
the
Nihangs,
look
verbally
dynamics
into
challenge
were
to
court,
of
power
19’
and Singh
find
thwart
court.
the
As
and
at
the
power
active
theirloyal
century
the
and
Ranjit
disturbing
such,
reader
and
my
ever
all
allies
and
and
within
held,
of
the
nature
off
powers
the
within
disturbers
preliminary
power.
physically
what
fighters
famous
by
powers
Singh
of
British
will
period,
correct
the
the
looking
the
of
nature.
presence,
very
the
presence
within
also
Sikh
And a
was
Maharaja,
darbar
for
interests
specific
of
of
and
Sikh
answers,
little
abusing
come
research,
Maharaja
at
and
Thus, thirdly,
such a
court
the
connect
great
this
court
often
of
portraits,
work
protectors
Sikh
to
Sikh
powers.
in
of
the
I
unique
and
I
the
the ruler
also
I
his
would
through
the
I
abusing
argue
there
Ranjit
Nihangs,
court,
them
realized
sect
then
Maharaja
conclusion
land.
argue
19 th
who
there
I sect,
of
during
was,
argue
still
their that
to
so
Singh,
century
their
European
Ranjit Yet,
managed
the
that
that
was
I
much
thwarted
be
the
realized it
himself.
opposite
that
great
dual a
was
despite
that
able
the
very
and
a
Nihangs
very
Singh,
as
dual
so,
although
Nihangs
scattered,
the presence
to
they
to
visitors,
his
Sikh
little
that
specific
that
role
unite
the
and 11 Table of Contents
Abstract ii
Table of Contents iii
Acknowledgements iv
Chapter One Introduction 1
Chapter Two Systems of Power and Knowledge in the Sikh Court 16
Chapter Three The Ultimate Power: Inside and Outside the Sikh Court 40
Chapter Four Conclusion 82 Works Cited. 87
111 Acknowledgements
I would first and foremost like to acknowledge and thank my family for their unavailing support and encouragement throughout these two years of my MA degree and studies, especially to my father-in-law, Ram Singh Sandhra and mother-in-law, Kuldeep Kaur Sandhra. And of course, a final, but certainly not least, thank you to my loving husband Jassa for always making me laugh no matter the level of stress I was under.
This thesis would not have been possible without the great support and advice of my supervisor Professor Fran Harlow, who always took heed of my constant badgering and emails. As I have been lucky enough to be amidst such great scholars within the Asian Studies department, I would also like to thank those who have offered me advice and assistance here and there: Professor Anne Murphy (who assisted me with the more difficult Punjabi translations and who also has had to put up with my constant badgering via email), Professor Harjot Oberoi, Professor Sadhu Binning and Professor Adheesh Sathaye. I also want to send a fmal thanks to the graduate secretary in the Asian Studies department, Jasmina, who has always been available to answer all of my questions, and give any advice and help whenever needed. Chapter 1 Introduction
They are, without any exception, the most insolent and worthless race of people in all India. They are religious fanatics, and acknowledge no ruler and no laws but their own; think nothing of robbery, or even murder, should they happen to be in the humour for it. They move about constantly, armed to the teeth, and it is not an unconmion thing to see them riding about with a drawn sword in each hand, two more in their belt, a matchlock at their back, and three of four pair of quoits fastened round their turbans.
Sir LepelGriffin,Ranjit Singh’
Although somewhat extreme and certainly biased, this description by the military secretary to the Earl of Auckland, W.G. Osborne, is certainly representative of the views most European visitors to the court of Maharaja Ranjit Singh expressed when coming across the Sikh sect of the AkalilNihangs (hereby, they will only be referred to as the
Nthangs with the exception to the cases where I make reference to outside observers of the sect). Indeed, there are several written accounts based on European visitors to the court who described the Nihangs in such negative terms. Sir Lepel Griffin for example, having written on the life and times of Ranjit Singh, also described the Nihangs in negative terms, though not to the extent as Osborne: “These were a fanatical body of
devotees. . . [when] excited by hemp, were generally the first to storm a town. . .but they
Sir Lepel Griffin, Ranjit Singh (London: Clarendon Press, 1892) 86.
1
London:
Sinde, &
6
II
was
appear. 6 who
In
reference
terms:
control to
Nihangs,
was
were
West (London:
fact,
live
later
came
a
Afghanistan,
lawless
Publishing
guest
Savill
Edward
See:
Alexander on
Emily
assassinated
when
them.” 3
Spottiswoods
whom
to
anything
into
Von
and
in
the
Eden,
reading
and
Thornton,
had
sanguinary Their
class called
seem Singhs Ranjit
Those
Orlich,
contact
Company,
Edwards,
Even
the
Bumes
Nihangs
she
uncertain.” 2
in
Up
they
Punjab
they
is
Kabul. to
fanaticism,
described
Khalasa;
the
Sikhs
&
Captain
or
Singh’
almost
an
called
be
A
(1805-1841),
with
not
Co,
Country:
followers
1859;
gazetteer
have
official
1976;
at
as
class,
and
been
who
1866)
war
Acalis,
the
a
Leonard,
s
all
or the
they
unique
or
not
court,
Likewise,
and
Bumes
as
adhere
with
Elphinstone,
vigorously
Nihangs,
Letters
Hodson, 27.
neighbouring the
of
British
of
“an
gained
an
are
the
would
or
Guru
all
accounts
East
Travels
she
rebellious
less
immortals,
Countries
to alarming
observes, 4
written
mankind..
Major
government
the
India
was
Govind.
have
when
by
fanatical
the
coerced
Mountstuart,
in
original
states
plunder
to
equally
India,
W.S.R,
Company word
of
rendered
adjacent
her
Emily
class
borders
and
Sikh
European
.They
Of
(London,
by
and
sister
Including
“fanatic”
doctrines
sometimes
Twelve
these
Runjeet
or
source
of
sect,
astonished
An
warlike
to
diplomat
Eden,
are
the
from
on
force.
people,
India
Account
W.H latter,
a
country
insanity,
Years
describing
visitors
Sinde
lawless
the
Singh. 5
of
such
sister
on
is
then
in .
Allen,
Nihungs. Nanac
.
Upper
a
almost
and
the
of
of
who
Punjab
and
by
peculiar
desolate,
the
as
a
the
north-west:
of
and
and
to
Soldier’s
Runjeet
the
1844)
the
a
Provinces
make
Kingdom
are
the
Ranjit
them
gazetteer
and they
certainly
Punjab,
behaviour
Earl
135.
Afghanistan
it
Life
under
even
Singh’
including
a
of
of
of
Lahore:
rule
in
Caubul
India
makes
bound
Auckland
India,
cannot
such
of
s
never
Vol.
who
court
East
the
to 2
Sicques,
and
explain
Because
their
religious
asserting
key
on
example
Nthangs’
just
within
description
European
is
dangerous
Nihangs,
better
its
the
players
“fanatics.”
identity
Dependencies
Tigers,
other
Unlike Sikhism,
the
By
so
groups described
why
their
role
it
sources
nature
little
and
using
not
in
is
hand,
or
are
the
as
own
certainly
the
the
Thieves,
lawless
The
only
in
is
but
ambiguous,
both
in
term
European
of
court,
historical
they
known
is
India,
as
Persia,
independence
term
also
the
in
inaccurate.
being
insiders
New
problematic
terms
also
Sikh
simple
Nihangs
providing
in
the
problematic
Tartary
of
York:
terms
problematic, accounts
proved
development
sect;
the
contributing
Nihangs
of
and
to
Paigrave
their
history
and
The
blue
deduce
and
of
however,
outsiders
military
is
to
India,
the
presence
as
issues
so
are power.
has
dress be
Macmillan,
the
of
Nihangs’
fitting.
rather
a
that
London:
unique
to
and
more
the
challenging
strength
sole
coming
for
of
their
of
the
growth
Nihangs,
of
identity,
Ranjit
example,
than
precedence
Where
source
firstly
1815;
the
problematic
Nihangs
2004.
role
to
especially,
concluding
Nihangs
of
Singh’s
or
within
such
presence
on
to
because
and
there
Madra,
other
or
assess
the
were
in
a
the
therefore
Ranjit
conclusion
are
within
presence
one
court
this
sects
Amandeep
as
nature
indeed
most
that
to
the
no
outsiders
hand,
thesis
Ranjit
and
is
Singh’s
nature
sources
the
Ranjit
their
issues
yet
of
a
with
ambiguous
and
the
Nihangs
as
troublesome,
based
the
Singh
another
presence
of
Parmjit
it
Singh’
of
Nthangs
concerning
Sikhism. court.
which
silver
is
the
the
solely
a
in
were
fitting
key
Singh,
court,
s
The
quoits
court
were
on 3
And
Nihang
exploring
as
instead
court,
great
primary
Although
Ranjit
qualities
court.
the
that
into
culture. description
which
an
Nihangs
it
the
the
expression
embarrassment
or
was
Despite
Singh’s
Rather
be
sect encircle
most
source
Nthangs’
Despite
only
of
Ranjit
the
an
the
as
the
as
were
exploration
Nihangs,
discussing fascinating
Nihangs’
than
one
British
there
court.
of Nihangs,
their
Singh’s
of
this,
military
role
both
unique
the
looking
is
large
even,
And
there
and
no
within
discourse
under
players
problematic
court
the
there
of
aspects
evidence
aspect
it
other
turbans.
strength
and
exists
solely
the
is
identity
the
the
as
here
is
within
posed
Sikh
European
of
no
of
an
of
leadership
court
plenty
at
Once
for
explaining
also
power
a
this
expression
doubting
the
role
ruler
and
discourse
a
Ranjit
Ranjit
of
potential
that
sect
history
of
emergence
again,
as
Ranjit
of
efforts
in
evidence
players
of
the
emerge.
Punjab,
Singh’
the
that
Singh,
the
Akali
of
of
the
and
term
Singh.
threat
19 th
to
this
such
power
nature
term
s
within,
framework
embellish
of
they
and
Phula
Maharaja
century.
court
Indeed
problematic
sect
the
power to
It
problematic
sources
in
of
were
the
is
was
Nihang
as
Singh
and
the
the
thus
fascinating
Maharaja
well
However,
in
the
Ranjit
also
early
in
elaborate
thus
of
relation
within
which
(176
fact
is
negative
Ranjit
as
sect,
equally
a
partners
modem
is
outsiders
Singh
fitting
a
1-1823),
and
a
provides
this
key
this
I
in
to
Singh
fitting
Nihang
will
the
and
the
his
a
player
thesis
framework
and
description.
of
Punjab.
source
be
sense
of
Sikh
court.
disruptive
were
and
Ranjit
his
insight
material
the
will
in
his
court
that
of
a 4
Society
overall
8 Ascetics
sentiment,
common
militaristic
political
rise
not
miracle
competition
society. 7
Nihangs
sects,
rivalled,
(in/out)
presence
Furthermore,
which
Singh’
gain
of
Indian
Vol.
the
and
David such
Fora
misconception
will
s
In
contests
the
changes,
any position
have court,
Warrior
if
98
of
Nihangs
Indian
terms
ones..
concept
general
not
more
militant
demonstrate
N.
(1978)
between
his
political
in
always
Lorenzen,
exceeded
as
Empire
entire
detailed
between
of
developing
.is,
within
ascetics
and,
discussions
of
well
64.
are
the
that
groups
warrior to
different
strength
been
court,
“[w]hat
(Cambridge
indeed
put
Indian
Hindu
as
look
“Warrior
the
the
that
leaders
their
in
it
asceticism
considered
at
on in
court,
Nihangs’
India
the
tautologically,
warrior
I
of
a
part
historical
until
most
the will
religious
distinguishes
history
secondary
Ascetics
the
nature
Press,
emergence
of
the
can
of
present
asceticism
the
cases,
and
Sikh
rival
of such
Nihangs
powerful
2006).
be
somewhat
in
Mughal
of
under
warriors
tradition
sects,
Indian
rulers
school.” 8
traced
role
the
comes
a
the
of
their
history.
Though
emerged
militaristic
what
such
Sikh
“usually
as
argument
History,”
ascetics
power
as
Empire
presence
back
rivals,
militarism-the
circumstances of
warrior
as
outside
well.
ruler’s
However,
Pinch’s
the
as
a
Nomadic
to
in
result
within
a
Journal
capped
emergence
result
collapsed
sects India,
and
religious
sixth
that
in
the
main
power
of
thus
19 th
are
(or
because
this
see
norm
such
such
century
of
warrior
focus
social,
by
helpful
challenge)
fact
the
Vijay century
outsiders
and
19 th
groups
sects
in
theological
warrior
American
of
within
is
that
the
the
to
Pinch’s
of
century
rebellious
in
BC
economic,
arise.
ascetics
address
understanding
their
1
Punjab.
of
military
powerful
from
8 th
caused
courtly
of
ascetics
anti-Muslim
Oriental
Warrior
century.
the
own
context
debates
the
non-
such
religious
and
court
by
Indian
unique
did
as
the
The
and
the 5
10 chaos
case
same
ascetics political
India these
empire
ascetic
empire,
precursor
addition
Hindu bandits,
ascetic/religious
groups organization
of
circumstances
Company.” states
as
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
tradition
Sikhs
groups:
Thus,
and
were
were
was
they
crisis,
whose
to
for
sect
63. under
still
63.
thus
merged,
in
did
more
and
the
the
it
“first
claim
Punjab
more
competition,
regarded
was
doctrines,
emerge
rise
the
18 th
aims
the
Whereas
prevalent,
in
more
during
of
in
disruptive
century
during
to
the
areas
are
is
the
warrior
religious
more
warrior
majority
demonstrative
their
prevalent
as
border
warrior
the
such
the
religious
political
in
they
so
central
confused
ascetics.
effects
comparison
collapse
ascetics
as
during motivation
of
areas
“degenerate
Rajasthan,
ascetic
reason
these
persecution
crises,
characteristic.” 9
of
of
such
the
of
formation
with
conquest
such
cases
groupings
for
the
“sporadically
to
is
with
as
contempt,
other
Bengal,
the
exceedingly
into
administrative
warrior
Punjab
often
the
from
emergence
and
of
groups
groups
final
emerged
the
end
and
colonial
where
royal
Once
sects
viewing
chaotic
successor
up
collapse
of
the
dubious.” 1 °
which
emerging
courts
these
moving
mercenary
and
structure
the
throughout
Maratha
exploitation
them
period
groups
success
emerged
religious
of
was
states
away
the
as The
during
and
provinces.
also
between
soldiers,
of
heretics.
Mughal
of
of
India
under
economies from
orthodox
religious
by
military
the
militant
another
political
the
due
Mughal
the
the
or
the
The
In
East
to
even
of 6 (1991) 13
12
(ie.
“ascetics,”
British
structure, presented
those
“ritually
Thus,
bandits
changed
powerful
chaos
significant
origins
the
deaths
ritual
Sikhs
232.
who
Thugs
infusing
Sandra
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Raj
Warrior
of
as
as
strangled
thagi,
worship
the
court
to
Aurangzeb
but
they
stole
predating
in
over
that
71.
68.
the
B.
are
the
thags
of
Freitag,
the
Punjab
too
of
the
children.” 13
British:
the
ascetics
predominantly
other
view
of
Maharaja
their
act,
stood
were
sect
Indian
the
this
and
“Crime
of
groups
in
to
robbery
thrived,
“...as
goddess
share
outside
politically
the
as
the
“Thag”
Ranjit
social
What
an
Ranjit
in
British,
l8
of
features
representatives
the
important
referred
victims,”
and
the
warrior
Singh,”
Kali,
order.” 14
and
the
Social
made
Singh.
chaotic
normal
emerged
what
person,
early
etc)
with
Order
thugs
to
ascetics
thus
challenge
or
Despite
was
is
as
period
19 th
fabric
other
“people
of
what
thagi
bandits
“mark[ing]
as
significant
of
believed
Colonial
centuries,
a
an
as
groups
powerful
of
of
not
were
was
to
well.” 2
alternative
who
the
society.
or
the
having
North
a
to
emphasized.
robbers
18111
is
native
in
the
exclusive
poisoned
during
be
the
India
As
India,”
presence
political
century,
the
Although
the
political
challenging
such,
term
who,
the
rituallreligious
formal
such
Modern
their
authority
heyday
despite
In
coined
due
heyday
it
in
as
the
both
and
is
the
religious
victims
Asian
Thugs
to
more
British
presence
the
cultural
British
by
of
the
the
of
not
Studies
the
Indians.
political
the
and
Nihang’s
aspects
cases
and
only
title
view,
they
even
of
of
for 7
17
16
15
Michel
thesis.
thugs
court,
these
like
as
appeal.” 16
“put
a
camouflaged
almost
their
threatening
ascetics,
warrior
sense
they
their
the
troublesome
as
local
and
One
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Foucault.
As
were
impossible
of
manifestations
lie ascetics
warrior
Thugs
as Thugs,
this
protection
cannot
disguises.
236.
235.
233.
234.
to
to
has
not
as
British
thesis
the
were
local
been
only
Though
and
ascetic
as
discuss
figures
British
to
the
is
Thugs,
and
As
root
authority,”
unlawful,
peasants.” 15
also
demonstrated
of an
British
counterparts,
such,
Foucault’s
authority,
as
as
such
theories
out
exploration
protectors
“admirable
they
British
under
“administrators
power,
believed,
but
they
often
Because
of
they
they
perceptions
so
ordinary
most
of
power
also
paradoxically,
of
it
far
could
their
and
also
is were
the
were
famous
when
“paradoxically.
important these
without
awesome
discourses
local
asserted
police
not
naturally
a commonly
focused
briefly troublesome,
Thugs,
be
studies
villages,
procedures,
identified,
looking
British
to
local
opponents.” 7
of
looking
granted
define
as
more
have
complained power
.
did
.exercised
power
and
authorities
at
even
so
power
been
warrior
the
and
thus,
power,
at
for
on
within
and
warrior
influential
threatening
thus
they
done
religion.
they
in
a
that
authority.
ascetics,
as
powerful
even
relation
captured,
Ranjit
were
under
they
were
ascetics
such
admired
Like
works
not
Singh’
presence
doubly
provided
men
to
Much
with
warrior
only
and
this
of
were
s 8
19
18
does
court.
power
relation
Ranjit
boundaries
authoritarian
element
In
that
principle,
stresses
institutional
other
not
there
In
model
Singh’s Ibid.,
John
to
take
his
emerges
words,
is
groups
are
S.
all
of that
14.
expansion
Ransom,
into
which
methods,
settings
non
the
limits,
court
rather Thus
constituted
itself, political
the
The
power
though
when
account
activities
such
aggression.
establishment
conception
provides
we
as
Foucault’s
the
whenever-that
and
such
resides
of
and
as
a
power,
the
have
such
transgression
source
the
that
the
risks
“those
as
thus, sovereignty
of
contract-power,
figures
contract-power
even
Nihangs,
prisons
creates
power
of
provides
Discipline
under
Although
becoming
of
for
power
ignoring
exercise
sovereignty,
is-it
more
maintaining
of
a
of
will
what
or
sovereignty
goes
its
as
it authority
(London:
this
has
oppression
hospitals,
insight
this
is
point
an
be
their
of
limit.’ 9 is
with beyond
Foucault’
unlimited
original
power traceable
theory
model,
called
and
of
contractual
Duke
oppression
into
the
reach
articulation.
the
the
whenever
one
or
that right
can
balances
a
the University
Foucault
contract,
s
higher
contract-power:
terms
amounts
to
further
broad
beyond
are
certainly
power
that
this
as
agreements
of
not
it
A
is
institutional
its
source.” 8
underlying
of
as
Press,
over-extends
the
stresses
expansion
given
power
their
mode of
limit,
captured
matrix
power
contract.
apply
power,
1997)
up
power
or
so
of
that
of
in
especially
to
Foucault
to
Ranjit
14.
by
theme
of
power,
the
maintain
the
the
into
this
rights
contract
nature
model
Singh’s
which
contract-
as
argues
with
and
certain
“in
of
he 9
20
constant
power
Foucault,
sources
which,
these
would
Nihangs,
As
such
to
focuses
their
be
such,
new
as
violation
assessed
as
Ibid.,
contradict
Although
as
of
purpose
the
only
such
Ranjit
stresses
even
Foucault
sources
powers
16.
