Algeria 2020 Human Rights Report
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Algeria Upstream OG Report.Pub
ALGERIA UPSTREAM OIL & GAS REPORT Completed by: M. Smith, Sr. Commercial Officer, K. Achab, Sr. Commercial Specialist, and B. Olinger, Research Assistant Introduction Regulatory Environment Current Market Trends Technical Barriers to Trade and More Competitive Landscape Upcoming Events Best Prospects for U.S. Exporters Industry Resources Introduction Oil and gas have long been the backbone of the Algerian economy thanks to its vast oil and gas reserves, favorable geology, and new opportunities for both conventional and unconventional discovery/production. Unfortunately, the collapse in oil prices beginning in 2014 and the transition to spot market pricing for natural gas over the last three years revealed the weaknesses of this economic model. Because Algeria has not meaningfully diversified its economy since 2014, oil and gas production is even more essential than ever before to the government’s revenue base and political stability. Today’s conjoined global health and economic crises, coupled with persistent declining production levels, have therefore placed Algeria’s oil and gas industry, and the country, at a critical juncture where it requires ample foreign investment and effective technology transfer. One path to the future includes undertaking new oil and gas projects in partnership with international companies (large and small) to revitalize production. The other path, marked by inertia and institutional resistance to change, leads to oil and gas production levels in ten years that will be half of today's production levels. After two decades of autocracy, Algeria’s recent passage of a New Hydrocarbons Law seems to indicate that the country may choose the path of partnership by profoundly changing its tax and investment laws in the hydrocarbons sector to re-attract international oil companies. -
Algeria: a Grassroots Movement for Change Or Elite Political Gamesmanship?
POLICY OUTLOOK Algeria: A Grassroots Movement for Change or Elite Political Gamesmanship? Dr Tarek Cherkaoui Michael Arnold Yasmina Allouche (Farouk Batiche - Anadolu Agency) What are the core issues behind the recent protests? How are Algeria’s complex political dynamics playing out with regards to the ongoing protests? What role do regional and international players have in the most recent developments? What are the possible outcomes of the political situation leading up to and after the April presidential elections? POLICY OUTLOOK military that protests, orchestrated by foreign elements, Introduction threaten the country’s stability and peace which will lead to Politics in Algeria is known for, if nothing else, its opacity. a repeat of the civil war. Since the end of the war of independence in 1962 the The promise of reforms and the repression and subsequent country has been governed by groups claiming to be the descent into violence with some of the states of the Arab guardians of the legitimacy of the revolution. The latter Spring was enough to deter Algerians from carrying on emerged after a series of power struggles against their with protests in 2011. However the lack of concrete reforms, fellow comrades-in-arms. Subsequently, the historical aside from constitutional amendments in 2016, are words legacy slowly diluted with more groups of shadowy, largely perceived as empty promises after numerous unelected power brokers taking over power nodes in the repetitions and no longer a viable concession in place of country. Known as “le pouvoir”, this cabal of ruling elites Bouteflika’s resignation demanded by the people. -
Uniform Child Abduction Prevention Act
D R A F T FOR DISCUSSION ONLY UNIFORM CHILD ABDUCTION PREVENTION ACT ___________________________________________________ NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF COMMISSIONERS ON UNIFORM LAWS ___________________________________________________ For November 2005 Drafting Committee Meeting WITH PREFATORY NOTE AND COMMENTS Copyright © 2005 By NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF COMMISSIONERS ON UNIFORM LAWS The ideas and conclusions set forth in this draft, including the proposed statutory language and any comments or reporter’s notes, have not been passed upon by the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws or the Drafting Committee. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Conference and its Commissioners and the Drafting Committee and its Members and Reporters. Proposed statutory language may not be used to ascertain the intent or meaning of any promulgated final statutory proposal. DRAFTING COMMITTEE ON UNIFORM CHILD ABDUCTION PREVENTION ACT LYLE W. HILLYARD, 175 E. 1st N., Logan, Utah 84321, Chair CYNTHIA BOSCO, California Department of Developmental Services, 1600 9th St. Rm 240 MS 2-14, Sacramento, CA 95814 VINCENT C. DELIBERATO, JR., Legislative Reference Bureau, Room 641, Main Capitol Building, Harrisburg, PA 17120-0033 W. MICHAEL DUNN, P.O. Box 3701, 1000 Elm St., Manchester, NH 03105 GORMAN HOUSTON, JR., 400 20th St. N., Birmingham, AL 35203, Enactment Plan Coordinator PETER K. MUNSON, 123 South Travis St., Sherman, TX 75090 MARIAN P. OPALA, Supreme Court, State Capitol, Room 238, Oklahoma City, OK 73105 CAM WARD, P.O. Box 1749, Alabaster, AL 35007 LINDA D. ELROD, Washburn University School of Law, 1700 SW College, Topeka, KS 66621, Reporter EX OFFICIO HOWARD J. SWIBEL, 120 S. Riverside Plaza, Suite 1200, Chicago, IL 60606, President TOM BOLT, 5600 Royal Dane Mall, St. -
