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Studying the Social Aspects of Leisure: Development of the Multiple-Method Field Investigation Model (MMFI)

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Studying the Social Aspects of Leisure: Development of the Multiple-Method Field Investigation Model (MMFI) Journal of Leisure Research Copyright 1995 1995, Vol. 27, No. 4, pp. 305-325 National Recreation and Park Association Studying the Social Aspects of Leisure: Development of the Multiple-Method Field Investigation Model (MMFI) Maureen Glancy Sandra L. Little Department of Recreation and Graduate School Leisure Studies Illinois State University San Jose State University A Multiple-Method Field Investigation Model (MMFI) is proposed in order to provide a strategy for balancing social psychological inquiry of leisure. The Model extends former multimethod recommendations, being organized on two dimensions. These are (a) proximity or closeness to the interactive leisure con- text or incident (i.e., direcdy interacting, observing interaction, or using out- of-context records), and (b) time relative to the leisure context or incident (before, during, and after). A number of methods, including observation, in- terview, and primary and secondary records have been incorporated to suggest how time and proximity to the interactive context/incident can be operation- alized to examine the social factors of personal leisure more adequately. KEYWORDS: Multiple methods, leisure, social psychology, social interaction, meaning What was stated over a decade ago still holds true: social psychological research on leisure is psychologically rich and socially impoverished (Neu- linger, 1980). Similar to what Senn (1989) and Solano (1989) said about the broad scope of the discipline, in leisure research, there is a great deal of literature on psychological concepts in social psychology. There is much to read about motivation and needs, satisfaction, attitude, subjective definitions of leisure, personality and individual differences, and crowding and social- carrying capacity (Iso-Ahola, 1988). Although there has been some research on social aspects of leisure, e.g., Fine (1987), Roadburg (1983), Scott (1991a, 1991b), Smith (1985), and Zurcher (1970) there is much less to read about the contexts and experiences of individuals who meet and interact. Fre- quently missed are the face-to-face process of constructing special meaning in leisure, the social systems people create which influence each other and their leisure experience, and the sense of mutuality expressed by small groups of related people who share a leisure experience. It makes sense that we should turn to social psychology to provide us with theories to study leisure for it is in the social setting of recreation that so many people find moments of happiness, hone skills for challenges worth doing, or develop relationships in shared experiences. Leisure has been re- This article is based upon a paper presented at the Sixth Canadian Congress on Leisure Re- search, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, May 9-12, 1990. Inquiries or requests for reprints may be addressed to either author as follows: Sandra L. Little, Graduate School, Illinois State University, Normal, IL 61790-5121, or Maureen Glancy, One Washington Square, San Jose State University, San Jose, CA 95192-0060. 305 306 GLANCY AND LITTLE ferred to as the prime social sphere in which people can make choices, meet, develop relationships (Cheek & Burch, 1976; Kelly, 1983) as well as freely pursue and experiment with knowledge and, in challenging uncertainty, find ways for enjoying personal growth (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). It is in interact- ing with rules, roles, re-enactments, realizations, and rewards created by rec- reation opportunities that the psychological individual meets society on a personal basis and becomes a social person. Although the social group has been central to a number of studies in the past, it was the structures of interpersonal influence that were focal rather than the process of creating those social structures and personal and group products. Several examples can serve to illustrate this idea. Using sur- vey research, influence of primary-group relationships on recreation choice- decisions was reported by Burch (1969), and West (1984) published a re- search note examining the power of interpersonal relationships to explain adoption of new outdoor recreation activities. Social group affiliation has been examined in a number of ways and found to relate to participation in outdoor water activities (Bryan, 1977; Buchanan, Christensen, & Burdge, 1981; Christensen, 1980; Field & O'Leary, 1973; Kelly, 1974, 1983). Pub cul- ture was characterized as a form of social recreation for people of working class background by Smith (1985) who used participant observation for his study. The influence of secondary relationships allowed Stokowski (1990) to expand the concept of social relations to include interactions of individuals in wider social networks. Altogether, these and other studies do suggest the importance of social elements in people's lives and in recreation. Although illuminating basic dimensions of interaction, these studies do not provide us with an adequate understanding of the complex interrelationships and meanings which develop. More recently, the application of participant observation as a means for studying leisure experience has been noted through the use of the informal interview (Moeller, Mescher, More, & Schafer, 1980), qualitative structured interview (Howe, 1988), and the in-depth, unstructured interview (e.g., Hen- derson & Rannells, 1988). In these instances, there has been an association with interactive, participant-centered research roles which allow the re- searcher to become the willing subject-in-training in order to gather infor- mation which accurately reflects the participant's point of view. From these techniques, a sense of understanding has been emerging about the social influences which situational similarities and differences create in people's minds (e.g., Allison & Duncan, 1987; Bialeschki & Michener, 1994; Hender- son & Rannells, 1988; Robertson, 1994). These represent a significant de- parture from objective views of subjects and their leisure to subject-centered views of leisure in the subjects' way of thinking. There is a sense of authenticity because the language is that of the subject-as-participant. The picture presented is limited because authenticity and accuracy cannot be assured where these have been single-method studies. Emphasis on certain aspects of leisure and certain research methods has limited development and testing of social concepts to understand the dy- SOCIAL ASPECTS OF LEISURE 307 namic potential of re-creative opportunity (Hull, Stewart, & Yi, 1992) and leisure as a socially constructed phenomenon (Glancy, 1990). This imbalance has been noted by others. For example, Bultena and Field (1983) spoke of the need to study social systems associated with leisure, and Iso-Ahola (1980, p. 43) wrote that we lack "systematic theorizing regarding the relationship between social processes and leisure behavior." Thus, the role transformation process that goes on in recreation remained a mystery in the opinion of Gordon, Gaitz, and Scott (1978). Kelly (1981) noted that the sociology of leisure, too, had its limitations, being dominated by study of structural prop- erties of leisure experience to the detriment of learning about the dynamics of the interactive process. So far as we can see, there is little advancement on these concerns. To move toward resolution of this imbalanced social- psychological research perspective, we propose a Multiple-Method Field In- vestigation Model (MMFI) to study how leisure is shaped by people and the way it takes on meaning to those involved. Social psychology is a way of conceiving how individuals both effect, and are affected by, their experiences with each other over time. Within the social psychological framework are a number of theoretical approaches for under- standing how the human being becomes part of social groups within the larger society. One often-cited, but little-examined, theory of how groups of people form and develop their own common bases for understanding leisure is that of social (or symbolic) interaction. This is the mental process which is used by people when they are involved in recreation experiences. In this sense, recreation is viewed as instrumental action which has the potential to become leisure. It is through the tangible acts of re-creation that the leisure state of mind is consciously acknowledged or realized (as perceived freedom and intrinsic reward). In essence, we say that people are able to understand and to communicate about themselves, others, and incidents around them through symbolic meanings they learn to attach to their recreational roles, places, things, and experiences. In very simple terms, a person can learn what horseback riding in the state park lands means to those who ride by talking to riders or by reading an article, letter, or poem about a rider's experience; comparing what is heard/read to what is already known; making mental adjustments to accommodate what has just been heard/read; and then mentally storing that idea for possible later use. Thus, we say the mean- ing of something is socially constructed because the person interacts with other people, with other forms of information, and/or with one's own mem- ories in reaching an understanding. When we say that growth experiences, like leisure, are constitutive of one's self-concept, we mean that people lit- erally construct or develop themselves in the interactive process that goes on when they are involved mentally in their recreational experience (Csikszent- mihalyi, 1990; Kelly, 1983; Kelly & Godbey, 1992; Rossman,
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