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INSHTUTij ON ADViJICuD STUDIES IN JL ISH COLLUNm ORGANIZATION

SULLJi SEMESTER - 1950

ISH LIFE״COURSE UNIT II - SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF Al.ERIC AN JE

Syllabus and readings for?

Session 1 - July 3, 1950, A.M, - Historical Backgrounds

CONTENTS:

1. PRE-EMANCIPATION TRENDS

a, Jews and Non-Jews in the Ancient and medieval #orld, by Abraham G, Duker, from Jewish Survival in the World Today, Part II-A, New York, 1939. ~~ 1 "

b. Ghetto and Emancipation, by Dr, Salo »/» Baron, reprinted from Menorah Journal, June, 1928•

2. THE L10DERN WORLD

a. The Larch of ^mancipation, by Abraham G. Duker, 1 ,orld Today, Part II-A״ from Jewish Survival in the New York, 1939. !

b« Communal Organization Since ^mancipation, .G. Duker״ by Abraham

c. The Hitler Catastrophe, by Abraham G. Duker•

Bibliographies by Abraham G, Duker,

P ־״jj״KOT TO 02 D v;1i (COIii-.lEHTS VZLC0I,:2D)

Coordinator: Dr, ,Sidney Axelrad

Session Leader: Abraham G. Duker THE JEWISH INDIVIDUAL IN THE JEWISH COMMUNITY BEFORE EMANCIPATION

by Abraham G, Duker ־ Jews and Non-Jews in the Ancient and Mediaeval World .1

Adaptation to the Non-Jewish Group:

The primary fact of Jewish group life since the destruction of the Second Temple is that it has been carried on mainly in a non-Jewish milieu. The social environment of every Jew has been both Jewish and non-Jewish, but the social environment of the Jewish group has been non-Jewish, Hence throughout Jewish history outside of Palestine the relationship between the Jewish and non- Jewish group has been of great importance. Any adequate understanding of the life of the Jews involves an understanding of the relationship between the Jewish and non-Jewish groups,

?Wherever they live, Jews undergo a process of adaptation to their environment. This is normal, Wherever two individuals or groups associate with each other it is natural that they should be mutually influenced. In the cultural field, the majority is less affected than the minority, though it, too, is to some extent affected, The process of adaptation, it should be noted, does not depend on inferiority or superiority of cultures or mores. It is merely the result of different people coming in contact with each other.

While adaptation takes place to some extent among all peoples, it is strongest among the Jews since nowhere outside of Palestine do they live in an environment of their own. At no time in their existence were the Jews free from the influence of the life around them. The problem of how far the influence of the genera! environment can be allowed free play without jeopardizing their continued existence has concerned the Jews ever since the dispersion. The perennial problem of Jewish life in the Diaspora is to maintain at least the minima of Jewish group existence. These minima vary. They depend not only on what constitutes Jewishness at any given time in history, but also on the nature of the population in whose midst the Jews live. Not only do these points of judgment vary from age to age, they also differ from country to country, from class to class and party to party.

In Ancient Worlds

In the Roman Empire the prime characteristics of Jewishness were religion and ethnic descent. The concept of exclusivist nationality as we know it today was non-existent. The idea of Roman citizenship implied political allegiance to an empire dominated politically by the Romans, culturally by Hellen- ism with wide religious tolerance. It is true that in the beginning such practices as emperor worship caused conflicts between the Jews and the dominant non-Jewish power. These were settled by exempting the Jews, The idea of race, or rather of tribal identity was also current, but only the Egyptians regarded race and its purity highly, The other peoples of the Empire, including the Jews, did not object to intermarriage on racial grounds. The Graeco-Roman world was truly a melting pot in which common citizenship and culture were the great levellers. Jewishness was regarded mainly as a faith confessed by a peculiar people which anyone who fulfilled certain purely religious requisites could join. peculiar", bat he certainly would not lose caste by,׳ He would be looked upon as doing so. It is true that after the fall of the Jewish state, two measures, affecting Jews only, were passed. One of them was the head tax in lieu of the Half-Shekel formerly paid o the Temple in Jerusalem, The second was the release of the Jews from military conscription because of Sabbath observance and dietary requirements. -2-

The Jews outside of Palestine, though linguistically and culturally adapted to the culture of the people amon^ whom they lived, frankly set themselves apart as far as their religion was concerned, believing that their religious-national customs were commanded by divine revelation. Nor, unlike the wandering people of the Mediterranean area, the Syrians and Phoenicians, did the -Their religio-national senti .־Jews ever cut their spiritual ties with Palestine ment, expressed in the revolts against Roman domination during the first centuries^ turned later into a Messianic hope and a religious ideal. This exclusiveness of the Jews in religious and particularly dietary observances was resented by the Pagans but did not hinder the tremendous increase of the Jewish population through ־conversion of Pagans

Early Christianity was fought bitterly by the Jews who considered it a disruptive and heretical movement within Jewry, After the Church captured the Roman Empire, first by persuasion and later by political pressure, it would not tolerate Judaism, its chief rival in missionary activities, and the least affected of all faiths by Christian missionary efforts,

With the domination of Christianity by non-Jews came the end of the acknowledgment of Judaism as a divinely sanctioned or true religion. The separation of the Jews from the Christians, as a result of the Jewish rejection of Christianity, was turned, once Christianity dominated the Roman Empire, into an exlusion of the Jew from general society. The edicts of the Christian rulers beginning with Constantine the Great were instrumental in transforming the legally recognized position of the Jew within the Roman Empire to his degraded status in Medieval Europe,

In Medieval World:

The civilization of Europe during the Middle Ages was essentially a religious one and the Catholic Church was the dominant power and influence throughout Europe. The hostile attitude of the Catholic Church to the the continuance of the ־׳Jews originated in the religious challenge implied b3 Jewish faith. But as the Church grew in political and economic power, its enmity to the Jews increased because it involved other than purely theological considerations. Jewish landowners did not pay the customary tithe to the Church, hence the legislation against them which resiiited in the gradual prohibition of ownership of land by Jews, Furthermore, since the Church owned a. large proportion of the land it resented the competition of the Jew in the supplying of grain and winec . In the early Middle Ages a very large number of Christians were but recently converted barbarians and their social contacts with Jews caused them to lapse in their faith. Hence social legislation against Jews. The Jews, like the clergy, engaged in slave dealing and were in the habit of converting their slaves to Judaism. Hence the various edicts which forbade the Jews to own Christian slaves or to convert pagan ones,

The Jews, slowly but inexorably, were forced to become merchants and money lenders, principally. The secular rulers took advantage of them in this capacity. First they gave the Jews protection and finally they assumed control over them. When the feudal system replaced the Roman territorial conception of the law, favoring the Germanic or personal law, the Jews were put in the position of permanent aliens. Toeir rulers would tolerate them so long as they felt -usefulness was in doubt they were exiled. The Cru •־ them useful, but once their "of the Church and the later rise of a "native ״sades, the dominant positi1 burgher class combined to 1: ing about the decline in the number of the Jews and their economic importance,. rieir degradation and continuous migrations in search of a haven, Thus the Church finally saw its hope of isolating the Jews from the Christians fairly well realized. However, the life of the Jewish community in the ghetto of the later Middle Ages was the result of voluntary, as well as enforced,isolation of the Jews• The Jewish community was subject to the regulations of both the State and Church, but internally it was regulated by a voluntarily created and maintained Jewish communal organization, governed by Jewish law as derived from the Bible and Talmud and interpreted by the rabbis, the virtual leaders of the community. This internal authority, like its own counterpart in the outside world, the state and church authorities, ruled every walk of Jewish life, the political, cultural and religious, Jewish autonomy was recognized by the State and enforced by it. This internal government was the practical application of Jewish religious tradition and thus was the actual medium for the survival of the Jew,

The most important factor which sustained Jewish life and morale in the Middle Ages was the faith of the Jews, their practice of the Jewish religion, and their profound belief in the coming of the Messiah, who would restore Palestine to its ancient glory and at the same time usher into the world a millennium of peace and belief-in-God among all the nations. This combination of the religious-national restoration was evident in the literature of the Middle Ages. In critical times, it found expression in Messianic movements, led by false Messiahs and usually followed by the masses. The best known of these was that led by Sabbatai Zevi in the seventeenth century.

Yet our common conception of the Jew in the Middle Ages as a creature entirely apart from his non-Jewish environment is erroneous. The very language which the Jews developed in the Middle Ages - Yiddish - was derived from German, Eashi, the great Biblical and Talmudic commentator, often used his native language, French, in his exposition of the sacred Jewish writings. Medieval Jewish theology and philosophy present ample evidence that Jewish scholars and thinkers were not unaffected by Mohommedan and Christian sources, Jewish liturgica" music shows the invluence of current medieval folk songs. In other words, a Jew could speak like his non-Jewish neighbor and might have similar general pursuits, but so long as he retained his religion he continued to be considered a good Jew, The distinction between the Jew and non-Jew was purely religious and if a Jew adopted the Christian faith he would be completely accepted within Christian society.

During the Middle Ages, although they were scattered throughout Europe and Asia, the Jews were really one community. All Jews shared the same religious civilization which had developed in the course of centuries. It is true that some differences existed. The Ashkenazic Jewish communities differed from the Sephardic and both differed from the Persian and Arabic settlements. But the differences did not touch upon essentials. They were mainly variations of form and gradations in cultures - differences of ritual and language, although all accepted Hebrew as the sacred tongue of all Jewry. The Ashkenazic Jewish community,, which then formed about 70$ of the total number of Jews, was a single religious community, sharing the same Yiddish language and stretching from Russia to Alsace- Lorraine and Amsterdam. Until emancipation, there was no distinction between East and West European Jewry,

(from Jewish Survival in the World Today Part II-A, N.Y. 1939) Ghetto, aind Emancipation; - Prof. Salo v.. Baron

Emancipation, in the judgment of Graetz, Philippson, Dubnaw and other historians, was the dawn of a new day after a nightmare of the deepest horror, and this view has been accepted as completely true by Jews, rabbis, scholars and laymen, throughout the Western World, It is in terms of this complete contrast between the black of the Jewish Ldddle Ages and the white of the post-Emancipation period that most generalizations about the progress ox the Jews in modern times are made. Prophecies as to the future of the Jew are also of necessity colored by an optimism engendered by this view. If in so short a time the Jew has risen from such great depths, is it not logical to hope that a few more years will bring him perfect freedom?

Unfortunately, in the light of present historical knowledge, the contrast on which these hopes are built is open to great qualification. A more critical examination of the supposed .gains after the Revolution and fuller information concerning the Jewish middle Ages both indicate that we may have to revaluate radically our notions of Jewish progress under Western liberty. A wider, less prejudiced knowledge of the actual conditions of the Jew in the period of their deepest decline - during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries - seems to necessitate such a revision. If the status of the Jew (his privileges, opportunities, and actual life) in those centuries was in fact not as low as we are in the habit of thinking, then the miracle of Emancipation was not so great as we supposed.

In the Jewish "Middle Ages," it is said, the Jew did not have "equal rights.". But to say that pre-Emancipation Jewry did not have "equal rights" with the rest of the population does not mean that Jewry was the subject of special unfavorable discrimination. The simple fact is that there was no such thing then as "equal rights." In this period the absolute State, like the medieval State, was still largely built on the corporations. The corporations -״were legally recognized groups of people belonging to different corporate organiza tions, each with distinct rights and duties. The corporation of the nobility had its rights and duties, among them that of administration and defense of the country. The clergy Was entrusted with spiritual and cultural affairs. While mercenaries and standing armies had to some extent replaced feudal military, and the Church had begun to give way to secular agencies of culture, the traditional powers of both were still recognized down to the very opening of the Revolution. The urban.citizenry (not the peasant or proletarian mass) formed the real third estate, and its chief function was the maintenance of economic life and the re- plenishment of the State treasury. Below these corporations in large was the peasant body, the vast majority of the population, in many countries held in complete serfdom, and everywhere with few rights and many duties.

It is, then, not surprising and certainly no evidence of discrimination that the Jews did not have "equal rights" - no one had them. Moreover, it may be said that if the Jews had fewer rights than nobles and clergy, their duties were hardly ever greater. Their legal status was comparable to that of the third estate, and, indeed, they were largely an urban group. In some periods they had equal, in some, fewer, in some, more rights than other town inhabitants. At the very opening of the modern period, Jewish rights after a long decline happened to be 0!! the average lower than those of their urban Christian neighbors, yet even then they belonged to the privileged minority which included nobles, clergy and urban nitizenry. Certainly the Jews had fewer duties and more rights than the great bulk of the population - the enormous mass of peasants, the great majority of whom were little more than appurtenances of the soil on which they were born. -None could move away with ־When the land was sold they were included in the s~I2 eoae adscripti, but less free״Like cattle they were g ״out the master's consent The I'.vrger part of their pro dree went to landlords or to ־than cattle to mate -important occasion - at a birth; marriage or death - the land •׳,;the State, On ever lord had rights to be considered. In every legal contest his was the only com- petent court. Seen by La Bruyere, the peasants in 1689 even in comparatively , . ,black, livid, and sunburnt ־ , ,happy France were "savage-looking beings they seem capable of artierlation and, when they stand erect, they display human lineaments. They are in fact men. They retire at night into their dens where they live on black bread, water, and roots®"

In contrast to this class, the Jews were well off. They could move freely from place to place with few exceptions, they could marry whom- ever they wanted, they had their own courts, and were judged according to their Even in mixed cases with non-Jews, not the local tribunal but usually ־own laws a special judge appointed by the king or some high official had competence. Some- times, as in Poland, the Jews even exercised influence in the nomination of such a judex judaeorum for mixed cases.

The disabilities under which medieval Jewry suffered have been made much of, Jews could not own land, or join most of the builds, and were thereby effectively barred from certain branches of craft and commerce. But these were, in legal theory, restrictions made on the privileges granted them, and not limitations on any general rule of equal rights. Every corporation had similar restrictions, and in this respect the Jews' case was no different in principle from that of other privileged groups.

True, the Jews were servi camerae (servants of the Treasury) but this status can neither in theory nor in practice be compared with that of the peasants, who were serfs of their local masters. If one may introduce a modern legal distinction not thoroughly applicable to medieval conditions, this difference becomes clear. The peasants were really serfs in civil law, that is, they belonged to a private owner as a kind of private property. The Jews were, so to speak, serfs in public law, and as such belonged to the ruler as representative or embodiment of the State, and they were inherited by his successor in office through public law. The man elected to the Imperial throne was their master, and not the private heir of the former Emperor's private estates, or the heir even of those German countries which, like Austria, he could claim on dynasti grounds. Now we ought not to forget that even today we are, in effect, serfs of the State in public law, notwithstanding all theories of personal rights, natural, rights of citizens, and the sovereignty of the people. In fact, even more so today than formerly. The State can levy taxes little short of confiscatory; it can send us to war; in democratic countries, and even more so in Fascist Italy or Soviet Russia, it is complete master of all lives and property. This situation, expressed in medieval terminology, is a serf relationship applying to all citizens. The Jew then, insofar as he was servus camerae, was in substantially the same position all modern free citizens are in. In a word, the difference in the legal status between J ew and peasant was what David Hume, writing in that period on the condition of ancient slaves, called the difference between "Domestic clavery" and "civil subjection," The first, he recognized, is "more cruel and oppressive than any civil subjection whatsoever," -6-

The Jews' status as servant of the Emperor only, which had been opposed in vain by Thomas Aquinas and Pope Innocent III (these had it that he was the property of the different kings and princes in Christendom), was based on the erroneous theory that the Holy Roman Er.perors of the German nation were direct successors of tne ancient Roman Emperors and thus inherited the Jerusalem's ־׳ירo.an and. Titus aft־־pa;־׳authority exercised ever Jevish prisoners by Ve he medieval rulers levied״' fall, Vespasian had levied the fiscus Judaicus, aud -In practice, the theory cf Im ־(a similar tax - Schutzgeld (protection money ״perial overlordship of Jewry was occasionally a disadvantage, as when tne argu ment was made in fourteenth century France that these subjects of a foreign mon- arch be expelled from the country® But in general it was a profitable theory, for the Emperor often did provide the protection for which Jewry paid, as when he used his considerable pewer on their behalf in several of the German free cities,

Indeed, the status of the Jew in the Middle Ages implied certain privileges which they no longer have under the modern State, Like the other corporations, the Jewish community enjoyed full internal autonomy. Com- plex, isolated, in a sense foreign, it was left more severely alone by the State than most other corporationsv Thus the Jewish community of pre-Revolutionary days had more competence over its members than the modern Federal, State, and Municipal governments combined. Education, administration of justice between Jew and Jew, taxation for communal and State purposes, health, markets, public order, were all within the jurisdiction of the community-corporation, and, in addition, the Jewish community was the fountain-head of social work of a quality generally superior to that outside Jewry, The Jewish self-governing bodies issued special regulations and saw to their execution through their own officials, Statute was reinforced by religious, supernatural sanctions as well as by coer- cive public opinion within the group. For example, a Jew put in Cherem by a Jewish court was practically a lost man, and the Cherem was a fairly common means of imposing the will of the community on the individual. All this self-governing apparatus disappeared, of course, when the Revolution brought "equal rights" to European Jewry,

A phase of this corporate existence generally regarded by emancipated Jewry as an unmitigated evil was the Ghetto, But it must not be for- gotten that the Ghetto grew up voluntarily as a result of Jewish self-government, and it was only in a later development that public law interfered and made it a legal compulsion for all Jews to live in a secluded district in which no Christian was allowed to dwell. To a certain extent the Ghetto in this technical sense was a fruit of the counter-Reformation, having its origin in Pope Paul IV's Bull, Cum nimis absurdam, issued against the Jews in 1555, and in its extreme application it was, of course, obnoxious. In origin, however, the Ghetto was an institution that the Jews had found it to their interest to create themselves, Various corporations in the State had separate streets of their own; the shoe- makers, for example, or the bakers, would live each in one neighborhood. In addition to their growing mutual interest as a corporation of money dealers, the Jews wished to be near the Synagogue, then a social as well as a religious center, Furthermore, they saw in the Ghetto a means of defense. Thus, it was the Jews themselves who secured from Bishop Rudiger in Spires in 1081* the right to settle in a separate district and to erect a wall around it. There were locks inside the Ghetto gates in most cases before there were locks outside. The Ghetto, in the non-technical sense, was then a district in which most Jews and few Gentiles lived long before the legal compulsion which came when Christian authority found it necessary to mark the Jews off by residence district, in order to prevent complete social intercourse between them and Christians, -7-

In this Ghetto, before compulsion came and after, Jewry was enabled to live a full-, rounded life, apart from the rest of the population, under a corporate governing organization. The Jew., indeed; had in effect a kind of territory and State of his own throughout the Middle Ages and early modern period. The advantages of uhis autonomy, lost tnrough tffinancipation, were certainly considerable; they must have contributed in large part toward the preservation of Jewry as a distinct nationality,

Again, the terrors of the Inquisition play a large part in all descriptions of the state of medieval Jewry, Its horrors have been fully portrayed, and many assume that whatever normal. Jewish life might have been po- tentially, the constant incursions of the Inquisitor made it abnormal, It should be remembered, however, that the Inquisition was legally instituted only in a few European countries, and even there had no jurisdiction over professing Jews, beyond censoring Hebrew books, Therefore, far from being a special prey of the Inquisition, Jews belonged to a small, privileged group which had virtual immunity from its operations.

In the! eyes of a contemporary European, the Inquisition was no more than an ordinary court of justice, proceeding along the ordinary lines of criminal prosecution in cases of capital crime. Apostasy from Christianity, by an old law of Church and State, was punishable by death,- To the religious conscience of the Western man it seemed to be a holy task to burn the body of such a criminal in order to save his s>ul, According to the interpretation of Canon Law prevailing throughout the Renaissance, Maranos (secret Jews) were regarded as apostates. True, the highest Church authorities taught that enforced baptism was criminal, but most of them understood by force real physical compulsion, the vis absoluta of the old Romans, and in this sense the baptism of few Maranos could be viewed as enforced, even though a strong vis compulsiva existed in the menace of deprivation of fortune and expulsion. Furthermore, many authorities contended that once baptism occurred, even by compulsion, for the neophyte to return to his former faith would be apostasy, (If the sixteenth century Popes permitted Maranos to return to Judaism in Rome itself, theirs was certainly a laxer attitude than that of earlier and later church teachers and jurists,) At least in pure legal theory, then, the Maranos were apostates. They -o the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, and the govern׳were, therefore, subject t ments of Spain and Portugal were acting with strict legality in applying to them the strict interpretation of laws concerning apostasy.

As, to the horrible means of procedure depicted with such vividness in the classic histories of Jewry, we must say again, with no effort to justify but in an effort to understand, that they were not extraordinary for their times. The "Inquisition" was a characteristic form of legal procedure, prevailing in civil as well as ecclesiastical courts, in which the judge was at the same time prosecutor and attorney for the defendant. The use of torture was based upon the belief that circumstantial evidence is insufficient, and that a confession must therefore be extorted. Many also believed that such bodily sufferings were salutary for the soul. Such principles are shocking to the modern mind, but in a period of such draconic secular law as the Constitutio Criminalis Carolina, issued by the enlightened ruler of Germany, Spain, the Netherlands and all the New World, they are hardly extraordinary. Nor is it surprising that Jews were tor- tured and killed in an age when not less than U0,000 Christian "witches" were burned because they confessed to relations with demons. Regarded by itself or measured by absolute standards, the position of the Jews under the Inquisition was certainly unenviable. But by comparative standards they were, if anything, in a preferred position. For if as apostates or heretics they ran afoul of the Inquisition, they were no worse off than Gentile apostates or heretics, while as professing Jews they were beyond its jurisdiction. 11

e seen, the status of the״׳/.Legally and in theory, we h Jew was ly no means an ini9:*ior one. But did actu?.l events — persecutions, riots, pogroms, monetary extortions - reduce their theoretical legal privileges to fictions in practice? Even here the traditional answer of Jewish historians ,ts.־,does not square with the f3

First of all, it is certainly significant that despite minor attacks, periodic pogroms, and organized campaigns of conversion, the numbers of Jewry during the last centuries preceding Emancipation increased mach more rapidly than the Gentile populationc . . , . .

A. comparison between the loss of life by violence in the would probably show little improvement ״ two eras - pre - and post-Emancipation Between Chidelnicki and Human, the two great pogrom ־since the French Revolution movements of earlier :iast European Jewish history, more than a century intervened, whereas three major pogrom waves have swept Eastern Europe between 1880 and 1920, And if the Emancipation era did not relieve .׳despite the coming cf Emancipation did burden him in addition with the obligation of military ־the Jew of pogroms, i0 service, from which (except in rare and temporary situations of abnormal character) he had always been free. Diiring the continuous wars of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, when even the non-combatant Christian felt the curse of religious conflict, the Jews were neutral and suffered few losses. If they had been combatants they might have lost more than in all the pogroms,

What of the economic situation of the Jew? Despite all the restrictions placed on his activities, it is no exaggeration to say that the average Jewish income much stirpassed the average Christian income in pre-Revolu- tionary times. This is hard to prove, and certainly excessive wealth was rare among high nobles and clergy. But is it not remarkable that the most typical Ghetto in the world, the Frankfort Judengasse, produced in the pre-Emancipation period the greatest banking house of history? And even before Rothschild's day, such Central European Hofjuden as the Oppenheimers and Wertheimers, and such West European bankers as the Pintos, Modonas and others, were not far behind rich Christians in their financial power.

Paradoxical as it may seem, the very restrictive legislation proved in the long run highly beneficial to Jewish economic development. It forced them into the money trade, and throughout the Iliddle Ages trained them in individual enterprise without guild backing, compelled them to set up wide international contacts (the banking house of Lopez ,was established by five brothers in Lisbon, Toulouse, Bordeaux, Antwerp and London), and equipped them with vast sums of ready cash, ',ith the dawn of early capitalism, and the need for ready money for the new manufactures and international trading ventures, the Jew fitted readily into the new economic structure. One need not accept Sombart1s exagger- ations to see that the Jew had an extraordinarily large share in the development of early capitalism, and received corresponding benefits. For several hundred years before the Emancipation many individual Jews were to profit from the old restriction which had trained them in money economy, and some of those profits were to seep down to the Jewish mass,

There were, of course, many impoverished Jews, particularly in Eastern Europe, But there were not so many of them, even relatively, as there were poor peasants. Their standard of life was everywhere higher than that -of the majority of the populace. Particularly in Western and Central Europe the frequent complaints about the extravagance of some Jews, and the luxury laws of -9-

certain large Jewish communities, indicate a degree of well-being which is surprising. Furthermore, there existed in the Jewish corporations numerous relief agencies, a whole system of social insurance against need, in startling contrast to the often exposed and defenseless situation of the mass of the population.