Energy Colonialism: the Eu's Gas Grab in Algeria
ENERGY COLONIALISM: THE EU’S GAS GRAB IN ALGERIA IN DEPTH: The role of the Spanish State and Catalonia in gas relations with Algeria ENERGY COLONIALISM: THE EU’S GAS GRAB IN ALGERIA IN DEPTH: The role of the Spanish State and Catalonia in gas relations with Algeria Published by: the Observatory on Debt and Globalisation (ODG) Authors: Hamza Hamouchene and Alfons Pérez Translation from Spanish: Kate Wilson ([email protected]) Design: Toni Sánchez Poy (fl[email protected]) Place and date of publication: Barcelona, September 2016 Contact: [email protected] Cover photo: BBOY Lee With the support of: This publication has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of the Observatori del Deute en la Globalització and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union. ENERGY COLONIALISM: THE EU’S GAS GRAB IN ALGERIA 4 Contents Executive Summary ........................................................................................................ 6 1) EU collusion with a corrupt and authoritarian regime ................................................... 7 a) Algeria’s Fossil Fuel Potential ............................................................................................................................. 7 i) Gas in Algeria ..................................................................................................................................................... 7 ii) Liquefied natural gas (LNG) plants -
Co-Opting Identity: the Manipulation of Berberism, the Frustration of Democratisation, and the Generation of Violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE
1 crisis states programme development research centre www Working Paper no.7 CO-OPTING IDENTITY: THE MANIPULATION OF BERBERISM, THE FRUSTRATION OF DEMOCRATISATION AND THE GENERATION OF VIOLENCE IN LGERIA A Hugh Roberts Development Research Centre LSE December 2001 Copyright © Hugh Roberts, 2001 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce any part of this Working Paper should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Programme, Development Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Programme Working papers series no.1 English version: Spanish version: ISSN 1740-5807 (print) ISSN 1740-5823 (print) ISSN 1740-5815 (on-line) ISSN 1740-5831 (on-line) 1 Crisis States Programme Co-opting Identity: The manipulation of Berberism, the frustration of democratisation, and the generation of violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE Acknowledgements This working paper is a revised and extended version of a paper originally entitled ‘Much Ado about Identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the crisis of the Algerian state, 1980-1992’ presented to a seminar on Cultural Identity and Politics organized by the Department of Political Science and the Institute for International Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, in April 1996. Subsequent versions of the paper were presented to a conference on North Africa at Binghamton University (SUNY), Binghamton, NY, under the title 'Berber politics and Berberist ideology in Algeria', in April 1998 and to a staff seminar of the Government Department at the London School of Economics, under the title ‘Co-opting identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the frustration of democratisation in Algeria’, in February 2000. -
JOURNAL OFFICIEL DE LA REPUBLIQUE ALGERIENNE N° 41 9 Juillet 2003 19
9 Joumada El Oula 1424 JOURNAL OFFICIEL DE LA REPUBLIQUE ALGERIENNE N° 41 9 juillet 2003 19 Amrou Mohamed Abdelkhalek Seif Oussama, né le 14 Djamila Bent Azzouz, née le 3 novembre 1957 à Beni octobre 1980 à Basrah (Irak), qui s’appellera désormais : Saf (Aïn Témouchent), qui s’appellera désormais : Azzou Harraz Seif Oussama. Djamila. Aouidjane Ramez, né le 4 juillet 1973 à Talbissa, Djamila Bent Didoh, née le 22 juin 1973 à Beni Saf Homs (Syrie). (Aïn Témouchent), qui s’appellera désormais : Mehiaoui Djamila. Belbachir Mohammed, né le 26 avril 1959 à Maaziz Hammam Boughrara (Tlemcen). El Allaoui Mimount, née en 1933 à Beni Chiker (Maroc). Belhadj Hocine, né le 14 février 1962 à Mers El Kébir (Oran). Eldiabe Farid, né le 5 novembre 1977 à Tizi Ouzou (Tizi Ouzou). Benabbou Lahouari, né le 15 janvier 1966 à Oran (Oran). El Hadi Moulay Ahmed, né le 11 août 1967 à Mostaganem (Mostaganem). Bendahmane Miloud, né le 19 juin 1967 à Tlemcen (Tlemcen). El Houidj Larbi, né le 1er décembre 1947 à Zaghouane (Tunisie), et ses enfants mineurs : Bensaha Fatma, née le 1er octobre 1962 à Tlemcen * El Houidj Naoufel, né le 27 avril 1983 à Annaba (Tlemcen). (Annaba), Boumediène Ben Seddiq, né le 5 février 1952 à Sidi Bel * El Houidj Aimen, né le 16 septembre 1990 à Annaba Abbès (Sidi Bel Abbès), et ses enfants mineurs : (Annaba). * Fatima Bent Boumediène, née le 27 mai 1988 à Sidi El Idrissi Naïma, née le 6 juillet 1977 à Djebala Bel Abbès (Sidi Bel Abbès), (Tlemcen). * Mohammed Ben Boumediène, né le 28 juin 1990 à El Idrissi Rachida, née le 16 mai 1979 à Djebala Sidi Bel Abbès (Sidi Bel Abbès), (Tlemcen). -