Nihangs,
on
a
though
believe,
sovereignty.” 21 are
new
instruments,
production
In
or
great
Singh
of the
Thomas
and
that
the
recognition.” 2 °
such
of
the
argues,
man.
mechanism
roles
power
seventeenth
desire,
which
often
there
the
and
other,
absolutely
as
And
of
Hobbes’
of
Nihangs
the
his
quite
contradicted
clash
are
an
(and
emerged
power
that
more
sovereignty
this
court
of
important
limits
different
and
incompatible
power
in
with
“the
In
feverish
illegitimate
interest
represented
within
the
other
were
eighteenth
as
to
relentless
that
possessed
case
and
phenomenon,
apparatuses,
the
sources
engaged
words,
ie.
of
a
pursuit lies
power
certainly
of
sovereignty,
with
Ranjit
Ranjit
centuries,
sources
more
the
an
pursuit
of
of.
whereas
the
emerging
in
of
1
any power
.
and
9 th
.
Singh.
Singh
completely
relations
the
in
such
power
clashed
of
century
individual
we
the
of
which
emergence...
Foucault
power;
the
in
power a
have
and
human
contract-power
makes
element
their
of
contract-power
with
is
his
Punj
novel
the
also,
for
becomes
own
has.
court.
psyche,
argues
the
him
ab,
of
I
it
of
more
Hobbes
a
right:
is
the
power
concerned
Indeed,
these
that
the
he
Nihangs),
with
orthodox
model
too,
what
only
which
defined sources,
the
it
like
was
about
needs 10
26
24
Jersey:
22
21
and
can
argument,
and
holds,
human
involved,
the
power,
cancelled
satisfied:
men,
they
from
by
all
be
every
other kinds
if
every
are
Humanities
A
and
the
arguing
limited
Ibid.,
Ibid., Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Piotr
Ibid.,
desire
the
‘s
reduced
(through
other
of
man
power
they “[t]he
because
individual
out
Hobbes
Hoffman, only
46.
5.
5.
15.
16.
possible
for
by
as
that
also
would
Press, man;
way
effectiveness
were
explained
the
power,
to
also
all
“sheer
within
was
The
nothing.” 23
has powers
1996)
and
for
future
men
simply
to
asserts
Quest
problematic
power
be
over he
thus,
mechanical
5.
this
desire
in
limited,
developments.” 22
also
for
of
“destroy
himself
the
of
context,
that
“[w]hen
the
The
to
Power:
discusses
my
the
following:
truly
even
other.” 24
problem
then
powers-be as
same
strength,”)
Hobbes,
in
one
absolute
man
be
my
the
the
somebody
effective
the
another.” 25
thing,
powers
As
absolute
would
state
“If
resides
Descartes,
According
absolute
such,
they
power
A
whereas
it
of
were
eventually
means clash
is
would
nature.” 26
within
‘natural’
power
according
Despite
if
and
refers
power
to
one
to
with
when
that
the
exercise
have
Hobbes,
this
which
man
to
Emergence
or
the
which
have
Hobbes’
Yet,
no
to
“the
powers
common
to
‘instrumental’-is
has
powers
desire
Hobbes
the
impose
much
power
to
this
kind
the
“excess”
fear
sovereignty
of
analysis
held
can
desire
sovereignty
Modernity
trait
like
of
of
within
competition
definition
these
power
another
truly
equally
Foucault’s
amongst
power
for
on
limits
a
be
thus
(New
has
power
state,
the
each
man
are
of
over
11 all
27
the
framework
even
Oriental
Thus,
knowledge
which
power
powerful
about
exercising
powerful
upon
19 th
Orient
century
in
the
A.” 27
the
Ibid.,
Said
in
the
Edward
countries.
terms
term
presence,
submerged
presence
Orient,
of
absence
power
Therefore,
needs
47.
believes
Punjab,
false
correspondence,
principally,
Orient,
“orientalism,” ideas
the
of
Said,
despite
careful
over
phenomenon
knowledge.
Despite
knowledge.
is
of
was
about
to
it
itself
but
imposed
in
such
a
can
Punjab,
have
contrast sovereign’s
also
with
its
definition.
the
not
the
indeed
into
truths,
falseness,
been
Orient
limiting
with
refers
the
or
of
It
lack
on
the
Indeed,
institutional
lack
Orientalism was
to
internal
a
the
them.
support
the
Nthangs
(the
correspondence
Hobbes’s
of
to
Hence,
ultimate
thereof,
Western
precursor
and
West’s
true
the
as
East
Said
Looking
consistency
being
challenging
beliefs
the
knowledge
as
outwardlinward
as
with
settings
goes
power
focus,
power
career)
knowledge analysis
I
a
to
study
a
means at
and
on
between
Western
“real”
of
Hobbes’
places
can
over
such
to
despite
it
“knowledge”
Orientalism
to
over
that
here
explain
be
for
Orient.
Ranjit
the
as
and
Orientalism
more
although
control limited
the
deals
hegemonic or
problematic
educational
analysis
Orient
intelligence
beyond
Orient,
how
Singh.
emphasis
and
of
if
which
this
exists
Ranjit
its
another
and
any
within
the
Said
control
knowledge institutions
,
Orient.
the
and
on
within
on
Singh
argues
the
equally
the
West the
yet
over
context
But
Orient
role
the
was
that
gains
over
such
and
this
of
12 of
28
objects,
challenging
on
with
dominance
furthermore,
over
information
more
Orientals
power
allowed
the
suitable
umbrella
museums:
aspects
colonial
the
the
power
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Edward
Simply
were
and
Nihangs
East
for
for
is
of
of
“Under
over
7.
36.
presence
all
what
imperialism
study
and
present,
requires
office.” 29 Western
the
Ranjit
W.
through
put,
objects
another.
Said,
expression control.” 3 °
role
makes
in
“power
the
Singh’s
the
outside as
Orientalism
more
hegemony
knowledge,
as
Thus,
over
general
it
insiders
their academy,
and
Looking
was
knowledge,
is
Though
which
of
court,
for
of
colonialism
always
management
the
such
heading
(New
the
Said,
over
of
West’s
the
at
a
which
for
court.
the
knowledge,
Said’s
given
York:
such
power
the
it
underlying
display
court,
and
of
was
to
in
Orient..
immense
Vintage
a
knowledge
species
overall
easy
theory so
occur:
over turn,
through
they
in
in
as
and
the
Books,
something. an
legitimized
theme
.there
can
analysis
within
were
being
“knowledge
knowledge
increasingly
museum
profitable;
knowledge
of
have
1979)
emerged
is
thus
the
a
the
the
benefactor
looks
power
Orient,
5.
Power
able
their
19 th
[and]
seeking
of
of
knowledge
only
profitable
at
a
the
century
to
subject
own
together
complex
for
Western
is
and
gain
Orient
that
to
power
of
reconstruction
power
within
power
knowledge,
the
Punjab discourses
races
dialectic
gives
constitute
Orient
which
dominance
over
knowledge
and
the
and
or
power,
context,
of
of
and
in 13
31
this
sect
terms
systems,
of
in
knowledge
privileges;
Nihangs
his
century
ultimate
the
how
figures
authorities.
balances
that
challenging
the
power,
problematic
was works
species’
power
of
Nihangs
A.
as
Punjab,
power
able
etc.
had
sovereign
Van
of
Foucault
on
were
and
they
resided
The
power
After
Ginkel,
access
to
cosmos.” 3 ’
the
Ranjit
by
by
yet,
accumulate
in
had
what
the
theories
nature
first,
addressing
and assessing
power
in
in
General
and
to and
problematic
gained
Singh.
proved terms
their
all
out
in
worked
Hobbes,
of
Yet,
and
the
Chapter
in
identity.
Principles
power,
dual
such
in
of
As
Ranj
terms
to
outlooks
inner
its within
order
those
such,
be
role
within
workings,
Nihangs.
power
as
it
Two,
it
of
the
workings
Singh’
well
of
to
is
who
this
as
this
political
Human
most
into
evident
assert
Ranjit
outsiders
and
explore
as
simple
have
thesis
s
Firstly,
the
structure,
Said,
court,
challenge
challenging
Power
their
of
Singh’s
clout
that
nature
more,
the
will
explanation
the
of
are
the
as
own
(London:
although
court,
the
structure
in
demonstrate
members
certainly
the
and
thesis
of
Ranjit
court.
late
power
court,
to
power
key
those
in
Praeger
his
1
will
8 th,
Ranjit
addition
of
And
Singh’
players,
of
the
and applicable
authority,
within
power
as
who
but
Ranjit
explore
Publishers,
the
Nihangs
when
demonstrated
realign
Singh
especially
s
challenge
problematic
authority
to
the
its
lies
Singh’s
looking
gaining
how
intelligence
and
to
court,
represented
such
theories
used
1999)
the
thus
this
early
such
through
balances
court
nature
the
the
at
certain
by
115.
stance
Sikh limiting
each
on
such
19 th
in
the
the
of
14 of
Punjab,
thus
Indeed,
the
insiders
explored
nature
number
sect
Nihangs
privileges.
Singh
terms
players
court
able
proved
of
of
in
thus, because
Chapter
of
within
of
to
were
the
is
their
particular,
power
the
specific
And
demonstrative
challenge
to
Nthang
challenging
role
court,
be a
the
the
through as
cause
Three
a
will
as
court,
distinct
incidents
Nihangs
were
sect
I
insiders,
Ranjit
hope
of
will
be
intelligence
disturbance
Ranjit
specifically
and
utilized
of
demonstrated,
element
look
to
Singh
took
them
in
then
demonstrate
because
this
Singh’s
at
readily
advantage
being
the
two
and
chapter.
in
within
for
in
role
a
the
his
oppositional
terms
discourse
own
a
the
it
by
unique
of
court
Nihangs,
how was
Ranjit
Ranjit
As
British
of
power,
the
of
their
because
outsiders,
the
and
the
Nihangs
discourse
of
Singh’s
in
Nihangs
especially.
under aspects:
roles
power
become
and
power.
terms
of
the
within
as
of
the
these
court,
and
of
of
After
power
role
outsiders
the
the
a
leadership
battle,
power
powerful
I
privileges
Sikh role
privileges
will
the
and
and
having
of
court,
of
make
they
behaviour
in
then
court,
that
of
the
the
presence
the
of
explored
they
held
of
after
they
that
reference
Nihangs
19
the Akali
court.
his
held
certain
the
having
Nihang
century.
were
outside
court.
in
Phula
the
In
as
as
to
15 a
knowledge
administrators,
knowledge
intelligence
were
of
region
annex
British
demonstrative
the
knowledge,
Said’s
without
discourse
This
Chapter
the
late
formed,
dissertation
entire
Punjab
of
arguments
dominance
first
8,
Punjab
of
acquired
utilized
2
and
Sikh then
and
power,
assessing
and
following
of
the
knowledge
remained
early
there
the
kingdom
cannot
thus,
can
control
occurring
by
Systems
through
and
immense
be
Ranjit
19 th
is
the the
Ranjit
thus
claim
used
no
through
discourses
systems
unscathed
centuries
can
gaining
doubting
the
Singh
throughout
a
of
in
power
Singh’s
be to
challenging
impressive
terms
Power
prove
credited
territorial
of
can
through
through
up
which
that
of
power
of
death
be
that
power
India
until
and
assessing
Ranjit
discussed
to
military.
presence
Ranjit
the the
organization,
within
such
in
the
1849
during
Knowledge
that
1839.
Nihangs
court
Singh’s
impressive
systems
Singh’s
when
the
followed.
the
Through
in
to
this
attained.
Ranjit
three
accumulation
Ranjit
Sikh
were
control
the
same
and
of
own
systems
Singh’s
court
parts:
British
knowledge
in
These
each
Singh
a
thirdly,
Unlike
period,
network
distinct
of
the
itself.
the
of
the
systems
were
and
building
of
Sikh
of
these
the
the
controlling
the
Sikh
knowledge
part
power
of
And
his
was
situation
finally
systems
North-West
spies
methods
Court
kingdom
court,
of
of
if
and
through
a
Edward
and
able
uniting
of
of
of
which
in
to 16
1780-1870, 32
nature.
Britishtravellers
information
effectively
operators:
dealing
As
acute
happenings
kingdom
sources
entering
historians,
Ranjit
Singh
used
a
result
Sikh
to
Ibid.,
C.A.
was
Singh
with
Though
of
gain
(New
and
would
“The
to
Bayly,
state
information
of
is
133.
able
and
around
British
exiting
knowledge
confront
how
are
this
York:
result
who
disinformation
also
to
the
only
Empire
extensive,
need
Ranjit
forge
Cambridge
him:
accounts
visitors
his
alerted
were
maintain
was
British
and to
from
kingdom,
his
“The
on
Singh
control
witness
a
Information:
what
his
to
Ranjit
kingdom
sophisticated
University,
such
of
intrigues
very
his
intact,
of
court,
not
British
has
intelligence,
his
visitors.
kingdom,
but
to
Singh
emergence..
only
Ranjit
been
own” 33
as
Intelligence into
his
how
1996)
and
travellers
long
was
to
people,
secret
one
Indeed,
less
he
through
Singh’
the
143.
making
aware
as
There
was
Ranjit
which
emphasized,
importance
he
Gathering
.of
service
as
and
s
Ranjit
also
was
a
of
which
suspicious
well
are
great
more
Singh held
administrators
all
able
aware
numerous
which
and
as
travellers
Singh
use
great
he
robust
of
was his
to
especially
Social
could
of
controlling
of
Ranjit
control
and
(potential)
power.
was
especially
his
at
and
examples
Communication
knowledge
all
(especially
feed
intelligence
aware
visiting
Singh
diplomatically
times
and
amongst
rumours,
intelligence.” 32
enemies,
gain
cautious
that
used
of
the
the
British)
seeking
his
valuable
European
in
court
most
India
Ranjit
in
of 17
16.
God,
British,
Indian
he
certainly
in
always
accomplishments.” 35 the
Lord
travels
questions examined travels,
described
the
exclaimed,
extent
[andj
William
end,
I
N.M
Ibid.,
H.L.O
of
was
Europe,
V.
have
asked
was
Jacquemont,
Ranjit
of
the
me
he
Jacquemont,
the
Khilani,
37.
strategic
Garrett,
his
seen.
aware
could
“His
extent
about
Bentinck,
me
devil.” 36
Bonaparte,
control
Singh
Rise when
.
conversation
The
.He
question,
of
their
of
Indeed,
in
of
Ranjit
Punjab
as
posed,
remaining
questions
has
the
I
over
the
his
had
climate,
he
Sikh
this
French
asked
age,
goes
in
a
the
Singh’
and
last
it
Hundred
Power
allowing
world
is
is
his
Governors
he
gain left
me
riches,
on
kind,
clear
like
scientist
s
habits,
was
to
in
hospitality
a
France
in
Years
as
Punjab,
hundred a
say,
courteous,
that
general
visitors
nightmare,
berated
products,
much
what
Ago,
for
of
“He
he
and
(Delhi:
Madras
was
example,
knowledge
(Punjab:
thousand
and
to
he
as
asked
with:
what
and
power,
enter
well
was not
he
Independent
the
“Ranjit
and
countries
generous
me
is
Offeat
solely
doing
next,
as
his
visited
almost
questions
etc.” 34
a
Bombay,
his
as
kingdom,
hundred
Master
possible.
hell,
interested
questioned
before
unique
Publishing
Ranjit
to
I
the
Based
had
paradise,
all
Printers,
about
first
and
questions
he
enquiring
his
since
Ranjit
Singh
Jacquemont
on
Company,
in
came
lastly
inquisitive
guests,
me
India,
1971) the
the
seen,
the
Singh
about in
to
kinds
personal
his
about
36.
nature
soul,
the
1831
India,
so
1990)
and
my
that
of
and
18 as
West
enabled
powers
knowledge
for
the
also
doubting
somewhat
strength,
to
weaponry
curiosity.” 37
questions, describes,
Singh
Osborne,
example Maharaja’s
Publishing,
interested in W.G.
Captain Ibid.,
Upon
with
When
him
as
that
1839,
Osborne
relaxed
“our
but he 79.
Osborne,
well
observed
for
to
which
Ranjit meeting
Leopold Ranjit
1976)
had
W.G.
without
in
maintain
insatiable
he
time
example,
as
gaining
in
also
settings nature
172.