Compared with these advantages, social exclusion from the Gentile world was hardly a calamity. Indeed, to most Jews it was welcome, and the Ghetto found warm champions in every age. There the Jews might live in comparative peace, interrupted less by pogroms than were peasants by wars, engaged in finance and trade at least as profitable as most urban occupations, free to worship, and subject to the Inquisition only in extreme situations (as after the enforced baptisms in Spain and Portugal). They had no political rights, of course, but except for nobles and clergy no one did,

III

When the modern State came into being and set out to destroy the medieval corporations and estates and to build a new citizenship, it could no longer suffer the existence of an autonomous Jewish corporation. Sooner or later it had to give to the Jews equal rights in civil and public law and to im- pose upon them equal duties in turn. After the French Revolution one state after the other abrogated their economic disabilities, and granted them full freedom of activity. Finally they opened public offices, elective and appointive, to Jews, and made them citizens with "equal rights".

Emancipation was a necessity even more for the modern State than for Jewry; the Jew's medieval status was anachronistic and had to go. Left .ht for long have clung to their corporate existence׳ i!׳to themselves, the Jews r For Emancipation meant losses as well as gains for Jewry.

Equal rights meant equal duties, and the Jew now found himself subject to military service. Political equality also meant the dissolution of the autonomous communal organization: the Jews were no longer to be a nation within a nation; they were to be thought of and to think of themselves as men of the Jewish "Confession". This meant that politically, culturally and socially the Jew was to be absorbed into the dominant national group. Eventually, it was hoped, his assimilation would be complete. . . .

This view of the Jewish past, outlined by the earliest advocates of political and social equality, was seized on and elaborated by advocates of Jewish Reform in the nineteenth century. Eager to widen the breach with the past, to demonstrate a causal relation between the treatment given the Jew and his general acceptability and usefulness to society, Reform advocates proclaimed in unmeasured terms the wretchedness of the age that preceded them. They explained Jewish "peculiarities" as results of oppression. The more radical expounded the idea that to achieve a new, free Jewish religion based on the Bible, the entire literature of the Diaspora must be abandoned. The Talmud, which grew up in the Diaspora, did not reflect Judaism's innermost spirit, they maintained, but was a mirror of the "abnormal conditions" in which Jews had lived.

At any rate, it is clear that Emancipation has not brought the Golden Age, While Emancipation has meant a reduction of ancient evils, and while its balance sheet for the world at large as well as for the Jews is favor- .... able, it is not completely clear of debits. Certainly its belief in the efficacy of a process of complete assimilation has been proved untenable. Autonomy as well as equality must be given its place in the modern State, and much time must pass before these two principles will be fully harmonized and balanced. Perhaps the chief task of this and future generations is to attain that harmony and balance, Surely it is time to break with the lachrymose theory of pre-Revolutionary woe, and to adopt a view more in accord with historic truth. (reprinted from Henoral Journal, June,1928) - 10 -

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Baer, Yitzhak F• Galut, New York, Schocken Books, 19147•

* Baron, Salo fl"• A Social and Religious History of the Jews, Vols, 1-3, New York, Columbia University Press, 1937•

;Jorld of the Talmud", Vol. 1, Chap• VII, pp. 2141-306־ The״ •alls", vol. 2, Chap. X, pp. 87-163״ Within the Ghetto•'

-r. The Jewish Community, vols. 1-3, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publica״> Baron, Salo -״- tion Society of America, 19145•

The most exhaustive treatment of pre-Emancipation community•

Baron, Salo 11. "Ghetto and Emancipation", Menorah Journal, June, 1928. (Included יas part of TBJCS Syllabus 1-2-(.51

Duker, Abraham G. Jewish Survival in the world Today, New York, Hadassah, The -״־ vifomen's Zionist Organization of America, 1939, part II A.

A popular review cf trends and adjustment. The following items will be found of interest in Source Book II A: Item 148 (p. l):The Jews and the Greeks; Item 149 (p. 14): A Vaudeville Performance of 300 C.E.; Item 50 (p. 14): The Medieval Conception of the Jew: A New Interpretation; Item 51 (p. 9): Were the Jews Outcasts?; Item 52 (p• 11): The Legal Status of the Jews in Medieval society; item 53 (p• 13): Medieval Concept of Jews as an Ethnic Groupj Item 51! ,p. 114j; The Constitution of the Jewish Community of Sugenheim Town, Ir:xconia, 1756•

Fischel, Walter J, "Jews and Judaism at the Court of the Moghul Emperors in Medieval India", Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, Vol. XVIII, 19148-149, pp. !37-177. *

Gamoran, E.C. Changing Conceptions in Jewish Education, New York, Macmillan Co.,192b.

Ginzberg, Louis Students, Scholars and Saints, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1928•

"The Rabbinical Student", Chap. Ill, pp. 59-87; "Rabbi Israel Salanter", Chap. VII, pp. 1145-1914•

Golomb, Abraham "Traditional education", The Jewish People: Past and Present, Vol. 2, New York, Jewish Encyclopedic Handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYCO), 19148, pp. 102-107.

Greenberg, Simon "Jewish Educational Institutions", The Jews, Their History, Culture, and Religion, edited by Louis Pinkelstein, Vols. I and II, New York, Harper Bros., 19149, Vol. II, pp. 916-9149.

Herford, R. Travers "The Influence of Judaism upon Jews in the Period from Hillel to Mendelssohn", Tne Juegacy of Israel, edited by Edwyn it. Bevan and Charles Singer, Oxford, Clarendon I-ress, 19148, pp. 97-128.

,Ways of Life", The Jewish People: Past and Present, Vol• 2׳ Heller, Joseph "Jewish New York, Jewish Encyclopedic handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYCO), 19148, pp. 2511-2814, - 11 -

rid of the Jew in East־Heschel, Abraham J# The Earth is the Lord's; The Inner »>0 Europe, New York, Henry Schuman, Inc•, 1

Lowenthal, Marvin The Je\vs of Germany, New York, Longmans, Green and Co., 1936.

.mancipation״ The history of a community before and after

Lenes, Abraham "The Yeshivot in ^astern Europe", The Jewish People: Fast and Present, Vol. 2, New York* Jewish Encyclopedic Handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CI06), 19148, pp. 108-118,

* Schauss, Hayyim The Lifetime of a Jew Throughout the Ages of Jewish History, Cincinnati, Union of American HebrexfUongregations, 1950• PART 1. THE I LARCH OF EMANCIPATION

Modern Times: Emancipation:

Emancipation is a movement which originated in the seventeenth century. It ,s right to participate in the economicי implies the recognition of the Jew political, cultural and social life of the country in which he resides on an equal basis with its non-Jewish citizens. The view most current is that emancipation is a purely legal-political step, namely, the granting to Jews of equal citizenship• This is a misconception. There were several stages in its development which followed the breakdown of medieval society in Europe. Emancipation was a process extending over several centuries and taking place first in the economic and cultural spheres, then in the political, and finally, in the social sphere.

It should be noted, however, that while the tendency in European countries was for Jewry to receive a de facto emancipation before receiving a de jure recognition, there are a numBer of European countries today, notably Poland, where the Jews, although possessing de jure emancipation, suffer considerable restrictions in the economic, cultural and social spheres. In general, the tendency has been to speak of Jews as "emancipated" once they abandoned certain traditional Jewish customs such as kashruth, cultural media, values such as the Yiddish language, or concern with Jewish affairs or education• This is a misleading, though, unfortunately, a widespread concept. . .

With emancipation the Jew had to deal with the non-Jewish community as an individual, and not, as formerly, through an organized community which represented him. A revolutionary change also took place in the status of the Jewish community. In content, the shift was from a religious to a secular type of culture. It involved a lessening in the importance of the mores, ideas, religion, and even the language of the Jewish group. The world influence on Jewish life grew; the influence of specifically Jewish ways upon the individual declined.

.It is a mistaken notion to attribute all of the vast changes which Jewish life has undergone in the last 150 years to emancipation alone. It should be borne in mind that during the same period of time non-Jewish life has undergone changes of great significance. The character of European life has been greatly affected by its increasing secularization, by the rise of nationalism, by the development of various modern social and economic philosophies, by mass migrations, and by the revolutionary economic and occupational changes which the machine age and its development have brought. Emancipation served to make the Jew a contemporary of the age in which he lived but Jewish life today is not solely a product Jewish life since emancipation has ׳ .of the change brought about by emancipation developed along lines analogous to world progress, and in addition, along lines dictated by its own needs and problems• Economic Emancipation:

The development of capitalism brought about changes in the dominant economic theories. Mercantilism, the dominant theory of early capitalism, maintained that money was the chief element in the prosperity of a country, and that the only method of obtaining a great reserve of it was to increase the exports and decrease the imports of the country. The Jewish capitalists, industrialists and international merchants were therefore welcomed by the mercantilist statesman. It was soon recognized and accepted that a certain number of Jews were useful to the state. When mercantilism in turn yielded to economic liberalism, the toleration of the Jews and the encouragement on the part of the state and society of their extensive ownership of capital increased even more.

Economic emancipation was the first stage in the process. It began early in Italy, continued in the later seventeenth century in Holland, whence it spfaead to England and the colonial possessions of these countries, In the latter part of the 18th century the advance of the Jew into broadened economic activity, prepared the stage for more complete emancipation in the Austrian Empire and in the German states. The French Revolution spread the doctrine of political equality and economic opportunity for the Jew not only in France but through Western Europe, At first economic emancipation meant the privilege of a number of Jews of the upper and middle classes to participate actively in the transformation from medieval economics to capitalism, This economic emancipation hardly affected the poor Jews. Their economic emancipation did not arrive until the rise of the middle class in Europe.

Cultural Emancipation:

Along with the economic emancipation of the Jews came their cultural emancipation, the acceptance on the part of a considerable number of Jews of non-Jewish culture. Participation of the J©ws in the Renaissance antedated the beginning of economic emancipation but it did not involve the breakdown of the hold of the Jewish group on the individual. The spread of rationalism in the 17th century encouraged a gradual abandonment of Jewish culture and mores. Voltaire, the French encyclopedists and the other rationalists of that period brought into dom- inance what can be called a completely secularized culture and greater numbers of Jews began to participate in it freely. The second part of the 18th century witnessed a mass movement in this direction. The most important country in this respect was Germany. Such Jews believed, together with the non-Jew rationalists that reason and wisdom control human affairs. This involved a reexamination of Jewish values. These Jews were the adherents of the German Haskalah movement.

The Haskalah movement originated in Germany during the second half of the 18th century, from where it spread slowly through Central and Western Europe and finally reached the Jewish centers of Eastern Europe, It continued its development and influence under varying forms until the final quarter of the 19th century. In essence, it was a translation of the new ideas of a secular Europe in terms of Jewish needs as its protagonists viewed them. Its more pragmatic motive was the desire for emancipation, an obvious need for the introduction of the secular sciences, especially the practical ones, among Jewish youth which was restricted by the then narrowing boundries of an intellectual ghetto. Naturally, this need was felt most keenly by the intellectuals. Another, even more pressing need, was the "productivization" of the economic structure of Jews. As the Maskilim, followers of the Haskalah movement, viewed it, too many Jews were engaged in petty commerce, money lending and innkeeping. Their remedy was to induce the younger generation to engage in trades and professions, A third concern of this group was the "manners" and esthetics of the Jews, which they considered in- ־ 3 - adequate, A particular grievance was the habits and the 1*broken language," namely, Yiddish, which was employed by the masses instead of what they considered to be a more acceptable language, that of the particular country in which the Jews resided.

The adherents of the Haskalah, like the Christian enlightened, firmly believed in "reason" and human perfectibility, "Reason"involved a critical examination of all values and an elimination of prejudices and habits, which from this point of view are useless or false. They believed in the progress of science. Their generation, in their own eyes, was the wise generation.

The movement found its first adherents among the economically stable individuals whose economic functions were considered as useful to the state and who had more than occasional intercourse with the non-Jewish world. The wealthy Maskilim felt that they represented to the Christian world an example of the ultimate effects of emancipation. They were joined by their economic dependents, the teachers of Jewish subjects to their children, their better educated clerks, and the Jewish Pro- fessional people. Such Maskilim were the propagandists in word and in deed for the cultural emancipation. They were acceptable to their non-Jewish neighbors, who were then in the process of learning the idea of equality of man from French thinkers: and later revolutionaries, and mingled with them socially. There emerged, therefore a Jew who, in the beginning, was a product of both cultures—the particular Jewish culture and the general secular culture of the outside' world. The inducements in the economic, social and cultural world eventually proved to be so strong as to result in a large wave of conversion to Christianity in the last decades of the 18th century and later in the 19th century.

Ther$ was no secular or modern Jewish culture in existence which could counteract this tendency. The Jewish community naturally frowned upon the laxity in religious behavior on the part of these "emancipated" Jews. On the other hand, the non-Jewish community, secular or religious-minded, held out conversion as a key to a career and to complete acceptance. As a result, conversion became a mass movement.

Political Emancipation;

The economically and culturally emancipated Jews began in time to agitate for political emancipation. The Jewish masses and their religious leaders were at first fearful of political equality lest it introduce further tendencies to religious laxity and conversion. Nor was the outside world very friendly to the idea of granting equal rights to the Jews, It took a long time for the average Christian to accept the idea that the Jews was a human being like himself. There was also objections on the part of the Church and on the part of the Christian middle classes and professionals who feared Jewish competition. But after the French revolution, political democracy seemed the the inevitable order in Europe, The middle classes grew in power and influence and with their final triumph their ideals of political democracy and equality came to govern the advanced states of Europe, With the overthrow of the landed classes and the absolute monarchies, a new order was ushered in for the Jews,

The Jews were first emancipated politcally in the British and Dutch colonies. In France, they were given political equality by the Constituent Assembly in 1791, Emancipation followed the flag of the French Revolution, Dutch Jewry,for instance, received its emancipation under the Batavian republic,in 1796. With the downfall of Napoleon, emancipation too suffered a temporary setback. But its fortunes rose again with the revival of democracy. The 19th century was the arena of a long, difficult but victorious struggle for Jewish emancipation in Western and Central Europe, On the whole, emancipation is a surprisingly fairly recent phenomenon, Greece grantee political rights to Jews in 183Q; Denmark in 18119; Sweden in 1851; various Italian regions in l8i!8, 18119, and finally united Italy in 1861, The struggle for emancipa- - u -

tion in the various regions of Germany came to an end with its unity in 1871• Hun- gary granted political rights in 1871. Switzerland in 18 7h, Norway in 1891 and Portugal as late as 1911. At the beginning of World War, only the Jews of Russia, Roumania, and a few other countries remained unemancipated. The Jews of Russia gained their emancipation with the March Revolution. The Jews of Poland, Roumania and several other countries obtained theirs following the Versailles and other treaties in 1919.. The Jews in Spain were not emancipated until 1931• Those in several Arab countries, like Yemen, have not as yet obtained it. Even in French- ruled Tunis and Morocco the majority of Jews are not as yet emancipated.

Social Emancipation;

The last stage in the emancipation of the Jews was their social emancipation, their acceptance on terms of complete equality in the various classes of society. The aristocracy, the capitalists and the intellectuals were the first to begin to accept the Jews socially. Such acceptance has been most freq uent in England and France. In the United States social equality is largely an individual matter. The desire to achieve it is limited mainly to the Jewish upper and middle classes. It is most difficult to achieve among the middle classes which guard most jealously their social status, of which they are not very certain themselves. Social equality has probably reached its greatest development in radical and labor-minded circles% The most rapid advance in social equality has thus far undoubtedly been achieved in the Soviet Union.

The Struggle for Emancipation:

The struggle for emancipation was not an easy one. Statesmen believed that the finances of the country would suffer if the Jews were deprived of their corporate character. Thus, sometimes emancipation had to be purchased for large sums of money in compensation for anticipated losses from the discontinuation of the special taxes on Jews, The Christian artisans, professionals, and the middle classes feared Jewish competition. The nobility viewed with alarm the possible presence of Jews in the army. The arguments concerning possible monopolizing by Jews of the arts, sciences and government were frequently advanced. The old religious prejudice played a very important role. The power of tradition was a great obstacle. It was difficult for many Christians to accept the idea of Jews enjoying equal rights. What seemed even worse was the threat of Jews representing Christians in parliament or ruling over them in capacity of statd officials. Somewhat later extremist nation alism became a major opposing force. Almost all stock arguments of anti-Semitism today were employed in this battle. Nor were the Jews unanimous in their desire for emancipation. There ?rare no objections to its economic phases. Its political and cultural consequences, however, were viewed with trepidation. The Jewish masses preferred to cling to their traditional ways. Orthodox and rabbinical leadership foresaw assimilation and the weakening of religious customs. They feared the for- feiture of communal autonomy and the consequent loss of their control over the individual. Christians openly stated their hope for the eventual conversion of Jews in Christianity following emancipation. The Jews feared it. The outlawry of Judaism together with Christianity during the brief reign of the "cult of Reason" in France, confirmed the suspicions of the orthodox. In some cases, the measures introduced by the authorities in cooperation \7ith a small group of "enlightened" Jews, were extremely radical and too far-reaching in view of current practices and conceptions. On the whole, it can be said, though, that eventually most Jews, with the very minor exception of the extreme orthodox, willingly came to accept the legal and economic phases of Emancipation, though they never reconciled themselves to many of its effects in the cultural and religious spheres. From: Jewish Survival in the World Today, Part II-A, New York, March, 1939, pp. 6-1U• -צ-

Part 2f COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION SINCE EMANCIPATION

Introduction

The modern forms of Jewish community organization reflect the adjustment of both the community and the individual to the changes which the Western world and the Jewish communities have undergone since the emergence of Jewish ^mancipation at the end of the 18th century. They also bear the marks of the accentuation of the anti- Semitic war against the Jews in the twentieth century, which continued to rage even after the end of the Second World War. Tte medieval state,organized as it was on the basis of defined groups and estates, ted perforce to deal •with the Jewish communities rather than with the individuals, particularly in fiscal matters. These practices were discarded by the rising modern state. The modern continental European national state generally either fought the established Jewish self-government bodies in order to lessen their control over the individual, to promote "enlightenment", assimilation and conversion to Christianity or to Communism, or at its mildest tried to control the communities or limit their competence to the strictly religious and philanthropic spheres. The strict delineation of the latter was well-nigh impossible due to the difficulty of separating tte national-cultural elements from the strictly religious ones. World migrations, and the impoverishment of Large sectors of' Jews in consequences of their persecutions in the twentieth century, have increased the importance of the philanthropic organizations and that of the defense bodies against anti-Semitism. Another development was the growth of organizations, political and ideological, for the solution of the complex"Jewish problem," in contrast to the general spathy to politics and predominance of the strictly religious view in the preceding centuries.

The most striking change since Emancipation was the decline of integral Jewry, a term employed here to denote the individual's identification with the Jewish people as a primary one both in the religious and ethnic-cultural national • sense. In Western emancipated countries,the individual's nominal identification with the community was watered down to nominal religious connections, an introductory step to intermarriage and assimilation. In tte East European countries, the "enlightened" elements either followed the same practice or as in most cases, substituted the religious identification for purely nationalist criteria. Huge sectors of the population, nevertheless, retained their age old integral Judaism, serving as the membership reservoir for the modern movements. The intra communal group, conflicts were further complicated by various syntheses of both approaches - attempts to modernize Jewish life without altogether abandoning tradition. In Eastern Europe, Socialism and Communism influenced specific Jewish schools of thought since the 19th century. Zionism was another even more powerful factor. General nationalist trends as well as Jewish tradition are reflected in the powerful mass drive for the recognition of the Jews as a nationality which came most forcefully to fruition in Palestine and in the ^oviet Union. Social conflict was also reflected in attempts to democratize the community. Jewish community organization and social welfare in consequence reflected the geographical, political and ideological break-down of the Jewish settlements everywhere,

I. The Old Kehillah The medieval type ghetto community fought a losing battle for survival through the second half of the 18th century and throughout the 19th century. It was dealt a final death blow by the annihilation of the Jews In Nazi-occupied Europe during the Second World War. It still continues to exist to some extent in the Arabic speaking countries.

The survival of the ghetto type of the community in Eastern and Central Europe during the 19th century and in some respects also in the 20th, can be traced to communal cohesion as veil as the governments1 support of the Jewish community's privileges of taxing the individual. In a number of countries the fact that the government's insistence on the unity of the community, with only one kehillah ( community) permitted to function in a given city, was another element of strength. The most notable exceptions in this respect were Hungary and Germany, where the pattern called for the side 'by side existence of completely separated Orthodox and ־Reform communities with their separate institutions. Even there some cities maintain ed their unity through the third type of community organization, the status quo community in Hungary, or developed a communal unity pattern through one body as in Hanover,. Germany.

In Eastern Europe the new forces of Emancipation and Haskalah introduced new clashes within the community in 8 manner different than the T3rocess of division between Orthodoxy and Reform which were evident only in Central Europe. That problem ־:was never sharply presented in Eastern Europe. Here the struggle ranged first betwee the Mithnagdim and the Hassidim, and later between the stringent Orthodox (mostly Hassidim.) and the Maskilim (enlightened), the latter most of the time themselves ad- hering to Orthodoxy. Still later, the struggle was transferred to new areas of contention: Zionists versus stringent Orthodox; laborites versus both Zionists and Orthodox; Yiddishists versus Hebraists; secularists versus religionists, as well as other ideological variants of these movements.

Questions like special Jewish dress, secular schooling or the modernization of the old fashioned hedarim (schools) which had. been solved in Central European countries as a matter of course through the adoption of the Neo-Orthodox (modernized Orthodoxy) pattern, became subjects for sharp communal strife in Russia, Poland and Galicia, with the government usually supporting the maskilic elements. Such, strife led to the lessening of popular confidence in the kehillas. Another factor in undermining the kehillah's prestige was the class struggle between'the rich elements which controlled it, on the one hand, and the poor masses cf artisans, workers and•petty merchants and functionaries, on the other. In addition to the usual clashes of taxa- tragically the״ tion on meat, candles and similar YIQ CO S S ities which affected most poorer elements, a major area of clash was the execution of the relcrutchina (recruiting for military service). Until 1827, the Russian Jews had been exempt from military service, at that time involving a soldiering period of 25 years in a hostile environment without opportunities of advancement and under very gruesome condition's, with physical punishment viewed by the military as a cure-ell for infractions, large and small. The Russian Government left the selection of the Jewish auot5arecruits to the official communal leaders in every city and village. In order to save their own children and relatives from military service, the loaders cresorted to all sorts of wa; including kidnapping and false arrest,to supply the cuota for the given town from • the ranks cf the homeless and itinerants, and in case of shortages of these, from the • children of the poor. Little toys of five and over would be literally kidnapped and delivered to the :recruiting officer, who would march them hundreds and thousands of miles on foot to the training centers in the Russian interior. Mortality was high among the poor, underM and parentless children. Strenuous efforts were also made by the order of the tsars to convert these children to Greek Orthodoxy. For this purpose they were raised by peasants in Christian communities until their eighteenth year, when, they commenced their 25 yet:r stretch of service. The resentment against the kehillah leaders' role as recruiters was wide-spread, expressing itself in dis- satisfaction, revolts and, naturally, the undermining of the institution of the kehillah.

Nervertheless, jbhe Russian Jews clung stubbornly to their community organization, which they viewed as a fortress in the struggle against Russianizati'on and Haskalah, to th%a prelude to the abandonment of the Jewish faith. The Russian government, therefore, continued its policy of restricting the function of the-־ kahal. As early as 1786, it confined the kahal to religious and fiscal functions end deprived it of civil and judicial powers in 1795• Soon after, the government was forced to restore the kahal's judicial functions and to maintain them because of fiscal considerations. The tsarist government finally abolished the kahal formally in 1844•, introducing in its place local committees as well 8s official rabbis. It nevertheless left the fiscal and recruiting functions in the hands of the committees, .functions. Demoralization continued יwhich continued to some extent the kahals The official rabbis had to undergo training in secular subjects, and usually were not distinguished by their knowledge of things Jewish. They enjoyed little popularity in the community, generally being looked upon as agents of the government. Their • function was restricted to . official contacts with the authorities, while the Orthodox rabbis continued to enjoy the confidence of the population. The voluntary leadership of the community soon enough regained the esteem of the people after they were divested of the functions of recruiting. The offical rabbis, with the few exceptions of those who combined both Jewish and general learning, remained un- popular jobholders.