Relevance and Fairness: Protecting the Rights of Domestic-Violence Victims and Left-Behind Fathers Under the Hague Convention on International Child Abduction
BROWNE IN PRINTER PROOF 1/14/2011 1:02:54 PM Notes RELEVANCE AND FAIRNESS: PROTECTING THE RIGHTS OF DOMESTIC-VIOLENCE VICTIMS AND LEFT-BEHIND FATHERS UNDER THE HAGUE CONVENTION ON INTERNATIONAL CHILD ABDUCTION NOAH L. BROWNE† ABSTRACT Thirty years ago, the international community took a hard line against international parental kidnapping. The Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction allows parental child abduction only in rare circumstances, such as when returning the child would create a “grave risk” of harm. Recently, mothers who have abducted their children when fleeing domestic violence have successfully pled this grave-risk exception, demonstrating the Convention’s relevance to the realities of domestic violence. This Note welcomes that development, but argues that the rights of left-behind parents, who increasingly are fathers, must also be taken into account. Left-behind fathers, whether guilty of domestic violence or not, face significant challenges litigating their cases in the United States, and an overbroad interpretation of the grave-risk exception would only heighten these challenges. To remain fair, the Convention can—and must—consider the rights and realities of left-behind fathers. Copyright © 2011 by Noah L. Browne. † Duke University School of Law, J.D./LL.M. expected 2011; Central European University, M.A. 2007; Brandeis University, B.A. 2003. The author was previously an International Case Manager at the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, which, prior to April 2008, managed cases of child abduction from other countries into the United States, on behalf of the United States Department of State. The author would like to thank Professor Doriane Coleman for her helpful insights, the DLJ staff for its editorial support, and Matt Smith for his invaluable edits, encouragement, and friendship. -
The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward
THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION AND THE MIDDLE EAST: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A SUSTAINABLE WAY FORWARD THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MARCH 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU 2 The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward The Middle East Institute March 2021 3 CONTENTS FOREWORD Iraq 21 Strategic Considerations for Middle East Policy 6 Randa Slim, Senior Fellow and Director of Conflict Paul Salem, President Resolution and Track II Dialogues Program Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Ross Harrison, Senior Fellow and Director of Research Israel 23 Eran Etzion, Non-Resident Scholar POLICY BRIEFS Jordan 26 Dima Toukan, Non-Resident Scholar Countries/Regions Paul Salem, President US General Middle East Interests & Policy Priorities 12 Paul Salem, President Lebanon 28 Christophe Abi-Nassif, Director of Lebanon Program Afghanistan 14 Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Libya 30 Pakistan Program Jonathan M. Winer, Non-Resident Scholar Algeria 15 Morocco 32 Robert Ford, Senior Fellow William Lawrence, Contributor Egypt 16 Pakistan 34 Mirette F. Mabrouk, Senior Fellow and Director of Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Egypt Program Pakistan Program Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) 18 Palestine & the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process 35 Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Nathan Stock, Non-Resident Scholar Khaled Elgindy, Senior Fellow and Director of Program Horn of Africa & Red Sea Basin 19 on Palestine and Palestinian-Israeli Affairs David Shinn, Non-Resident Scholar Saudi Arabia 37 Iran -
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State By Neil Grant Landers A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in French in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Professor Karl Britto Professor Stefania Pandolfo Fall 2013 1 Abstract of the Dissertation Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State by Neil Grant Landers Doctor of Philosophy in French Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State addresses the way the Algerian civil war has been portrayed in 1990s novelistic literature. In the words of one literary critic, "The Algerian war has been, in a sense, one big murder mystery."1 This may be true, but literary accounts portray the "mystery" of the civil war—and propose to solve it—in sharply divergent ways. The primary aim of this study is to examine how three of the most celebrated 1990s novels depict—organize, analyze, interpret, and "solve"—the civil war. I analyze and interpret these novels—by Assia Djebar, Yasmina Khadra, and Boualem Sansal—through a deep contextualization, both in terms of Algerian history and in the novels' contemporary setting. This is particularly important in this case, since the civil war is so contested, and is poorly understood. Using the novels' thematic content as a cue for deeper understanding, I engage through them and with them a number of elements crucial to understanding the civil war: Algeria's troubled nationalist legacy; its stagnant one-party regime; a fear, distrust, and poor understanding of the Islamist movement and the insurgency that erupted in 1992; and the unending, horrifically bloody violence that piled on throughout the 1990s. -