Singh
brought the
The
Osborne,
Singh’
was terms
Von
that
Ranjit
the
was personal
Court himself
Orlich,
principally
knowledge
curiosity
seeking
was
had
“[t]he
slightest
of
s
of
also with
and
concerns
Singh,
meetings
matters
the
endowed once
Travels
bombarded nature
Camp
in
want
him,
knowledge
military
and
high
chance
again
most
occupied of
of relating
in
of
the
and
thirst
of
with his
Ranjeet
him,
station.” 39
India
education
European
very
nature
the
secretary
questions
of
potential
with
visiting for
Including
and
on
Earl
being
to in
Singh,
strategic
knowledge,
issues
his
of
answering
questions
prudence
of
In
was
the
visitors
to
able
(Delhi: court.
foreigners
had
enemy,
Auckland. 38 other
Sinde
the
Company
such
covered
in
political to
Earl and the
Heritage
Captain
words,
and
from
satisfy
to
Runjeet’
as:
the
as kinds
the
the
of
knowledge well and
the
by
British. the
Punjab,
Despite
army
implications
Auckland court
Publishers,
Von
his
Leopold
the
kinds
officials,
of
as
Maharaja
s
insatiable
innumerable
the
questions
splendid
Orlich
and were
(Lahore:
of
the
extent
of the
1973)
Von
visited
artillery
there
struck
pleasant
mankind
attributed
as
as level
East
mental
he Orlich
79.
he
he
of
is Ranjit
&
by
posed
was
of
no
and
and
19 its Ranjit Singh’s success to the great knowledge he had attained throughout his life. Charles
Baron Hugel, a German scientist, was yet another visitor to the court who would become victim to Ranjit Singh’s bombardment of questions, as he observed, “[h]e rarely spoke of
India or the English territories there, but chiefly asked my opinion of his own country, his army, the European officers in his service, and the design of foreign countries and very distant °4lands.” The “gruelling examination” between Ranjit Singh and Hugel lasted for one hour when all the while, Hugel “felt the Maharaja’s single eye piercing into his innermost 4thoughts.” The Baron Captain Murray, yet another visitor to the court, also observed how’ Ranjit Singh was keen on keeping account of all matters relating to the court: “With great natural intelligence and a wonderfully quick apprehension, his
memory was excellent .. . He audited all the revenue accounts, and the tenacity of his memory enabled him to follow the most complicated 42statements.” Dr. W.L M’Gregor was also impressed upon witnessing the Maharaja’s uninhibited devotion to all matters concerning the court:
Shouldthe affairsof the Staterequirehis attention,Runjeetis readyat all timesduringthe day and night,and it is not unusual for him to orderhis secretaryandPrimeMinisterto carrythe designson whichhe has been meditatingduringthe night, into executionbefore43day-break.
S.P Singh and Harish Sharma, Europeans and Maharaja Ranjit Singh, (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University, 2001) 41. 41 Ibid., 105. 42 Ibid., 43. Ibid.
20 Of the hundreds of visitors to Ranjit Singh’s court, each and every individual would be subject to the Maharaja’s thirst for knowledge; and as such, through the intelligence and knowledge he had gained, he also grew more powerful.
Ranjit Singh’s knowledge was not limited only in terms of learning about his foreign visitors, and in general, world history. In fact, knowledge in Ranjit Singh’s court was also closely connected to intelligence systems within the court, as “[sb efficient was
Ranjit Singh’s system of intelligence that every movement. . .was reported to him.”
Ranjit Singh’s sources for intelligence can be divided into two parts: firstly, there were the Punjab Akhbars, Lahore Akhbars, etc., and secondly, there were the individual news writers who were stationed throughout Punjab and even beyond. The Akhbars were not only news letters, but also “a mine of information,” which recorded every aspect of
Maharaja Ranjit Singh and his court including “the administrative system of the then
Panjab government and on the official and private lives of the Maharajas and their courtiers, [and] the social and economic conditions of the 45people.” In addition to the
Akhbars, there were the news-writers who also provided the Maharaja with a regular and constant source of intelligence of the happenings around his court. This system of news writers collecting intelligence was referred to as the system of Dak. The news-writers otherwise referred to as Akhbar Nawis or Waqai Nigar, would be stationed throughout
Ibid., 106.
21
46
etc.
keep
Akhbars
surveillance
such
almost that
five
another: efficient
Maharaja
Punjab,
preserved
all
miles
Akhbar
surveillance
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ganda
immediately.
In
intelligence
and
which
“Couriers
because
terms
updated
to
in
29.
13.
on
Singh,
especially
for
ensure
the
troops
affairs
Lodiana
Peshawar.
Khan
27
demonstrate
Sirdar
.Raja
of
National
example,
March
of
on
The
on
specifics,
or
and
might
the
speedy
of
of
the
Dhian
Panjab
despatch-riders any
Sooltan
news-writer
Dost
that
alongside
Archives
[1839,
matters
runners
He
Sardar:
be,
describes and
quarter.
was
Singh
Mahomed
delivery
Ranjit
in
there
and
Chet
all
Mahomed.
1
ordered
839-40:
of
concerning
who
he
was
events military
was
India
From
are
Singh’s
16,
replied
orders
of
would
asked
Khan
directed
were
an
Selections
New l895-96Bk.]-
to
messages.”
Peshawar
occurring.
review
innumerable
And
expeditions,
that
Delhi,
had
given
where
tenacity
stationed
the
be
to
the
arrived
in
from stationed
court
the
write
(Patiala:
to
Sirdar
it
turn,
Sirdar
was
camp
The
Raja
the
for
Such
constantly at
would
at
amount
a
Punjab
so
reported
Sooltan
a
surveillance
had
Sikh
Dak
Allee
news
everyday.
a
Dhian
distance
that
methods
short
gone
be
History
system
Akhbars,
Musjid. 47
they
writer
of
Mahomed
about
brought
that
Singh
distance
to
examples
The
of
Society,
a in
assured
and
was
the
few
three
was
Punjab
turn
to
to
intelligence.
keep
made
from
ordered
his
1952)
would
kos
from
Intelligence,
Ranjit
attention
or one
even
1.
the
about
keep
to
Singh
more
also
One
the 22 No matter how tedious or irrelevant the information may seem, Ranj it made sure that his news-writers reported all the happenings within and outside the court as well. One news writer for example, according to the Lahore Akhbar, was ordered to report all the actions of Prince Taimur:
3 April, 1839 [Chet 23, 1895-6]-Lahore Ukhbar
.From the report of the Peishawer news-writer it appeared that Prince Timour had seated himself on the throne, received the respects of the European gentleman and a salute of 48guns.
And as Ranjit Singh knew all the happenings outside, but especially inside the court, the
Akhbars also relay an immense of information in terms of the matters which concerned the Maharaja:
10April, 1839 [Chet 30, 1895-61-CampAmb Dhorewalla
•.The Amritsar news-writer reported the constant occurrenceof thefts in the City, and Luddha Sing, the Officer there, was urged to take proper measures to check the 49evil. Likewise, Ranjit Singh liked to make sure that all urgent matters concerning his kingdom were brought to his attention so he could personally address them. Another Akhbar describes two robbers who were ordered to be brought before the Maharaja:
11 [?12] April, 1839 [Baisakh 1895-6-CampAmb Dhorewalla
• . . Raja Dheyan Sing brought to the notice of the Maha-Raja that two Haekries belonging to the Khatries had been plundered by the robbers in the vicinity of the bridge.. .Ruttun Singh was
48 Ibid.,21. Ibid.,27.
23 orderedto apprehendthoserobbersandto bringthemin his °5presence. Almost every account within the Akhbars demonstrates the intrinsic intelligence systems of the court, as Ranjit Singh, through his news-writers, and the members of his court, managed to keep tabs on every aspect within, and without the court.
Visitors were not able to freely enter and exit the kingdom as Ranjit Singh controlled (through his intelligence sources) all the whereabouts of guests entering his land. The Superintendent of the East India Company’s studs, William Moorcroft for example, during his visit to Lahore between 1819 and 1825 described the difficulties in exploring further into Punjab: “The thannadar of Hoshyarpur refused to allow of our advance without a reference to Lala Seodayal, who was at Phul, thirty kos distant, and we were obliged to await the result; after three days, an answer came from this person, stating that he could not permit us to proceed without orders from Ranjit Sinh, to whom he would write, and desired me to do the ’5same.” Although Moorcroft was eventually allowed entry into Punjab, he needed yet another approval from Ranjit Singh in order to take an alternate route around Amritsar: “At length, on the 29th, came letters from Desa
Sinh, announcing the consent of Ranjit Sinh to my route back through the mountains or to
50 Ibid., 33. 51 Horace Hayman Wilson, Travels in the Himalayan Provinces of Hindustan and the Panjab; in Ladakh and Kashmir; In Peshawar, Kabul, Kunduz,And Bokhara; By Mr. WilliamMoorcroft and Mr. George Trebeck, (New Delhi: Sagar Publications, 1971) 82.
24 52Amritsar.” Ranjit Singh’s control was so great that it was only through his permission that guests were allowed entrance into Punjab; and as such, the whereabouts of these guests were constantly monitored by the Maharaja. Once guests gained entry into Punjab,
Ranjit Singh made sure to receive them cordially so that he may gain as much information as possible. Indeed, Ranjit Singh was especially careful in his relations with the British as he could take more advantage of an amicable relationship versus a relationship of enmity: “Ranjit Singh was very well aware of the British strength. He found it expedient to maintain friendly relations with the British with the view of safeguarding his frontier in the 53east.” As such, in allowing amicable relations and conversations with the British, Ranjit Singh accomplished two goals: on the one hand, he could protect his own territorial interests, and on the other hand, he gained important sources of knowledge on the British, their whereabouts, their ambitions, etc.
If ever there was a situation in which his suspicion was aroused, Ranjit Singh made sure the situation was assessed thoroughly. General Ventura, a Frenchman who
th served in Ranjit Singh’s army, describes in his letter written on March 12 1822, how he was called on when Ranjit Singh became alerted to two figures having entered Punjab:
“Yesterday the Maharaja sent me a purwannah, intimating that two Feringhees, one a gentleman, and the other a Gorah with several servants had arrived from the westwards
52 Ibid., 87.
25 via Kabul and Ramnagar at Shah Derrah opposite 54Lahore.” On orders from Ranjit
Singh, Ventura was to maintain surveillance on the whereabouts of the two as Ranjit feared the two figures may be British: “The Maharaja directed Mohal Lal, Poorbiah, and the other trustworthy persons by every means in their power to ascertain whether the two gentlemen were French or English. Mohan Lal could only obtain from them that they were French officers, but the Maharaja, had doubts in his mind and conceived them to be
55English.” Because Ranjit Singh had created an intrinsic system of intelligence and knowledge gathering, he was able to not only maintain rule over his own people in India, but was also able to hinder any British advances or suspicious actions.
Ironically though, even before General Jean Baptiste Ventura and the other great
European officer, Jean Francois Allard, became such key military players within the court, they too were subject to Ranjit Singh’s intelligence and suspicion: “The Lahore
Akhbar records in some detail that the Maharaja checked the bonafides of both Allard and
Ventura from the British authorities before agreeing to take them in 56service.” When
Ventura and Allard first arrived in the Punjab area after having served Napolean, Ranjit
Singh made sure that these two new foreigners were brought to his attention. And
Fauja Singh & A.C. Arora, eds., Maharaja Ranjit Singh: Politics, Society and Economy, (Patiala: PhukkianPress, 1984) 119. H.L.O Garrett, European Adventurers of Northern India, 1785-1849 By C. Grey, (Patiala: Offset Master Printers, 1970) 95. Ibid., 99. Singh & Sharma, Europeans, 60.
26
some elaborate
Even
spies,
In
Maharaja
After
not
although
the
to
when
of
and waiting
meantime,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
give
the
tactics,
they
a
in
attempting
99.
98.
entries
any
letter
doing
sometime
returned
Allard
the
pretended
of
also
applications The expressed
sent
majesty
always
our We
reply
Ranjit
his
Ranjit
expressing
English
request
have
Maharaja
had
of
to
so,
courtiers.
knew
Ludhiana
the
until
follow
the
to
to
a
developed
Singh
therefore
that
Singh
letter
for
be
determine
Lahore
their
traveller,
in
letter
in
Moorcroft.
he
good
had
he
the
with
a
French.
their
It
written
had
purposely reply
to
desire
was
had
to
was
French
desired
at
be
enough
the
Akhbars:
the
some
then
satisfied
desires:
brought
the
trying
translated
sent
the
from
The
utmost
to
They
messenger. 58
to
advice
language..
in
Ventura
the
loyalties
to
unique
serve
to
petitions
kept
Kashmir.
Ranjit
them to
showed
the
foreigners
give
respect
all
of
confirm
for
the
letter
under
his
and
definite
Faqir
by
tactics:
him
Singh,
.We
as
of
two
utter
Neither
a
suspicions
and
Allard
from
drafted
Ventura
special
to the
by
Nur-ud-Din
again
that
generals
obedience. 57
surprise,
order
write
his
Ventura
William
Maharaja,
in
Ventura
Ventura
by
supplicate
agent
messenger
English
out
which
and
them
regarding
and
distracted
their
renewed
there.
Moorcroft,
and
Allard
nor
were we
and
Ranjit
by
Your
Allard
who
shall
He
one
Allard
his
through
as
Singh
new
sent
indicated
were
was
guests.
these
the
not
sure
by 27
example,
with
Singh’s
also
meet
of
Minster
examples
some
such
become
Eventually
Generals’
the
seen
any
with
as
of
Maharaja
Bayly,
Just
closest
the
and
the
some
and
describes
as
of
Azizuddin,
loyalty-both
Akhbars
however,
“[t]he
key as
personal
key
Empire
all
of
intelligence
ally
employment
the (carrying
Maharaja
between A LahoreAkhbar,
himself.
information
players
military
the
long
most
French
his
and
and
and
key
physician,
after
as
conversation
meeting
Information,
Ventura
the
confidante,
powerful
the
within
he
informed
the
players
figures
Any
officers
using
French
and for
was
letter)
on news-writers,
them,
incoming
17 th
with
his knowledge
the
not
and
had
such
within within to
them
man
with
officers,
137.
upon and
court.
guests be
it
only
and
Azizuddin,
Allard
the
was
of
tactics
great
18 th
that
in
commonplace
500
the the
highest
good
foreigner
Ranjit
Punjab
Although
Messrs
May,
who
also
Mr.
etc.,
of
kindness.
were
court.
court,
horsemen
where
cheer,
the
Ross
up
entered
1822.
so
Singh’s
whom
position
Allar
aside
given
court
to
Fakir
entering did
had
Ventura
and
Ranjit
TheMaharaja
Azizuddin
topics
were
and
Ranjit
from
he
treated
employment
his
was
he
Azizuddin,
closest
in
Wuntoora.
views
would
ordered
kingdom.
Singh
took
Ranjit
the
maintained
the
and
Singh
his
court place
confidante,
to
ruler.” 59
Allard
soon
as
vakil
was
begged
Singh’s
provide
a
depend
Ranjit
The
and
man
Moorcroft
with
find
assured
served
through
In
proved
of
the
court
Ranjit
Singh’s
being
heavily
but
“extreme
exception
of
as
he
for
methods
would
to
the
Ranjit
Singh
was
Prime
on
two 28 64 63 62 61
60
speak
unassuming
were
And
Azizuddin’
employed.” 62
connected
culture
describe
in
how
sly respectable urbanity
conversation
seeker
yet,
“[i]n
also
as
Ibid.,
Sir
Osborne, Ibid.,
Wilson,
In
would
well
despite
in
and
Lepel
too
all
the
with
of
s
69.
94. more
that
enough,
cunning
matters
as knowledge.
When
of
great
Travels
evening
Maharaja,
Punjab
surely
The
Griffin,
Europeans
.Fuqeer
handle with
remarkable
it
the
detail
Court
is
to
he
obvious
in
as
concerning impossible
have
Akhbar-
me
nature,
Ranjit
ignore
J-Iindustan,
came
visited
Azeezoodeen
matters,
and the
the
and
for
Moorcroft
been
Singh, and
nature
Camp, closest
read
intelligence.” 60
sometime.” 6 ’
Hakim
describing
as
cunning
[June,
Ranjit
the
Osborne
a
95.
as
it
not
the
(London:
69.
part
aloud
of
man
demonstrated
English
1839,
Aziz
to
wrote
court
describes
their
Singh’s
nature
of
like
to
in
him
goes
Azizuddin’s
Oxford Har
ad
a
the
It
conversation;
and Ranjit
him.M
Government
general
Though
is
din,
as
Osborne
8,
Durbar,
camp,
on
Darbar,
unfortunate
his
having
University 1896
the
throughout
Singh,
to
meeting
order
say,
Azizuddin’
W.G.
Bk.J
wazir
proclaiming
noticed
agenda
it
a
on
he
however,
“and
Azizuddin
“crafty-looking
Press,
would
Osborne
that
the
of
with
was
the
Ranjit
as
his
in
part
1892)
Moorcroft
s
be
also
Azizuddin,
Akhbars:
the Azizuddin,
“[i]n
nature
manners
British
of
Azizuddin
also
was
118.
Sinh
a
the
all
charismatic,
was
became
specially
countenance.” 63
matters
politics
[who]
does
are
explaining
his
amicable
who
so
not
charms
engaged
aware
kind
and
would
almost
and
and
29 to
67
Prakashan,
65
Firozepur
Bentinck,
leaders.
Azizuddin
Ranjit
only
seeks
was
nature
moment.”
and
were
presence
Like
accompanied agreement,
was
wise,
heeded:
his
Von
Singh’s
Sohal
Singh,
of
Just
In
1974)
the
counsel
the Ranjit
in
of
Orlich,
sent
1831
it
La!
as
Captain
1838,
The
the
charismatic
then
would
63.
“Every
British
personal
Sun,
on
the
installation,
Panjab
the
for
entire
Singh,
Travels
or
by
Governor-General
expeditions
Azizuddin’s
officers
U,ndat-Ut-Tawarikh:
example,
discharge
be
assistance.” 67
Von
Uzeezoodeen;
informants
time
in
Darbar,
Azizuddin’
in
also
advisor
1
negotiator
india,
Orlich
839-40,
of
and
the
observed
the
Azizuddin
of
to
Deewan
resourceful
and
174.
disposition
and
State. 65
50.
as
guns
meet
were
As
s
Ranj
well,
and
advisor
role
without
of
Daftar
the
that
filled
Deena
with
sent
it
India.
consultant
was
to
in
right
Singh
“[e]very
Fakir
was
III
read
addition
to
Indian,
to the
him
Nath
sent
1831-1839
Punjab
On
the hand
duly
ears
made
out
(Aziz-ud-din)
no
to
was
meeting
court.
to
embassage
as
treaties
resolution to
Simla man
of
noted
in
foreign
ordered
well
sure
commenting
the
AD,
order
of
by
to
with
audience
as that
(Chandigarh:
Ranjit
and
meet
to
visitors,
British
all
to
to
is
read
all
apprise
Lord
proclamations
seek
present
formed,
the
of
Singh,
with
out
on
exactly
British
officials
Auckland
Azizuddin’
knowledge,
but
Punjab
all
the
the
Lord
as
and
Azizuddin
he
intelligent
words
“[h]e
at
government
Itihas
also
William
every
and
that
in
at
s
was
the
was
so
treaty
words
party
not
was 30 70
69
police,
the
kingdom
keeping
organization
from
solidifying through
Fakir
Minister
himself,
power
learned
[he]
one
addition
people
of
was
them.
Azizuddin.” 7 °
Ibid.
Ibid.
since through
Griffin,
the
In
man,
track
the
Azizuddm
to
to
into
also
addition
through
ablest
the
being
the
arts,
the
to
Ranjit
three
who
of
a
Maharaja’s
knowledge.