In Poland the government fought a similar battle against the kehillahs. The financial indebtedness of the Jevish communities mainly to the Catholic churches became tremendous in the 18th century in consequence of continuous ransoming and briberies in 8. series of blood libel and other accusations spread by the clergy in the 17th and 18th centuries. The central body of the kehillahs was officially abolished by the Polish government in 1764. It continued its existence underground years after. The maskilim and Polish enlighteners waged a continuous צfor some 0 battle against the kehillahs, viewed as the mainstay of obscurantism end resistance to assimilation and enlightenment. Finally, the autonomous government of the King- dom of Poland abolished the kehillas in 1821. They were superseded by the "Congregational Boards" (dozery) which continued to enjoy the confidence of the communities end attempted to exercise by the consent of the people as many of the functions of the aerlier kehillahs. It was in Poland in particular that the struggle was waged within the Boards between the Hassidim and the Mithnagdim, and at the turn of the century between the letter and the Zionists and followers of other modern movements.

In Germany, there was considerable anarchy after the revolutionary period (Napoleon, 1830) with many forms persisting from the ancient regime, others introduced by Napoleonic rule, and still others experimented on by the various communities. Finally, the Prussian lew of 184-9 established a uniform community law for Prussian communities. Only one major change took place in 1876 when Jews were allowed to leave their community because of "religious scruples" without giving up their faith. This provision was not taken over in the Austrian law of 1891, which also established uniformity for all of Austria, subject to minor divergences in local statutes approved by the government. Hence, in Austria severance of communal bonds was the equivalent of conversion to another faith, or at least becoming "confessionslos". In Austria, moreover, the law recognized three different systems of marriage and divorce laws dependent upon whether one was a Catholic, Protestant or Jew. Essentially these communal structures remained, intact in the Weimar Republic, although there was a little more freedom in severing one's communal ties. Also there was in Germany the growth of regional Landesverbaende (communal associations) for Prussia, Bavaria, etc., Although they did not succeed in forming a regular Reichsverband• for the whole empire until the days of Hitler.

Generally .it can be said that a middle road between the stste-controlled and the historical community was attained in Germany, Austria-Hungary and other countries, though in some German localities communal organization was influenced by the consistorial system. Until the introduction of Nazim in Germany, the communities generally enjoyed the right of corporations of public law, with the privilege of taxation on the !;basis of civic lists as well as ample autonomy. In some cases East European Jews were excluded from voting in German community elections.

II. The State Controlled Community

a. The Napoleonic Consistory

During Emancipation's earliest stage in Western Europe, the state took drastic measures to assimilate the Jew, realizing well that a. necessary condition for the carrying out of this aim was the breakdown of the'Jewish community organization, which in more than one sense shared the authority over the individual Jews with the state. Napoleon, for instance, pursued this policy most vigorously. After his Concordat with the Pope in 1801, wherewith he converted the Catholic Church of France into an effective agency for the support of his dictatorial regime, Napoleon turned to the Jevish community with similar aims. The process of dissolution which went on during the preceding decade and a half of the reign of terror, the Religion of Reasor^ and the general revolutionary implications of equality had made Jewish communal leadership more pliable. After the meetings of the notables and the Sanhedri; in 1806-7 where Napoleon largely succeeded in getting replies as to the essence of Judaism as he wanted them, there emerged the law of March 1808 which established the structure with the individual׳ consistorial system. It was based or! a'hierarchical community as the unit of the dep.rtmental consistory of laymen and rabbis, with departmental chief rabbis. These in turn were placed under the Central Consistory in Paris, headed by the Chief Rabbi of France. The Central Consistory was under the direct supervision of the Ministry of Cults while the departmental consistories operated under the close supervision of the prefects. The main objective was to make the Jewish community an educational agency for more intimate incorporation of the Jews into French society, teaching them the merits of military virtues, etc. The system was concerned almost exclusively with religious matters and charities, and during its earliest stage, it was also in charge of recruiting Jews to the army. This structure remained intact even after the fall of Napoleon. In 1826, its officials began to be paid by the State. It was further extended In 1831, to provide for government sub- sidies towards the payment of rabbinical salaries on a par with those of the Catholic clergy. This system continued with modifications until the separation of Church and State in 1906. (*) b. Mussolini's Reforms Italy, too, evolved a controlled community under Mussolini. Beginning with Italy's independence in 1871, and until 1929, the Jewish community was not recognized by the government. Mussolini's rapproachement with the Vatican, the Lateran Treaties of 1929, made it possible for the government to control religious groups. The same policy was applied to the Jewish community. Basically, Mussolini's new legislation established a hierarchical structure similar to that of France with a Union of Communities in Rome managing the affairs of the Jewish communities under the strict supervision of the totalitarian regime.

• • continued ״Union of Congregations./established..by-Mussolini ׳After 194-5, Tte ״ .״ the new 'post-war Italian״ operating, With the Lateran' Treaties incorporated :in constitution, the Italian community may not relapse into the anarchical conditions of the period after 1871.

,Belgium, too, had a consistoria.1 system, with financial state support, without (*־) however, the participation of the communities composed of recent East European immigrants. c. Other Post-Versailles Communities under Dictatorial Governments

Most East European post-Versailles states tried to restrict the community to strictly religious and philanthropic functions. Semi-dictatorial Yugoslavia's law of 1929, showed many similarities to Mussolini's law, with a Federation of Jewish Communities granted full autonomy in religious matters, operating under the supervision of the state and receiving subvention from it. The King appointed the Chief Rabbi from a list of three candidates submitted by the Federation. The 1927 community ordinance for Poland legislated by Pilsudski's semi-totalitarian regime provided for compulsory taxation, with functions of maintaining kashruth, religious education and social services, with democratically elected community boards as the executive organizations. The opposition to the communities' exclusively religious character was expressed in the increasing emphasis on social services. The present (post-World War II) steadily diminishing community of Poland is represented by the secular Central Jewish Committee. Unlike the Christian denominational bodies, the Jewish religious "kehillot" were viewed by the government as "private association" • Modifications are in progress. d. Community Organization under the Nazis In preparation for the annihilation of the Jews, the Nazis introduced wherever they had attained control, a compulsory community set-up based on the Nurem- berg Laws, which, therefore, included in many cases also Christians of Jewish descent. Even during tho World War II regime, the Jewish communities under the Nazi domination showed a high degree! of self-help and vitality in carrying all sorts of functions, including forbidden ones, such as education, underground contacts and escapes. In the final liquidation stage, the communities were turned into virtual auxiliaries for the annihilation.

III. Separation of Church and State

a. The New World: the U.S.

A completely voluntary type of community organization has developed in the New World, where Jewish emancipation was granted without conditions or without the expectation of assimilation or conversion and particularly so in countries with the tradtional separation of the Church and State. Here community organization assumes an infinite variety of forms, often varying as it does in the United States, from city to city and generally without effective central, bodies.

Generally speaking, Jewish community organization in a new land begins with the voluntary religious congregation or burial society. These are closely followed by benevolent organizations, fraternal order, landsmanshafteir, credit societies and later by recreational and. cultural organization. A common phenomenon is the struggle for community control between the earlier :settlers and their descendants on the one hand, and the later arrivals and their offspring, on the other. This in spite of the fact that the difference between the; respective dates of the settlement of these groups may not be more than a generation or two. In the United States, in particular, much of the rancor and divisiveness within, the community can be attributed to the struggle for leadership between tte "earlier" German minority and the East European majority.

The Jewish community in the United States, the largest in the world (about five million out of the less than eleven million world Jewish population in 1946) presents a good example of tho variety in communal organization. In addition to forms brought over from the traditional European .reservoir* ;such as synagogues, the hoste.1 (Hachnasath Orchim), the Ladies Society for Clothing the Poor (Malbjslb Aru. cirri) or tte burial fraternity (Hevra. Kadisha), it has developed local forms of organizations and institutions, such as the federation, the welfare fund, community council, landsman- shaft and the family circle $ as we!l as national t^peis of organizations. -10-

It is felt by many that a major problem of the community is the lack of an accepted central representative body. The first American Jewish Congress was generally viewed as an example of a successful organization of this type. Organized during World War I, for the sole purpose of dealing with post-war problems, the Congress, together with Jewish delegations from other countries has to its credit the inclusion of the minority protection clauses in the post-World War I treaties. It was disbanded by agreement after it had carried out its tasks. Similar agreement was not reached in World War II• The American Jewish Conference, organized for the solution of post- war problems, without jurisdiction over American communal matters, nevertheless represented the majority of the community. Proposals have been made for the establishment of a central organization composed of representatives of the local democratic community councils. Unlike the European pattern with its emphasis on central organization or overall bodies, the community in the U.S.A. has not been able to develop a successful solution of this organizational problem. Organizations like the Board of Delegates of American Israelits (1809-1873) and the Jewish Alliance of America (1891) had to give way to divisive trends.

b, Latin American Conditions

The Juatin American communities display a great diversity of communal structures, largely of the voluntary type. Only Argentinian Jewry is numerous and affluent enough to establish certain significant central institutions like the Daia, certain schools and journals, all on a voluntary basis. To what extent Peronist totalitarian- ism will affect the Jewish communal structure in a way other than the ever-present menace of anti-Semitism remains to be seen.

c• Separated European Communities

The separation of Church and State in France in 1906, prepared the ground for the deterioration of centralization. For a while the force of inertia maintained the jurisdiction of the consistory over the Jewish community with little change. However, the large-scale immigration of Jews .from Poland, Rumania, Russia and Jorld "far, led to the establishment of ever-new׳־, Lithuania, which followed the First Eastern European congregations and other secular communal groups which did not recognize the authority of the consistory. Like in England, the Chief Rabbi became more and more a representative figure with real authority only over those congregations directly and voluntarily affiliated with the Consistoire. The Vichy regime, finally, further ,undermined consistorial authority dorpite its new emphasis upon authoritarianism and the Church. Today, there is a real fermentation in the communal structure of France with the East Europeans and Zionists united in one overall organization outside the consistory. There is little likelihood of any reestabli shment of centralized control in France.

Similar conditions prevailed largely in Italy between 1871 and 1929. Despite its voluntary character, the community here, as in France, succeeded in maintaining a fairly elaborate Rabbinical seminary, scholarly journals, etc. But all this came as a re^lt of the voluntary contributions and the initiative of certain individuals.

The United Kingdom represents a different type of a voluntary community, with legal recognition. The United Synagogue (Ashkenazic) controls the majority of the Ashkenazic congregations. The Chief Rabbi is official head of most communities, But many East European Orthodox groups do not recognize its authority and are organized in the Federation of Synagogues and the Union of Orthodox Hebrew Congregations• The Zionist oriented Board of Deputies of British Jews is the chief spokesman for all organizations, religious and secular. Its rival is the Anglo-Jewish Association.

IV. The Near Eastern Communities

The status cf the Jews in Muslim countries is still determined to a large extent by the legislation of Mohammed and his early successors. Like the Christians, Jews were a tolerated minority, paying special taxes, occasionally subject to some discrimination, yet still enjoying full ethnic-religious autonomy. Though the much glorified reign of Exilarchs and Gaonim, later Egyptian Negidim, and still later Turkish Hakam-Bashis had many adverse effects on the Jewish community, it nevertheless lent it a semblance of political power and considerable inner cohesion and outer prestige. In the Turkish Empire in oarticular, the religious minorities were organized along ethnic-religious lines and enjoyed autonomy even in such non-strctly religious areas as marriage, divorce, inheritance, etc. Even when Turkey under European pressures granted a sort of modern equality to all the Sultan's subjects in 1839 and 1856, these communal structures• remained intact. Nor did the Young• Turk Revolution of 19QS alter tho situation immediately. However, the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire after the First World War, the establishment of Kemalist totali- tarienism opened.a new chapter, largely one of suffering and decline. The Jews in 1926, voluntarily renounced the minority rights promulgated by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923• The separation of Church and State has also resulted in depriving the Jewish communities of their official status. The hostility of the Turkish government to all non-Turks continued. In the other Muslim countries, however, the older pattern survived. In Morocco, for example, there still are in existence the old-time mellahs, i.e., regular ghettos. However, the new forces of assimilation, particularly of tte Jews in the French colonies to French culture; the rise of Arab nationalism; the Zionist movement, and economic factors have brought about a gradual transformation in the direction of modernization, the outcome of which will become fully visible only a few years hence.

V. Israel

Palestine under the Mandate, presented a unique case of a new type and many- sided integral Jewish community organization. All the Jews with the exception of the adherents of the self-proclaimed ultra-Orthodox Agudath Israel Party belonged to ־the Kenesseth Israel (Community of Israel, established 1926). Its secular democratic ally elected Vaad •Hanivchsrim (the Assembly of Delegates) in turn elected the Vaad Leumi (Jewish National Council), the spokesman for the community before the government. The Kenesseth Israel had the right of taxation for the purposes of maintaining education, social work and rabbinate. The Rabbinical Council consisting of two chief rabbis, Ashkenazic and Sephardic, and the rabbinical courts formed the Kenesseth1 s ecclesiastical brnach. Congregations (..edah) could be organized by thirty individual? However, not more than one kehilla (community) was permitted to exist in the same locality. Though communal adherence was not compulsory, the overwhelming majority of the Jews belonged to the Kenesseth. Jewish municipalities and villages formed a different aspect of community organization, while the Jevish Agency for Palestine was authorized to represent the world Jewish community in relation to the mandatory power on the basis of the Palestine Mandate. The State of Israel is now engaged in changing the organization of the Jevish community on the basis of the separation of Religion and State, meeting1 with vigorous resistance of the Orthodox.

VI. The Ethnic Community

The beginnings of the twentieth century in Russia witnessed agitation for the community organization of the Jews as a national minority with the democratic loca units (kehillot) as the basis for the autonomous national representative body. This system of community organization came into effect in Russia and Ukraine following the - 12 - March 1917 Revolution and was liquidated by the Bolshevik regime. Related to this movement was the demand for Jewish national autonomy, which was fully realized in Lithuania with the functioning Jewish National Council and a Ministry for Jewish Affairs until 19214,

An extreme offshoot of the secular approach was the Soviet form of community organization. The government abolished the democratic kehillot in 1919, and set up several temporary substitute bodies, most of which had since been liquidated (Yevsektsia, Yevkow, Gezered). In Biro-Bidjan and the Jewish national regions in the Ukraine and Crimea, community organization was based on municipalities and villages. The term Jewish coimaunity organization could also be stretched to include the Yiddish courts and schools and state institutions, only vestiges of which remain today. The Nazi attack against Russia brought into existence the Jewish Anti-Fascist• Committee in ; oscow, a propaganda agency which had been active in cultural work and was liquidated in 19148 • The number of existing religious Jewish communities based or. Soviet law is estimated as 78 (19146), a drastic reduction due not only to the Nazi annihilation. The Polish refugee immigration, the Jewish world debacle and possibly the short-lasting Soviet change of attitude to Zionism have probably contributed some vitality to the Soviet communities• They carry on unofficially philanthropic work and possibly clandestine religious education. There are no Jewish central religious organizations, rabbinical training schools, religious schools or publications in the U.S.S.R. The communities in Poland, Rumania, Hungary and Czechoslovakia are at present undergoing a transition stage leading towards the continuous reduction in competence and activities, as these countries are becoming increasingly communized• The adjustment of the Jewish communities in the Soviet influenced areas will be taken up in greater detail in session 7•

VII. World Organization

Efforts to organize a central representation of Jewish communities throughout the world can be termed only partially successful. The world Jewish Congress claims the adherence of a host of central representative bodies in most countries of the world. However, some important organizations, particularly in the United States, are opposed to the »J0rld Congress, its methods and ideology, Soviet Jewry is not permitted to maintain closer contacts with other Jewish communities. The Jewish religion does not provide for a chief rabbinical authority, hence there is not even -orld Zionist organization is the most power׳״ an authoritative representation. The ful international ideological central body, while the Jewish Agency for Palestine until hay 15, 19148, represented tne Jews of the world in relations with Britain, the Holy Land's mandatory power. 13 -

BIBLIOGRAPHY

• Because Emancipation is the key to all aspects of modem Jewish life, the student is also urged to peruse the bibliographies and background readings issued by the Training Bureau in connection with Course Unit II.

Following is a list of the most useful basic works about Emancipation, its progress and effects! it is to be supplemented by items from Jewish History in the Twentieth Century. A Bibliography, by S.W. Baron and Abraham G. Duker (Training Bureau}.

Baron, Salo »'/, "Jewish Emancipation", Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. New York^ Macmillan Co., 1935, Vol. VIII, PP. 39U-399.

An authoritative summary of Emancipation's development.

Baron Salo W. The Jewish Community. Vols. 1-3. Philadelphia, The Jewish Publica- tion Society of America, 19U5.

"Quest for New Forms", Vol. 1, Chap. I, pp. 3-30, is an introductory essay to the post-Emancipation Community.

Baron, Salo "Modern Capitalism and Jewish Fate", Men or ah Journal. Vol. XXX, Summer 19U2, pp. 116-138.

Economics and ^mancipation.

,Baron, Salo W. A Social and Religious History of the Jews. Vols. 1-3, Nen York -א- Columbia University Press, 1937 .

"Emancipation", Vol. 2, Chap. XI, pp. 1614-261.

Berman, Jeremiah J. Shehitah: A Study in the Cultural and ^ocial Life of the Jewish People, New York, Bloch, 19U1, 51U pp.

The best studv of the subject, with plenty of emphasis on the situation in the U.S.A.

Burstein, luoshe Jewish Self-Government in Palestine Since 1900, Tel Aviv, 1939•

JKDuker, Abraham G. Jewish Survival in the **arid ^oday. New York, Hadassah, The Women's Zionist Organization of •America, 1939.

Particularly II A and II B. The following items will be found of interest in Source Book II A: Item 55 Cp. 17)•' The Petition of Menasseh Ben Israel for the Readmission of the Jews to England; Item 56 (p. 19)J An Italian Jewish reaction to the destruction of the Ghetto walls by French soldiers in 1798; Item 57 (p. 21) and 58 (p. 25)5 Citations from contemporary pamphlets arguing pro and con the naturalization of the Jews in England; Item 60 (p. 32)5 The 19th century historian Jost on Emancipa- ׳'(tion; Item 61 (p. 35)! Moses Mendelssohn on Emancipation; Item 62 (p.36 Hans Kohn on Escape and Return in the 19tn century; Item 63 (p• 63): The sociologist Ezekiel Kaufman on Emancipation and Assimilation. ־־ U־ 1

Elbogen, Ismar A Century of Jewish Life, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America,19i45.

The march of Emancipation and its retrogression.

Engelman, Uriah Z. The Rise of the Jew in the Western World, New York, Behrman, 19UU.

Changing Conceptions in Jewish Education, New York, Macmillan ״Emanuel C׳,Gamoran Co., 19214.

rar World, New York, The״-Gottschalk, Max afid Duker Abraham G. •Jews in the Post Dryden Press, 19145.

Good background for secular and party aspects.

Janowsky, Oscar I. The Jews and Minority Rights, 1898-1919, New York, Columbia University Press, 1933.

The best source of modern secular and ideological aspects.

Kann, Robert "German-Speaking Jewry ^uring Austria-Hungary's Constitutional Era (1867-1918)", Jewish Social Studies. Vol. X, No. 3, July 19U8, pp. 239-256.

Experiences in a multi-national state.

Karbach Oscar "Balance Sheet of Emancipation", Congress Weekly, Mar. 19, 19U8, pp. 12-13.

A critique.

Karpf, Maurice Jewish Community Organization in the United States - an Outline of Types of Organizations, Activities and Problems. New York, Bloch, 1938.

Lestchinsky, J. Dos Spvietishe Yidentum. Yiddisher Kempfer, 19U1.

Lestchinsky, J. "Jews in the U.SiS.R."• Contemporary Jev/ish Record. Sept.-Oct., 19U0, pp. 510-526j Nov.-Dec., 19140, pp. 607-621.

Levitats, Isaac The Jewish Community in Russia, New ,rork, Columbia University ^ress, 19143.

A 19th century communal history. ׳•» + * + * Lowenthal, Marvin The Jews of Germany, New York, Longmans, Green and Co., 1936.

The history of a community before and after Emancipation.

^Mahler, Raphael, Jewish 1^mancipation, A Selection of Documents, New York, American Jewish Committee, 19141.

Contains texts and useful annotations.

Patinkin, Don "Mercantilism and the Readmission of the Jews to •41 gland (1665)", Jewish Social Studies. Vol, VIII, No. 3, July 19146, pp. 161-178. - 15 -

.abor Committee, 19149׳Patt, Emanuel Jews Behind the Iron Curtain. New York, Jewish i

Contains data on community organization.

Pilch, Judah Jewish Life in Our Times, New York, Behrman, 19143.

A rather popular review.

The Immediate Economic and Softial Effects"of the Emancipation of the" ״Posener, S Jews in Prance", Jewish Social Studies. Vol. I, No. 3, July, 1939, pp. 271-326.

Raisin, Jacob S. The Haskalah Movement in'Russia. Philadelphia, The Jewish Publica- .pp צ>tion Society of America," 1913,''35

Roth, Cecil The Jewish Contribution to Civilization. London, The Macmillan Co., Ltdf 1938.

Ruppin, Arthur The Jewish Pate and Future, London, The Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 19140.

Practically a later edition of the following item.

Ruppin, Arthur The Jews in the Modern World, London, The Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 19314.

A sociological analysis of ^mancipation1s effect on Jewish survival.

Samuel, Maurice Prince of the Ghetto,• New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 19148, 29b pp.

The Yiddish-speaking civilization .in decline.

Samuel, Maurice The »'Jorld of Sholora Aleichem, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 19U3, 331 pp.

.ast European milieu in decline׳.The i

,"The Jew in'the Transition'from Ghetto to Emancipation" ׳Stern-Taeubler, Selma Hjstoria Judaica, Vol, II, No. 2, Oct., 19140, pp. 102-119.

in Na^-Occupied France", Jewish־Szajkowski, Zosa "The Organization'of the UGIF Social. Studies, Vol, 1X, No. 3, July, 19U7, pp. 239-256".

.rish Emancipation under Attack, New York, 19142.׳Weinryb, Bernard D» Je

Read in particular "The Background: An Introductory Chapter", by Abraham G, Duker.

Weizmann, Chains Autobiography of Chaim 'Weizman, New York, Harper and Bros., 19149.

Background of an East European emancipated Jew.

World Jewish Congress Unity in Dispersion, New York, World Jewish °ongress, 19148, 381 pp.

American Jewish Year ^ook: Pertinent parts Pertinent articles ׳•Jewish Encyclopedia Universal Jewish Encyclopedia? Pertinent articles - 16 -

ADDENDA

* Ain, Abraham "Swislocz: Portrait of a Jewish Community in Eastern burope", YIVO Annual of Jewish °ocial Science, Vol. IV, 19U9, pp. 86-1114,

Before vn'orld War I,

Bamberger, Fritz "Zunz's Conception of History - A Study of the Philosophical Elements in Early Science of Judaism", Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, Vol. XI, 19141.

Baron, Salo "I.M. Jost, the Historian", Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, Vol. !, 1928-30.

Baron, Salo »/, "The Impact of the Revolution of 1814.8 on Jewish Emancipation", Jewish ,July, 19149, pp. 195-2148 ,״ Social Studies, Vol, XI, No3

Baron, Salo W, "The Revolution of 18148 and Jewish Scholarship", Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish flesearch, Vol, XVIII, 19148-149, pp. 1-66,

Duker, Abraham G. Community Organization Since Emancipation, (included as part of (.י TBJCS Syllabus 1-3-51

,.Arts, Incג(Eisner,Pavel Franz Kafka and frague, New York, (Golden Griffin Books* ־ .1950

Jewish cultural adjustment in the multi-cultural milieu of pre-World lar I Prague,

Lewisohn, Ludwig "Reflections on the Jewish Situation - part I - Re-examination", Jewish Frontier, Vol, XVII,, No, 2, February, 1950, pp. 5-8,

An evaluation of Emancipation1 s validity,

Shulvass, 110 ses A, "The Knowledge of Antiquity Among the Italian Jews of the Renaissance", Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, Vol,XVIII, 19148-149, pp. 291-299. "

* Strauss, Max "The Jewish Community of Aachen Half a Century Ago", YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, VcJ.. IV, 19U9, pp. 11£-122.