Algeria–Mali Trade: the Normality of Informality
101137 DEMOCRACY Public Disclosure Authorized AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ERF 21st ANNUAL CONFERENCE March 20-22, 2015 | Gammarth, Tunisia 2015 Public Disclosure Authorized Algeria–Mali Trade: The Normality of Informality Sami Bensassi, Anne Brockmeyer, Public Disclosure Authorized Matthieu Pellerin and Gael Raballand Public Disclosure Authorized Algeria–Mali Trade: The Normality of Informality Sami Bensassi Anne Brockmeyer Mathieu Pellerin Gaël Raballand1 Abstract This paper estimates the volume of informal trade between Algeria and Mali and analyzes its determinants and mechanisms, using a multi-pronged methodology. First, we discuss how subsidy policies and the legal framework create incentives for informal trade across the Sahara. Second, we provide evidence of the importance of informal trade, drawing on satellite images and surveys with informal traders in Mali and Algeria. We estimate that the weekly turnover of informal trade fell from approximately US$ 2 million in 2011 to US$ 0.74 million in 2014, but continues to play a crucial role in the economies of northern Mali and southern Algeria. Profit margins of 20-30% on informal trade contribute to explaining the relative prosperity of northern Mali. We also show that official trade statistics are meaningless in this context, as they capture less than 3% of total trade. Finally, we provide qualitative evidence on informal trade actors and mechanisms for the most frequently traded products. JEL classification codes: F14, H26, J46. Keywords: informal trade, Algeria, Mali, fuel, customs. 1 The authors would like to thank Mehdi Benyagoub for his help on this study, Laurent Layrol for his work on satellite images, Nancy Benjamin and Olivier Walther for their comments and Sabra Ledent for editing. -
The Left and the Algerian Catastrophe
THE LEFT AND THE ALGERIAN CATASTROPHE H UGH R OBERTS n explaining their sharply opposed positions following the attacks on the IWorld Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001, two promi- nent writers on the American Left, Christopher Hitchens and Noam Chomsky, both found it convenient to refer to the Algerian case. Since, for Hitchens, the attacks had been the work of an Islamic fundamentalism that was a kind of fascism, he naturally saw the Algerian drama in similar terms: Civil society in Algeria is barely breathing after the fundamentalist assault …We let the Algerians fight the Islamic-fascist wave without saying a word or lending a hand.1 This comment was probably music to the ears of the Algerian government, which had moved promptly to get on board the US-led ‘coalition’ against terror, as Chomsky noted in articulating his very different view of things: Algeria, which is one of the most murderous states in the world, would love to have US support for its torture and massacres of people in Algeria.2 This reading of the current situation was later supplemented by an account of its genesis: The Algerian government is in office because it blocked the democratic election in which it would have lost to mainly Islamic-based groups. That set off the current fighting.3 The significance of these remarks is that they testify to the fact that the Western Left has not addressed the Algerian drama properly, so that Hitchens and Chomsky, neither of whom pretend to specialist knowledge of the country, have THE LEFT AND THE ALGERIAN CATASTROPHE 153 not had available to them a fund of reliable analysis on which they might draw. -
The Legal Issues Involved in the Western Sahara Dispute
The Legal Issues Involved In The Western Sahara Dispute The Principle of Self-Determination and the Legal Claims of Morocco COMMITTEE ON THE UNITED NATIONS JUNE 2012 NEW YORK CITY BAR ASSOCIATION 42 WEST 44TH STREET, NEW YORK, NY 10036 THE LEGAL ISSUES INVOLVED IN THE WESTERN SAHARA DISPUTE THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF-DETERMINATION Table of Contents Contents Page PART I: FACTUAL BACKGROUND....................................................................................... 3 PART II: ENTITLEMENT OF THE PEOPLE OF WESTERN SAHARA TO SELF- DETERMINATION UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW ........................................................... 22 I. THE RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW: GENERAL PRINCIPLES ............................................................................................................ 22 A. Historical Development of the Right to Self-Determination ................................................ 23 B. The United Nations Charter and Non-Self-Governing Territories ....................................... 26 C. Status of Right as Customary Law and a Peremptory Norm ................................................ 27 D. People Entitled to Invoke the Right ...................................................................................... 32 E. Geographic Boundaries on the Right to Self-Determination ................................................ 34 F. Exceptions to the Right to Self-Determination ..................................................................... 38 II. THE COUNTERVAILING RIGHT TO TERRITORIAL