Maharaja,
attain
generous
state
all
Azizuddm
and
a
“saw
to
organization
Singh,
zones,
great
the
complimented
As
gaining
could
such
certainly
happenings
a
himself
119.
diplomat
seeker
and
that
Ranjit
feats.
kingdom
It
position
was
knowledge
discriminating
is
“the
the
thus
and
of
the
[as]
By
Singh
most
and
perfectly
knowledge
most
in
perfect
observation:
categorizing
by
agents
no
a
the
ripe
information
was
both
wonder
honest
onerous
and
court,
scholar
on
partner
able
with
charming patron
power
the
in
of
that
Ranjit
to
all
part
“The
and
Ranjit
all
numerous
in
exercise to
gatherer,
of
through
aspects,
throughout
Ranj
all
separating
of
Ranjit
learning.” 69
the
Singh
Punjab
Singh,
the
branches
it
British
S
his
duties
river sources
Singh whether
Azizuddin
also ingh’
was
and
power
his
the
and
used
crossings
of
As
s
fell
also
as
his
position
territories
courtiers.” 68
of
Eastern
political,
he a
gaining
and
to
own
territorial
knowledge
intelligence
relatively
was
also
the
control
to
quest
as
a
science,
share
helped
very
knowledge
of
take
cultural,
Prime
In
the
easy
for
over
of
seeker
note
and
in
Sikh
and
to
31 or of unusual 7movements.” Indeed, the separation of the kingdom into zones allowed for easy observation’ and policing of the people. In terms of policing the state, Ranjit Singh acquired full control of such ambitions, with very little help from his advisors with the exception of Azizuddin: “He [Ranjit Singh] was the chief executive authority, the highest court of justice and the chief legislator. The direction of affairs in the state lay entirely with 72him.” Another foreign observer, Alexander Burnes, also observed the Maharaja’s depth and array of knowledge, even of the most minute details: “He managed all the
concerns of his State from matters of the highest importance to he merest trifle. . .from the shoeing of a horse to the organization of an 73army.” In order to police and control so meticulously, Ranjit Singh indeed had to have a deep knowledge of the people of his kingdom and the current state of affairs. Because the central zone was nearest to the Sikh capital of Lahore, Ranjit Singh maintained an especially vigilant intelligence system of that area: “The state Intelligence system was much better organized here and there was no difficulty about reports and official parwanas travelling about quickly and 74regularly.” Not only did Ranjit Singh maintain knowledge and control over the central zone through the distribution of reports, but he also gathered intelligence through his own travelling of the central zone, indeed, “[t]his was also the best place known to the Maharaja since he
71 Ibid., 133. 72 J.S. Grewal and Indu Banga, Maharaja Ranjit Singh: The State and Society, (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University, 2001) 92. Fauja Singh, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 156.
32
76
European
changes the
nature
relationships.” 76
number
opponents
knowledge
the
regular
between
is
out
significant under
was
through
British
greater
and
constantly
of his
Ibid.,
Singh,
Ibid.,
Grewal,
The
army,
of
in gather
military
his
systems
close
in
the military factors
the
military
because
of
92.
117.
final
Maharaja
opponents
relation
Maharaja
cavalry
European
then forging
his
touring
personal
The
source
and
of including:
own
force
existing
forces
rather
most
military
Ranjit
to
power
and
of
Ranjit
intelligence
military through
his
military
of
was
supervision.” 75
Ranjit
significant
of infantry
than
Singh,
knowledge,
own,
system.” 77
Singh,
is
“the
the
both
that
quite
staying
Singh’s
the
power,
117. tactics,
19 th
[and]
geographical
Ranjit
96.
an
unique
length
and
obvious,
century,
consideration
incentive
As
the
within
information
namely,
sources
infamous
Ranjit
to
Singh
such,
is
and
advances
his
the
what
Ranjit
the
breadth
advantage.
was
Singh’
situation,
and
it
of
ways
the
was
confines
military.
knowledge
made
Ranjit
also pressure
and
British;
in
Singh
s
in
only
of
weaponry
infamous
thus
able
which
the
Ranjit
this
In
Singh
took
of
Although
by
indeed,
for
power
military
creating,
to
his
portion
on
gaining
he
adapt
Singh’s
Ranjit into
looked
palace, nomadic
his
and
utilized
that
“[t]he
consideration
land
power the
and
the
and
arguably,
knowledge
Singh
upon,
will
creation
he
connection
web
forge
had
and
sources nature
efficiency
chose
of
be
to
everything
of
his
was
his
explored
a
introduce
one
of
political
was
similar
people.
to
on
of
a
the
his
of
go
of 33
Runjeet
expanded
knowledge
as
Napolean
this
procuring
knowledge
of
Ranjit
so
workings
of
military
General
Singh
style
well
the
that
General
paper,
army
British
Griffin,
Ibid., made
Singh
he
as
Not
Singh
model.
Lake
in
their
and
of
for
may
Captain
and
he
Lake
which
only
118.
size,
the
in
made
Ranjit
himself,
organization.
both
confened
gained
was
successors,
dominate:
leadership the
There
British
did
in
breadth,
posed
Singh,
what
Anglo-Maratha
were Ventura,
it
1805
Ranjit
his
from
former
were
military. 78
the
first
therefore
a
133. goal
wearing
“When
and
they
direct
General his
.
Singh
rank
.he
infact,
and
aroused
to
European
intelligence:
British
could
resolved
learn
the
challenge
of
he
create
a
priceless
In
rumours war
Court
disguise
generals,
other,
had
seeing
provide.
Ranjit
as
counterparts,
based
army
a
thoroughly much
to
and
strong
Captain
to
“By
create
to
even
the
Smgh
so
the
the
leaders.
on
General
Ranjit
Through
as
that
levels
the
the
and
Maharaja
Europeans.
that
possible,
an
to
Allard,
he
but
aid
mastered
efforts
Singh
army
formidable
the
Ranjit
One
of
Avitabile,
could
of
the
he
superiority
strength
these
went
had
on
has
and
efforts
succeeded
in
of
Singh
get
Observations
similar
the
terms
the
already
both
then
officers,
one
a
army
Ranjit
secret
of
British
first
of
had
served
imitate
of
step
the
of
Ventura
lines.” 79
in
based
been
the hand
the
entered
Singh’s
of
British
forming on
further
military
sorts
the
European
which
under
such
whom
mentioned
look
on
and
superiority
the
army,
of
the
army
in
a
a
into
Ranjit
Allard,
leader,
style,
camp
well
the
34 in
82
(1994)
81 80
that
State
held
battles
gained
of
order
aiding
of
knowledge
superior
positive
army
Lahore
cannon
armed
knowledge
the
the
belief
owed
611.
to
about
two
Pradeep
Singh,
Von
of
his
a
Though
military
and
and
create
foundries,
great
that
(according
acquisition,
military
Orlich, that
Generals.
its
tolerably
of
Maharaja military
Amritsar.” 8 °
Ranjit
Barua,
origin, he
deal
the
a
it
he
played
powerful
Travels
was
was
British
created
because
of
powder
“Military
gradually
to
tactics,
Ranjit
It
expansion
disciplined
because
but
able
knowledge
him)
is
a
in
role
Not
also important
India,
army
army
to
his
Singh,
magazines,
it
Developments
model
but
utilize.
in
only
is
army
in adopted
of
167.
was
a
knowledge
and
which
“[t]he
158.
terms
Ranjit
army
about,
demonstration
did
of
based
to
not
security
the
recognize the
the
of
impact
would
of
and
Singh’
satisfying
Ranjit
in
50,000
French
intelligence
French
on
India, French
manufactories
gathering,
to
the
challenge
of
s
Singh’s
the
1750-1850,”
army
of
Ranjit
European
men,
these
military
Generals
system
enough,
Army,” 82
the
that
controlling.
as
besides
French
extent
army
Singh’s
the
well
of
system
the
of
The
Ranjit
teach
models
British,
training.” 8 ’
there
arms
was
he
Sikh
Journal
as
officers
100,000
use
would
controlling
Ranjit
based
Singh
also
Because
is
are
through
state
but of
indeed
of
established
utilized
outside
on
Military
irregular
go
also on
When
Singh
then
thrived,
the
to
the
of
which
no
the
and
adopted
not
army
the
History
not
sources and
the
teachings
doubting
sources
troops;
policing
as
only
widely
in
just
he
his
“the was
the
in
in
in
35 so 84
83
accompanied march
was had
army “escorts”
gathering, posted
means
Ranjit
such, the his
strategic the
endeavours. been
the
city armed
hidden
happenings
state.
readily
as
mentioned,
the
to
Singh
Ibid.,
Grewal, of
with
of
escorts
Adeenanuggur,
areas
military,
of his
Indeed,
forces
and
Peshawar
motives.
provided
94.
up-to-date
European
Often
updated
intelligence
by
Maharaja
somewhat
in
for
in
two
were
what
the
although
the
much
times,
foreign
While
companies
which
with
Punjab
on
region,” 83
visitors.
Ranjit
stationed
has
information
the
like
where
people
connected
in
the
not
visitors
visiting
the
was
Singh,
happenings
order
region
his
services
been
nature
Although
Runjeet
of
the
it
at
the
other
94.
was
for
the
strategic
so
Ranjit
about
as
most
mentioned
to
Maharaja
Ranjit of that
20 th
modes
of intelligence
his
it,
Sing
within
Ranjit
Ranjit
the
vulnerable
was
the
Singh
they
army
regiment,
points
Singh
Sikh
border
is
of
the
always
may
is Singh’s
his
now
Singh
which
surveillance:
for
the
use
military:
in
gatherers,
kingdom:
to
example, be
holding areas.” 85
spot
two
role
the
keep
of
managed
may
would
protected,
observance
the
entire
horse
in
of
“a
have
1 s
military the
the
his
was
“Through
In
be
“Quite
Osborne
constant
artillery
area,
whole
to
addition
military
court.
May-
insisted
stationed
he
crucial
keep
of
as
mostly
also
a
his
country.” 84
Commenced
We
large and
describes
watch
himself
them
guns,
in
to
in
in
most
state
around
were
vigilant
such
using
intelligence
keeping
in
proportion
and
and
guards
and
certainly
has
well
how
his
also
As
a
already
around
eye
horse
our
or
he
by
36
on of
85
official
intelligence
conquering,
systems,
more
such
bazars
ease British,
possible.
locations;
watch.
allowed
as non-traditional
as
a
an
with
source
a
facility..
escort.” 86
powerful
Ibid.,
Osborne,
carry
Many
emperor
As
The
saying
Ranjit
them
Even
which
however,
mentioned
95.
and
provided for
mobility
all
scholars
to
.than
The
that
Osborne
Singh
intelligence
they
The
knowledge elements
Aurangzeb,
and
it
easily
Court
can
“[t]he
three
it
role
successful
require;
of
protection,
previously,
utilized
have
was
be
and
access
Ranjit
recognized
of
as
Company’s
moved.
Sihk
in
Camp,
argued
gathering
the
gathering
it
eventually
and
their
his
became
information
Singh’s
army
military
army
and
50.
thirty
army
No
the
mobility
that
this
possesses
based
most
military
wheel
he
regiments
and
a
army
the
thousand
to
collapsed
under
trait
source
so
the
policing
significantly,
as
great
much
on
that
carriage
of
was
all
greatest
would
the
the
one
not
Ranjit
complete
on
Mughal
parts
of
because
yet
desired.
regime
knowledge
of
only
this
great
their
is
often
another
the
capacity
of
Singh’s
allowed
side
of
provided
troops the
empire,
advantage
state.
of
watch
of
be
power
Ranjit
the
kingdom
the
unique
stationed
learned
army
as
on
could
Sutlege.” 87
lack
over
following
the
through
Ranjit
a
Singh
over
in
march,
feature
of
army
the
from
be
could
comparison
in
information
Singh
our
moved
state certainly
strategic
battle,
In
allowed
European
the
their
which
be
own-
creating
was
with
kept
last
with
but
own
the
took
to
the
under
also
the
37 on 89
88
(1993) 87
sources
relationship
resistance
information-collection systems
and also
power
doubting
numerous
eminent. understanding
systems
Silch
elite’s
access,
without
provided
10. kingdom
Bayly,
C.A. through
Ibid.,
And
canny
can
i.e.,
of
of
Indeed,
the
to
works
knowledge
Bayly,
knowledge,
now
just
105.
and
the
“a
such
“Knowing
connection
understanding
Ranjit
of
of
his
failure
court.
the
when
be
“Knowing
on
by
the
Punjab
power.
great
understood
nature
knowledge
looking
and
land
the
there
of
Western
and
for
through
intelligence
Country”
between
the
knowledge,
Foucault’
with
the
and
Indian
of
power,
are
of
court
at
Country:
the
the
the
local
much
nations
some
sources
and
the
6.
larger
kingship
the
rising
people,
for
with
s
flow
power
discussions
systems
circumstances.” 88
Empire
of
of
two.
clearer.
“[t]he
were
powers
an
of
the
the
of
of
consolidation
Ranjit
pervasive
abundance
was
Maharaja
throughout
and
arguments
flow
information,
great
indeed
and
As
Information
a
relationship
in
reflection
this
of
Singh
the
importance
terms
information,
not
power,
key
Ranjit
chapter
of
By
the of
was
the
and
information
and
of
Edward
in players
comparison,
course
of
India,”
only
with
the Singh
there
able
maintenance
through
has
social of
contract-power
surveillance nations
and
to
other
shown
within
Modern
of
Said,
is
is
forge
bound
history,
complexity.” 89
proof
from of
a
illegitimate
the
deep
as
the
the
the
to
Asian
a
of
well
both
that
growth
hold
to
Silch
central
court
complicated
there power
and
be
Studies
through
as
within,
such
empire
whom
other
is
of
ruling
is
no
the
38 of intelligence and knowledge systems, ie. power within Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s court, the following chapter will provide an introduction to the Nihangs and why the term
“problematic” is so befitting to this Sikh sect. Thus, ultimately as is the goal of this thesis, I hope to demonstrate that the Nihangs, through their specifically problematic in and out identity, will become the illegitimate force of resistance to Ranjit Singh, his court, and those intelligence systems which were so effective and efficient.
39 Chapter 3 The Ultimate Power: Inside and Outside the Sikh Court
In demonstrating the Nihangs’ dual roles as players within, and players outside of Ranjit
Singh’s court, it will become apparent why they were an important element in the discourse of power within the Sikh court, and a challenging presence to Ranjit Singh. The
Nihangs role as players within the courtis seen through three main components: the incorporation of the Nthangs into Ranjit Singh’s military, and thus, being a part of such a payroll; the administrative control the Nihangs had over the city of Amritsar (though as we will see, even this element is somewhat problematic); and finally, the incorporation of the Nihang presence within the darbars and the subsequent paintings and artwork.
Probably the most significant indicator of the Nihangs as players within the court was their military presence. Indeed, in some of the more famous military campaigns,
Ranjit Singh made sure to access the Nihangs’ skills to his advantage. Before looking at these specific battles however, we first need to look at the formal military structures of the Silchcourt, and what role the Nihangs played within this structure. Whereas in chapter two, I discussed the nature of Ranjit Singh’s military in connection to power and intelligence, in this section, I will look at the formal structure of the military system itself, and incorporate the Nihangs as official parts of such a system. Although the regular army
40 felt the implications of Western thought and influence (especially through the leadership of Generals Ventura, Allard, Court and Avitabile), the majority of Ranjit Singh’s army, ie. irregular infantry, garrisons, andjagirdari contingents remained unaffected by such European °9methods. The ghorcchurra’s for example, were one such cavalry group who adopted neither European, Mughal nor Maratha militaristic styles as they avoided any forms of feudalism. And as we will see, those who comprised the irregular infantry also tended to be less organized like the Europeans, but rather, “a body of active fighters with more or less regimentation and 91discipline.”
Generally speaking, the army was split into three opposing fractions: ancient and modernized, regular and irregular, and finally, state andjagirdari. These three classifications were based on “(i) whether or not it is paid by the state and (ii) whether or not it is trained on the European 92model.” The Nihangs’ roles in this formal structure, for the sake of categorizing, were as a part of the Sikh military’s irregular infantry and cavalry. Though the Europeanized regular army was the largest portion of the Sikh army, it is the irregular army which needs more explaining due to the connection to the
Nihangs. As mentioned before, the elusiveness of the irregular army in terms of organization and discipline presented the perfect environment for the Nihangs own undisciplined and rash nature. The irregular army consisted of the irregular cavalry,
Fauja Singh Bajwa, Military System of the Sikhs (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1964) 106. Ibid., 108.
41 infantry, garrison forces, and the jagirdari troops. Of these categories, the Nihangs were most involved in the cavalry and infantry, which once again, tended to suit their lifestyle
“where the demands of discipline were not so urgent as in the regular 93army.” Because the irregular cavalry was disorganized when compared to the regular cavalry, often times, a troop of Nihangs would be enlisted separately, by order of Ranjit Singh. An example of such an order is found in the “Book of Parwanas,” which are a set of 462 military orders sent by Ranjit Singh to his General Sardar Tej Singh:
At the timeof departuretowardsNala 100NihangSikhsof AbchalNagar,bothhorseand foot, wereapprovedby His majestyfor enrolment.KanwarNauNihalSinghhas now submittedthat 300NihangSikhshavebeen sentto him by you and Jawahar94Mal.
The number of Nihangs within the irregular cavalry and infantry was limited when compared to other groups - only three 95thousand at the most. However, their presence in some of Ranjit Singh’s most famous military campaigns proved influential and decisive.
The Nihangs were not called upon merely during times of need during specific battles, but their official presence within the court via the military was proof through the pay and allowances granted. Three such methods of pay included the Mahdari system,
92 Ibid., 108. Ibid., 141. J.S. Grewal and Indu Banga, Civil and Military Affairs of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, (Amritsar: Guru Nanak Dev University, 1987) 160. Bajwa, Military System, 141.
42
order
“Umdat-al-Tawarikh,”
grants
183 Nthangs,
was
Rozinadari
would
Rozinadari
Singh,
Yomiah, payments
which
1-39.
not
of
and
Ibid.,
Grewal
receive
was
the
Nihangs
essential
meaning
One
such
depended
awards
Nthang
most
166.
system,
system
and
such
Officers:
Nihal
below.
Jawahar
accordance
Take
as
a
Sipahis:
fixed
Banga,
prevalent
according
Akali
that
daily
provided
leader.
order
was
muster
Singh. other
on
For
the
allowance
Ma!.
Rs.
Rs.
Civil
the
Phula
the
allowance,
used
future
with from
payment
military
The
of
30, An
10
court
amongst
They
and
crop
to
to
the
for
specifically
Rs.
order
the
Singh,
certain
the
Ranjit
however
term
Military
Nihangs
trooper;
should
daily periods,
daily,
existing
25,
Nihangs personnel
should
is
and
Rozinadari
the
Rs.