Smaller community liije in Germany. Part I. - The Hitler Catastrophe

By Abraham G. Duker

The two greatest events in contemporary Jewish history are the Hitler Catastro- phe and the establishment of the State of Isreal. The Nazi attempt to "solve the Jewish question" by genocide succeeded by half-way. Nevertheless, it has reduced radically the world Jewish population by at least six million persons, has brought to liquidation or to its very brink Jewish life in a number of countries, and has shaken the psyche of the Jews everywhere. The other great event, the establishment of the State of Israel, has served to bring a solution to the aggrieved DP problem, and to help in rebuilding the morale and consciousness of Jews everywhere. These two events have in turn initiated and continue to bring about many developments in the position of the Jews everywhere. Another factor of great importance,in itself a consequence of World War II, is the present "cold" war between the •East and the West which like other world trends affects gravely the situation of the Jews today. The Nazi Demographic War One of Adolf Hitler's war aims was the enlargement and protection of Germany's population. This was achieved both through the continuation of the peacetime Nazi racist policy of encouraging the numerical growth of the German master race and introduction of wartime measures such as higher pay and better diets ׳ through the for Germans, the kidnapping of "racially fit" non-German children and raising them as Germans, starving out of the subject nationalities and .the breakdown of their family life through separation of the sexes by forced labor and arrests. This policy operated on different levels in the different countries, according to the position of a particular national group in the Nazi category of racial values, with the Norwegians and other "Nordics" enjoying a high rating and relative lack of molestation and with the S!avs near the end of the scale and the Jews and Gypsies doomed to complete disappearance, at the bottom of it. The Nazis were successful in'their demographic policy. A study of this policy issued in London on April 13, 19U6, by the International Committee for the Study of European Questions reached the conclusion "that the population of Germany actua liy had This increase will be greater than 9 percent ״.increased since 1939 by 7.5 percent after the return of German prisoners, the report added, "The figure was arrived at by having taken the actual census figure for Germans living in the four Allied occupation zones as 65,000,000 plus an estimated 7,000,000 Germans who are now returning to Germany from Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Silesia and East Prussia, plus an additional 2,000,000 German prisoners now outside Germany's borders. "Taking the pre-war population of Germany as 67,000,000 the report found that despite losses during the war, estimated at 3,600,000 fatal military and civilian casualties, there were now or soon would be 9 percent more Germans living in a territory reduced in size by roughly about one-quarter since 19U5• "The document gave Hilter full credit for having protected the German population from Allied air raids. "On the Anied side, the document stated that Germany's European neighbors had loast more than 15,000,000 persons in civilian and military war casualties, or roughly four times the German losses. "Furthermore, this figure took no account of losses from the decreased birth rate in Allied countries, deliberately fostered by Hitler's policy of keeping prisoners and deportees away from their wives. largely successful in his ׳Finally, the report said that Hitler also had been" aim of liquidating'European Jewry and put at 'more than 6,000,000' the number of Jews killed by Germans". (From: New York Times. April 114, 19146). analysis of World War II as a demographic war was also brought out by Lord ׳The Beveridge, who tabulated the population losses'in Europe. In contrast to the total of 3,600,000 German deaths, military and civil, the following table illustrates the extent of the deaths in the Allied camp• Pre-War Civilian and Military Per Cent of Popul at ion (approx.) Losses (approx.) Pre-War Pop,

U •3 «S«R. 193,000,000 7,000,000 3.7 France la,500,000 820,000 2 Poland 35,1400,000 11,620,000 13.6 Czechoslovakia 15,200,000 190,000 1.25 Yugoslavia 16,000,000 1,680,000 10.5 Holland 9,300,000 2014,000 2.2 Belgium 8,300,000 125,000 1,5 Greece 7,150,000 1490,000 6.8 Norway 3,000,000 11,000 Total civilian and military losses, approximately 15,000,000. To this Beveridge added "the British casualties: military 290,500; merchant navy 145,300; civilian (by air bombardment) 61,800 - a total just under 1100,000 deaths^ or about 1 percent of the population". ... (New York Times Sunday Magazine. August 18, 19146). It is not customary to calculate statistics of Jews in articles of this type, though their extermination was mentioned elsewhere in the article. Jewish Population Losses These statistics serve as a background to the explanation of the tremendous losses by the Jewish people. At least six million Jews were killed by the Germans and their collaborationists of all the nationalities of Europe, or have perished in consequence of the war by the middle of 19U5. This number, states Jacob Lestchinsky, the outstanding student of Jewish demographic developments, "is three times as large as the number of war losses suffered by the Polish people, who number 214 million souls, and twenty times more than the number of victims of the U .SJW with a population at the outbreak of the war of 1140 million.: If the physical losses are considered in proportion to the population of each nation, the number of Jewish victims is eight times larger than that of Polish victims, six times larger than the number of Russians, but ninety times the number of British and 315 times larger than that of the U.S. "However, not all the victims were in the same category. Of the six million Jews lost, no less than five and a half million, or 92 percent, were civilians and included women and children as well as men. This is not a one time or temporary loss, but a definite mutilation that will last for generations; a mutilation which not only reduces to almost 50 percent the natural increase of the Jewish people, but which condemns that this decrease continue for generations. - 3 - "Whole Jewish communities were wiped out - almost 2,500 communities vanished from Europe I Even the Jewish cemeteries were demolished - the tombstones destroyed. In many cities of Poland, for example, these tombstones are still to be found in the pavement of the s treets upon which the people who participated in the mass murders their daily strolls•" (From! Jacob Lestchinsky's "The Catastrophe־and robberies take of European Jewry", The Jewish Social Service Quarterly, Vol• XXIV, No. 3, Mar,,19148, P.-33U). The world Jewish population was in consequence reduced by nearly h0%* A detailed breakdown of the statistics according to country reveals that the annihilation was most thorough going in the East, with 90% of the Jewish population killed in rtras Italy, were'only 26.3$ of the Jews־ Lithuania, Lowest in the category of victims were killed. The great exception was Bulgaria, where only 114,0% of the Jews were lost in consequence of the war. The Physical Losses in the Nazi-Occupied and Nazi-Dominated Lands Country No, of Jews at Those who perished the end of 1939 Number P,c. of 1939 Jew, pop. Poland 3;300>000 2,900,000 87,9 Soviet Russia (a) 2,100,000 1,500,000 71 ,14 Rumania 850,000 1425,000 50,0 Hungary U03,000 200,000 149.6 France 300,000 90,000 30,0 Czechoslovakia 315,000 260,000 82.5 Germany 210,000 170,000 91,0 Austria 60,000 140,000 66.6 Lithuania 150,000 135,000 90,0 Latvia 95,000 85,000 89,5 Holland 1145,000 105,000 72.14 Belgium 90,000 110,000 1414.14 Yugoslavia 75,000 55,000 73.3 Greece 75i000 60,000 80.0 Italy 57 i000 I5i000 26,3 Bulgaria 50;000 7JOOO lU'.o Miscellaneous (b) 20,000 6,000 ?0,0 Total 8,295,000 6,093,000 73 •U (a) The occupied parts only. (b) Denmark, Estonia, Luxembourg Norway, Danzig, From: Jacob Lestchinsky, Crisis, Catastrophe aid Survival, New York. Institute of Jewish AffairS of the World Jewidi Congress, 19U8, p. 60• The dislodgment of the major centers of the Jewish population by continent can be evaluated from the following tables* Continent 1939 (estimates) 19148 (estimates) NoZ Per Cent No . Per Cent Europe (including Asiatic USSR and Turkey) 9,739,200 58.56 3,779,300 33.233.233 America (north and South) 5,1480,175 32.95 5,777,850 50.850.800 Asia 771,500 14.614 1,030,200 9.09.066 Africa 609,800 3.66 715,507145,500 6.56.555 Australia and New Zealand 33.000 0.19 140.500 0.30.366 Total 16,633,675 100.00 11,373,350 100.0100.000 Froms Leon Shapiro and Boris Sapir, "Jewish Population of the ^orld", American Jewish Year Book. Vol. 50, 1918-149, p. 692. The Hitler Catastrophe has also reduced the number of large Jewish communities. The largest Jewish community in the world is that of the United States, numbering size is that of the Soviet Union, estimated ׳million. Next in׳ approximately five anywhere between 1,200,000 and 2,000,000. Third in size is the Jewish community a million ־of Israel, with over 900,000 (estimated in June 19149) and, possibly, over Rumania; 380,000־ by the end of this year. The fourth largest community is that of -of Argentina; 360,000, England; 3115,000, Morocco (in־followed by the community France; 235,000, Canada; 180,000, Brazil; 110,000, the־,eluding Tangiers) 286,000 Union of South Africa; 100,000. A!! other communities range below 100,000. War Against the Children In their war of extermination against the Jewish people, the Nazis concentrate- ed on the children; about 1,500,000 to 1,600,000 children under 114 were killed, with 95% of the Jewish child population annihilated in the Eastern countries, and about 30% to 140% in France and Belgium, where the local populations and underground were more favorably disposed towards Jews. Post-war statistics reveal communities with very small child populations. The implication of this age distribution in terms of long range demographic trends is self-evident. Jewish Child Population in Important Communities of Europe (Including to some extent the age group above fifteen) 19147-148 Community No. Poland 17;000 Rumania 50;000 Hungary 18;000 Czechoslovakia 3;500 Bulgaria 12;000 Yugo slavia 1;800 France 25,000 Belgium 14;000 Holland 3;000 Greece 1;500 Germany 28,500 ) Austria 6,500 ) (a) Italy 7.000 ) Total 177,800 (a) Including DP children From! Leon Shapiro and Boris Sapir, op. cit.. p.702. The Cultural-Spiritual Losses East-Central European Jewry was not only the population reservoir of the world Jewish population, as will be brought out in the subsequent sessions. That region, embracing a number of countries and characterized by the Orthodox religious and Yiddish linguistic milieu, furnished religious, cultural and ideological nourish- ment to world Jewry. The religious and secular, national and cultural Jewish movements and their syntheses have found their laboratories and followers in this locality and where Jewish community organization (except for the USSR) was particularly strong. The following summary by Jacob Lestchinsky is an attempt at the estimate of the losses* "In the twenty countries (excluding Russia) which were occupied or ruled by Hitler there were atout three thousand Jewish Kehilos, with an annual budget of more than twenty-two million dollars. However, the Kehilos which provided mainly for the religious needs of the Jewish population, did not exhaust by far, all the Jewish social activities. The budget of private associations and societies, organizations and unions was even larger than the budget of the Kehilos. Altogether the budget for social activities of the Jewish population in the twenty countries (excluding Russia) amounted to about fifty million dollars. In reality this meant hundreds and thousands of institutions and establishments - synagogues, hospitals, homes for the aged, orphan asylums, free kitchens, children's schools, from elementary schools up toYeshivos, and teachers1 seminaries, libraries, museums, and many economic, cultural, sport and recreational organizations and buildings. "The value of the buildings, furniture and supplies of the institutions and the establishments of the German Jewry, is estimated to be one hundred million dollarsj the value of the same property of the Polish Jews was between fifty to sixty million dollars. Altogether the material value of the institutions and establishments of all the Kehilos of the nearly 3,000 Jewish communities can be estimated at about two hundred and fifty million dollars, and including the private institutions to about three hundred and fifty million dollars. "These figures demonstrate to a certain degree the great scope of the social activities of European Jewry - but tell very little about that colossal social energy, which was invested during the generations in these institutions and establishments. "Some figures about the educational institutions will show us how far the extended. In poland there were abai t 1,U00 ־European Jews־ cultural activities of the Jewish schools (elementary, high schools, Yeshivos, and seminaries for teachers) with an annual budget of about five million dollars, with about 200,000 Jewish pupils, both boys and girls. In assimilated Germany about 25 percent of the Jewish children attended Kehilla schools, "Of 378 Jewish periodicals published, about which we possess detailed information (actually there were many more), 143 were dailies (38 in Yiddish),171 weeklies (130 in Yiddish and Hebrew) and 1614• bi-weeklies and monthly publications (105 Yid- dish and Hebrew). In the 25 libraries with more than 25,000 books there were on and thirty thousand books. Libraries with ten to fifteen ־the eve of war one million thousand volumes were many, many times more, and there were hundreds of libraries with five to ten thousand books, "In the twenty countries mentioned (excluding Russia) there were 1,120 cooperative credit-kassas with about 300,000 members with their own capital of five million dollars, with deposits of scarcely wealthy Jews amounting to fifteen million dollars and loans issued mostly to the poor masses in the sum of twenty million dollars. In Poland alone there were, in 1938, 826 loan kassas (loans carrying no interest) with a capital of over two million dollars. "Interesting is the fact that a very large number of social institutions were created during the very last decade before the great catastrophe. The increase of the outside pressure increased the social activities of the Jewish masses, and the union between the intellectuals and the masses became closer, and they all concentrated more and more efforts to create and strengthen their defenses against the coming tempest, which threatened the Jewish population from all sides. However, the catas— trophe was unavoidable•" (From! Jacob Lestchinsky, "The Catastrophe of European Jew- ry", The Jewish Social Service Quarterly. Vol. XXIV, No. 3, March, 19U8, pp.336-337.) A perusal of the publications of the Commission on European Cultural Recon- struction - Tentative List of Jewish Cultural Treasurers in Axis-Occupied Countries, (issued as a Supplement to Jewish Social Studies, Vol. VIII, No. 1); Tentative List of Jewish Periodicals in Axis-Occupied Countries, (issued as a Supplement to Jewish Social Studies. Vol. IX. No, 3), arid Tentative Ljgt of Jewish Publishers of Judaica and Hebraica in'Axis-Occupied Countries, (issued as a Supplement to Jewish Social Studies, Vol. X, No. 2) - gives an insight into the variety of institutions and cultural activities that have been liquidated with the annihilation of the Jewish people in Europe. Drastic Linguistic Change The annihilation in the East has brought about a drastic diminution in the number of the traditional Jewish Yiddish-speaking communities in that region, thus hastening the process of the disappearance of the Yiddish language among Jews, a course that has begun with emancipation and Haskalah and was hastened by the Communist revolution. By the end of the 19th century, the overwhelming majority of world Jewry could be considered Yiddish speaking• The following table reveals a drastically changed picture: Languages of Jews in 1925 Languages of Jews at the Present Time Estimate in