Lahore,
were
issued
Singh
rates:
Affairs,
proceedings
be
this
“though,
Roz
Sikhs,
Rs.
20
of
practice
and
to
paid
be
paid
Abchal
or will
in as
6
for
or
pay
24
within
made
153.
for
Rs.
the
his
seen
by
the
Yom,
be
Jeth
example,
an
is
foreigners
foot
and
as
name.
Lala
15.
Rozinadari
Nagar
done
derived
Fasalandari
annual
as
in
every
in
1891
the
at
meaning
soldier.
Jawahar
recorded
“the
the
the
by
court
who
(4
ordered
day.” 96
Kanwar
case
rates allowance,
from
Book
June
or
are
system.
like
Mal
a
leaders
given of
by
day.
system,
with
the
1834)
of
Though
Nau
the
Tej
Akali
in
Sohal
Parwanas,”
term
Lala
In
Mahadari
there
Of
Singh
such
other
upon
Phula
Lal
these,
Rozina
it
were
as
seems
to
Sun
words,
which
Akali
Singh
pay
the
and system,
or
other
from
that
an
the
Phula
in
the
43 the it
Prakashan,
celebration
charity..
the
month,
Such
large
gave
included:
distributed
celebrations
demonstrates
deserving.” 98
of for
contributions
Singh This
being
blessed
their
away
rewards
sum
order
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
considered
Sohal
Ranjit
.Rs.
1974)
service
given
“On
of
Magh in
of
gifts
certainly
267.
133.
Lal
for
3,000 money
Indeed,
charity,
the
the
were
78.
Singh
to
the
Sun,
in
the
and
to the
Sankrant
importance
( 12 th
charity
blessed
them
to
the
a
Umdat-Ut-Tawarikh:
ensuing
and
court.
once
awards
demonstrates
common
the
the
as
January
court:
an
usual,
enough
Nihangs.” 10 °
use
and
again
Sankrant
On
asset,
month
to
month
of
“On
which
alms
practice
other
those
one
1836
rewarded
the
of
and
the
in
the
were
grain
elephant,
according
term
of
the
occasions,
“Umdat-al-Tawarikh,”
A.D)
in
thus
Daftar
3
In
Nihangs
Chet
as
his
Sikh
distributed
fact,
“deserving”
were ( 17 th
on
the
they
the
court,
III
1889
another
one
court
Nihangs
to
in
September
Maharaja
183
given
needed
the
role
the
almost
horse,
1-1839 of
(1
placed
Nihangs
1 th
as
among
which
Sikh
to
occasion,
as
with
players
March
to
the
AD,
every
some
reference
distributed
be
calendar,
1831
upon
the
Akalis
the
(Chandigarh:
money:
were
there
paid
reference suits
1832
Nihangs within
Akalis
A.D)
in
the
accordingly
given
celebration
is
and
to
Ranjit
of
Nihangs.
A.D.)
by
“On
subsequently
the
all
the
clothes..
and
the
Punjab
way
were
rewards
the
given
Nthangs
the
court,
the
Brahmins.” 99
Singh
the
things
of
Sankrant
Itihas
During
indeed
of
Maharaja
for
to
.and
as
the
in
the
their
further
an
Ranjit
worthy
general
a
new
the
of 44
102
the
The
attempted
final
key
over
only
not
assets
were
the
sum
several
regularly
(1
description
order
1 th
third
deny
military
first
role,
campaign
a
infantry
of
fought,
January
to
decade
Sir Ibid.,
issued
Ranjit
Rs.
cows,
attempt
two
the
was
the
Lepel
to
granted
397.
1,000
conquests
unsuccessfully of
court.
Nihangs’
attempts
and
who
to
the
in
1838
Singh’s
Rs.
Griffin,
was
gift-giving
present
in
which
Battle
won
for
enjoyed
7000 to
Even
1807,
launched
A.D.)
the
Ranjit
the
in
by
respectable
successful
he
Ranjit
of
the
and
Nihangs:
1802
Sir
Akalis.”°’
though
the
achieved.
the
uses
Multan,
Singh,
any
Nihangs
overthrow
many
Lepel
in
Sikh
Maharaja
Singh
and
respect.” 102
the
1818.
(London:
it
reign
“Early
other
position court,
1806
Griffin,
did
which term
And
attempted
with
Before
not
the
as
secured..
were
things
“as
Oxford
that
it
in
gifts.
was
ruler
Multan
result
One
was
a
in
the
usual,”
European
the
the
fruitless
the
part
to
to
University
Even
during
such over
morning
in
Nihangs
successful
.respectively,
court
be
gain
Nawab,
of
his
indicating
distributed,
the
battle
one
a
ambitions
control
some
gaining biographer
as
set
Press, Sikh
on
of
presented
he
Muzaffar
of
in
the
launch the
of
claimed
smaller kingdom
which
1892)
of,
that
territory,
these
in
F’
many
as
on
and
addition
on
of
gifts
86.
usual,
in
part
themselves
the
Khan,
key
the
campaigns
Ranjit
they
failed,
references
1818,
was
Nihangs
and
Ranjit
of
blessed
battles
with
where
to
the
four
due
awards
Ranjit
Singh,
until
one
Sikhs,
a
Singh
in
as
times.
which
separate
Magh
lasting
played
to
“[t]he
elephant,
the
part
great
Singh
could
a
were
and
45
to a
104
1962) 103
Nihangs,
defenders
and
June
portion
during
Ranjit
Indeed,
preparations
would
attempts
from
seemed
was
“through
124.
211(1,
satisfied
February
Gulcharan
Khushwant
Singh
battle,
finally
of
incorporating
when
hopeful
did
to
by
the
destroy
the
surprise,
as
these
made,
the
Multan
with
prove
a
ordered
supply
the Preparations
Singh,
this
25 th
majority
Singh,
large
in
Nihangs
Sutlej
breaches
receiving
the
of
to
Sikh
the
to
Ranjit
fort. of
and
the
contingency
Ranjit
down
April
which
be beginning
Multan
provisions..
and
sect’s
of
Nihangs
occupied
successful
successfully
A
Singh
were
Singh:
to
the
the
the
19 th
more
an
the
Multan.
Ravi
actions
fortress
Sikh
made
and
dare
indemnity
Nihangs
However,
Maharaja
as
famous in
of
.The
his
the
were
the
devil
soldiers
was
such
on
Nihangs
So
Generals,
helped
distracted
fort.” 104
via
big
an
Sikhs
also
commandeered
launched
were
of
Akalis a
Nihang
elaborate
of
Bhangi
poor
the
significant
the
were
follow.
70,000
did
in
took
(Delhi:
Punjab,
Sikhs
included:
Only
artillery.
the
their
entered
platoons
gun manage
incident
in
the
scale.
conquest
rupees.
after
Sujlana
were
1818,
of
(London:
enemies
lead battle
to
Zam
All
the
ensure
When
of
this
to
forced
during
Publishers)
there
in
Nihangs. 103
the
The
take
Zama
fort.
proved
of
George
breaching
initial
by
boats,
a
the
Multan.
fourth
regular
were possession
.
to
this laying
.
was
and
campaign
retreat
Allen
to
attack
215.
on
battle
a
be
took
attempt
great
the
At
a
&
a
mine
by
after
Unwin
positive
one
the
Khizri
occurred
of
which
number
the
the
in
point
under
failed
Ltd.
1810
city
Gate,
for
46
on
of a
106
105
In
the
In
the
Phula
that
as
Battle
terms
addition
Afghanistan
two
plans
the
Ibid.,
Singh,
Singh’s
of
generals
Another
of
Nthang
for
Peshawar
the
to
129.
Ranjit
attack
advising
Akali
becoming
knew
battle
had
On
knowledge
pushed
against
Phula
island..
was
leader,
chosen
significant
Singh,
October
of
was
these
Phula
in
already
Singh
itself,
his
further
the
.If
1819.
Ranjit
129.
Akali
a
troops.
to
organized
the
Afghans
lands
terror
Singh.’° 6
15,
of
told
lead
because
north-western
battle,
in
north
Though
the
1818,
Singh
Phula
and
him
Amongst
a
amongst
the
north-west
state
and
to
the
Ranjit
[Ranjit]
by
of
Sikhs
the
Peshawar.’° 5
on
Singh,
Pathans,
the
people,
which
the of
the
members
strategies
the
political
Singh
conquest
bastion
into
Nihang
that
tribes,
generals
was
frontier
the
and
the
battle:
Attock
marched
first
Nihang’
was
whose
frontier
Han
of
for
chaos,
leader:
of
with
the
to
was
sought
was
attack,
Peshawar
Singh
be
names
out
Khattak
him
would
s
what
well
like
made
presence
of
Nalwa
were
by
Phula
Lahore
a
were
known,
is
have
small
secure
Ranjit
itself
tribe
significant
two
and
Singh
to
was
at
who
was
of be
Singh
and
the
crucial,
Afghanistan
was
fairly
thus,
however,
for
also
much
effortless,
advice.
was
one
the
is
of
47 of
also
court for
forces
equipped,
attacked
Singh
Akali
leaders
north-west
tribute
heard
Nihangs
inclusion minor Peshawar,
Furthermore,
were
the
lost
had
unable
Phula
that
(Ranjit
of
Sikhs
because
to
were
The
one
the
men
as
now
the
with at
a
admitted
area.
it
Battle
fortress
Singh.
group
the
of
and
called
to
Sikh
was
Singh’s
on
upon
declared
20,000-25,000
the
it
defend
request
Of
both
Ranjit
was
the
ruler,
of
of
greater
The
upon,
hearing
these
of
defeat
Pathans Naushera
final
a
son),
sides,
Jahangira.
themselves
supremacy
such
Afghan
Singh,
of
a
two
including
contingent
Sikh
Ranjit
battle
and
crossed
the
the
an
had
Sikh
men
the
fled
in
defeat
generals,
easy
forces
Afghans
of
Singh
In
declared
1823
victory
over
against
on
armies,
the
generals
the
their
terms
victory
of
of
the
were
Attock,
city.
is
of
the
two
the
Akali
suffered
great
probably
Afghan
was
the
the
of
jthad
some
territory
easily
Sikh
for
Khattaks,
Ventura,
Though
military
Nihang
Sikhs,
bittersweet
leader
Phula
whilst
the
against
of
armies
great
and
defeated
the
Ranjit
Sikhs,
past
they
Phula
the
Singh.
strength,
Allard,
another leader
the
Mohammad
most
losses,
Yar
were
the
details
were
Sikh
because
Singh’s
what
as
Singh.
remembered
river
Muhammad
Akali
Han
body
on
immediately
approximately
end.
both
easily
is
of
one
Indus
significant
greatest
Singh
When
although
Phula
the
Khan,
of
Despite
sides
end,
defeated.
Sikh
battle
valley,
Nalwa,
Singh.
Khan, Ranjit
amongst
were
the
Prince
military
called
troops
the
the
itself
is
4,000. governor
equally
they
the
Sikh
equal
who
Singh
and
Sher
to
are
direct
had
As
the
paid
48 of The death of the Nihang leader Akali Phula Singh was indeed a great loss to the
Sikh army as we have seen how much Ranjit Singh relied on his military strength. And thus, rather than solely discussing the Nihangs as a larger group, I want to look at the famous Nihang leader Akali Phula Singh in more detail and examine his role as a player within the court and as ally to Ranjit Singh. Though as we will see further in this chapter,
Phula Singh was not without his own problematic features, he was still viewed as a great warrior within the context of the Sikh military under Ranjit Singh. Born in 1761 in the village Siih, Phula Singh’s young life was certainly full of its hardships as his father died when he was a child, and Phula Singh was left under the care of his godfather. Through the guidance and teachings of his godfather, Phula Singh was trained in both spirituality and the martial arts. Because of his militaristic skills, especially in riding, Phula Singh decided to join the Nihangs, which was then lead by Narain Singh. Following the death of Narain Singh, Phula Singh was named his successor as the new Nthang leader. Even in terms of his dress, Phula Singh was a true member of the Sikh court, because in contrast to the traditional blue attire worn by the Nihangs, Phula Singh distinguished himself by wearing “a magnificent white costume fitted to the body, with a broad double-side, gold laced bourdic hung round his neck and interwoven with a light silk scarf, crossed in front of his 7chest.”° As such, because of his unique style of dress especially, Phula Singh was often viewed in contrast to the sect he lead, because “unlike other members of his sect,
107 Singh, Ranjit Singh and his Generals, 81.
49
Institute, During
108
determination Phula
Phula
battle.
man
Naushera,
was
attack first
heron’s
wearing
identifying
of
[Phula
the
increasing
recognized
of
Singh’s
Singh
When
on
Nihang
Ibid.,
Singh,
Gulshan
this
As
1960)
determination,”
Though Singh]
plume.”° 9
a
Kasur,
it
white
mentioned
battle,
78.
factor
and
was
Ranjit
151.
the
and horse
Lall
has
daily,
Phula
the
his
turban
Sikhs
where
believed
Chopra,
Singh
5,000
of
skill,
the
Nihang
Akalis
was
the
did
previously,
Singh’s which
air
had
and
in
he
“with
Afghans
Sikh
struck
The
a
of
who
that
“this
was
his
marvellous
launched
decided
leader’s
a
Panjab
as
Generals,
the sect,
true
Ranjit
skills
persuaded
seen
by
battle
we
engaged
the
blue
a
courtier
Phula
as
have
to
musket
minutes
skills were
some
Battle Singh
a
Akali
move
81.
Nthang
piece
Sovereign
seen
Singh
him
utilized
during
in
unsuccessful
instead
had
Phoola
of
ball.
their
of
later
hand-to-hand
in
otherwise.
insignia
Naushera
State,
remained
his
the
Despite
minor
own
riding
during
of
Singh
doubts,
previous
(Hosiarpur:
a
assault.
overhung
religious
attacks skirmishes
an proved
Before
some
this,
an
and
combat
and
elephant
individual
chapter,
his
and
During
VVR
key
against it
to
fanatic.”° 8
launching
with
was
Akalis,
because
be
with
battles,
such
Vedic
to
Phula
was
Phula
a
the
launch
the
by
variegated
a
as
Research
whose
few
initial
a
instead
the
of
Afghans,
Ranjit
the
Even
key
Singh’s
Singh,
the
hundred
the
Battle
1807
number
assault,
leader’s
in
Singh
attack.
“a
terms
final
of 50
113
112
other
used
the
insiders
favour
ineffective,
of his
Smgh
despite
overlooked
troublesome
of
commemorated
bullets
Akalis.
battle,
Nihangs
the
offensive
during
group
Ibid. Ibid.
Ibid.,
had,
of
Kabul
the
of while
It
“[w]hen
the
his
was
80.
for
as
problematic
severe it
were
is
Lahore
presence
spirit,
river
was
riding
they
court
the
he
during
his
not
truly
great
Phoola the
cases.
in
were
boldness
during
memory
his
troops.” 3
simply
Naushera.
result
this
within
was
military
features
elephant.
even
The
Singh’s
battle
key
“a
of
the
and
by
the
Nihangs
at
bold
a
territorial
We
Although
presence
times erecting
hidden battle
he
that
fearlessness.” 2
Sikh
Upon
fanatic
had,
have
and
Phula
displayed
court
was
were
brave
or
hearing
it
seen a
battles;
and
he
we
is
embarrassing
smadh
doubtful,
Singh
as
and
also
hard
sudden
will
how
soldier.
much
of
proudly to
however,
played
It
to
met
over
see
Ranjit the
Ranjit
was
deny
when
a attacks
.
that
his
Nihang part
.
Phula
His
thus
members within
by
Singh
end
the
Singh,
Akali
conventional
what
of
successes
the
which
no
Singh’s
more
the
as
leaders’
the
Maharaja,
utilized
wonder
Phula
is
he
what
Sikh
of
also
Sikh
noble
moved
was
the
remains
were
should
military
Singh
death,
significant
riddled
the
warfare that court.
court
qualities
and
the
mainly
Nihangs
during
was
not
Ranjit
at
only
within
As
scales
as
with
the
proved
be
a
any
such,
Phula
due
is
to
times
banks
Singh
as
that
in
his
be
51 to
114
contingent
following
doubting
authority
demonstrated
representations
authority
Sahib.
significantly,
Singh’s
central
the
the
role
fourteen
court
Sikh
Nihangs
in
Anne
Sun,
as
And
Ranjit
sources
As
court,
that
kingdom
over
described
over
Nihang
Akali
to
U,ndat,
Murphy,
we
because
Amritsar,
control
the
their
the
this
Singh’s
such
and
have
of
of
Phula
Nihangs
city
590.
Singhs,
aspects
power
sacred
during
power.
“Materializing
the
in
a
now
over
crucial
of
this
Singh’s
military,
other
so
Amritsar
seen
and
well-armed
and
Amritsar
the
that
did
of
entry
Though
was
Sikh
site
reign
authority.
significant
assert
the
the
succession
Sikh
which
in
the
in
in
history.” 115
Akal
Nthangs’
is
the
it
of
as
connection
many
Pasts,”
political
the
city
is
and
Ranjit
another
was Umdat:
uncertain
Takht
One
sight
city
of
respects..
as dressed
Sikh
the
Amritsar,
role
the
of
Singh,
control
within
the
for
Formations, could
indicator
“Jamadar
most
to
these
new
as
the
how
fact
Sikh
with
insiders
.function
there
be significant
the
over
holiest
Nihang
was
that
located
exactly
history
fine
looked
of
Sikh
1:2,
Khushal
were
Lahore,
Amritsar.
the
their
of horses.” 14
Sikh
175-200
leader,
kingdom,
like
Nthangs
only
the
the
and
after.
two
identifier,
role
shrine,
Nihangs
objects,
Sikh
the
Singh
the
35
cities
(2005)
In
as
he
Thus,
central
miles
Sikh
claimed
1800, insiders.
court
moved
there
presented
the
which
I
182.
as
claimed
from
want
Gurus
away.
Harimandir
through
shortly
is
site
his
their
no
Within
held
some
to
of
further
More
discuss
Ranjit
the
their 52
Sikh reference
116
Sikh certainly
Malcolm’s
significance:
important Malcolm,
reign
had
Ranjit
Amritsar key,
Sikh points,
throne
claimed
population
if
thrones
of
Amandeep
Singh
not
is
Phula
the
recognizes
of
made
as
for
a
observations
the
the
Nthang
1
their Amritsar
9 th
or
which
the
Singh
to
Akal
level
fall
are considered
questions,
Should
key,
looked
other
Singh
century
Akali
maintenance
own
to
from
Takht.
with
political
the
Misal
be
decides
was
Phula
Madra
Amritsar
Sikh
as
possession,
decided,
that
to
power
other
touch
that
writer
as
their
viewed
for
in
Singh
power
sects.
and
the
involve
on
site.
the
mendicants.’ 17
guidance.
cease
own
on
which
Parmjit
of
religious
on
this
all
as
latter
as
There
and
From
the
a
being
Sikhs
something
matters
formidable
number
even
the
to
a
consideration
Nihang
the
Singh,
leader
be
part
general
the
capital
this
And is
and
prior
a
city
evidence
undisputed
place
concerning
of
Sicques,
point
of
of
Sikh
secondly,
Sikh
order
of
which
of
the
to
interest
important
the
of
Amritsar
the
Phula
on,
history, 1
which
resort
sect
Tigers,
Amritsar
[Nihangsj
8”’
which
state
leader
did
it
of
century.