1. Large factories ••.•••. . . 1;800 2. Medium industrial enterprises. . . . . 26,000 3 * Small factories and large workshops (up to 5 workers) ... , . 76;000 11• Small workshops (no hired help) . . ; 300,000 5• Large wholesale commercial'enterprises '1400 6. Medium commercial houses . . • • . 130;000 7. Retail establishments . • * . . . 335;000 8. Market stands ...... 10,000 Total. . 879,200 "If we include 50,000 to 55,000 offices of doctors, dentists and other profes* sionals, thousands of chemical laboratories, machines and instruments of engineers and technicians, we must come to the conclusion that approximately one million Jewish enterprises were looted or destroyed. A whole economic world which the sweat and blood, energy and diligence of many, many generations accumulated and which was torn away from the hands of the creators and toilers in one historical blink of the eye". (From: Jacob Lestchinsky, "The Catastrophe of European Jewry", The Jewish Social Service Quarterly, Vol. XXIV, N0. 3, March, 19148, pp. 336-337.) Research on the Catastrophe A voluminous literature exists on the catastrophe, its ramifactions, and, in particular, the techniques of Hitler's war against the Jews. While the civilized world's indignation was still focused on the iniquity of German genocide, the preparation for the Nuremberg and other trials brought to light many German documents and witnesses' depositions concerning the massacre of Jews. Not all of these documents have been or are likely to be published. Nazi-Germany's War Against the Jews, (edited by Seymour Krieger, New lork. American Jewish Conference, 19147), Contains most of the documents pertaining to Jews presented at the Nuremberg international Military Tribunal trials that were published by the U.S. Printing Office. The most avid researchers into the problem of the catastrophe naturally are the individuals who survived. Some very important publications have been and continue to be issued by the Central Jewish Historical Commission of Poland. 'The historical commissions organized in the DP camps have collected many materials, and published a number of works, including ten Issues of the specialized periodical Fun Letzten Hurban (From the Last Destruction). The Historical Commission of the Association of the Associa- tion of Former 1'artisans in Rome has issued a history of the partisan movement in White Russia. Two historical commissions also existed in Austria. All the DP ־ 8 ־ historical commissions are now in process of liquidation. Their collections were presented to the Yad Vashem. a memorial institution in Israel for collecting materials and publishing works in memory of the six million martyrs. The Centre de Documentation Juive Contemporaine in Paris has issued some 16 volumes dealing with Jewish life in France under the German occupation. Because of the political changes in Poland, some of the scholars connected with the Central Jewish Historical Commission have left for âris where they have established the Center for the Study of the History of the Jews in Poland under the auspices of the Association of Polish Jews in France. The Federation of Polish Jews in the Argentine has published over 145 volumes, most of which deal with the catastrophe in Poland. The Bulgarian Jewish Scientific Institute was also active in this field. There were also smaller centers of research in Hungary and Rumania. Histories of a number of communities during the catastrophe were published in Russia, Black Books have appeared in Rumania, Hungary (also in an English translation). A memorial volume appeared in Greece. A large number of publications has seen the light in Israel. An international meeting of historians and historical commissions took place in Paris in December 19147, but it failed to establish an international organization. American scholarship has been relatively backward in this field. In fact, the number of publications (mostly autobiographical) on the catastrophe has been on the decrease of late. It must be noted, however, that a conference for the study of methods of research on the Catastrophe took place under the auspices of the Confer- ence on Jewish Relations in New York in the Spring of 19149• There are many aspects of the Catastrophe that require close study. Enough however, has been published to reveal that the annihilation of the Jews was planned by the Nazis and carried out according to plan. Stages in the Nazi War Against the Jews The wholesale massacre was the final stage in a series of steps designed to eliminate the Jews. In Nazi'Germany, the war against the Jews began with the first stage of initial legislation, eliminating the Jews from the civil services, professions and cultural life (April, 1933 to September, 1935). Thus Jewish equality became legalized. The second stage was that of the segregation of the Jews.oh a racial citizenship and in consequence of political..׳ basis and their deprivation of German and civil rights. The Nuremberg Laws, promulgated September 15, 1935, marked the beginning of this stage. They became the legal basis of further anti-Jewish steps. Other laws excluded Jews from military service, deprived the *Jewish communities of their legal status which gave them the right to collect taxes,and turned them into voluntary membership associations. The decree regarding the registration of Jewish property of April 26, 1938, was a preparation for the Billion Mark Atonement Fine of November 12, 1938, which followed pre-arranged riots and arrests, precipitated by the mysterious' assassination in Paris of Ernst von Rath, third secretary of the Paris German Embassy, on November 7 by the youthful Hershel Grynszpan* Before that, segregation continued and was marked by a decree forcing Jews to append the names of Sarah and Israel to their names. The third stage, that of complete impoverishment and isolation, began with the Billion Mark Atonement Fine and with the decree calling for the final elimination of Jews from German economic life on November 12, 1938. Their elimination from the schools and the right of the government to dispose ׳ of their property was decreed on December 3, 1938. A ghetto was established in ״,Berlin on December 5, 1938. Compulsory labor for Jews was introduced on March 14 1939. German racist law followed German control of Austria, czechia and Slovakia, Hungary, Rumania and Italy. The same procedures of segregation and forced labor were the preparatory steps for the mass murder and starvation. Following are texts of i׳two Nuremberg Daws and their ghettoization follow-up Nuremberg Laws "6. Law for the Protection of the German Blood and the German Honor (Sept. 15, 1935. Imbued with the conviction that the purity of the German blood is prerequisite for the future existence of the German people, and animated with the unbending will to ensure the existence of the German nation for all the future, the Reichstag has unanimously adopted the following law, which is hereby proclaimed5 Par, 1, (1) Marriages between Jews and state members (Staatsangehoerige) of German or cognate blood are forbidden. Marriages concluded despite this law are in- valid, even if they are concluded abroad in order to circumvent this law, (2) Only the State Attorney may initiate the annulment suit. Par, 2, Extra-marital relations between Jews and state members of German or cognate blood are prohibited. Par* 3• Jews must not engage female domestic help in their households among state members of German or cognate blood, who are under hS years. Par. k, (1) The display of the Reich and national flag and the diowing of the national colors by Jews is prohibited. (2) However, the display of the Jewish colors is permitted to them. The exer- ciee of this right is placed under the protection of the state. Par, 5. (1) Whosoever acts in violation of the prohibition of Par, 1,, will be punished with penal servitude, (2) V/hosoever acts in violation of Par, 2., will be punished with either im- prisonment or penal servitude. (3) Whosoever acts in violation of Par. 3* or Par. U., will be punished by im- prisonment up to one year, with a fine or with either of these penalties, Par. 7. This law goes into effect on the day following promulgation, except for Par. 3. which shall go into force on January 1, 1936. " "8. First Decree to the Reich citizenship Law, November lh, 1935. Par. !*. (1) A Jew cannot be a citizen of the Reich. He cannot exercise the right to vote on political matters! he cannot hold public office. (2) Jewish officials are to be retired on December 31, 1935• In case these officials served either Germany or her allies at the front in the ôrld War, they shall receive as a pension, until they reach their age limit, the full salary last received! they are not, however, to be promoted according to seniority. After they reach the age'limit, their pension is to be calculated anew according to the salary last received, on the basis of which their pension was to be computed. (3) Affairs of religious organizations are not affected herewith. (U) The conditions of service of teachers in public Jewish schools remain un- changed until the forthcoming regulation of the Jewish school system. ho is descended from at least three full Jewish׳is anyone17׳Par. 5• (1) A• Jew" grandparents. Par. 2., clause 2, sentence 2 is to be applied. (2) A Jewish state member of mixed descent (Staatsangehoeriger juedischer Mischling) who is descended from two full Jewish grandparents is also considered a Jew, if a. He belonged to the Jewish religious community at ihe time this law was issued or joined the community later. to a Jew at the time when the law was issued, or if he ׳b. He was married married a Jew subsequently, c. He is the offspring of a marriage with a Jew within the meaning of clause 1, which was contracted after the Law for the Protection of German Blood and Honor of September 15, 1935 (RGBL, i, p. 11146) went into effect, d» He is the offspring of extra-marital intercourse with a Jew, within the meaning of clause 1, and will be born out of wedlock after July 31, 1936. " "19. First Order Issued by Police President of Berlin On the basis of the Police Decree Regarding the Appearance of the Jews in Public of November 28, 1938, the following is decreed for the police district of Berlin: to be־Par. 1. Streets, squares, parks and buildings, from which the Jews are banned, are to be closed to Jerrish subjects of the State and stateless Jews, both pedestrians and drivers. when׳ Par. 2. Jewish subjects of the State and stateless Jews who at the time this decree goes into effect still live within a district banned to tte Jews, must have a local police permit for crossing the banned area. By July 1, 1939, permits for Jews living within the banned area will no longer be issued. Par. 3. Jewish subjects of the State and stateless êws who are summoned by an office within the banned area, must obtain a local police permit for twelve hours. Par. 14. The ban on Jews in Berlin comprises the following districts: (1) An theatres, cinemas, cabarets, public concert and lecture halls, museums, amusement places, the halls of the Fair, including the Fair grounds and broadcast- ing station on the Messedamm, the Deutschlandhalle and the Sport Palace, the Reich Sport Field, all athletic fields including ice skating rinks; (2) An public and private bathing places; (3) tfilhelmstrasse from Leipzigerstrasse up to Under den Linden including Wilhelmplatz. (14) Vosstrasse from Hermann-Goering Strasse up to Wilhelmstrasse; (5) The Reichsehrenmal, including the North sidewalk of Under den Linden from the University up to the Armory. Voelkischer Beobachter, December 14, 1938. " From:Bernard 3. Weinryb, Jewish Emancipation Under Attach. New lork, Research Institute on Peace and*Post-War Problems of the American Jewish Committee, 19U2, pp. 145, 146 , 56-57. 11 - The Final Annihilation Stage The true Nazi intentions concerning the Jews, which appear to be so obvious today, were veiled under propaganda of segregation rather than massacre. The plan to ®utfcter all the Jews was evidently not known as late as 19U2 to some important Nazis. The tentative decision to that effect was probably made in 1938 or 1939. The pertinent document was not as yet found. There is however a letter, dated January 214, 1939, which states that Richard Heydrich, Chief of Security Forces, was entrust— ed with the taksof preparing "an advantageous solution of the Jewish question". Another document, presented before the Nuremberg Trials, offer® proof that the decision concerning the final extermination was reached immediately after the outbreak of ôrld War II. It is a letter by Heydrich, dated September 21, 1939 aid refers to a conference held in Berlin on the same day at which was discussed "the Jewish problem in the occupied zone"! "With reference to the conference which took place today in Berlin, I would like to point out once more that the total measures planned (i.e. the final aim) are to be kept strictly secret. A distinction is to be made between: (1) The final aim (which will take some time) and (2) sections of the carrying out of this aim (which can be carried out within a short space of time). The measures planned require the most thorogh preparation both from the technical and the economic point oif view... I. The first necessity for the attaining of the final aim is the concentration of the country Jews in the bog towns." ' , From: Josef Guttmann, "The Fate of European Jewry", YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science. Vol. II-III, New lork, Yiddish Scientific Insti- tute, YIVO, 19U7-U8, p.321. The letter also contains instructions about the establishment of the ghettos following the concentration of the Jews in the big cities, about establishing the council of elders and the collective responsibility of all the inhabitants, about drafting of Jews for forced labor in the war factories. These measures were carried out in Foland. In Russia, Nazi policy was even more drastic. Special task forces (Einsatzgruppen) went along with the invading forces* Their task according to the order of June 23, 19^1, was to "cleanse and secure the action area" to exterminate "enemy agents, communists and Jews." By October 15, one St^hlhecker, leader of Ein- satzgruppe A (Document L-180) reported that 135,567, almost all Jews, were liquidated according to basic orders. S.S. Brigadefuehrer Stahlecker stated in that document that "In accordance with the basic orders received, the cleansing activities of the Security Police had to aim at a complete annihilation of the Jews...." s (From: Josef Guttmann, "The Fate of European Jewry", YIVO Annual of Jewish ocial Science, Vol. II-III, Ne7 York, Yiddish Scientific Institute, YIVO, 19U7-U8, p. 322). In their activities the Nazi extermination squads were aided by native quislings of all nationalities, ,Immediately after the capture, the security police formed volunteer detachments from reliable natives in all three Baltic provinces; they carried out their duties successfully under our command. During the first pogrom on the night of 25-26 June, the Lithuanian partisans did. away with 1,500 Jews, set .fire to several synagogues or destroyed them by other means and burned dawn a Jewish dwelling district consisting of about 60 houses. During the following nights about 2,300 Jews י 12 - were made harmless in a similar way. ... It was possible through similar influences on the Latvian auxiliary to set in motion a pogrom against Jews in Riga. During this pogrom all synagogues were destroyed and about 1400 Jews were killed. ... The arrest of all male Jews of over 16 years of age has been nearly finished. With the exception of doctors and the Jewish Elders who were appointed by the Special Com- mandos, they were executed by the Self-Protection Units under the control of the Special Detachment'^Self-Protection Unit was t)1e designation of the Estonian collaborationists). "S.S. Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Stahlecker.gives ungrudging credit to>his Lithuanian coworkers in adding: 'This is so much easier because the action detachments in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia hawe at their disposal native police units, as described in enclosure N0. 1', "Document 11014-PS, October 30, 19111, being a report by a German officer on massacres in the ^hite Russian town of Slutzk, states: ,With indescribable brutality on the part of the German police officers and particularly the Lithuanian partisans, the Jewish people, but also among them the "hite Russians, were taken out of their dwellings and herded together.' "... "The Ukrahians, by reason of their larger numbers and historic hatred of Poles and Jews, proved themselves particularly pernicious collaborationists. The decision to employ them was reached by the Germans long before the War." ... on the extermination of׳Document L-18, June 30, 19U3, an official report" 11314,329 Jews (a fact frankly proclaimed in the report), states: ,Owing to the great number of Jews and the vast area to be combed out, these actions were performed with the assistance of detachments from the security police, order police, Gendar- merie, and the Ukrainian police, all acting together in numerous single sweeps'... 4f From: Abraham G. Duker,"liany Among DP's in European Camps are Collaborationists", Paper introduced into the Congressional Record by Hon. Arthur G, Klein, August 2, 5, 6, 19148. When such methods of execution were found slow and cumbersome, gas vans were introduced in Russia in 19141• Gas chambers with crematoria were introduced in factories in Poland started ׳Poland in the Spring of 19142, the time when the death their wholesale activities, with one center, Auschwitz,reaching a peak of 60,000 executions daily. This continued until November 25, 191414, when Gestapo chief Himmler, by that time certain of German defeat issued the order to destroy the gas chambers and to stop murdering the Jews, The following affidavit by a Nazi major summarizes the report by one Adolf Eichmann, who was not as yet apprehended! "Affidavit of Dr. Wilhelm Hoettl, 26 November 19145 - I, Wilhelm Hoettl, state herewith under oath: My name is Dr. Wilhelm Hoettl, SS-Sturmbannfuehrer, (Major of the SS). My occupation until the German collapse was that of a reporter and deputy Gruppenleiter in Amt VI (Office VI) of the Reichs Security Office ("Reichs- sicherheitshauptampt"). "Amt VI of the RSHA was the so-called foreign Section of the Security Service and it was engaged in the Intelligence Service in all countries in the world. It corresponded somewhat to the English Intelligence Service. The group to which I belonged was occupied in the Intelligence Service of Southeastern Europe (the Balkans). "At the end of August 191414 I was talking to SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Adolf - 13 י whom I had known since 1938• The conversation took place in my home in״ ,Eichmann Budapest, "According to my knowledge îchmann was, at that time, Abtailungsleiter in Amt IV (the Gestapo) of the Reich Security Office ("Reichssicherheitshauptampt") and in addition ot that he had been ordered by Himmler to get a hold of the Jews in all the European countries and to transport them to Germany• Eichmann was then very much impressed with the fact that Rumania had withdrawn from the war in those days• Therefore, he had come to me to get information about the military situation which I received daily from the Hungarian Ministry of âr and from the Commander of the Waffen-SS in Hungary• He expressed his conviction that Germany had now lost the war and that he, personally, had no further chance. He knew that he would be considered one of the main war criminals by the United Nations since he had millions of Jewish lives on his conscience, I asked him how many that was, to which he answered that although the number was a great Reich secret, he would tell me since I, as a probably not return anyhow from his׳ historian, would be interested and that he would command in Rumania, He had, shortly before that, made a report to Himmler, as the latter wanted to know the exact number of Jews who had been killed. On the basis of his information he had obtained the following results "Approximately four million Jews had been killed in the various extermination camps while an additional two million met death in other ways, the major part of TRfoich were shot by operational squads of the Security Police during the campaign against Russia, "Himmler was not satisfied with the report since, in his opinion, the number of Jews, who had been killed, must have been more than six million. Himmler stated, that he would send a man from his Office of Statistics to îchmann, so that he could make a new report on the basics of îchmann's material, in which exact figures should be worked out. "I have to believe that this information, given to me by îchmann, was correct, as he, among all the persons in qiestion, certainly had the best survey of the figures of the Jews who had been murdered. In the first place, he "delivered" so ,his special squads and knew׳to speak the Jews to the extermination camps through therefore, the exact figure and, in the second place, as Abtailungsleiter in Amt IV (the Gestapo) of the RSHA, who was also responsible for Jewish matters, he knew indeed better than anyone else the number of Jews who had died in other ways• "In addition to that, Eichmann was at that moment in such a state of mind as a result of the events, that he certainly had no intention of telling me something that was not true. "I, myself, know the details of this conversation so well because I was,' naturally, very much affected and I had already, prior to the German collapse, given detailed data about it to American Quarters in a neutral foreign country with which I was in touch at that time• Initials W.H, "I hereby swear, that the above statements have been made by me voluntarily and without duress or convulsion, and that the above statements are true according to my best knowledge and belief, (signed) Dr. Wilhelm Hoettl* "Signed and sworn to before me in Nuernberg, Germany this 26th day of November 19h$• (signed) Frederick L. Felton Lieutenant USNR #2£33U5 » (Translation of Bocument 2738-PS) ־114־ Rescue Attempts Another problem which has received even scanter attention from the researchers is that of the failure of rescue. Rescue me ant emigration, but the period of the Catastrophe witnessed even more tightly closed gates than the decade which preceded it. As early as 1935, James G. McDonald, the High Commissioner for Refugees of the League of Nations resigned from his position because of the lack of world cooperation in defending the Jews and in providing outlets for their immigration. When the refugee situation became sharpened with Germany1 s incorporation of Austria, the international conference held in July, 1938 at Evian, France, merely served as proof to the Nazi agitators of the justice of their attitude towards the Jews, since none of the 30 governments represented at Evian made sincere offers to accept Jewish ,in 1939 frcm America's shores of the SS St. Louis׳refugees. The turning back filled with Jewish refugees, was another illustration of this attitude. Finally,' the gates of Palestine were closed when the White Paper was promulgated on May 17, 1939. The same attitude was maintained during the War. The Allied governments first of the Jews. A joint declaration of׳preferred to be silent about the persecution Britain, France and Poland of April 17, 19140, merely included the mention of'the persecutions of the Jews. A declaration on war crimes ly nine Allied powers, signed December 17, 19U2, told of Hitler's intentions of exterminating the Jewish people and warned of dire punishment for the perpetrators of such crimes, but nothing was done by the Allies to carry out suggestions for rescue proposed by the Jewish organizations. When after many protests, a conference was called at Bermuda on April 19, 19143, to discuss the problem of rescue, its outcome, still an official secret, resulted in the reiteration of the closed doors stand. The conference, it is known, rejected the proposal to negotiate with the Axis for the release of the Jews,did not consider itself empowered to recommend the feeding of the ghettos, and was unwilling to recommend the establishment of free ports or temporary shelters for the persecuted Jews, even with the understanding that they would return thence to their own homes following the end of the war. The objection to such shelters was justified by the argument that they would have to be located in Allied territories, all considered as war zones. The problem of opening the doors of Palestine was taken off the conference's agenda. Many plans for rescue were submitted by Jewish organizations after it had become elear that extermination was the aim of the Nazis. Jews like non-Jews refused for a long time to believe the possible extent of Nazi cruelty. Proposals ranged about the establishment of temporary free shelters in neutral countries, the recognition of the Jews as war prisoners with protection by the International Red Cross according to the Geneva conventions, segregation and treatment of German Nazis in Allied countries, similar to that of the Jews by the Germans as a means of the limited smuggling of׳pressure. Less ambitious rescue plans were centered on -neutral countries. Sweden rescued this way U,00p Jews. Switzerland ad׳Jews into mitted 22,000 but deported many Jews from her borders back to Germany• There were proposals for the military destruction from the air of the extermination centers, which would stop their deadly production at least temporarily. Other proposals called for the continuous bombing of the railroads leading to these extermination camps. Proposals were made that the churches and the governments-in-exile urge their citizens to rescue individual Jews. The Jewish Agency proposed in 19142 that Jewish parachutists be dropped to organize the resistance of the Jews under the Nazi occupation. This proposal was renewed after the news became public of the valiant resistance of the Warsaw ghetto inA prill9U3. Finally, thirty parachutists were sent to Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Slovakia, Yugoslavia, Austria, Hungary and Italy. Seven did not return. The parachutists did much to organize resistance and limited rescue activities. Part of their duty was to rescue shot down Allied airmen• ־ 15 - They worked in collaboration withthe Jewish Agency's and the Haganah's rescue headquarters in Istanbul, which in turn maintained close relationships with the 'Jar Refugee Board. The latter was established in early 19141, by the U.S., but was supported mainly by Jewish organizations. The •Jar Refugee Board had little authority, was not adequately backed by American diplomatic missions and its achievements are limited. The ©swego camp, the only temporary shelter, housing 982 refugees, including 918 Jews, was als o opened in August 19uU. Pressure by the Jewish Agency to enable Jews to enter Palestine even within the White Paper quota was unsuccessful• The closed doors to Palestine were tragically symbolized by the S3 Struma, which sank in the Bosphorus on February 25, 19U1, with 750 passengers, after the Turkish government forced the boat to leave the shores of Turkey, having ascertained that the British would not admit her passengers to Palestine with the exception of the children • The problem of rescue as can be seen was tied to that of immigration outlets, which in turn hinged largely on the availability of Palestine• Morgenthau's memoirs present another side of the role of American and British statesmanship in the rescueo f the Jews. The role of the International Red Cross in this connection is also a highly doubtful one. While individual clergymen and the vatican are known to have saved Jews, particularly children in the West and in Italy, it cannot be said that most of their way to rescue Jews. In fact, the Vatican approved the׳churches went out Vichy racist laws, which were an introduction to massacre. The failure of the Jewish communities in the occupied countries in their limited rescue efforts is still awaiting its investigators. The Palestinian community was the most active one in this rescue. The Exodus from Europe While the communities in Western Europe have shown much progress in their economic reconstruction, serious doubts have been raised as to the possibility of cultural and religious survival of the very small communities, particularly in view of the low proportion of children and youths and the emigration tendencies which manifest themselves throughout Europe, and are especially in focus among the more conscious Jewish youth. As for the Soviet dominated East, Jews have shown their ability to adjust to a collectivist economy despite the great hardships. How1- ever, the present course of increased sharpening of differences between the East ,the Soviet periphery countries־ and West and the resultant rapid communization of has also brought about a similar process in the Jewish community. The process of introducing the Soviet pattern of Jewish community organization and institutional liquidation has been the most rapid and far going in Rumania, where the policy of Rumanianization is the most far reaching, with few Yiddish schools in existence. However, even in Poland whose community is considered the least assimilationist minded, the majority of Jewish children attend Polish schools, the Hebrew school system is being eliminated and the tendency is generally heading towards the cultural and even spiritual identification of the Jews with r01and rather than the Jewish people. Russia's changed position towards Zionism's political aims in terms of Israel's statehood have brought about no changes in her attitude towards Zionism and Jewish survival in the Soviet Union; In fact, the past year has witnessed a rapid increase in Russlanization policy, manifested by the closing of the last Yiddish periodical published in the U.S.S.R. It is likely that this policy may be followed in due time by the other ôviet periphery states. Antagonism to Zionism is also manifested in the general closing of the gates to the emigration of the Jews from the Soviet periphery countries. There is reason to believe that this restriction is also motivated by the need for the utilization of Jewish manpower in the present stage of the transfer from capitalistic to collectivist economy against the resistance of large sectors of the population• י 16 - The position of the Jews in most •^lropean countries cannot as yet be considered as safe in view of anti-Semitism and the threat of reaction. A major factor in the in Germany, which is restoring the ׳situation has been the de-Nazification policy control of that country to the industrialists, who collaborated with %tler in bringing about World "•Jar II. The agreement to remove all Nazi Party members from office and to replace them by German democrats (Potsdam, August 2, 19145) was continually weakened b;• a series of steps which entrusted the process of denazification to the Germans, with the result that the official survey of the results of denazification as of July 31, 19U8, revealed according to Gerhard Jacoby that "almost ' ,the Denazification Law. Out of this total׳million people had registered under 13 92 million were not considered suspect, on the basis of their answers to the questionnaire. Of the 34 million cases to be prosecuted, all but 146 thousand had been completed. Nearly 2f million of the cases had been amnestied without trial. 900,802 had been brought to trial. Of these, one tenth of one percent were consider- lesser offenders". 51.3$ were" ־?ed "major offencers", 2,2$ "offenders" and 11.1 called "followers", and 33*5$ were amnestied and had the proceedings against them quashed. The penalties imposed by the denazification tribunals ranged from fines of less than 1,000 Reichsmark to 10 years in a labor camp. Of the 8,703 sentenced to labor camps, 1122 received sentences ranging from five to ten years, 5,055 from one to five years, and 3,226 less than one year, Of the 5146,681 who were fined, 1171,102 were fined in amounts less than 1000 Reichsmark. "The effects of the failure to denazify Germany can be pieced together from authoritative unofficial reports and news releases. In the courts of Bavaria, 83$ of the judges and 81$ of the public prosecutors are former members of the wazi Party. The Bavarian Ministry of Education disclosed that 11,000 teachers who had been dismissed from their jobs because of their associat ion with thelv azi Party have been reinstated. In Schleswig'-Holstein, a land with a Social Democratic majority and a purely Social Democratic Government, 91$ of all judges, prosecutors, zones of־and court officials are foraer members of the Nazi Party, In all the Western Germany, the positions of power in economic life, in industry, and in trade, are occupied by former Nazis or those who earned fortunes by serving Nazism, Former aides of Ribbentrop's Foreign Office coyps are already recruiting a Foreign Office staff, confident that'they will soon be restored to their former positions," the Office׳From: Gerhard Jacoby; At the Grave of Denazification, News Release from) of Jewish Information, American Jewish Congress, New York, April 5, 19149, p. 14). The situation was not much better in Austria, where disagreement among the Allies left th3 Austrian government to carry out its own process of denazification4 Nazis, There were־with all parties accusing each other of courting the former 5140,000 registered Nazis out of a total population of 7,057,1140 in Austria. The manesty law promulgated in May 19148, cleared 1487,067 of them, (0NA, dispatch, February 11, 19149). The aid of the war crime trials in Germany in ^pril 19149, when Baron von Weizsacker and 15 other Nazi leaders were sentenced to terms from 14 to 25 years in jail, averaging 9 and a half years, concluded the work of theA merican Military Tribunal, which resulted in 1,588 convictions in the U.S. zone alone. Few death sentences were passed, and frequently these few were set aside. The Nuremberg Trials continue to serve as a motive for international anti-Semitic propaganda. (Data about other war crime trials will be given in connection with session 12.). The scuttling of the liquidation of the cartels, the increasing nationalism and anti-Semitism among the Germans, the rabid anti-Semitic propaganda in the £ast and West have all been the direct causes for the population movement that can be termed as the Jewish exodus from Europe and the Arab countries of North Africa and - 17 י Yemen, to the extent that some communities are being disbanded (e.g. Bulgaria), The opening of the gates of Israel to unlimited Jewidi immigration has marked the end of the closed doors to Jews. In fact, the Zionist struggle against Great Britain can be viewed in a large sense and at least until the fall of 19U7, 90s a struggle for open doors for immigration and rescue rather than a battle for statehood,the parallel consequence of that struggle. 11-2-550 TRAINING BUREAU FOR J&-ISH COMiUNAL SERVICE 1145 East 32nd Street, New York 16, N.I.

INSTITUTE ON ADVANCED STUDIES IN JEWISH COn.,UNITY ORGANIZATION

SUMMER SEI.1ESTER - 1950

COURSE UNIT II - SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF AMERICAN JEWISH LIFE

Syllabus and Readings for;

Session 2 - July 3, 1950, P.M. - Immigrant Backgrounds

CONTENTS: 1• Migrations, by Abraham G• Duker, 2, A Century of Jewish Immigration to the United States, by Oscar and Mary F, Handlin, reprinted from the American Jewish Year Book» Vol. 50, 19148-149, New York, The Anerican Jewish G0mmittee> 19149• Bibliography by Abraham G. Duker

״ k-' ' •"•••• IHI1IIMIH.II

XPERIMENTAL EDITSOH - AWAOTMG PUBLICATION NOT TO BE REPRODUCED WITHOUT PERMISSION ׳

Coordinator: Dr. Sidney Axelrad \ (COMMENTS WELCOMED) MIGRATIONS

The term "wandering Jew" has been dramatized during the past two decades by s״drastic needs for new homes on the part of the majority of Europe's and Islamdcm Jews. This term, however, is an ancient one. It has been hallowed in Christian ־ theology, in which the parallel is drawn between the wanderings of Cain, marked for life and sentenced to eternal restlessness because of the murder of his brother Abel, and the peregrinations of the Jews, The Jewish people are similarly tainted in Christian lore not only as murderers of the man Jesus but also as deicides, who cru- cified Jesus, the son of God. Therefore they are condemned by Christian tradition to perpetual degradation, expulsions and persecutions in order to serve as witnesses before humanity of the dire consequences of the rejection of the "true" faith.

Even without this motive of Christian persecution, migrations or wanderings occupy a most important place in Jewish history. In the life of most people the problem of place, of geographic concentration and distribution, arises but occasionally. In form, it is most generally a struggle to maintain territorial integrity against invaders or to acquire more land at the cost of other nations. Although since the seventeenth century there'has bean a constant stream of varying proportions of European populations overseas,; migration is but a minor aspect of the life of most peoples. Mass migrations in ancient and early medieval times were movements of entire peoples or tribes» Modern migration, in general, has been less of a movement of peoples than of individuals,

Jewish Migrations and Survival

In Jewish history, migration occupies a role much more important than in the history of other peoples. Migration may be said to have been a primary means of achieving Jewish survival. Such migration has for the most part been theresult of expulsion, but voluntary migrants have also played a prominent role in perpetuating the Jewish People, It should also be noted that Jewish expulsions in the past have not been unqualified exclusion. Generally, there was a choice between becoming a Christian or a uranderer. Hence, expulsions were, in a sense, the Jewish choice to continue as a historic group.

If the staunch conviction in the truth of the religion of Israel and the fervent belief in the restoration to the Holy Land have been the most important causes for Jewish survival, it cm he said that an important means for it was provided by the migrations.

Ancient Migrations

The history of the Jewish people begins with the journey of Abraham and his family (Abraham tribes) from Mesopotamia (Iraq) into Canaan. It continues with the usual nomadic wanderings of Jacob and his sons into Egypt in search of food and an- י imal fodder possibly as part of the migrations of a more inclusive group of Semitic nomadic tribes, the Habirus or the Hyksos. It is dramatized by the Exodus from Egpyt, a migration movement which became a symbol of liberation of a nation. By both con- quest and infiltration, the Israel tribes finally assimilated the native population of Canaan, and were gradually molded into a nation. Transfers of population were part and parcel of the geo-politics of the ancient world. In consequence, following the destruction of the Northern Kingdom of Israel in 722 and before that in 73k B.C.E. large numbers of Israelites were settled in various localities of the Assyrian empire. The conquests and wars of Babylon, 597 and 586 B.C.E. caused the resettlement of the majority of Judea's inhabitants in various parts of the Babylonian empire. At about the same time many Jews settled in Egypt, a Jewish military colony of Elephantine in Upper Egypt having left behind a fascinating collection of papyri. ־ 2 ־

The restoration of Jewish statehood by Cyrus, King of Persia, brought back a relatively small number of the earlier deportees to Palestine, thus initiating what can be called the first Zionist migration movement, 537 B. C, E. The majority of the earlier exiles remained in Babylon,which developed some 800 years later in a long lasting religious cultural center of world Jewry. The restoration of statehood did not bring an end of Jewish migrations. Following the increase of Palestine's Jewish population, and as a result of contacts with the Mediterranean world, Pal- estine's incorporation within the Hellenistic political and cultural area, opened new places for Jewish settlement. Dispersion of Jews began again without, however, weakening the national religious center. Under Ptolemaic rule, the Jewish community in Egypt grew rapidly so that by the first century its population was estimated anywhere from several hundred thousand to 1,000,000. Jews also migrated to Greece, Asia Minor, North Africa, The expansion of Rome led to more Jewish migrations, with Jewish communities being established in Spain, Italy, the Black Sea region. The political and economic expansion of the Parthian (Persian) empire in the East led also to the migrations, of Jews to various regions, such as Armenia, India, and even China. Even before the destruction of the Second Commonwealth in 70 C.E., the Jews were truly a world people.

This destruction of Jewish statehood increased the Jewish population in Rome and other places through the addition of war captives, while naturally reducing the total number of Jews. It is also possible that it also served to increase the number of Jews in Arabia,

The Middle Ages

The Middle Ages introduced the new phenomenon of contraction and expansion in the geographical distribution of the Jewish people. The Arab conquests brought with them the spread of the Jews throughout the Moslem countries of the Mediterranean. Until the 11th century, Jews continued to spread out in Christian V/e stern Europe. The Crusades launched in 1096 brought about a series of persecutions which in turn brought about new migrations.

The problem of provision for wanderers had to be met by the Jews in some form or other, as they had to cope with it in most periods of their history since the loss of political independence. Problems of liberating Jewish captives from armies of pirates were frequently faced by the Jewish communities until the 18th century. More complex was the search for new homes as a result of the periodic expulsions of Jews from their places of residence during medieval and early modern times. In 629 they were expelled from the Frankish territories. In 673 they were expelled from Narbonne Provencej in 875 from Sens; in 1010 from Limoges; in 1012 from Mayencej in 1182 from France; in 1290 from England; in 1306 again from France, once again in 1322 and still again 13914. The last French • expulsion was in 1507, from Marseilles. In 11421 they were expelled from Austria and in the next forty years they were driven out from a number of German centers. In 11492 they were expelled from Castile and Aragon (Spain) and in 11497 from Portugal. In 11495 they were driven out of Lithuania. In 15142 and in 1561 they were expelled from Prague. In 1569 they were compelled to leave most of the Papal states. A similar expulsion took place in 1593. In 16148 they were expelled from Hamburg, in 1670 from Vienna. In 18214 Jews were expelled from the Rus- sian villages and in 1892 from Moscow, in 1910 from Kiev. During World Yifar I it was the practice of the Russian army to expel Jews from certain war zones. During World War II Nazi expulsion was a preparatory stage for anihilation. Persecutions in Germany caused the Jews to spread out eastward to the Siav.countries, particularly Poland and Lithuania, where they had reached sizeable numbers by the 13th century. Expulsions from Spain and Portugal (11492,11497) led to migration movements to the Islamic regions of North Africa and the Ottoman possessions in the Balkans as well as Asia Minor, with small numbers settling first in Holland, later in England and in the overseas colonies in America• Summary of Modern Phases The second part of the 18th century saw a westward migration movement from Eastern Europe to Germany and the countries overseas, where German Jews also began to migrate. This movement was motivated by economic reasons. It continued in the 19th century, with Germany and German periphery Jews (Hungary, Bohemia) migrating en masse to the United States, particularly after the failure of the 18U8 revolution. At the same time, East European Jews were migrating across the borders to Germany, Hungary and Rumania, and joining the overseas migrations, first to England, and later to the United States, Latin America, South Africa. Their movement began as a sizeable trickle, later in oonsequence of the 1880-81 pogroms in Russia, it assumed the form of mass waves. Pilgrimages to Palestine also turned into a small colonizers' migration, beginning with the 1880's. World War I initiated a mass migration of refugees and deportees from the Russian war zcne. At the same time, the War considerably checked the overseas migrations. The War was followed by restrictive legislation throughout the world, with racial quota provisions in the U.S. emulated by other countries. The growth of anti- Semitism in the post-Versailles era made the need for places of immigration even more imperative, and finally, the rise of Iii tier to power made an immigration outlet synonymous with a passport to life. That period also witnessed an increase in immigration to Palestine which became a major outlet, until closed by the British "White Paper of 1939. Some Comparisons While political persecution of the genocidal type has been the most prominent cause of Jewish migrations in the past decade, migrations in the ancient period can be generally characterized as occasioned by primarily economic reasons, with the exception of population transfers and slave shipments, Palestine was unable to take care of the rapidly expanding Jevirish populations, which as a result sought emigration outlets elsewhere in the Hellenistic and Persian worlds. Similar economic factors often hide behind the more obvious political persecutions, which sometimes were the mere dramatization of the earlier mentioned mundane needs. The economic factors are naturally connected with biological factors, namely the high birth rate of the Jews which forced people to seek new localities where they could earn their livelihood. Sometimes, such biological factors are connected with political persecution, as for instance in the case of the restriction of Jewish marriages practiced in some Central European areas. The Medieval Period was characterized by migrations occasioned by socio-religious factors. The average Jew could save himself from persecution by adopting the religion of the majority. However, he preferred to seek a new home, where he could practice his religion. Naturally, all expulsions can thus be traced to religious factors in spite of the economic motivations underlying them in a great many cases. Socio-religious factors with the added motive of nationalism are behind many of the migrations to Palestine. The factor of anti-Semitism underlies, however, most migrations, particularly those in the 20th century, and without any doubt, those caused by the rise of Hitler to power. A combination of factors, desire for group survival, psychological wish to escape places of persecution and slaughter, and dis- trust of the non-Jewish world, difficulties of economic adjustment on the spot, as well as the fear of anti-Semitism are behind the migrations which followed •foril War II and were typified by the D.P. situation. Modern Migrations The period of Modern Migrations begins in the 1820's (Wischnitzer) or the 1830's (Hersch). It is divided into three phases! (1) Culture Periphery Phase (1830's,1**• 1870's), (2) the East European Phase (1870's-192U), (3) the Closed Gates Phase (beginning with 1925), which can be divided into three sub-phases, as follows! (a)1925-39 ,of today. (This is Our division־b) the Hitler Phase and (c) the Post-War Phase) Hersch divides the migration into three periods, the first two above, and the third called the Central European Period, beginning with 1935)• 1, The German Culture Periphery (l830's-l870's) saw the migration of German and Bohemian Jews to England, France and the united States. It was launched by the mass emigration of non-Jews from Germany and Bohemia in consequence of the industrial revolution and the agrarian crisis which affected adversely the peasants aid artisans. Jews emulated their neighbors, particularly in the wake of the 18U8 Revolution. While that emigration left no appreciable effect on the number of the Jewish population in these countries, as they were replaced by the entry of Jews from Eastern Europe, many small Jewish communities disappeared. The migration of the German Jews, notably those of the Posen regions who were related and had maintained intimate contacts with the Polish Jews, also served to acquaint the £>ast European Jews living in a segregated world of their own, with the existence of overseas immigration outlets. The Civil War in the U.S. and later the prosperity engendered by the unification of Germany in 1871, brought about first a temporary and later a fairly complete stoppage of the emigration of both Jews and non-Jews from that region. 2. The East European Phase (1870' s-19214) began with the movement of Jews from Russia (Lithuania, White Russia, Poland) chiefly to the United States, with frequent the־stop-overs in Britain until the 1890's. This exodus of individuals was caused by social and economic difficulties which came with the abolition of serfdom in 1861, and were followed by agrarian crisis, that caused millions of Russian peasants to crowd eastward to Siberia, and some Jews and non-Jews in the Western provinces to migrate overseas. This moderate Jewish population movement was turned into a mass -ith small numbers migrating to Palesמוז ,wave folloYwig the pogroms of 1880 and 1881 tine where they have founded the first colonies, and larger numbers going to the .and 1900. The next 114 ׳United States, with 500,000 entries estimated between 1880 years witnessed even a greater movement, with nearly 1,1400,000 Jews coming to U.S. between 1901 and 19114. These data are reliable for 1899-19143, as the U.S. authorities classified Jews as "Hebrews" in the immigration statistics. During the East European Phase, Jews also emigrated to Argentine, Canada and South Africa.. A rela— tively small number emigrated to Palestine, increasing that community to 80,000.. About 250,000 Jews from Sast Europe emigrated to other European countries• The countries of emigration were Russia (including Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, White Russia, Ukraine), Austria-Hungary (mainly GaliciaX, and to a lesser extent, Rumania. A wave of pogroms between 1905 and 1906 in the wake of the defeat in the Rus&o-Japanese war and the Revolution of 1905, brought about an exodus of 200,000 to 250,000 in one year. These migrations did not decrease the Jewish population of Eastern Europe, where the birth rate made up for losses due to exodus. World War I brought about a temporary reduction in overseas emigration. The Communist Revolution and the Civil War which followed it were responsible for great internal migration movements. Galician Jews fled into the Austrian and Hungarian interiors before the invading Russian armies. Jews living in the Western areas of Russia either fled for safety or were deported to the Russian interior for security reasons, thus abolishing in fact the residential restrictions outside the Pale of Settlement. The Civil War in Russia and the pogroms in the Ukraine and White Russia (1918-20) brought about new movements of population caused by evacuation by the Red Army as well as flight of individuals towards the Great Russian Interior. The establishment of communism brought about the exodus 6f Zionists and other political and intellectual dissidents from Russia to 1'alestine, European countries and overseas centers. The re-opening'of the gates to the U.S. immediately after the Cessation of the -immigration, with the rise to 119,000 Jewish en ׳War brought another, last wave of ' between"־ trants in the fiscal year of 1921, as contrasted to only 114^000 entrants June 1919 to June 1920. Emigration continued with about 50,000 entering the U.S. annuqlly, until the new quota system be^an to function in 1925. "It-reduced the num- .orld War II/׳' ber of Jewish entries to about 10,000 a year before ־ 5 ־ 3. The Closed Gates Phase a) 1925-1939 During the decade of the 1920's partial or almost complete immigration restriction began to spread in most immigrant receiving countries. The U.S. was the first to restrict immigration. In 1921, a quota law was passed limiting the annual immigration of those born in a given country to of the national composition of their members in the population of the U.S. as of 1910. This was followed by the 192U law which further restricted, entrants to 2% of the 1891 composition, thus more effectively barring the entry of *Jews, Slavs and Italians, in favor of the more "Nordic" groups. There was no economic justification for these restrictions. Other countries followed suit in various ways. There was almost total restriction in Canada and Australia. Proof of possession of sizeable funds was required in others, while seme states introduced occupational restrictions for aliens. The depression of 1929 deepened the exclusionary tendencies, which were made even more severe following the assumption of power by Hitler. Thus, for example, in comparison with the lii,000 Jews who entered Argentine in 1923, the yearly average between 1925 and 1930 dropped to less than 7,000 and diminished further to an average of 1,000 between 1939 and 191+2, Even before the rise of Hitler, economic and political anti-Semitism in the post-Versailles states forced Jews in Poland, Rumania aid Hungary to seek new homes. The Depression of 1929 gave rise to anti-Semitism among the peasants who flocked to the cities following the effects of the grave agrarian crisis. There were striking changes in the countries of emigration. The prohibition of exit from the Soviet Union put an end to the emigration of the Russian, ^hite Russian and Ukrainian Jews. This, coupled with other economic and political developments, internal immigration within the U.S.S.R., with Jews leaving־brought about a sizeable Russia's western regions, the Ukraine and White Russia, where they had been concentrated within the Pale of Settlement for the inner Great Russian provinces. This process was accompanied by the abandonment of the villages and concentration in the large cities of Moscow and Leningrad as well as in the newly created large urban industrial centers. Poland, Lithuania, Rumania, Hungary and Latvia remained the chief countries of exodus until Hitler's coming to power. Jewish immigrants also tried to find new home? in Europe, with France the most important underpopulated oountry on the continent absorbing about 150,000 between the two wars. They came to France legally or ille- gaily mainly from Poland and Rumania. In 1933, Germany and later also Austria replaced the East European countries as the center of Jewish emigration, b) The Hitler War Phase In more than one way the relatively gradual evolution in Nazi policy from restrictions to extermination gave a fairly large proportion of the German Jews the opportunity to flee. East European Jews enjoyed no such respite, Polish anti- Semitism was not as racist and as thorough going. Jews in the U.S.S.R, had no notion of the extent of Nazi brutality. Moreover, Nqzi policy in the newly won Eastern regions began with ghetto segregation for the purpose of annihilation, carried out following segregation and mass transportation at the cost of six million dead. The immigration restrictions also brought about a reshifting in the receiving countries* The U.S. was no longer the major absorptive country. Palestine had taken its role, proportionately but not quantitatively. The Jewish immigrant could no longer choose his own destination and was forced to accept any refugeLi . In consequent new Jewish centers sprung up in Cuba, Mexico, Uruguay and other • atin American countries. י 6 - The closing of the gates to Jewish immigrants facilitated in more than one way the carrying out of Hitler's plan to exterminate the Jews with marked success in the .azi domination״ liquidation of the majority of the Jews in countries under the c) The Post-War Phase of Today rar II underscored even more clearly the need for places'of״ The end of World settlement for Jewish immigrants. These fall under several categories. First, there were the inmates of concentration and extermination camps who were lucky enough to escape with their very lives. As a rule such people went back to their homelands immediately after initial recuperation to seek their families. Those from Poland usually returned to the D.P. camps established for them by the Allies. Their number was enhanced by other survivors who saved their lives by passing as "Aryans" as well as by a limited number of Soviet Jews who decided to leave for Palestine, and managed to evade the emigration restrictions by passing off as Polish citizens. The number of DP's was further increased by the mass exodus from Poland of the only sizeable Jewish group to survive because of the fortunate accident of the deportation by the Soviets of over 350,000 Jews to labor camps in the Russian interior. These Jews were citizens of Poland (not the provinces incorporated in the Soviet Union in 1939 and 19110), who refused to accept Soviet citizenship aid were in consequence removed from the border regions, a penalty which luckily saved the lives of over half of them, the rest having perished in the labor camps. After expatriation agreements had been concluded between Poland and Russia, these Jews were permitted to leave the Soviet Union for Poland, where most of them stayed long enough to decide to leave for the D.P. camps, particularly so after the Kielce pogroms in 19U6, which had been instigated by fascist Polish elements. Jews were also leaving Rumania and Hungary, both in consequence of anti-Semitism, the economic expropriation of the middle classes and the fear that once these Soviet periphery countries will be firmly established under Communist or nearly Communist regimes, the Jews would no longer be permitted to leave them. This fear turned out to be a justified one, as the new governments began to make it increasingly difficult for Jews to le ave by the end of 19U8. • In their departure to the D.P. camps, the Jewish refugees vjere aided and guided by a widespread underground chain conducted by the Haganah, which had commenced operations during the war with the Jewish Brigade acting as its spearhead. Other Jewish DP's were concentrated in China (Shanghai) and Aden (Arabia) until Israel's mass immigration phase. The presentation of the DP situation cannot be complete without considering the potential Jewish DP's. Under this category can be included almost all the Jews in the Arab countries living under the threat of increasing Moslem fanaticism, Arab nationalism with the added acerbation brought about by the Palestine situation. The remainder of the Jews in Central European countries (Austria, Germany) increasingly feel the threat of anti-Semitism. Those within the Soviet periphery fear its increase as a counter-reaction to communization, fearful that in case of war or revolution it would be channeled into pogrom waves. Moreover, the religious and nationalist Jews within the Soviet orbit are convinced of the difficulties of Jewish group survival in these localities. Similarly, the youth in many communities in Western Europe have joined the Palestine pioneer movements motivated by the same causes in the face of increasing assimilation on the part of the indigenous Jews who have decided to abandon the Jewish faith and community. The growth of anti-Semitism is another important factor also in this region. All these factors, in addition to the continued policy of closed doors and even more so outright reluctance to accept Jewish refugees throughout the world, have focused the sentiment of the Jews everywhere on Palestine. Disappointment with the Christian world, western civilization and Soviet Communism, particularly since the outright collaboration of quislings of every nation in Europe in the extermination of the Jews as well as the ignoring of the rescue of Jews during the war have been important factors in making Zionism the leading ideology among the DP's, It was the Zionist conviction that had made it possible f ca* the Jewish DP's to force the international relief organizations as well as the military governments to give them group recognition by setting them up in separate camps or sections. The struggle to force the Jewish refugee to return to his original homeland or to become integrated into the German or Austrian economy, was a continuous me and was sumbolized not only through the closed doors to Palestine. It was expressed in the reduction of food allotments, redefinition of status, discriminating against the later arrivals, petty chicanery and even judicial discrimination by officials, as well as a steady campaign of calumny aiming to identify the Jewish DP's as black marketeers or Soviet agents. Many of the Jewish DP's have left the canps for Palestine via the Haganah underground route. Of these many were captured by the British and interned in Cyprus, where those of military age remained until February 11, 1949.

Both the strengthening of the Zionist movement and the continued discrimination against the entry of Jews by immigrant receiving countries, have brought about the general acceptance of Palestine as the major solution for the Jewish DP's, The adoption of the Partition solution by the U.N. on November 29, 1947> and the declaration of Israel's statehood on May 14th, 1948, have strengthened the belief in the ability of the new Jewish state to accommodate the majority of the Jewish DP's,

The establishment of Israel was the signal for a rapid increase in the tempo of emigration. While the estimate for the total emigration from Europe and Shanghai between ltaay, 1945 to May 19118 was 150,000, immigration to Israel reached over 213,000 between May li!, 1948 and June, 1949, DP camps began to be liquidated. By June, 1949, the Jewish communities of Bulgaria and Yugoslavia reached the final stage of liquids- tion through emigration to Israel. Most of the remaining Jews in Shanghai were evacu- ated to Israel before that city's capture by the Communists, May 24, 1949• Jews in the A*"ab North African countries began a new mass movement of potential DP's to Israel, with the liquidation by emigration of the communities in Yemen and Cyrenaica completed in 1950• Israel absorbed 400,000 immigrants during the first two years of her independence, while 31,673 Jewish immigrants entered the U.S. under the D.P. legislation between October 31, 1948 and December 31* 1949•

Community Care for Emigrants

Care for the newcomers has long been a function of the Jewish communities. For instance, the Council of the Four 1•,ands in Poland, the Jewish "parliament11 of that period, made provisions for the proportional absorption of the refugees who fled the Chmielnicki Ukrainian pogroms of 1648-49• While there had been agitation for the creation of emigration organizations in the German-Jewish press in 1846, the 1848 German migration wave was the cause for a number of such movements initiated in Central Europe, The Board of delegates of American Israelites (1859-78), an early American Jewish roof organization, was vitally interested in what was called the "regulation" of immigration, pleading as it did with J ewish emigration committees in Europe to halt the migrations to the U.S. In 1870's, the Alliance Israelite Universelle called together several conferences of Jewish leaders for the purpose of establishing emigration aid committees. Representatives of the Board participated in these conferences. The Russian migration wave of the 1880's gave impetus• to communal efforts which resulted in the establishment of national committeejB in London, Paris, Vienna, Amsterdam and Berlin, In addition to engaging in direct refugee care, these committees attempted to check the emigration at the source, believing as their leaders did that emancipation in Russia rather than emigration would solve the Jewish problem in that country,

An international conference of these committees and other interested •׳•groups took place in Berlin in 1882. The increase in the number of Russian immi grants was the cause for the establishment in 1891, of another American roof organization, the Jewish Alliance of America, which included representation of Russian Jewish newcomers.

The established German-Jewish leadership concentrating about the Baron de Hirsch fund, soon eliminated the Alliance, thus bringing an end to national coordination. Baron Maurice de Hirsch of Paris was very much interested in the emigratianist solution of the Russian Jewish problem. He organized the Jewish Colonization Association (ICA) which has concentrated on colonization work in Latin America, mainly Argentine. In consequence of its interest in colonization, it was engaged also in migration workj, establishing branch offices in Russia. The ICA was also interested in agrarian and manual training and colonization on the spot in Eastern Europe, In Germany, the Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden was established in 1901, with the relief of Russian emigrants as one of its major tasks.

Until the 1930's, the major immigration work in the U.S. and on an international basis had been conducted by the HIAS - The Hebrew Sheltering Immigrant Aid Society, which evolved out of the merger in 1909 of the Hebrew Sheltering House (Hachnosas Orchim) established in New York in the early 1880's and the Hebrew -rid War I, the HIAS exיImmigrant Aid Society founded in 1902. Beginning with 70 tended its activities on an international scale. Some work with women and girls was conducted by the National Council of Jewish Women. An Industrial Removal Office was established in 1901 following efforts by the Jewish Territorialist Organization for the purpose of directing immigrants to settle outside of New York, with public relations motivations. It ran a Jewish Immigrants Information Bureau and closed its activities in 1917. Until the rise of the Hitler refugee wave the HIAS was the major organization in the field. The restriction of immigration to the U.S. caused the HIAS to extend its activities in the direction of exploring and making the most of opportunities in other parts of the world.

The end of World War I accentuated the need for international coapera- tion on emigration work. Societies for emigration were established in a number of ־ East European countries. In fact political parties, including the Bund, engaged in this work. Two international conferences held in 1921, in Brussels and Prague, established the Emigdirect. In 1927, the HIAS joined the ICA in forming the HICEM (HIAS-ICA Emigration Association), its European arm for emigration services.

The Hitler persecutions posed at their very earliest stage the need for emigration outlets for Jews. In Germany, the Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden undertook the responsibility for the emigration of German Jews, except to Palestine, Repatriation work of foreign Jews residing in Germany was carried out by the Hauptstelle fuer Juedische Wanderfuersorge. Refugee Committees were created in many European and overseas countries. In the U.S. work continued at first to be carried out by the HIAS and the National Council of Jewish Women. In 19314, the Coordinating Committee for Jewish Refugees coming .from Germany was organized. Re- organized as the National Refugee Service, it is now known as the United Service for New Americans, officially non-sectarian, but one of the three major beneficiaries of the United Jewish Appeal, In the 1930's, refugee care became the predominant interest of the Jewish community, just as today is the support of the state of Israel, Accordingly, a plethora of organizations sprung up to deal with the problem, such as the Emergency Committee in Aid of the Displaced Foreign Scholars, German Jewish Children's Aid, Refugee Economic Corporation (which had ambitions of territorial settlement and financed the Sossua experiment in the Dominican Republic),

Refugee relief wqs also conducted by established organizations, such as the Jewish Agricultural Society and the Women's Division of the American Jewish Congress, the latter opening up refugee homes in New York City, Refugee organizations also engaged increasingly in emigre help, as for instance the Self-Help of Emigres from Central Europe, and a Plethora of organizations centering about the World Jewish Congress, The various central landsmanshaften and local ones also engaged in emigration work. The J.D.C, became increasingly involved directly in emigration work, so much so that its relationship to other organizations in the field is constantly in the process of redefinition. It still remains one of the major organizations in the field. Because of Palestine's increasing role in absorbing Jewish immigrants, the Jewish Agency for Palestine became the chief organization in the field of emigration, engaging in all its aspects and coordinating the work of the various Zionist groups, and in particular the Hechalutz movement, as well as the emigre organizations in Palestine, The Youth Aliyah established by the Hadassah also became the most important migration agency for children.

World War II brought with it the emphasis on rescue activities. In addition to the established organizations, rescue was done by the Jewish Labor Comm- ittee, by the Orthodox Vaad Hahatzalah, Agudath Israel and others, with the major work conducted by the Jewish Agency's Haganah emissaries. The end of the War again brought into the fore work for the DP's, with new organizations such as Rescue the Children, Inc. , . the Labor Zionist Relief Organization, Agudath Israel Youth, and others.

Intergovernmental Aid?

At the end of World War I, an international organization, the Nansen Organization to Help the Refugees (1921-1938, since 1930, the Nansen International Office for Refugees) was established to aid the large numbers of refugees from the Soviet Union and the Near East (Armenians, Assyrians, Turks, Greeks). A so-called Nansen Passport was internationally legalized as an aid to the stateless. Thousands of Jews, otherwise aided by Jewish organizations, were assisted by that Passport which made it possible to them to continue their residence in various countries without the fear of expulsion. After 1933, the Nansen Office did very little for Jews, concentrating mainly on aid to Saarlanders (plebiscite of 1935)•

In 1933, the League of Nations created the office of the High Commission- er for Refugees (Jewish and others) Coming From Germany. Motivated as it had been by the forthcoming liquidation of the Nansen Office and anxious not to antagonize the Nazis, the High Commiss loner's Office was an autonomous one, with a governing body composed of Government representatives an an advisory council representing private organizations, Jewish and non-Jewish. James G. McDonald was the first High Commissioner, He resigned after two years, after he became convinced that the refugee problem could not be solved by philanthropy and that the governments would do little to take care of it by immigration. After that the High Commissioner's Office became for all practical purposes a British subsidiary, confining its function to legal and political protection, and taking care of specific categories ־10־ of refugees. At the end of 1938, both the Office of the High Commissioner and the Nansen International Office were merged into the Office of the High Commissioner of the League of Nations for Refugees caring for persons regardless of country of origin. Sir Herbert Emerson of Britain became High'Commissioner for five years. In spite of an extended definition of tasks, little, with the exception of legal help Cidenti- fication) was done by the organization. Even more futile was the Intergovernmental Meeting summoned by President Roosevelt to meet at Evian in July 1938, with 32 governments, 39 private organizations, including 21 Jewish ones (because of 2ionist-anti-Zionist rivalries, most of them submitting their separate memoranda). Sympathy was expressed but no practical steps were undertaken for relief. An Intergovernmental Committee for Refugees was established by the Conference with headquarters in London, again for all practical purposes a British agency, supported heavily by Jewish organizations. It did nothing for, and in fact was suspected of hindering the rescue of the Jews from Nazi Europe during the War, because of Britain's Palestine policy. Jewish pressure for rescue coupled with political considerations were behind the summoning of the Bermuda Conference in April 19143, by Britain and the U.S. Called originally for rescue, ghetto feeding and emigration of Jews, the Conference's terms were modified before the meeting to deal with victims of all races. No reports that the British agreed not to raise the״ were published, but it is generally known question of opening the doors of the U.S. to refugees, for which the U.S. refrained from pressing the question of the Palestine »%ite Paper of 1939. Early in 191414, after most of the European Jews had been liquidated, the President established the War Refugee Board for the purpose of rescue. It3 achievements are generally eonsid- ered as most limited. Following the end of the »/ar, the International Refugee Organization (1R0) by the United Nations in 19145• ^ith the termination of UNRRA on׳was established had taken over the־(June 30th, 19147, the PCIRO (Preparatory Commission of the IR0 organization's and the Army's duties of basic D.P. maintenance, incorporating also the duties of the Intergovernmental Committee. The IRO too can be considered for practical purpose a British agency, although it is maintained primarily by U.S. funds. This can be seen from its refusal to cooperate in directing Jewish DP's to Palestine while the war against Israel was going on. i-ore attention was given to collaboration- ist Ukrainian and Baltic DP's, whose immigration to England, Australia and overseas was more encouraged by the organization than that of the Jews.