Sikhism.
Malcolm
due
Singh,
seems
the
or
they
not
in
elements.
or
of
was
Amritsar
no
also
which
commonwealth,
to
Thieves,
the
Akal
seemed
possess,
would
longer
its
that
and
as
Buddha
According
suggests
Hence,
suggests
all religious
a
Takht,” 6
the
227
during
at
First,
site
was
to
to
once
Dal
Akalis
has
a
be
where
it
particularly that
he
as
an
the
that
was
to
contested
and
one
well
addresses
offhand
Sir
the
claimed
time
the
the
one
political
of
as
John
Nihangs
general
the
the
of
of
by
the
the
five
and 53
situated
their
h17
latter.
tensions
in
occurred
Amritsar.
to
This
Nihangs.
Sahib
as
attained.
Nihangs’
this
the
the
“anti-Sikh
dispute
In
Harimandir
between
chapter
John
(the
allocation
between
particular,
predominantly
It
Another
connection
Malcolm,
Golden
seems
between
the
in
of
Akalia
the
customarily
various disputes
All
practices,”
rivers
terms
the
of
income.’ 18
S
Maharaja
that
such
offerings
Temple)
the
Sketch
ahib
donations
Nthangs
Jumna and
Ranjit
and
to
individuals.
Nthangs
even
of
could
incident
when
is
this
of
listened
the
the
given
and,
indicative
were
called
the
and
Ranjit
was
Singh
arise
powerful
work
Nihangs
and
European
to
Sikhs;
Indus,
as
a
tended
not
which
always
to
the
upon
certain This
over
Europeans
of
Malcolm
and
Singh
their
necessarily
a
construction.
city,
(London:
of
singular
was
the
the
more
city
the
to
demonstrated
the dispute
share.
visitors
discussed
distribution
recognized
Akalis
and
dislike
because
Akalis
is
court’s
explains,
problematic
nation,
J.
also
as
In even
meant
Murray,
and
and
the
January
came
Occasionally,
Europeans
the
connected
regarding
with
claims
who recognition
more
former
the
of
to
Akalis
the
the
“they
1812)
to
be
offerings
men
inhabit
Akali
1814,
features,
the
Nihangs’
Nihangs’
significantly,
about
spent
remained
119-20.
of had
[Nihangs]
their
and
to
city.
the
for
therefore,
Phula Phula
on
their
the
of been
among
provinces
Muslims
example,
offerings
the
As
there
the
control
power
control
shares
Singh
Singh
we
suspicious
Akalis’
were
the
were
will
of
the
because
over
Harimandir
over
and
the
and
insufferable
continuous
see
sect
role
Penjab,
his
offerings
Amritsar,
Amritsar
of
further
itself
in
of
the 54 to strangers for whom they entertain a contempt which they take little pains to 9conceal.” Indeed, the Nthangs not only controlled the more political aspects within Amritsar, they also controlled those who entered the city (in terms of their public abuses of certain people), as well as their behaviours. And because Ranjit Singh understood the
Nihangs’ control of Amritsar in such a way, he was always cautious when sending
European visitors to the holy city. One famous incident which I will discuss in more detail when discussing the problematic features of the Nihangs, occurred during a visit to the Harimandir Sahib by Sir Charles Metcalf and his Muslim envoy in 1809. For all those who make reference to this incident, they generally describe Amritsar as the Nihang’ s territory:
As this noisyprocession,withall its pomp,passedthe quarters of the Akalis,or immortalityof the Sikhmilitarypriests, attachedto the GoldenTemple,the fanaticslookedupon it as an insultto their religionand theirsacred°2city.’ In this excerpt, the references to the Nihangs are made twice in terms of their connection and essential control over Amritsar. Even Sir Lepel Griffin, although at the same time bashing the behaviour of the Nihangs, also recognizes their control over Amritsar, as it was the location for their head quarters.
IS Parm Bakhshish Singh et. al, Golden Temple, (Patiala: Publication Bureau, 1999) 117. 119 Singh, A History of Sikh Misals, 245. 120 Syad Muhammad Latif, History of the Panjab: From the RemotestAntiquity to the Present Time, (New Delhi: Eurasia Publishing House, 1964) 378.
55 Macmillan, 122
121
Harimandir
Khalsa
In
Nihangs
observation)
reference
which
of Another
addition
Ordnance
Amandeep
Griffin,
were
Panth
at
European
2004)
to
to
Amritsar:
Sahib,
added
the
that
at
Ranjit
at
observing,
229. first
equally
Although
from
convert..
of
A
accomplishing
Amritsar,
were
Their
annexation,
obnoxious
Fatehgarh,
Amritsar,
Singh
Nihangs
Sik’h
the
the
admission,
and
to
Singh,
visitor
the
always
sect,
insolent
initiation
Madra
among
The
wishing
the hand
.
no
he
where
and
136.
at
and
during
Asiatic
Captain
to
person
that
is
Nihangs
also
attended
and Amrutsur,
of
themselves,
given
his
swagger
a the
thus
Amritsar,
to
an
visits
sum
the
Parmjit
process
noted
proselytism.
the
become
Sikh
can
Akalee.’ 22
Annual
Akal
suggesting
to
Matthews
of
early
with
role
to
drink
visit
and
who
money
Singh,
the
court,
the
Bungah
to
yet
first
some
in
a
years
hatred
the
Temple
Register,
become
Nihangs
ask
Singh,
a
terms
they
Sicques,
sherbet He
to
Captain
when
temple
also
him
risk.’ 2 ’
that
of
the
formed
goes
to
are
the
finds
of
of
Europeans
if
priests,
mentions only
a
observing
made
control
by
Tigers,
Captain
without
he
the
to
British
this:
Sikh
Matthews,
no
no
their
the
wishes
Darbar
the
of
difficulty
means
who
or
Akalees,
is
occupation
head-quarters,
over
Akalis sugar
paying,
made
Thieves,
accomplished
Matthews
the
to
(though
divide
Sahib
avaricious;
become
donation
Amritsar.
the
and
them
in
or
initiated
on
(New
at
it
Deputy
water,
priests
and
the
an
so
twice
a
York:
inaccurate
process
In
through
Sikhs
Commissary
makes
his
Paigrave
memoirs
into
at
the
the
the 56
Emperor’s
123 darbars
Ranjit
became
such,
significant
control
as most
have
on
over
specifically,
did
The
insiders
paper,
hold
above
Amritsar
power
powerful
in
Singh’s
Ibid.,
The
over
connected
as
controlling
certain
the
of
seen
because
of
two
235. third
over
religious
the
India’s
the
general
court
may
city
money
buildings;
the
wants,
in
extracts
privilege
holiest
and
this
court,
the
to
monies
of within
Amritsar
have
is
past,
final
the
city.
consensus
given
paintings
sites,
for
the
through
controlled
Silch
by
history
been
and
any
Harimandir’s
Ranjit so
and
way
the
And
an
in
the
collected,
there
other
site
and
charity,
Sikh
power
more
outside
their
I
Nihangs’
since
and
of
in
want
Singh
of
the
is
purpose.’ 23
the Sikhism,
19 th1
kingdom,
no
the
artwork
physical
self-declared,
Harimandir
or
both
Amritsar
being
to
area.
observer
instance
century
did
laid
Harimandir
connections
demonstrate
control
in
not
either
out
Furthermore,
of
and
the
presence
it
of
was
shy
in
the
Punjab
are
is
city
of
over
expended
an
erecting
Sahib,
certainly
rather
court.
away
certainly
next
the
akalee’s
Sahib.
to
of
the
the
within
the
seemed
Sikh
Amritsar,
the
only
than
from
additional
Nthangs
Much
as
holy
on
general
Although
significant
accumulating
Nthangs
we
indicative
their
to
Ranjit
being
any
city
to
have
like
Lahore
be
personal
but
role
history
elaborateness
of
formally
the
Singh’s
that
inadvertently the
seen
even
Amritsar
that
as
that
in
Mughal
Nihangs’
the
members
in
terms
of
the
more
the
great
terms
Nihangs
Sikhism.
recognized
Nthangs,
Nihangs
was
of
when
control
of
the
within
also
did
As
57 it University
126
124 Lord
description
opportunity
Ranjit
on
“an
with
Although
durbar
for
with
in visiting
empire, came
the
awe
example,
embarrassment
Auckland,
the
sumptuous
to
Singh
first
Ibid.
Emily
Jean-Marie
For
for
when
Press,
the
beginning
Mughal
his
at
tributaries,
view
Ranjit
of
to
courts
Eden,
public
first,
arrived
Emily
witnessing
2002)
Ranjit
G.,
the
display
described
Lafont,
bears
decorum
emperors;
Up right
in the
Singh,
of
41.
with
darbars.
in
a
Eden
the
as
Singh’s
Sikhs
the
gilt
who
his
applying
hand,
an
Maharaja
the
Country:
some
the
the
chair,
Mughal
appearance
court,
also
and
all
new
are
did
in
and
The
elaborate
elaborate
darbar,
those
of
fact,
endless
noted
dismissed
in
Lettersfro,nlndia,
not
Ranjit
a
all
Sikh
generals,
the
public
the
distinct
emperors
the
in
many
seem
centre,
most
that
ruler.
Emily
Singh:
of
the
envoys,
processions.” 24 darbars,
and
darbars
aristocracy,” 26
to
Ranjit
in
term
Europeans
court
and
famous
lavish
the
Lord
display
Shah
five
Eden,
forty
advisors,
six
to
who
(UK:
in
of
Singh’s
minutes,
played
the
Jahan
Sikh
Sikh
the
Mughal
which
the
of
quite
were
Oxford
described
Five
form
them,
sister
chiefs
During
darbars
and
to such
an
darbars
they
Rivers,
the
but.
involved
the
of
emperors.
in
University
essential
Aurangzeb,
of
and
full
same
opinions
the described
.
rest her
.
the
the
provided
lasted
(New
Mr.
dress
were
Sikh
visit
of
Governor-General
etiquette
earlier
in
Press,
B.
role
Delhi:
the
Indeed,
the
and
an
government,
changed
“not
at
to
the
for
within
world.
hour.” 25
him
process:
1930)
the
Sikh
Oxford
like
example,
“ceremonies
as
Europeans
Sikh
the
was
131.
darbars
when
a
any
In
perfect
common
her
court
seen
which
ruling
were
58 as solemnsilence,in a circleall roundthe room, and inthe folding- doorsbetweenthe two roomsa beautifulgroupof twelveSikhs, whohad no claimto chairs,but sat on the floor.127
The entire darbar process certainly provided Ranjit Singh the opportunity to involve all members of his court. If not held during major political events, these public darbars were also held during private family matters such as the wedding of Prince Nao Nihal Singh in
1837, or during religious festivals. Ranjit Singh’s constant display of his darbars is evident when looking at the entries in Umdat-Al-Tawarikh. Indeed, almost every other entry in the collections describes a public darbar being held for one reason or another.
During one such darbar held for example, Ranjit Singh made sure it was as elaborate an experience as possible: “On the th24 of Mangh 1887 B.E. (4th February, 1831) the
Maharaja arranged for a durbar with great pomp and 28show.” If a group of important sardars were presenting themselves to Ranjit Singh for example, it was an excuse to hold a darbar:
6th th20 On the morningof the 1 ( Oct. 1831A.D) the Maharaja invitedBhai Sahibs.. .Afterthat the darbar was arrangedand all the associatedand sardarspresented29themselves.’
On another occasion, the arrival of a Captain Sahib provided yet another excuse for the
Maharaja to hold a darbar: “On the 18th of the said month (29t January 1832 A.D) a
127 Emily Eden, Up the Country, 131. 128 Sun, Umdat, 6. 129 Ibid., 99.
59 happy Darbar was held and the Captain Sahib was seated in a chair and interesting talks went °13on.” On other occasions, Ranjit Singh did not require a specific reason to hold a darbar, as sometimes it all depended on his mood:
The Maharajaarrivedat Lahorein an auspicioushour. . .The gloriousPrince(KharakSingh)presentedhimselfto the Maharajaand broughttwo horsesand a few otherthings,and the Maharajafelt verygreat pleasureat the sightof his happy face...Afterthat the Maharajaheld a Darbar whereall the chieftainsand associatedpresented3themselves.’ There is no doubting the emphasis and importance’ Ranjit Singh placed on holding his darbars. For him, it provided an opportunity to display his court’s strength and splendour to the rest of the world; and as such, any and all of the key players to the court would take part in the lavish procedures of the darbar.
Not only did Ranjit Singh choose to display his great court, and its key players through the darbars, but he immortalized such events through artwork. It is well know that Ranjit Singh was a great patron of the arts, as he hired a number of artisans and painters to capture the essence of the darbar. Of the more famous painters of the court, three were Europeans, August Schoefft, G.T. Vigne, and Emily Eden. In terms of paintings of the darbar itself in procession, August Schoefft’ s paintings are most famous as he “seems to have seen all the nobles, generals and administrators, and recorded his
Ibid., 120. 131 Ibid., 145.
60
Publications, Singh
132
amongst
same
seated
recognized.
general
portrait,
of
attendants.
portrait
Maharaja
One
have
within
procession,
connection
impressions
Maharaja
such
row
seen
is on Ibid.,
MuIk
this
hierarchical
of
seated
amongst
these
the
as
Ranjit
common
the the 1981)
.
procession to 23.
Raj
.Each
Indeed,
you
Ranjit’s
Ranjit
of
first
importance
darbar the
players only
Anand them
113.
will
Singh
the
row,
Nihangs,
person
painting,
Singh
the
role
one
see
most
in many
et.
in
from
is
all
Museum
preliminary layout
al.,
progress
seat
each
the
demonstrative
is
in
that
his powerful
Maharaja
important
it
portrayed
right
court
distinct
though
away
is
player
greatest
Ranjit
of
significant
in
to
each
can
with
from Rambagh
Ranjit
left
sketches
advisor,
the
figure
within
Singh
be
figures
authentically
players,
of
the
of
on
specific
General described
Singh
the
their
the
princes,
of that
placed
the
Faqir
court
while
in
Palace a
as
second
generals,
court in
quoit
inclusion
the date
Patron
Ventura.
every
figures
Azizuddin. on
as
he
nobles,
in
court,
in
had.
turbaned
is
a
his
his
row, was
of
Amritsar,
“primitivist
unknown,
portrait and
the
darbars,
as
own
can
And
is
in
the generals,
Arts,
insiders
warriors
also
Lahore.” 132
a
Interestingly
image.” 33
Nthang
Nihang
whereas
Nihang or
(Bombay:
significant Punjab.
can
the
painting
impressionistic
of
administrators
are
be
Nihangs
in
leader
the
Sikh
the
In
Marg And
alongside
viewed sight.
This
Sikh
Maharaja
terms
of
enough,
of
be
Akali
within
a
massive
the
And
inclusion
court. darbar
at
of
sketch
the
the
Phula
and
as
the
this
is
61 we in In addition to the darbar portraits, on which we know Ranjit Singh placed such great emphasis, there are also general portraits of Ranjit Singh in meetings with his general and advisors, where once again, a Nihang is distinctly visible. One such portrait, now located at the Victoria & Albert Museum in London, is a wonderful display by a painter from the Pahari area, of Ranjit Singh sitting amongst his advisors. 134 Indeed, as
Ranjit Singh sits on a throne surrounded by his advisors, such a site was common as:
[ijn thesegatherings,all the affairsof the state,fromthe fromthe nextcampaignagainsta rebelliouschieftain,the non-paymentof revenue,the grant of landto someonewhohas a bravedeed,the makingof a newgun, the layingof a gardenand the sendingof a messageto a foreignpower,werediscussed.135
And once again, seen standing behind the other seated advisors, is a Nthang Sikh general, most likely Akali Phula Singh, though none of the gatherers are identified. In another such portrait, titled “Maharaja Ranjit Singh, The Lion of Punjab, in Darbar Khas,” Ranjit
Singh consults with his generals Han Singh Nalwa and of course, Akali Phula Singh. The inclusion of Nihangs in Ranjit Singh’s darbar is certainly demonstrative of them as players within the court; and yet, even more convincing of the Nihangs as players within
134 Reproduced in Sohal Lal Sun Umdat Urndat-Ut-Tawarikh: Daftar III 1831-1839 AD. (Chandigarh: Punjab Itihas Prakashan, 1974). Ibid., 17.
62
Arts.
more
136
very
presented
problematic
I
duality
the
the
great
not
into
control
located
the
will
(Bombay:
court.
Sikh
only
negative
Sikh
the
positive
demonstrate
amounts
See
I
of
After
over
began
Lahore
nearby
court
was
court,
a
What
roles
two
new
Marg
characteristics
the
and
this
image
examples
assessing
was
of
this
they
either
sets
are
darbars
discourse
second
Publications,
power.
barbaric
Sikh
in
no
thesis
the
of
the
had
the
reproduced
the
different
the
sect
immortalizing
the
Nihangs
most
and
as
second
And
with
Maharaja,
of
image
Nihangs
in
players
role
insiders
1981).
the
power
challenging
powerful
yet,
an
than
in
of
part
encompassing
apart
of
excerpt
Mulk
the
the
within
as
which
of
the
the
or
of
power
portraits
Nihangs
insiders
Ranjit
from
Raj
his
city
this
Nihangs.
power
from
Ranjit
Anand
the
was
closest
***
chapter,
of
all
which
Singh’
Sikh
Anwitsar,
to
that
W.G.
unheard
these and
within
portraits
et
and
And
the
al.
friends
court
drawings
all
the
s
because
Maharaja
his
Sikh
other
Osborne
court,
Ranjit
although
the
Nihangs
of
and
court
and
and
and
court,
other
in
players
but
paintings,
finally,
the
the Singh’s
of
outside
Ranjit
advisors.’ 36
in as
thus
they
key the
exhibited
I Nihangs
court.
which
outsiders,
am
however,
Singh
Nihangs
players
far,
their
were
of
military,
now
it
he
the
as
we
is
exhibited
incorporation
as
Patron
also
presented
going
they
evident
court.
have
had
is always
insiders
their
their
granted
within
of
to
seen
And
the
that
a
of
a
63 as
137
loud
among
could
were
1809
work
had
majority
troublesome
Europeans
with
Europeans,
court,
rivalling
this
explore
explore
always
and
quite
as
dual
not
describing
Ranjit
Madra
whom
there
they
I
robust
of
but
the
have
the
that
image,
similar
because
been
European
and
Singh
the
celebrated
are
common
be figures
more
we
of
already
behaviours
Singh,
Nihang
struck
his
three
negative
were
Ranjit
it
to
directly.
problematic
will
journey
of
when
those
Sicques,
visitors
different
British
come.” 37
briefly
their
with
their
Singh’
conflicts
also
as
such
of
of
the anti-Sikh
to
prove
festival evidenced
120.