־״־• ־;{• c!~ TABLE I Jewish Emigration from Europe Source: Jacob Lestchinsky in Yivo Bletter. Jan. 191414, p«148, and JDC figures. Period Numbers per Year 18140-1880 5,393 1881-1900 38,225 1901-19114 1114,1460 1915-1920 114,885 1921-1925 85,386 1926-1930 314,581 1931-1935 147,650 1936-1939 67 ;1400 19140-19142 143 ;985 19142-191414 38 ;029 19145-19149 320,000 - 11 י TABLE II Summary of Jevdsh Immigration to the United States, 1908-1943 From: Table 12, American Jewish Year י י-,,- Book, vol. 48, p. 613, Year Total Jews Percentage Jews to Total

1908-1914 6;709,357 656,397 9.78 1915-1920 1,602,680 79;921 4.99 1921 805,228 U9;036 14.7 1922 309,556 53,524 17.3 1923 522,919 49,719 9.5 1924 706,896 49,989 7.07 1925 294,314 10,292 3.5 1926 304,488 10,267 3.3 1927 335,175 11,483 3.4 1928 307,255 11,639 3.8 1929 279,678 12,479 4.46 1930 241,700 11,526 4.77 1931 97,139 5,692 5.86 1932 35,576 2,755 7.74 1933 23,068 2,372 10.28 1934 29,470 4,134 14.03 1935 34,956 4,837 13.84 1936 36;329 6; 252 17.21 1937 50;244 11;352 22.59 1938 67;895 19J736 29.07 1939 82;998 43;450 52.35 1940 70;756 36;945 52.21 1941 £;776 23 ;737 45.85 1942 28;781 10;608 36.86 1943 23,725 4,705 19.83 Total: 13,051,959 1,252,847 9.60

On the basis of figures obtained from U5NA, JDC, and A.J. Com., and also from American Jevdsh Year Book, vol. 50, pp. 745 and 750. 1944 28,551 less than 5,000 5,000 ״ ״ 38,119 1945 1946 108,721 13,200- 14,200 11.9 - 12.9 16.9 י 15.6 24,700 - 23,000 147,292 1947 1948 Jan. -Sept. estimated 20,000 10,629 1949 Jan. - Apr. — 6,000

Total: 322,683 62,829 - 65,529 י 12 -

•TABLE III Immigration to Palestine following World War I From? American Jewish Year Book, vol.50, PP.733-3U. (Article by Sidney Liskofsky) PERIODS OF IMMIGRATION Year , No. Per Cent "Third Aliyah" 191 7 . . . ~ 1918 ; 1919 1,806 o.U 1920 8,223 1.6 1921 8;29U 1.7 1922 8,685 1.8 1923 8 ;175 1.6 Unidentified1 1.000 0.2 Total .... 36,183 7.3

"Fourth Aliyah" I92U 13,892 2.8 1925 314,386 6.9 1926 13,855 2.8 1927 3,03k 0.6 1928 2,178 0.14 1929 5,2149 1.1 1930 14.91414 1.0 193 1 14,075 0.8 1 500ז2 0.5 ־. Unidentified Total .... 814,113 16.9

"Fifth Aliyah" 1932 9 ;553 1.9 1933 30 ;3 27 6.1 19314 142;359 8.5 1935 61,8514 12. 14 1936 29;727 6.0 1937 10 ;536 2.1 1938 12,868 2.6 1939 27 ;561 5.6 Unidentified1. 39.800 8.0 Total . . . 2614,585 53.2

* This estimate refers to immigrants who remained in the country illegally. TABLE III (Contd.)

Year N0. Per Cent

"War Period" 1940 8,398 1.7 1941 5,886 1.2 1942 3 ;733 0.8 1943 8 ;507 1.7 1944 14 ;464 2.9 1945 13 ;121 2.6 1946 17 ;761 3.6 1947 .....; 21;542 4.3 Unidentified! 19.100 3.8 Total . . 112,512 22.6

This estimate refers to immigrants who remained in the country illegally. - lit -

BIBLIOGRAPHY American Jewish Philanthropy and Jews Overseas, New York, Institute on Overseas Studies, Council of Jewish federations and Welfare Funds, March 1949• Baron, Salo W, A Social and Religious History of the Jews. Vols• 1-3, New York, Columbia University Press, 1937• 1,Geographic Expansion", Vol. 2, pp. 170-175• Cohen, Henry "The International Refugee Organization", Jevdsh Frontier. May, 1947• ׳ י י « * , .Cyprus, August 1946 - February 1949", JPC Review. Jan•-Feb., 1949, pp. 8-9* ״ Davie, Maurice R. Refugees in America. New York, Harper & Bros., 1947. A standard study of the latest wave of immigration.

* Davie, Maurice R. World Immigration, With Special Reference to the United States. New York, The Macmillan Co., 1939. A standard general book. "Displaced Jews Under PCIRQ", JDC Review. Mar., 1948, pp. 5, 8-9. "Evacuation from Shanghai", JDC Review. Jan.-Feb., 1949, pp. 4-5 A Selected Bibliography. 1939-19it7. New .׳Fuss, Felicia (Comp.) Displaced Persons York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1948," Duker, Abraham G. Jewish Public Relations and the P.P. Admission Act• (Reprinted from The Reconstructlonist. Oct. 1. 1948. where it appeared under the titles "Admitting Pogromists and Excluding their Victims". A critique. Gottschalk, Max and Duker, Abraham G. Jews in the Post-War Wprld. New York, The Dryden Press, 1945. Pages 182-200 contain material on international agencies and rescue as well as on Jewish views and organizations. , 4 * * • Gringaua, Samuel "Cur New German Policy and the DP's", Commentary. June, 1948, pp. 508-514. • * * Hersh, L. "Jewish Migrations &uring the East Hundred Years", The Jewish People. Past and Present. Vol. 1, New York.'Jewish Encyclopedic Handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYC0), 1946, pp. 407-430. A popular presentation until World War II. Hirschmann, Ira A. Life Line to a Promised Land. New York, The Vanguard Press, Inc. 1946. The rescue work of the War Refugee Board. י 15 -

Jacoby, Gerhard "The Story of the Jewish •DP1 ", Jewish Affairs. Nov. 15, 19148.

A popular presentation.

"JDC-Aided Postwar Emigration", JDC Review. Sept.-Oct., 19148, pp.6l-63.

Joseph, S. Jewish Immigration to the United States. 1881-1910. New York, Columbia University Press, 19114•

The standard study.

..the Hove: % and Population Changes. 1917-19147.N.Y׳Kulischer, Eugene . Europe on Columbia University Press, 19u8.

presenting the theory of population pressure as a׳ In addition to cause for wars, the book caitains information on deportations, etc.

Kulischer, Eugene M. Jewish Migrations: Past Experiences and Post-War Prospects. oniuittee, Research institute on Peace and Post-War׳^ New York, American Jewish Problems, 19143.

A popular somewhat optimistic evaluation.

•f!!! Hap en to the Jews? London, P.S. Kings Son, Ltd., 1936״ Leftwich, Joseph What

.iew׳\ A territorial!st

Lestshinsky, Jacob Jewish Migration for the Past Hundred Years. New York, Yiddish Scientific Institute - IIVO, 191414. A popular presentation, important for comparative data.

The Problem of the1 Displaced Persons. American Council of Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Service, June, 19146.

Ripley. Josephine "The Climate Shifts on Immigration", Commentary. Jan., 19148,pp.35- U0. On policy concerning the 19148 Act.

Quest for Settlement. New York, Refugee Economic Corporation, 19148 . 82 pp.

Summaries of Selected Economic and Geographic Reports on Settlement Possibilities for ^r ope an Immigrants.

* Ruppin, Arthur The Jewish Fate and Future. London, L'acmillan and Co., Ltd., 19140.

Chapter III, pp. 141-60, deals with "Migrations".

"Self-Government in DP Camps", JDC Review. June, 19148, pp. 140-141, 1414.

Stone, I.F. Underground to Palestine. New York, Boni & Gaer, 19146.

The uaganah route.

* Tartakower, Arieh and 0rossman, Kurt R. The Jewish *1efugee. New York, Institute of Jewish Affairs of the American Jewish Congress and World Jewish Congress, 191414. The best standard work. ־ 16 -

Wahrhaftig,Zorach Uprooted, . New York, Institute of Jewish Affairs of the American Jewish Congress and World Jewish Congress, November, 19146.

The standard work on the Jewish D.P•

'Wilcox, Walter F• (ed.) International Migrations, New York, National Bureau of Economic Research, 1929 and 1931, 2 vols•

The standard general work, includes a chapter on Jewish migrations by Hersch•

* Wischnitzer, Mark "Migrations of the Jews", Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, vol•7,

pp. 5143-556,

An extensive popular presentation,

* Wischnitzer, Mark To Dwell in Safety - The Story of Jewish Migration Since 1800,

Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 19148•

World Jewish Congress Unity in Dispersion, New York, florid Jewish Congress, 19148.

.forld War II!״ Pages 155-196 deal with rescue attempts during and ״The American Je .dsh Year Book Pertinent sections in "Review of the Year "Statistics",

ADDENDA

Bernard, William S.j Zeleny, Carolyn and Miller, Henry (eds.) American Immigration Policy - A Reappraisal, Published under the sponsorship of the National Com- mittee on Immigration Policy, New York, Harper Bros,, 1950•

Arguments in favor of more liberal immigration policy.

•(יIncluded as part of TBJCS Syllabus 1-5-51) ״Duker, Abraham G. Migrations

Golodetz, Alec and Henriques, Cyril Q. Report on the Possibilities of Jewish Settle- ment in Ecuador, London, B. Weinberg, Ltdc , 1936•

Institute of Jewish Affairs, world Jewish Congress Current Events in Jewish Life, Series III, No• 1, October-Decentoer, 19149•

Pages 10-15 deal with migrations•

Jordan, Charles H• "Current European Emigration Problems", The Jewish Social Service Quarterly, Vol. XXVI, No. 3, March, 1950, pp. 3514-361•

Kisch, Guido In Search of Freedom - A History of American Jews from Czechoslovakia, London, Edward Goldston & Son, Ltd., 19U9j New York, Bloch Publishing Co•, 19149•

Part One, Ch. II, "The First Emigrants", pp. 13-17j Part two, Ch. Ill, "On to Americal", pp.i48-57j Appendices, Item 6, "The Leading Articles Concerning the 'On to America!» Movement of 18U8", pp. 215-229.

Kisch, Guido "The Revolution of 18148 and the Jewish »0n to America• Movement", Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. XXXVIII, Part 3, March, 19149, pp. 155-2314. י 17 - Lestschinsky, Jacob "Jewish Migrations, 1840-1946", Tae Jews, Their History, Culture, & New York, Harper׳ ,and religion, edited by Louis Finkelstein, V01s•' ± and II 6ros., 154$, Vol. II, pp. 1198-1238.

Linfield, Harry S. Jewish Migration - Jewish Migration as a Part of »1t or Id Migration Movements, 1920-1930, New York, Jewish Statistical Bureau, 1933• (Jewish Library of Facts, No. 1). Schechtman, Joseph B• "Afghan Exodus", Congress Weekly, Vol. 17, No. 1, January 2, •?־־־pp. 7 ,1950 Schechtman, Joseph B• "Turkish Jewry on the Move", Congress Weekly, Vol, 16, No• 26, October 24, 1949, pp. 7-9.

Scharf,.M. "Exodus from Poland", Jewish Frontier, Vol• XVI, No. 11, December, 1949, pp. 8-10. II-2-S50 TRAINING BUREAU FOR JEWISH COMMUNAL SERVICE 1U5 Last 32nd Street, New York 16, N.Y.

INSTITUTE ON ADVANCED STUDIES IN JEWISH COIH-UNITY ORGANIZATION

SUMMER SEMESTER - 1950

COURSE UNIT II - SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF AM£RICAN JBfflSH LIFE

Immigrant Backgrounds ״ »P«M ,ג Session 2 -July 31950

Additional Bibliography, by Abraham G. Duker

PCIBUCATIONI — י ז* • ־?־-•*fOT TO BE n PULSION ^״.W^ ^' ""־

Coordinator: Dr, Sidney Axelrad BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. GENERAL HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Goodman, Abram Vossen American Overture, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 19*47•

The struggle for equality•

Grayzel, Solomon A History of the Jews Philadelphia, Jewish Publication Society of America, 191$.

See parts on America*

Grinstein, Hyman B. The Rise of the Jewish Community of New York, 16514-1860, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1&5.

Handlin, Oscar and Mary F• A Century of Jewish Immigration to the United States, (Reprinted from the American"Jewish *ear Book, Vol. $0, 19UB-U9] New York, The American Jewish Committee, 19U9•

* Jancwsky, Oscar 1• (ed.) The American Jew, New York, Harper & Bros,, 19142•

* Levinger, Lee J. A History of the Jews in the United States, Cincinnati, Depart- ment of Synagogue and School Extension of the Union of American Hebrew Congrega- tions, 191414•

Our People - The Jewin America, New York, Cooperative League, Jewish American Section, I.'.i.O., 1940,

,Historians and European Immigrants, 1875-1925! New Y0rk׳Saveth, Edward II. American Columbia University Press, 19148. "*

On racist historiography.

Wiernik, Peter Hxstory of the Jews in America, New York, Jewish History Publishing Co., 1931.

2. IMMIGRANT GROUPS

Beller, Jacob "The Refugee in the American Jewish Community'J The Jewish Social Service Quarterly, Vol. XIX, No. 14, June 19143, pp. 315-321.

The Hitler persecution wave•

* Davie, Maurice R. Refugees in America, New York, Harper & Bros., 19147•

Duker, Abraham G• Jewish Public Relations and the DP Admission- Act, (Reprinted from The Reconstructidnist, Oct• 1, 19148, where it appeared under the title: "Admitting Pogrom'ists and Excluding Their Victims")•

Glana, Rudolf "The Immigration of German Jews up to 1880", YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, Vol• II-III, 19147-148, New York, Yiddish Scientific Institute, YIVO, 19148, pp. 81-99•

* Joseph, Samuel Jewish Immigration to the United States From 1881-1910, New Y°rk, Columbia University Press, 19114• Publications of the ,״Kisch, Guido "German Jews in White ^abor Servitude in America Vol, 34, 1937, New York, American Jewish ,׳American Jewish Historical Society Historical Society, 1937.

Kissman, Joseph "The Immigration of Rumanian Jews up to 1914", YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, Vol, II-III, 1947-48, New York, Yiddish Scientific Insti- tute, YIVO, 1948, pp, 160-179,

Kohler, Max J, Immigration and Aliens in the United States, New York, Bloch Publish- ing Co., 1936,

"Jewish Immigration", Chapter V, pp. 164-250] Chapter includes: A, Jewish Immigrants 3, Illiteracy of Jewish Immigrants and its Cause C, Jewish Immigration to the U.S. D, A Mis-Description of the Iianigrant Jew,

Kompert, Leopold "Cedars of Lebanon - To Americal" Commentary, Mar,, 1949, pp, 273-277,

An appeal for emigration in 1848,

Papo, Joseph M, "The Sephardic Comiijunity in America", The Reconstructionist, Vol,XII ־־ .No, 12, Oct. 20, 1946, pp. 12-18

Pool, David de Sola "The Levantine Jews in the United States", American Jewi^i Year Book, Vol. 15, 1913-15, pp. 207-220.

Robison, Sophia M. Refugees at Work, New York, Kings Crown Press, 1942.

Saenger, Gerhart Today's Refugees, Tomorrow's Citizens. A Story of Americanization, New York, Harper," 1941. "

A cursory approach but useful.

Steinberg, Benjamin "Contribution to the History of the Jews in America. Attitudes to the Russian-Polish Jews as Reflected in the Anglo-Jewish Fress of 1823-1872", Yorbuch, Amopteil, Yiddish Scientific Institute, YIVO, New Y0rk, Vol, II, 1939.

־ ,"Philadelphia־Sulzberger, David "The Beginnings of Russo-Jewish Immigration to Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society5 Vol, 19, 1910, New York, American Jewish Historical Society, ?.910,

* Taherikower, E, (ed,) History of the Jewish Labor Movement in the United States, Vol, 1, New York, Yiddish Scientific Institute, YIVO, 1943.

The first part of a projected series of 10 volumes, two of which were published, deals with immigration. Note the Table of Contents in English and peruse the footnotes and illustrations,

Wischnitzer, Mark To Dwell in Safety, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society ' of America, 1949.

A history of Jewish migration from 1800-1948 (to be published in 1949). 3. AMERICAN ADJUSTMENT

Allinsmith, Jesley arid Beverly "Religious Affiliation and Politic-Economic Attitudes A Study of ^ight Major U.S. Religious Groups", The Public Opinion Quarterly, Fall, 19118, pp. 376-389.

Allman, Herbert D. A Unique Institution, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1935•

The National Farm School.

American Association for Jewish Education Jewish Schools in America, New Y°rk, American Association for Jewish Education, n.d.

Anderson, Elin L. 'Je Americans, A Study of Cleavage in an American City, Cambridge, Harvard University Fress, 1937•

A social study of Burlington, Vt. contains data on economic and social life of the Jewish community.

Berkson, I. Theories of Americanization VMth Special Reference to the Jewish Group, New York, Bureau 0£ Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1920, pp. viii and 226.

Bernard, Jessie L. "Biculturality", Jews in a Gentile World, by Isacque Graeber and Steuart Henderson Britt, New York, The Lacmillan Co., 19U2, pp. 26U-293•

Bernheimer, Charles S. The Russian Jew in the bnjted States, Philadelphia, The •א- Jewish Publication Society of America, 1905. "

A collection of essays.

Bloom, Leonard "The Jews of Buna", Jews in a Gentile world, by Isacque Graeber and Steuart Henderson Eritt, New Y0rk, The Macmillan Co., 19142, pp. 180-199.

Boxerman, itfilliam I. Sheltering Activities of Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant Aid Society of New York City, 1909-19557 New York, 1936. (Thesis Graduate School for Jewish Social 1"'ork).

Daniels, John American via the Neighborhood, New York, Harper & Bros., 1920.

A "settlement" centered viev/• including information on Jews.

Drachsler, Julius Democracy and Assimilation, New York, The Macmillan Co., 1920, pp. xii and 275.

Engelman, Uriah Z. "iledurbia", Contemporary Jewish Record, August-October, 19141.

A description of Jewish life in an average community (Buffalo, N.Y.)»

Frazier, E. Franklin "Race Contacts and the Social Structure", American Sociological Review, February, 19149, pp. 1-11.

Some contrast between Jews and Negroes.

Glanz, Rudolf "Jew and Yankee; A Historic Comparison", Jewish Social Studies, New York, January, 191414. * Glanz, Rudolf Jews in Relation to the Cultural Milieu of the Germans in America up to the Eighteen Eighties, New Y0rk, The Author, 19U7.

Glanz, Rudolf "Jews in Early German-American Literature", Jewish Social Studies, New Y0rk, January, 1942•

Goldberg, Milton M. "A Qualification of the Marginal Man Theory", American Socio- logical Review, February, 1941.

The second and third generation of American Jews•

Goldmark, Josephine Pilgrimage '48, New Haven, 1930•

A Study of the Adjustment of a Culture׳;Neighborhood Centre׳ .Greifer, Julian L Group in America, (Abstract of Thesis, New York University, 1948 j. * * * Handlin, Oscar "Our Unknown American Jevsrish Ancestors", Commentary, Vol. 5, No. 2, February, 1948, pp. 104-110•

Handlin, Oscar This Jas America, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1949.

Item 19, pp• 270-285, contains impressions of a Rumanian Jevdsh traveler (I.J. Benjamin) in the 1850's.

* Hapgood, Hutchins Spirit of the Ghetto - Studies of the Jewish Quarter in New, Y°rk, New York, Funk & wagnails Co., 1909. Rev. ed. '

The East Side.

Hartogensis, Benjamin H. "The Russian Night School of Baltimore", Publications, of the American Jewish Historical Society, Vol. 31, 1928, New York, American Jewish Historical Society, 1925.

An Americanization attempt.

* James, Edmund J. (ed.) The Immigrant Jew in America, New York, B.F. Buck Co., 1907. (Based on Bernheimer's The Eussian Jew in the U.S.)

Joseph, Samuel History of the Baron de Hjrsch Fund, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publica- tion Society of America, 1935•

* .Kerstein, Solomon (comp. and ed.) Jubilee Volume of the Michael Tenzer Family- Circle - Tenth Anniversary, 1927-1937, New Y0rk, Michael Tenzer Family Circle.1937•

A record of the activities and achievements of the Michael Tenzer Family Circle including articles on the Jewish family by outstanding rabbis and scholars. (Sub-title).

Kli|sberg, Moses "The Study of Man - The Golden Land", Commentary, Vol. No. 5, May, 1948, pp. 467-472.

Koenig, Samuel "The Jews of Eastern town", The Jewish Review, Vol. V, Nos. 1-4, Jan•- Dec•, 1948, pp. 1-29.

Koenig, Samuel "The Socio-Econcmic Structure of an American Jewish Community", Jews 1 orld, by Isacque Graeber and Steuart Henderson Britt, New Y0rk, The׳ • in a Gentile Macmillan Col, 1942, pp. 200-242•

A description of Stamford, Conn• Korn, Bertram W. "Jewish •48'ers in America", American Jewish Archives, Vol. II, No. 1, June, 1949, pp. 3-20.

Lasker, Bruno (ed.) Jewish Experience in America, New York, Jewish Welfare Board,1930<

Lubell, Samuel "The Boiling Bronx: Henry Wallace Stronghold", Saturday Evening Post, October 23, 1948, p. 18.

Urge for social change as a reaction of Jewish, Negro and Italian groups.

McDonagh, Edward C. "Status Levels of American Jews", Sociology and Social Research, July-August, 1948, p. 944.

Status levels of the American Jew vary with ... particular status selected for analysis...

Marcus, Jacob Rader "Light on Early Connecticut Jewry", American Jewish Archives, Vol. I, No. 2, January, 1949, pp. 3-52.

For examples of early dejudaization.

Margolis, Rose History of the Industrial Removal Office and a Study of its Work as Revealed in Selected Correspondence 1906-1922, New York, 1936, 337 pp. (Thesis Graduate School for Jewish"Social Work)

Nelson, Lowry "Speaking of Tongues", The American Journal of Sociology, Nov., 1948, pp. 202-210.

,Orlansky, Harold "The Jews of Yankee City", Commentary, Vol. 1, No, 3, January -א- 1946, pp. 77-85 .

Park, Robert E. The Immigrant Press and Its Control, New York, Harper & Bros., 1922•

Contains much material on Jewish adjustment.

* Reznikoff, Charles "Chronicles of the Lost: American Series", Commentary, Vol. 1, No. 6, April, 1946, pp. 20-29.

Assimilation of early families.

Reznikoff, Charles "New Havens The Jewish Community", Commentary, Vol. 14, No. 5, November, 1947, pp. 465-477.

The Fresent State of the landsmannschaften", Jewish Social Service" ׳.Rontch, I.E Quarterly, Vol. 15, No. 14, June, 1939, pp. 360-378.

Semansky, George I. Views on Jewish Adjustment in the United States as Revealed in the Editorials of Sjx Selected Anglo-Jewish Periodicals for the Years 1925-1935* flew York, Graduate School for Jewish Social

Jidn un Andere Gruppen in di Fareinikte Shtatn (Jews and Otherי .Sherman, Charles B * Groups in the U.S.), New York, Undzer Veg, 1948.

* Silver, Harold Some Attitudes of the East European Jewish Immigrants toward Organ- ized Jewish Charities in the United States in the Year31890-190Q, New Y°rk, 1934. .ork), vi, 3214 pp׳>• Thesis, Graduate School for Jewish Social) Soltes, Mordecai The Yiddish Press - An Americanizing Agency, New York, Teachers College, Columbia University, 192$.