Emily
the
conception
to
mentioned
s
Kabul,
aspects
images
rough
Europeans
and
Though
Ranj
Nihangs,
with
that
Eden’s.
his
of
it
practices;
manners,
Mountstuart
the
which of
S
the
Holla
by
court.
Elphinstone
ingh’
that
of
the
Sikh
their
it
came
Nihangs
them
also
Upon
the
Nihangs
Mohalla,
can
s
In
court,
court,
the
personal
and
to
terms
Nthangs
was
as
be
Elphinstone’
encountering
barbarous
the
were
thus,
“fanatics.”
looked
may
and
their
likely
as
of
Sikh
Elphinstone
accounts.
outsiders
they
indeed
the
finally,
were
have
encounters
that
court. at:
Nihangs
language.
proved
been
the
mistrustful
However,
s
the
a
a
views
the
group source
As
of
In
Nihang
observed
Nihangs
abhorred
Nihangs
the
his
to
such,
as
with
of
.
be
.of
of
outsiders
Sikh
1815
of
in
the
of
conflicts
very
the
Nihangs
of
the
power
presenting
were
that
all
Nihangs
conflicts
by
court,
the
published
Nihangs
people,
the
“we
of
with
in
and
the 64
During
celebrated
1859)
135
and
detailed
with
Although
still
to
Of
as
along
described
as
merely
the
he
specific
we
merely
recognized
81.
the
the
describes,
assault,
the
Major
Ibid.,
will
reference
their
in
Nihangs’
festival,
Leopold
Doab
by
a
tolerat[ing]
see,
interest
120.
W.S.R
“Holla
celebratory
Major
and
It
his
Gooroo
went
four
instantly
A
in
the
The
and
were
area
a
was
party
some
to
Hodson,
during
tuiwar.
significant
Mohalla” despite
Nihangs
Von
cOntext
sowars
in
appreciated
at
them,
W.S.R
not
of
much
this
him
ji,’
of
instances
their
rushed
Orlich
Punjab,
mood.’ 38 human
.
Akhalees*
his
.1 and
Twelve
display
in
alluding
myself,
one
excerp,
festival,
describing
more
never
Hodson
which
reigning
travels
accompanying
mini-battle
to
after
did
scarcely.’ 39
very
Years Hodson
the
me
their
beheld
violent.
Other
Elphinstone fearing
which
is
not
another,
to
(Fanatics)
like
valiant
through
fiercely.
in
that
skills
of
prince,
their
them
make
January
a
is
a
such
encounters
was
that
Soldier’s
although
tiger,
ensued:
a
One
in
Sikh
and
“fanatic”
each
and
as
military
describes
One
desperation
any
he
the
on
whom
confronted
“acknowledge[ingj
such
closed
kept
festival
would
1849.
foot
fighting
shout
Sinde
fine
Life
specific
there
through
them
between
violent
they
stopped
seeing
in
and
bold
with
with
kill
celebrated
While
India,
and
and
seemed
militaristic all
by
inhuman-like
traduce
one
references
me,
‘Nihung’
drills,
a
the
Punjab
at
encounter
fury
and
terrific
a
(London:
the
marching
of
Nihangs
bay.
yelling,
troop
annually
demonstrations,
fought
them.
in
Nthangs
to
in
I
my
beat
no
blow
areas,
have
then
every of
nature
to
Savill
occurred
‘Wah
He
superior
life.
for
us,
Akalis
at
off
alongside
any
behaviour,
of
Anandpur
been
he
and
example,
possible
and
of
encounters
does
as
etc.
Edwards,
Europeans,
on
the
no
governor,
they
foot,
precursor his
Sahib.
Nthangs.
make
Hodson
way,
is
troops
and
65 a
West
142
140 their
Sikh
European
In
Nihangs
Phoola
the
disappointment
Singh by
to
brutally
member
disruptive
witness
and
demonstrating
the
a
“English
Publishing
leader
court,
even
band
Rajinder
W.G.
Captain skin,
and
Many
Singh.” 42
were
the
assaulted
of
dignitaries
openly
of
the
the
Akali
behaviour
Osborne,
with
his
abuses
were
Company,
Akalees.” 41
of
Leonard
Singh,
fruitless
British,
Maharaja,
entourage
the
vented
the
the
Phula
However,
seek
infuriated
by
The
European
of
“Akali
Von account
to
extent
a
of
1976)
the
the
his
because
Court
their
troop
the
Singh,
the
Orlich,
or
Phoola
Following
out
Nihangs
Nihangs,
life,
court
164.
of
the
once
Sikh
and
frustrations
at
of
of
on
accounts
their
in
if
Travels this
“the
Europeans
his
Camp
Nihangs:
Singh:
without
a he
equally
again, sect.
task,
first
having
affront
influence
lead
Akali
opposes
the
of
in
The
While
and
Ranjit
hand,
India,
only
such
signing
through
by
any
negative
Great
“he
leader
been
to
themselves.
historians
Phula
their
Singh,
to
including
European visiting
concern
a
and
came
Osborne
Warrior,”
white
discover
attacked
of
a
was
power,
views.” 4 °
Singh,
terms.
(Delhi: raid
the
back
man
the
too
Sinde
make
or
Treaty
on
Sikh
on
demands
fear
that
Heritage
covered
Sikh
about
in
Sir the
powerful
the
Captain
and
and
Review,
their
reference
Whereas
Lepel
Nihangs
the
from
other
of
the
court,
demanded
seven
Publishers,
Amritsar
poor
great
on
Punjab,
with
4245
punishments
White’s
to
Griffin
hand,
punishing
Osborne
be
miles
Orlich
to
man
abused
anger
blood,
(March
(Lahore:
the
rounded
the
did
between
1973)
for
had
camp,
from
Nihangs
did
and
arrest
witness
any
and
sent
1981)
example,
the
been
181.
East
from
not
Lahore
up.” 143
and
stripped
where
a
Ranjit
43.
of
&
and
the
the
all 66 144
143
the
suggests
the
brave
Singh,
outlaw. not
than
Griffin
works
impetuosity
and Nihangs
perspective.
describes
court,
court
a
drunk
anything
one
and
Latif,
Griffin,
Ibid. there
of seems
.
.though
that
as
were
the
William
dimensional
enthusiastic
the
with
History
a
is
did
According
the
citade1.’
Ranjit
soldier
Nthang
else.
to
wherever
himself
his..
I
more
no
had
bhang,
they
latter
a
attribute
doubting
of
robber
Moorcroft,
.dissatisfaction
Singh,
According
also
wild
the
despite
make
to
battle
was
character
man.” 145
Though
I
led
Panjab,
a
the
to
bid
185.
message
in
and
the
Griffin,
disloyal
a
the
English,
that
him their
in
his
storming
skills
an
describes
43.
to
Multan
attack
Even
he
he
I
flaws.
as
with
outlaw,
some
actions
declined
from
acknowledges
was
during
he
and
more
to
in
Ranjit
that
had
the
party
Phular
through
In
views,
his
also
describing
his
he
rather
to
the
a
Maharaja:
they
the
many
readiness
very
Sinh,
correspondence
the
was
a
of
Singh,
interview
complex
battle
even
fanatics..
gained
a
Nthangs than
nevertheless
flaws:
interesting
his different,
the
the
to the
the
determination Phula
noble
militaristic
carry
which
possession
more
Akali.
character
Nihang
“The
intoxication
.against
Singh
and and
fire
case,
with
he negative
.
famous
.expressing
a
and
solicited, much
composed
splendid
leader
abilities
as
and
the
Phula
to
the
of
sword
attach
he
some
town,
Phula
his
European
more
through
qualities
Phula
was
Singh
soldier,
entourage
of
as
of
negative
and
a
Singh,
the
they,
Singh
great
the
bhang
and
of
with
visitor
Nihangs,
and
out
Phula
“mad
erst
asset
was
of
rather
such
a
to
an
67 to
147
likewise, molestation.” 47
1971)
in Desa
that
example,
behaviours
Singh
the
Nthang
Phula
he
intentions
couple
Moorcroft’s
how
would
entire
the
110.
Singh
attempts
Singh’
Sun, William
own
Throughout
of
Nihangs
leader
Ranjit
Ranjit
court. be
ways.
because
Urndat,
of
that
company
willing
admission
s
Moorcroft
the
true
had
to
purposes.
and
In
Singh
he
Singh
Though
would
72.
Nihangs.
protect
another
was
in
intentions recommended
as
the
to
willing
so
we
made
made
and
serve
to
not
Umdat-Al-Tawarikh
of
that
on
his have
make
George situation,
Phula
During
cause
sure the
sure
none
European
them
to
were
seen,
take
one
Burnes
him
Trebeck, Singh’s
that
that
any
of
with
a
to
hand,
the
he
to
such
visit
the
the
betray
disturbances:
the
entertain
visitors
resented
the
Sahib
Baron
Akalis
Travels
Nihangs
disloyalty
European
by
a
we
utmost
bold
as
Ranj
Captain
cannot
enjoy
Hugel
well
from
in more
might
the
step
it
Hindustan,
would
of
S
“a
to
was
are
British;
the
prudent
the
ingh,
interpret
Burnes
against
was
loyalties.
become
Ranjit
letter
references
sacred
accompanied
aggressive
not
a
it
(New
visitor
and
was
therefore,
demonstrated
be
to
Singh
the
Phula
a
sight
And
the
a
loyal
Delhi:
source
Silch
sent
cause
made
to
Harimandir
can
and
on
of
Singh’s
the
issued
Sagar
leader,
by
it
Harmandir
be
of the
of
disruptive
was
where
Sikh
a
mischief
any
looked
the
Publications,
courtier
other
to
true
unlikely
as
court,
power
Sardar
Sahib
Ranjit
well
hand,
at
Sahib
so
or
in
and
as
the
for
that
68
a if
Nihangs 148
visited
occurred
behaviours
measures
demonstration
visitors
With
accompany
during
that
and
disturbances:
none
15
the
Ibid.,
the
One
the
to
is
utensils
when
numerous
to
Silch
what his
of
of
269.
visit
very
protect
her
the
the
court
Charles of
“A
Darbar
or
Darbar.
were
round
(Miss
court
Fakir
provided
of
in
containing
famous
Nihangs..
the
Nihangs
group.
letter
fear
Emily
his from
examples
ordered
Aziz-ud-din
power Eden)
of
in
Sahib.
Metcalfe,
Presently
European
of
the
the
was
incident
the
Charles
should
Eden
another
bazaar
and
.might
year
to
sweets.
of
issued
They
volatile
of
send
the
wife
to
Sardars
utter
submitted
1809.
the
then
of
of
visitors
Metcalfe
should
the
Nihangs,
disruption indulge their
.
of
to
Amritsar,
an precautions
.
any to
Nihangs,
Macnaughten
just
court,
Sardar
Many
encounter
associates
Ajit
guard
see
undesirable
from
that
a
in
his
Singh
that
because
representative
where
see
would by
raising
Lehna..
the
and
what
claim
the
none
the
the
made
with
sister
and
between
protect
Sikh
Sahib
a
town
word.” 149
Nihangs:
argue
is
although shouts.” 148
number
of
to
Lehna
.to
the
of
especially to
the
fame,
sect,
wished
give
the
and
ladies
protect
them
that
citizens,
the
of
Singh
‘Nawab’
visit
he
of
Baron
some
as
Ranjit
Nihangs
this
to
satisfactorily
to
Another
courtiers
does
he
Ranjit
the
the
interesting
Majithia
make
Akalies
incident
British
would
Hugel
holy
Sahib
Singh
not
a
and
Singh’s
reference
reprimand
were
become
interests,
Sahib
uses
with
Europeans
is
in
the
required
such
European
great
the
Rs.
is
the
the
made
a
500
way
69 to
April
the
Even
due
the
which
confrontation
disrespectful
the
were
the
other
Muslims
headquarters
entourage
occurred
goal
sign
eventual
Sikh
Nihang
Nihang
to
Moharram
25,
with
followed
would
a
end,
the
gradually
Ibid.,
treaty
group.
1809,
around
between
acting
more
the
Sikhs
which
side
593.
headquarters,
be
to
of
in
ensued
battle
festival,
by
in
However,
accomplished.
the
advanced
than
friendship
the
grew
Governor
around
the
which
included
musical
Charles
Harimandir
between Golden
the
world
between
from
Metcalfe’
Ranjit
European
the
the
the
European
processions.
General
a
between
Metcalf’s
were
verbal
Temple.
world
group
Metcalfe’s
latter
battle
the
However,
Singh
Sahib
celebrating
s
Sikh
to
side,
were
entourage
were
of
of
did
the
skills,
And
physical.
entourage,
agreed
Muslims,
and
India
Nthangs
result
And
British
there
celebrating
troops
affronted
prior
it
to
which
just
in
as
the
their
not
were
in
is
to
Although 1835.
this
and
and
Metcalfe
no
so
the
Moharram
and
and
to
this,
was
own
by
loud happened
evidence
Silch
excited
claim
the
signing the
the
The
a
the
on
the
group
celebrations.
Nihangs,
festival
and
Muslims
Maharaja,
there
February
behaviour purpose
walked
normal
the
and
festival.
of
robust
which
of
to
territory
were
the
loud
Nihangs.
of
be
Ranjit
past
orientalist
accompanying
of
Treaty
Holi.
25 th,
that
in
and
suggests
more they
Meanwhile
As
the
group
celebration
the
south
on
on
a
could
such,
In
mission
deemed
minor
With
of
Nihangs
casualties
that
April
celebration
walked
argument.
Amritsar
of
that
a
not
day,
his
the
battle
on
25 th,
was
Metcalfe
it
as
as
punish
Sutlej
was past
the
being
on
they
to
this
on
of 70
151
hurtful
Accordingly,
then
ground
the
According
Nihangs,
“Metcalfe”
Punjab.” 5 °
as
his
Nthangs
that
Baba
Singh,
news
own;
as
Though
Phula
there
Prem
a
to
Ranjit
that
result
incident
this
could
and
blood’ 5 ’
such
this
During
I
cc
Singh,
Singh
also
a
the
narrative
Singh,
thus,
news
Nihangs’
of
have
popular
cA-c
exists
sources
Akali
on
an
this
ço
became
“was
94.
reached
argument
the
been
hustle
I
Phula
goes
another
jo.JL
vernacular
supposed
turban
a
on
avoided
grievous
involved
Akali
+cx.
and
Singh,
the
on
with
bustle
to side,
had
‘Jç.
British
Phula
(Ludhiana:
describe
fanaticism
if
sources,
blow
fell
a
and
‘X-
namely,
one
one
Muslim,
Singh,
end
to
‘m
the
Silch’s Nthang’s
to
the
Ranjit
Lahore
tend
>-oc-
Ranjit
the
scene
thenhis
those
cit
of
floor:
which
turban
violent
the
to
Book
Singh’s
worsened:
Singh’s
lay
on
leader
eyes
was
‘iiL.
çD
fell
the
Shop,
the
incident
filled
down.
a
reaction
side
(turban)
entire
Phula
dream
grave
1940)
4.-,
with
of
When
between
blame
Singh
28.
the
insult.
of
had
on
a
Nihangs.
hearing
unified
not
and
of
It
Metcalfe
the
was
fallen
his
infamous
the
only
to
71
and the 1’ckço. 1a.r%C... ck. oL & c o<°’- °‘r°’. -9-L e- c Z o\-’e foo.- CJs I
Butonhearingthata Singh’sturbanhadfallenoffat thehandof a Muslim.TheLionof thePunjab[RanjitSingh]’sheartwasin 52despair.’
With the onset of the minor battle between Metcalfe’s envoy and the Nihangs,
many historians and Europeans alike used the opportunity to portray the Nihangs in
certain negative lights. Some have claimed the battle to be nothing more than “an
outburst of Sikh fanaticism and [of] no political significance,” led by the “fierce
desperado named Phula 53Singh.” And those Europeans who wrote biographies of
Metcalfe have blamed the entire incident on the Sikh sect alone, whereby, they describe
“[a] body of akalis, ‘Immortals’-enthusiasts whom Ranjit used as berserks or shock
troops, too infatuated to fuss about being flung away in battle-marched from the Golden
Temple... and attacked the British TMcamp.” Indeed, most European perceptions on the
Metcalfe incident assert that it was the Nihangs who enforced the attack, as they
“marched out of town, with drums beating and colors flying, followed by a surging rabble, intent upon the plunder of the British 55camp.” Others such as Griffm blamed the aggressions on the Nihangs being in a state of intoxication, in which “the Sikh soldiers of
152 Ibid. 153 Latif, History of the Panjab, 378. 154 Edward Thompson, The Life of Charles Lord Metcalfe, (London: Faber and Faber, 1938) 98. John William Kaye, The Life and Correspondence of Charles, Lord Metcalfe: Late Governor- General of Canada, from unpublished letters and journals preserved by himself hisfamily, andfriends,” (London:R. Bentley, 1854) 303.
72
more the
156
problematic
Nihangs As
signifies
certainly
and behaviours
Europeans,
views.
to
they
one
interpretations
enthusiasm God
European
we
Sikh
boldness
of
attacked
drew
so,
will
Griffin,
the
On
Thus
court,
also
they
their
demonstrative
the
prime
their
see,
when
it
behaviours
which
accounts,
far,
abused
in
Ranjit
demonstrated
was
the
power
other
because
on
in
confronting
courage
examples
we
confronted
camp
addition
more
the
inspires
Singh,
hand,
have
Ranjit
is
infamous
which
their
they
of
of
than
of
more
136.
seen
because
the one
the
to
the
of
Singh
their
had
European
behaviours
likely
with
can
abusing
the
Nihangs
power
from
of
wild
the
clash
access
powers
the
certainly
claim
without
these
problematic
of
that
drink
children
most
and
the
between
Europeans
visitors
is
to
they
outsiders.
to
towards
as
Nihangs’
what
control
and
certain
ever
power
rising
have
outsiders
did
of
maddening
without
Metcalfe
proves
fearing
features
Islam.” 156
their
exhibit
the
stars
they
as
which
powers
And
great
outsiders
Sikh
of
own
had of
them
any
the
although
the
of
such the
and
distrust
the
Despite
as
court
drugs,
in
set
ramifications.
the
fear
court
Sikh
as
insiders
British
the
the
violent
of
of
Nihangs
the
and
of
Nihangs,
the
the
than
biases
Sikh
and
sect
through
the
ultimate
the
the
Empire.
Sikh
Nihangs’
of
and
resentment
from
varied
demonstrated
court,
repercussions
Maharaja
the
mainly
and
These
aggressive
court,
their
this
the
court,
power
orientalist
what
audacity
incident
depths
according
abuses.
the
for
himself.
and
further
within
as
is
of
is 73 triumphant
158
Even
“Thereupon, could
reported
of
conflicts
knocking
according
applied
together
Nihangs,
during Another
referred
the
Ranjit
the
Nihangs
in
not
court:
Ibid.,
Sun,
Singh’s
a
As
to
this
to
to:
in
reference
visit
against
do
who
at
to
the
troops,
have
outsiders
large
U,ndat,
73.
“After
case,
the
“On
under
much
the
aroused.
of
situation.” 58
rode
court.
door
sardars
attacked
the
Umdat;
numbers
the
where
38.
and
made
in
this
orders
on
wishes
of
2O
with
terms
Once
In
Sardar
elephants,
the
the
a
some
but
to
to
of
with
of
Nihang
so and
Akali
Not
court,
the the
again
of
of
the
individual
the
much
Tej
punishment,
began references
the
sword
Harimandir Nthangs’
only
said
Maharaja,
troops
began
the
the
Singh
Maharaja.
acted
severity
month
were
to
the
Nihangs
Umdat-al-Tawarikh
Nihangs
raise
came
against
to
was
loud
man
in
the
talk
all
and
Sahib,
(31’’
that
the
emphatically In
great
forward,
Nthangs
of
and
the
proved
in
so
one
the
Umdat,
the
also
May
Kari
Akalis rude
where
obnoxious-like
he
hue
Sikh
proverb
case,
engaged
opted
Husan,
1831),
to
behaviour’s and and
and
the
be
were
court
“{t]he
a
is
ordered
meaningless Jaimal
cry
sole
Nihangs’
very
to
proof
‘the
some
Vakil
in
relocate
rusticated
on
abruptly..
Akalis
Nihang
physical troublesome
mob
his
behaviour
Singh
of
Akali
to
rude
of
the
own,
rude
make
are
Shuja-ul-Mulk.” 59
also
the
attacked
terms.” 57
within
from Singh
many
and
.and
battles
like
attitudes
Nihangs:
Ranjit
gathered
them
occurred
other
figures
the
the
went
conflicts
was
the
and
a
leave
Singh
cattle’
vakil
court
are
for 74
161
162
the
160
‘
entry
desperados
that
And
Akalis,
although
courtier
account
upcoming
chieftain
Fakir
for
Nihangs
such
the
upon
of
Azizuddin
Ibid., Ibid.,
Ibid.
Ibid.,
which
other
the
accompanied
of
is
it
they
hearing
lou
and
yet
the
400.
proved
46.
127.
Umdat,
as
side
was
they
were
and
to
and
source
whereupon
News
behaviour another
had
celebration:
task
on
of
of
the
one
to
feared
the
attempted received
going
who
from
the
this
of
satisfactorily;
be
Akalis
by
hundred
disturbance
author
disturbance
river.” 60
ineffective
disturbance,
Sardar his
Amritsar
should
of
on
to
did
the
“He
no
horsemen
account
appoint
to
describes
horsemen,
not
Ladha
share
Nihangs
“raise
be
asked
In
but
intimated
and
subside
caused
chosen
overall:
another
towards
of
the
of
Ranjit
Singh
disorder
the
attempted
the
the
the
who
wisdom
disorder
as
in
by
dust
respectable
that
to
Holi
claims
potential
was
Amritsar.” 62
instance,
captured
Singh
Anandpur
the
watch
in
the
of
appointed
the
and
days
or
Nihangs
to
misfortune
Akalis
they
waves
intelligence
neighbourhood,
“satisfactorily”
over
noise
the
mischief
Ranjit
drawing
Fakir
are
Akalis,
to
had
with
the
of
the
in
avoid
nothing
the
become
Singh
(Aziz-ud-din)
the
Nthangs’
over
issue
one
which
near.” 16 ’
took
Nihangs
from
city
disturbance
cannon
their
sought
aside
them
more
a
punish
of
would
God.” 163
in
In
Amritsar,
heads,
and
“loafers
light
the
the
which
the
be
among
concludes
following
advice
In
of
had
Sikh
caused
another
an
a
suitable
and
left
sect,
the
of
by 75
no he
166
the 165 behaviour.
Even
power
Nihangs’
Ranjit
Because
measures:
to
Amritsar
claimed,
means halt
Nihangs’,
while
figures, Singh Ibid. Ibid., Ibid.
Osborne,
the
Because
of
disturbances.
to
exterminated
Nihangs’
Instead,
their
visiting “[t]hough
439.
create
had
and
it
allowed
The At
Bhoop
mischief-makers Tara
camp
of
power,
was
to
the the
Court
mischief
their
they
the
Chand
utilize
of
potential
same
rare
Singh
inability
Runjeet
to
the
it.” 66 Sikh
and
privileged
and
would
cross
for
orderlies,
was
time
a Attariwala
Camp,
and
thus
great
court,
In
Ranjit
for
the
appointed
Singh
and
of
he
be
one
had
potential
Ranjit
disruption
165 146. Sutlej.
issued
amount
strategically
send
position
W.G.
800
Singh
case
a
has
with
sinister
a
horsemen
with
an
Singh
report
considerably
for Osborne
his
of
order
to
for
within
once
1500
example,
his
actually
6
design
creating
to
to
cannons
manoeuvred
that
of
own
that
punish
strong
again,
discovered
and
the
no
effect
to
resources
punish
regiment
moderated
after Nihangs
without to
great
horsemen
cross
Ranjit
this
surround
to
a
or
problems
sect
the
any
Nihang
the
the
should
verbally
along
Singh
the
to
Maharaja.
of
for
Nthangs
river
privileged
the
those
put
Sikh
the
with
their
be
nuisance,
had
had
an
for
Sutlej
reprimanded.
court
end
raised
to
behaviours
the
for
position take
.“
to
their
Sikh
in
he
the
mischief,
terms
In
extreme
has
court,
order
of
as
by
of 76 he was ordered to be expelled; however, even when punished by the Maharaja, the
Nihang refused to adhere to the orders and instead chose to runaway: “Sardar Attar Singh
Kalianwalia was appointed to expel Naina Singh Nihang, who had raised disturbance and mischief in the country of Manjha and Patti. On hearing the news of the appointment of the troops against him the said Nihang at once left for the other side of the 167river.” Not only did Naina Singh Nihang disobey the orders of the Sikh court, but Ranjit Singh now feared the repercussions from the larger Nihang troops, who could now possibly seek revenge for their fellow Nihangs’ troubles: “On hearing the news of his crossing the
Maharaja remarked that the Akalis would create mischief and disturbance in the country protect by the Sahibs, who would be driven to make a complaint against 68them.” In another incident, a group of Nihangs were once again creating “excitement,” and when the Maharaja’s troops attempted to reprimand the group, the Sikh sect simply escaped without any fear of Ranjit Singh: “On the th25 (8th Nov.1835) the Maharaja heard that great excitement had been created by the Akalis in the village of Sheikh and ordered the
Daroghas and the platoons to root out the very foundations of their existence, but the Akalis escaped and avoided the troops of the Maharaja on their 69appearance.” In one interesting example of an “obedience order” administered to the Nihangs, Ranjit Singh ordered his General, Han Singh Nalwa, to “march with two platoons and a regiment to
167 Sun, Urndat, 174. 168 Ibid.
77
169
within
problematic
severity,
Nthangs
fears
Interestingly
to
imprisoned
somewhat
feared
prosecute
protect
of
the
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
to
the
access
which
create
Sikh
his
the
severely
255.
256.
344. powerful
aspects
for
enough,
orders
Akalis,
gatekeeper. 171
Sahibs, town
given
enter
something because
Singh An
court.
would
nearby
his
mischief
order
misbehaviours;
of
and
the
punished,
at
from
Nihang
Sikh
even
Rs.
who
have
the
every
he
the
town,
cause
was
like
beat
1,000
and
Nihangs, the
sect;
prisoner.
were
Ranjit
been
given
was
gate
a
and
any
the
rebellious
disturbance.” 7 °
was
stick,
would
as
imprisoned
on
of
that
the
man
kind
to
Singh’s
such,
in
the
however,
their
Khalifa
Ranjit
and
And
easy
definite
be
the
of
of
town
ordered
Lat
deducted
precautions
inconvenience
Nthangs:
way
yet,
case
solution
attempts
Singh
in
Nur-ud-din,
that,
Sahib
and
even
the
despite
to
The
of
him
if
decisive
the
camp
from
Durga
never
(Sir
any
when
with
one
to
not
other
had
all H.
Akali
the
punish
to
of
stating
to
example
administered
this
Singh
Fane)
order
the
his
dealing
Gulu
to
salary
allow
side
would
be
men
punishment,
attempts
that
a
should
Khan
with
made
Nihang,
of
anybody
Nihang
of
of
of
with
Durga
the
enter
the
the
a
only
be
to
Nthang
river
to
a
another
the
punishment
restricting
are
to who
subdue
Ranjit
Satlej
followed
was
who
group
the
Singh
and
was
the
in
with
were
any
had 78
175
174
172
life.” 75
nuisance
the
“bears
would
Maharaja
appalling
balls
occurrence
himself
abuses,
himself.
and
as
we
through
Nihangs
well
have
recorded
at
Ibid.
Griffin,
have
Ibid.,
it
Osborne,
his
Other
and
as
from
If
all
and
the
seen
than W.G.
responded.
anything,
other
feet,
147.
for
with
been
presented
the
physical
danger
Ranjit
their
Europeans
by
The
the so
them,
Osborne,
extent
and
figures
the
many,
the
far
Court
Nihangs’
Singh,
[Nthangs’]
during
greatest
abuse
the
case
are
Rather
on
and
to
of
and
that
and
ultimate
136. the
marching
the
who
the
for
with
verbal
and
Camp,
the
very
Nihangs’
the
Ranjit
aspects
than
coolness.” 74
power
example,
noted
insults
any
insult
Maharaja’s
Nihangs
abuses
146.
demonstration
public
have
past
other
Singh,
the
not
within
him
and
disturbances
observed
the
him
Nihangs
only
abuses
they
abuser
physically
in
Griffin abuse.” 172
as
trouble
reign,
the
[Ranjit
every
he
Ranjit
administered
Sikh
against
describes,
of of
that
exhibited
and
also
makers
sort
the
the
in
Singh],
Singh’s, and
Osborne
court.
Ranjit
more terms
notes
Sikh extent
of
him
verbally
manner.” 73
killed
as However,
“[t]hey
to
to
than
Singh
ruler,
was
of
the
but
of
goes the
“it
throw
the
many
the
the
once
is
or
also
Maharaja
abused
Ranjit
“failed
were “other”
on
still
imprisoned
Nihangs
way
handfuls
it
his
to
Even
they
threats
is
a
an
describe
Singh
the
in
common
son
also
in
i.e.,
attempted
unmitigated
himself.
which
more
emancipating
Maharaja
power
Sher
and
of
well
Europeans,
instead
as
musket
these
dangers
what
the
known,
was
What
his 79
East
177
176
came,
guilt
trial
Harimandir
Singh’s
Because
witnessed
Nihangs
never
of
It
described:
Singh’s
is
&
the
and
and
West
certainly
the
Fauja
Captain
reacted
Maharaja
presence
punishment
the
of
great
Nihangs
Publishing
abuse
the
Singh,
this
Sahib.
punishment
Leopold
Maharaja
to
amazing
power
with
that
kept
scene
hands,
at
scornful
As
the
and
Ranjit
in
decided the
Without
Company,
we
they
the
Runjeet
his
threats.
Von
for
his
and
which
hands
abused
approached
Singh,
that
cool
Akal
shout;
had
the riding
Orlich,
courtiers,
of
influence
to
flogging
hesitation,
Singh
the
“heinous”
not
and
1976)
Another
(New
of
was
Takht
us.
withdraw
some
on
Travels
the
pelted
Nthangs
took
His
the
viewed
229-30.
Delhi:
on
an
without
Nihangs
galloped
(holy
over
Highness
no
similar
was Akalees,
elephant
well
us
in
Ranjit
act.
Master notice
the
India,
with
were
Ranjit
as
announced,” 77
throne
known
Although
ever
punishment
occasions.’ 76
out
an
included
mud,
those
[Maharaja
including
whatever,
Publishers,
Singh
able
in
affront,
of
Singh
fearing
of
the
the
incident as
savage
to
Sikh
obeyed
they
presence
Ranjit
ranks
Captain
Sinde
not
occurred
and
Sher
the
1982)
due
any
when
religioug
had
hordes
only
and,
and
which
said
Nihangs
Singh]
Singh
the
to
punishment
done
15.
Leopold
of
the
“the
abuse,
the
he
with
orders,
when
set
a
Punjab
demonstrates
was
to
however,
“duly
time
authority) Muslim
up
high
uplifted
demanded
men
but
glad
a
the
Von
and
for
Vol.
status as
confessed
threaten
Nihangs
dancing
the
Ranjit
awaited
Orlich,
1
at
(Lahore:
Ranjit
he
beating
the
the
[Ranjit
Singh
the
his
who
girl.
his
life 80
179
proved
touched
the
authority
constant
power
paintings.
representations
in
famous
court,
their
Nihangs
clearly
the
assault
Singh]
the
public
Sikh
dual
Ibid.
Ibid.
Sikh
in
to
the
as
military,
In
a
the
disturbing occupied.” 78
and
abusing
be.
were
ruler
sphere,
demonstration
As
Nihangs
they
positions
this
empire,
Maharaja
power
players
a
chapter
on
were
and
source
as
and
the
trial,
presence
had
and
incorporation
controllers
to
as
the
Nihangs
outside
disturbing
In
because
physically
players
I
privilege,
as
of
only
ultimate
have
this
of
well
power
the
to
instance,
second
the
developed
proved
within
of
the
as
great
of
European
Sikh
source
unlike his
respect
and
forcing
in the
Sikh
the
to
power
high
city
that
and
verbally
court,
despite
Lahore),
court
famous
any
of
the
and
“his
without
station,
they of
visitors
power,
this
overall
the
other
Amritsar
authority
in
the
hands..
abuse
were
Sikh
Nihangs
Sikh
and
general.
Nihangs
the
power
the
no
to
crux
finally,
a
the
sect
the
darbars
fact
matter
Sikh
.bound
Sikh
(the
as
Sikh
Sikh
But
of
further
within
had.
members
that
choosing
most
court.
sect
my
through
how
above
down
Maharaja
and
court,
they
argument,
that
the
religiously
demonstrated
As
problematic
the
had
of
at
Sikh
all
not
could
as
their
players
subsequent
the
Ranjit
else,
well
the
Ranjit
to
court
back,” 79
proud
that
not
physically
authority
powerful
in
as
within
Singh’s
this
be
having
the
Singh their
being because
power
is
the
to
a
in
city
very
the
81
of put
doubting
court,
problematic
Nihangs’
the
have
within
question
such
presence
that
certain such
sect
This
Chapter
Nihangs.
even
attempted
and a
as
an
thesis
the
As
negatively
negative
nothing
that
observation,
presence
“why?”
the
within
within
has
19t
features
4
began
Ranjit
Sikh
been
century
to
more the
reputation
this
Why
demonstrate loaded
within
ruler
with
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dress,
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etc
in 83
Jersey:
180
themselves.
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century
court,
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the
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to
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be
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Press,
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of
power
only
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court,
prove
sources
explored
the
still
The
we
such
such
then
1996)
his
challenged
roles
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Quest
have
are
which
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authority
Hobbes’ that
sovereign
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somebody
power
47.
of
theme
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powers.
thesis
to
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connection
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sovereign
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exceeded
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claiming
points
challenge
models.
altered.
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powerful
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for
have
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sovereignty
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example,
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power
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power
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impose
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words,
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authority
the on
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to
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face,
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Maharaja
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power.
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of
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my
challenge,
possible
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upon
significant
are
of
understanding
Thus,
Modernity
thesis,
the
are
power
the
Singh
and
not
“if
and
are
A.” 18 °
19 th
possibilities
court.
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after
the
central
to
one
Foucault
it
in
but
and
century
place
(New
theme
is
power
Sikh
the
such
As
a
even
the
to
84 of
term
181
which
purely
solely
dissertation
connection
passing
management
movement
in
protect
in
to
“Nthangs.”
term
than
century
understanding
much
the
the
the
“Akali”
what
“Akali”
makes
as
same
political
connections
Harbans
1920’s.
more
Sikhs,
of
for
Nthangs.
the
the
which
with
became
period
Within
example,
difficult
in
it
of
Singh,
within
“Sikh
but The
primary
difficult
ones
the
of
all
the
the
themselves
also
Such
from
modern Shiromani
to
Sikh
ed.,
modern
use
an
further
Gurdwaras
contemporary
question
Shiromani
the
may
to
entity
and
The
to
of
dramatic
places
1920-25.
official
coincide
pinpoint
the
Encyclopedia
have
context
secondary
prove
Sikhism,
in
Akali
is
term
to
of
themselves
Act.” 181
very problematic.
Akali
ascertain.
Sikh
changes
worship
Often
that
with
a
conjures
“Akali,”
Sikhism
Dal
one,
different
the
sources
party,
of
the
Dal
the
Because
referred
Sikh
Sikhisin
term
exact
over
Nihangs
in
party
This
Gurdwara
and
up
is
the
the
India
The
party
explored
Akali
perceptions
now
time
purely
Vol.
tradition
were
Nihangs
is
Shiromani
fought
to
of
Nihangs
because
which
are
was
I
as
a
the
and
has
(Patiala:
no
separate
Reform
the
political
part
dramatic
in
for
forged
history
longer
heavy
amongst
as
eventually
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this
of
and/or
even
of
was
Akali
we
Punjabi
themselves
a
entity
Movement
thesis
political
not
images referred
have
continuing
the
from
the
political
Movement”
Dal,
the Akalis
University,
only
reformation
Nihangs’
in
resulted
claim.
seen
warrior
sect.
which
and
itself
connotations,
to
to
of
and
change which
throughout
represent
as
Whereas
tradition,
texts,
Likewise,
the
1995) from
Akalis, in
was
traditions
their
alone,
2
the
of
occurred
1
the
in
founded
39-42.
the
history
the
the
and
the
but
this
term
due
the
85 to
and
unique
terms
term
contemporary
Nthangs
of
continuing
their
warrior
within
understanding
tradition,
most
attributes,
contemporary
it
would
etc.
of
themselves
Thus,
prove
contexts
because
to
be
as
fruitful
still
a
the
further
conjure
Nthangs
to
assess
area
up
are
of
traditions
the
inquiry.
certainly
Nihangs’
of
a
the
part
historical
past
of
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