Vaxer, M. Jewish Family Life as Portrayed in Yiddish-American Fiction, New York, Federal Writers• Iroject of New York, 1939. (Reprinted from Jewish Families and Family Circles in New York, Chapter VII). (Yiddish)

* Warner, W. Lloyd and Srole, Leo The Social Systems of American Ethnic Groups, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1945• (Vol. Ill of the Yankee City Series)

Check in index all items under Jews.

Weinryb, Bernard D. "The Adaotation of Jevdsh Labor Groups to American Life", Jewish Social Studies, Vol. VIII, No. 4, October, 1946, pp. 219-244.

Wiesen, Abraham David The Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society of New York City, New York, .(ork״ pp. (Thesis, Graduate School for Jewish ^ocial 403 ,1937

* Wirth, Louis The Ghetto, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1928.

A study of the adjustment of Chicago Jews.

Wolfe, George M.D. The Bintel Brief of the Jewish Daily forward as an Immigrant Institutions Research Source, New York, Graduate School for Jewish Social Work, 1935. (Thesis) :

Wolff, Kurt H. "Traditionalists and Assimilationists: A Sample Study of the Jewish Population in Dallas, Texas", Studies in Sociology (Southern Methodist University) Vol. 4, 1940, pp. 20-25.

Yiddish Writers Group of Federal Writers' Project The Jevdsh Landsmannschaften of New York, Nevr York, J.L. Perez Assoc., 1938.

4. BIOGRAPHIES

Adler, Cyrus I Have Considered the Years, Philadelphia, The Jevdsh Publication Society of America, 1941, 477 pp.

Reminiscences of an eminent Jewish scholar, communal leader, editor and college president.

Adler, Cyrus Jacob H. Schiff; His Life and Letters, with foreword by Mortimer L. .pp ׳Schiff, Garden City, N.Y., Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1928. 2 vols., 398 pp,396

The biography of the philanthropist and patron of Jewish learning.

,Boy in Boston, illustrated by Samuel Gilbert, New York ׳Angoff, Charles When I Was a The Beechhurst Press, 1947, 182 pp.

Childhood days before World War I and formative years, centered in Boston, Mass., 25-35 years ago.

Antin, Mary The Promised Land, Boston, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1912.

The classical admiration approach• Bentwich, Norman de Mattos Solomon Schechter, a Biography, Cambridge, England, Cambridge University Press, 193b, 373 pp.

The biography of the rabbinic scholar and president of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America, a history of his tines at the turn of• the century.

Raphael׳ Cohen, Morris Raphael A Dreamer's Journey; the Autofoography of Morris * Cohen, Glencoe, 111, The Free Press (text and library edition); Boston, The Beacon Press (trade edition), 1949, 318 pp.

The life of an immigrant boy who became an outstanding philosopher.

•aCowen, Philip Memories of an American Jew, New York, The International Press, 1932.

Memoirs of the publisher of the American Hebrew in its heydays.

Gold, Michael Jews without Money, woodcuts by Howard Simon, New York, Liveright Publishing Corp., 1935, 309 pp.

The autobiography of an East Side radical.

* Goldstein, Herbert Samuel Forty Years of struggle for a Principle; the Biography of Harry Fischel, edited by Rabbi Herbert S. Goldstein, compiled from Mr. Fischel's daily diary, newspaper clippings, editorials, and addresses delivered by him during his forty years of service to the Jewish community. New York, Bloch Pub- lishing Co., 1928, 404 pp.

The biography of an orthodox Jewish philanthropist by his son-in-law.

Horwich, Bernard My First Eighty Years, Chicago, Argus Books, 1939, 426 pp.

The autobiography of a Chicago communal worker and Zionist of Russian- Jewish background.

* Kasovich, Israel Isser The Days of our Years;'Personal and General Reminiscences (1859-1929); translated by Llaximilian Iiurwitz, New York, The Jordan Publishing Co., 1929, 358 pp.

An autobiography and source book for students of Americanization,- Zionism, Jewish education, farming, life and manners, during the second half of the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th.

Kohut, Rebekah (Bettelheim) His Father's House; the Story of George Alexander Kohut, New Haven, published for the Alexander Kohut Memorial Foundation, Yale University Press, London, Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press, 1938, 246 pp.

The story of a scholar's house.

Kraus, Adolf Reminiscences and Comments; the Immigrantf the Citizen, a Public Office, the Jew, Chicago, 111., (printed by Toby Rubovits Inc.), 1925, 244 pp.

The autobiography of an immigrant Bohemian Jew, who became president of B'nai B'rith.

Levy, Harriet Lane 920 Q'Farrell Street, illustrated by Mailette Dean, Garden City, N.Y., Doubleday & Co., 1947, 273 pp.

Charming reminiscences of life in the German-Jewish community in San Francisco of the 1 ate 19th century. Lewisohn, Ludwig Mid-Channel; an American Chronicle, New York, London, Harper & Bros., 1929, 310 pp.

This volume and the one that follows present the autobiography of the critic, author, Zionist aid professor of English literature.

Lewisohn, Ludwig Up Stream; an American Chronicle, New York, Boni & Liveright, 1922 , 248 pp.

Lowenthal, Marvin Henrietta Szold, Life and Letters, Ilew York, The Viking Press,1942, 350 pp.

The life of the Aionist leader.

Manners, William (pseudonym) Fathers and the Angels, New York, E.P. Button & Co.,1947, 224 pp.

Fond reminiscences of the life of the author's father who was an orthodox rabbi in Zanesville, Ohio. The name of the author is Samuel Rosenberg.

Meyer, Isidore S. "American-Jewish Biography: An Introductory List", Jewish Book Annual, Vol. 7, 1948-49.

Philipson, David My Life as an American Jew, Cincinnati, Kidd, 1941.

Ravage, Marcus Eli An American in the Making; the Life Story of an Immigrant, New York, Harper L. Bros., 1917, 265 pp.

An immigrant Rumanian Jew13 Americanization.

* Rogoff, Harry An East Side Epic; The Life and Works of Meyer London, New York, The Vanguard Press, 1930.

A biography of a labor leader.

Solomon, Hannah G. Fabric of my Life; the Autobiography of Hannah G. Solomon, New York, Bloch Publishing Co., 1946, 263 pp.

The autobiography of the founder of the National Council of Jewish women.

Soule, George Sidney Hillman, Labor Statesman, New York, The Macmillan Co., 1939, 237 pp.

The biography of a labor le ader, prominent for his work in the Amal- gamated Clothing Workers Union and in the C.I.O.

Stern, Elizabeth Gertrude (Levin) I am a Woman and a Jew, by Leah Morton (pseud.) New York, J.H. Sears 6c Co., 1926, 362 pp.

The autobiography of a writer and social worker.

Stone, Goldie My Caravan of Years; an Autobiography, New York, Bloch Publishing Co., 1945, 252 pp. Old World memories of an orthodox Jewish grandmother, and reminiscences of her participation in communal endeavor in Chicago, Wise, Isaac Mayer Reminiscences, translated from the German and edited by David Philipson, New York, Central Synagogue of New York, 1945, 359 pp• (An earlier edition appeared in Cincinnati, Published by Leo Vi/'ise & Co•, 1901)•

Wolofsky, Harry (Hirshel) Journey of my Life (A Book of Memories), translated by A.M. Klein, Montreal, Eagle Publishing Co., 1945, (actually published in 1946), 181 pp.

The aut.obiography of a Canadian Jewish journalist of Polish Chassidic background who arrived in Canada in 1900.

Zunser, Miriam Shomer Yesterday, New York, Stackpole Sons, 1939, 271 pp.

The story of the changes that took place in the life of the author's family during three generations• The biography of her father, a folk singer, in Russia and in this country.

ADDENDA

1. GENiuRAL HISTORICAL BACKGROUND!

Baron, Salo W. "American Jewish History: Problems and Methods", Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. XXXIX, Part 3, March, 1950, pp. 207-266.

Lebeson, Anita Libman "The American Jewish Chronicle", The Jews, Their History, c Culture and Religion, Vols. I and II, New Y0rk, Harper & ros., 1949, Vol. I, »ל3יpp. 313-3

A somewhat idealised approach.

2. IMMIGRANT GROUPS

Bernard, William S.; Zeleny, Carolyn and Miller, Henry (eds.) American Immigration Policy - A Re-appraisal, published under the Sponsorship Of the National Committee on Immigration Policy, New York, Harper & Bros., 19509

Argument in favor of more liberal immigration policy,

Kisch, Guido "The Revolution of 1848 and the Jewish ' On to America' Movement", Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. XXXVIII, Part 3, March, 1949, pp. 185-234•

Kandel, Irving Aaron "Attitude of the American Jewish Community Toward East- European Immigration - As Refected in the Anglo-Jewish Press (1880-1890)", American •III, No. 1, June, 1950, pp. 11-35 ״Jewish Archives, Vol

Menes, Abraham "The Am Qylom Movement", YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, Vol.IV, 1949, pp. 9-33.

3. AMERICAN ADJUSTMENT

Komaiko, S.B. Here to S^ay, New Y0!k, Bloch Publishing Co,, 1949.

A collection of anecdotal material pertaining to immigrant Jews in America. 11-3-850 TiiAINING BUR^iU FOR JEWISH C0M1UNAL SERVICE 1)45 -ast 32nd Street, New York 16, N.Y,

INSTIT11 i'E OH ADVANCED STuDIuS 11. IS'h CCUUNITY ORGANIZATION

SUnLR SELliSTER - 1950

COURSE UNIT II - SCCIO-PSYCHOLOGICaL ASPECTS OF AMERICAN JEWISH IIEG.

Syllabus and Readings for;

Session 3 - July 5, 1950 - Social Structure and Economics of the American Jewish Community

CONTENTS:

1. Jewish Population, by Abraham G. Duker.

orld, by Leon Shapiro׳• Jevdsh Population of the •2 and Boris Sapir, (Reprinted from the American Jevdsh Year Book, Vol. 50, 19148-49), New York, The American •bmmittee, 1949,־Jevdsh 1

eracgraphic Features, by Ben B• Seligmanע The American Jew;, Some •3

Economic Status and Occupational Structure, 1by Eli ii. Cohen•

(Both articles in one pamphlet, reprinted from the American Jewish Year Book, vol. 51, rarx; 1

Bibliography, by Abraham G. Duker• JX.TSH POPULATION ־ Session 4

(A) The present far reaching diminution of the •world's Jewish population marks a most drastic era of decrease, one of several in the long history of its periodic growths and declines•

(B) At the time of King David, (1006-973), Baron estimates the total Hebrew population was between 1,300,000 and 1,800,000, The division of the Kingdom into the North and South, later wars and subjugations decreased the population, while the deportations (721, 597 and 586 B.C.E.) diminished it further•

Following the restoration of the Second Commonwealth (538 C.E.), the growth of the Jewish population became very rapid because of the high birth rate, early marriages, abhorrence of infanticide as well as the relative peaceful conditions and the intensity of Jewish missionary efforts among the pagans. Estimates vary and will continue to be merely estimates, but some scholars assert with justification that at the time when Rome began the conflict against Judea (1st Century) the world Jewish population was as high as eight million, with conservative estimates placing the drastically reduced number of the Jews following the destruction of the Second ׳.Commonwealth (70 C.E.) as about 4,500,000• Continued revolts against Rome, expulsions forced baptisms and restrictions introduced by the Christian Churches and States have led to a steady population decline during the closing centuries of the ancient period as well as during the Middle Ages. The unhygienic conditions in the medieval cities, epidemics, Mongol invasions, the crusades and pogroms reduced further the number of the Jews so that by 1490 (previous to the exile from Spain) it was estimated as low as 1,500,000• The forced conversion of the majority of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews reduced further the world's Jewish population, while the bloody Cossack revolts in Polish Ukraine (1648-49) brought about its reduction to "apparently the smallest number since the days of the Judges", with Baron's estimate running as low as 900,000 including 250,000 outside of Europe.

(C) Beginning with the seventeenth century the population of Europe increased rapidly, despite a shift of numbers to the New World• This tendency was the outgrowth of the gradual development of industry, the improvement in agricultural methods, and the expansion of comrnerce, stimulated by the new geographic discoveries•

This rapid increase in most European countries continued until the end of the nineteenth century• But the Jews increased even more rapidly than the non- Jews of Europe• In 1650, it is estimated, Jews formed •2 per cent of world population and •65 per cent of European population• After 1848, the Jews formed about European population• From 1650 י per cent of world population and !•5 per cent of 4• to 1848, European Jewry increased from 650,000 to 3,700,000• The total world Jewish population in 1848 was 4,250,000• This accelerated rate of increase continued until approximately the war period• In 1936, (these figures, like other general Jewish population statistics, are approximate), the Jews altogether numbered over sixteen million! those of Europe almost ten million. The Jews then formed •8 per cent of the world's peoples and nearly 2 per cent of Europe's population.

The faster rate of Jewish increase has been attributed, in part, to the fact that the Jews were the principal beneficiaries of the improved hygienic conditions which developed in Europe's cities during this period• The Jews were mostly townspeople and the non-Jews were largely country people. Other factors, which will be discussed in connection with Jewish population reservoirs, contributed to this accelerated growth of population. Vanishing Jewish Communities

But while the Jews as a unit were increasing in numbers, certain specific groups of Jews showed distinct tendencies to die out. The Jews in Western countries such as Germany and France have ceased to grow in population since Emancipation• The death rate of Jews in these countries declined but the decline in the birth rate was even more drastic• Modern city life with its multiplicity of factors tending to these - - ־ - - make the raising of large families difficult affected the Jews of countries to a larger extent than the non-Jews• Birth control became more and more prevalent as the Jews grew away from the earlier belief in the Biblical injunction ,to be fruitful and multiply1. Furthermore, the Jews were middle class people who laid great stress on establishing the future of their children in the same social and economic position held by the parents• City and middle class life also brought with them an increase in the number of unmarried persons and the postponement of marriage until the attainment of considerable economic security and position. It is interesting to note that in Germany, a typical Western country, between 1926 -1930, the number of Jewish deaths exceeded births by 15,000•

The Jewish Population Reservoir

While the Jews as a whole do not have a rural reservoir of population to make up for the slow or negative rate of the urban population's reproduction, the Jews of Western and Central Europe long ago found this reservoir in the Jewish population of Eastern Europe• Here a combination of circumstances united to give the Jewish population an extraordinarily high rate of natural increase•

Jewish population was confined largely to small cities and towns• Industrial life of the modern type was largely undeveloped. The bonds of religion, tradition and custom were strong. Marriages were early, most people marrying in the early teens• Birth control was not practiced and family bonds were unusually strongj veneral diseases were exceedingly rare• While the standard of living was low, the unusual care which Jewish parents devoted to their children, the relatively better sanitary conditions prevailing in the towns, and finally a widespread practice of philanthropy all combined to increase the marriage and birth rates and to decrease the death rate among Jews• It was the outpouring of excess population from Eastern Europe which kept the Jewish communities of Western Europe alive from the middle of the nineteenth century on. It was the same population which created the newer Jewish settlements in N0rth and South America, in South Africa and Palestine• Indeed, it is estimated that while in 1650 the Jews of Eastern Europe were no more than 14.0 per cent of the total Jewish population in the world, in 1939 the descendants of these Jews (though they may be !mown as German Jews) amount to at least 80 per cent of all the Jews• The immigration of East European Jews in addition to building new communities and settlements also helped to make up for the excess of deaths over births in the western communities. But after a generation in their new environment, these immigrants, too, became subject to the same conditions which prevented the numerical growth of the older settlers•

Post-War Developments

It has become increasingly evident in the last two decades that preceded World War II, that this Eastern European reservoir of Jewish population is becoming depleted• True, the Jewish population had been growing in absolute terms• But the evidence of decline was at hand, one important factor being that the Jewish population in P0land, Iithuania and Roumania was no longer growing faster than the non- Jewish population of these countries• It is growing much more slowly*

The Jews in these countries became increasingly subject to the same conditions which brought about the population decline of Western Jewry* The customs of the of the Western urban world were being accepted by the Jewish population of these countries more and more, especially since World War I. These customs do not favor the continued increase of population. Further-more, a gradual breakdown had taken place of the strength of religious and social ties which were favorable to population increase, and family and community tie's, although still unusually strong, are becoming less so with time•

It must also be recall led that these countries became more highly industrialized• The Jewish population is overwhelmingly urban, and the factors which operate to cut down the birth rate in complex urban societies have had a greater effect on the Jews than on the non-Jews of these countries.

The traditional reservoir of Jewish population was wiped out by the Nazi onslaught. While the Nazis failed in their plan to kill all the Jews, they have dealt the Jewish people a severe blow from which recovery in terms of demographic growth is a difficult process. All that remains of the integral Jewish communities which adhered to the traditional pattern of Jewish living with its emphasis on the family unit and high birth rate are those in Arab countries, whose conditions of existence are rather precarious, and where conditions of westernization are eventually bound to prevail, should these communities survive the present Arab-Jewish conflict about Palestine. In addition, there are also remnants of integral Jewry in Hungary, Roumania, a few large European and American cities (Paris, London, N.Y. The only communities today which show tendencies of sizeable natural population increase are those in the Holy land and its periphery, the D.P. camps in Europe*

Based on Jewish Survival in the World Today, by Abraham" G. Duker, Part II-A, pp. 15-19• - u - TABLE I Natural Increase Among Jews According to Continents

Continent 1901-1905 19U6

Europe 17.2 America 23.1 7.5 Asia 13 .U 12.5 Africa 13.0 7.0 Australia 13.7 8.6

Total 17.14 6.2

Source! Jacob Lestchinsky in' ' Yiddisher Kemfer. Ap. 14, 19147 ,p .114

TABLE II

Natural Increase of Jews in Canada per 1000

Period Number

1901-1905 114.2 1921-1925 13.2 1939-19143 8.2 Sources Jacob Lestchinsky in Yiddisher Kemfer. Ap.U,!9U7, p.13

TABLE III

Natural increase of Jews in Palestine per 1000

Year Number

19)40 15.514 19141 12.78 19142 15.81 19U3 20.76 191414 22.52 19145 214.140

Source: Ja'oob Lestchinsky in ' Yiddisher Kemfer, Ap.14,19147, p.15.

TABLE IV

The Rise and Decline of Jewish World Population

Year Number Year Number

1st century CE 8,000,000 1850 14,750,000 1000 2,250,000 1900 10,500,000 11490 1,500,000 1930 15,900,000 1650 900,000 1938 16,700,000 1800 2,500,000 19146 11,000,000

On the basis of estimates by Baron and Ruppin. Reads S.tf. Baron-A Social and Religious History of the Jews. New York, 1937, Vol.3, Note 5, pp. 133-1314. - 5 י

BILBIOGRAPHY

* Baron, Salo W, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, Vols. 1-3, New 10!k, Columbia University Press, 1937.

Vol. 1, pp. 130-143 and Vol. 2, pp. 165-175 deal with population expansion. The latter was also reprinted in Jewish Survival in the World Today, by Abraham G. Duker, Source Book, Part II A, item 64.

Brutzkus, J.D. "The Anthropology of the Jewish People", The Jewish People? Past and Present, Vol. 1, New York, Jewish Encyclopedic Handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYCO), 1946, pp. 10-26.

Engelman, Uriah Z. •How Fast did the Jews Multiply? (Reprinted from Social Forces. Vol. 17, No.3, Mar., 1939).

Engelman, Uriah Z, "Jevdsh Statistics in the U.S. Census 6f Religious Bodies'(1850- 1936)", Jewish Social Studies:. Vol. IX, No. 2, April, 1947, pp. 127-174.

A history,

Goldberg, Nathan "Population Trends Among African Jews", Jewish Affairs. Vol. II, No. 5, April 15, 1948.

A popular summary.

*Gottschalk, Max and Duker, Abraham G. Jews in the Post-War World. New York, The Dryden Press, 1945, pp. 204-208.

Discusses long range aspects.

Hersch, Liebman "The Jewish Population in Palestine", The Jewish ^eople: Past and Present. Vol. 2, Jewish Encyclopedic Handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYCO), 1948, pp. 40-50

Hersch, Liebman "Jewish Population Trends in Europe", The Jewish People? Past and Present. Vol. 2, Jewish Encyclopedic Handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYCO), 1948, pp. 1-24.

Hersch, Liebman "Principal Causes of Death Among Jews", Medical Leaves. Vol. IV, 1942, pp. 56-77.

Lestchinsky, Jacob "The National Increase 6f Jewish ^eople During the Last Century", Medical Leaves. Vol. Ill, No. 1, 1941, pp. 130-140. * * * ' * * Lestchinsky, Jacob ' Article on Statistics, Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol.10, 1942, pp. 23-36.

A good summary.

,Conditions "of Jewish Survival", Jewish Frontier. Vol. XIVיNew" ׳Lestchinsky; Jacob No. 4, April, 1947, pp. 40-48.

An overall picture of problems. Rosenberg, Louis Canada's Jews - A Social and Economic Study of the Jews in Canada, Montreal, Bureau of Social and Economic Research, Canadian Jewish Congress,1939 A model study, Rosenberg, Louis The Jewish Community of Winnipeg, Montreal, Research Bureau, Canadian Jewish Congress, 1946• A model study,

* Ruppin, Arthur The Jewish Fate aid Future. London, Macmillan and Co,, Ltd., 1940. Chapter II; pp. 25-40; deals with "Number and Territorial Distribution") Chapter IV, pp. 61-73, deals with "Urbanization"•r Chapter V, pp.74-104, deals with "Natural Increase and Age Groups"; Chapter VI, pp. 105-115, deals with "Losses Through Mixed Marriage", * Ruppin, Arthur "The Jewish Population^of the ••1'orId", The Jewish People: Past and Present. Vol. 1, New York, Jewish'Encyclopedic Handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYCO), !946, pp. 348-360. A useful summary. Seligman, Ben B, and Swados, Harvey "Jewish Population Studies in the United States" American Jewish Year Sook. Vol. 50, 1948-49, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publica- tion Society of America, 1949, pp. 651-690. * Shapiro, Leon and Sapir, Boris "Jewish Population of the »'orld", American Jewish Year Book. Vol. 50, 1948-49, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1949, pp. 691-724.

A present-day summary. Silbergleit, H. Die Bevoelkerung und Berufsverhaeltnisse der Juden im Deutschen Reich- I: Preussen, Berlin. 1930. A study of a Western community. * The American Jewish Year Book Published annually for the American Jewish Committee by the Jewish Publication Society of America, The section on Statistics is the standard reference. II~3~550 TRAINING BUREAU PGR JE..ISH COMMJNAL SERVICE 1115 East 32nd Street, New York 16, N.Y.

INSTITUTE ON ADVANCED STUDIES IN JE./ISK COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION

SUMMER SEMESTER - 1950

SOCIC-PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF AMERICAN JEWISH LIFE ־ COURSE UNIT II

Session 3 - July 5, 1950 - Social Structure and Economics of the American Jewish Community

ADDITIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY, by Abraham G, Duker*

1• Population

2, Economicsc

Coordinators Dr, Sidney Axelrad BIBLIOGRAPHY 1, METHODOLOGY

Barnett, George E. "A Method of Determining the Jewish Population of Large Cities in the United States", Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, ,American Jewish Historical Society, 1902״,Vol, 10, 1902, Iiew York

Billings, John S, "Vital Statistics of the Jews in the United States", Census Bulletin, Dec. 30, 1890 (j-19).

,Sampling Jewish Marriage Data", Jewish Social Studies, Vol, X" ־.Brav, Stanley R No. 1, January, 1948, pp. 71-72,

Goldberg, Nathan "The Jewish Population in America, 1917-1947", The Jewish Review, Vol. V, Nos. 1-4, Jan.-Dec., 1948, pp. 30-55.

Hackenburg, William B. "Outline of a Plan to Gather Statistics Concerning the Jews of the United States", Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, Vol. 12, 1904, New York, American Jewish Historical Society, 1904.

Jacobs, Joseph "Jewish Population of the United States; Memoir of the Bureau of Jewish Statistics of the American Jewish Committee", American Jewish Year Book, Vol. 16, 1914-15, pp. 339-378.

Jaffe, A.J. "The Use of Death Records to Determine Jewish Population Characterise tics", Jewish Social Studies, Apr., 1939, pp. 143-168.

Lestchinsky, Jacob "Anent •Statistics' in the 'American Jewish Year Book' ", •לJournal of Jewish Bibliography, Vol. Ill, Nos. 1-2, Jan .-Apr., 1942, pp. 118-

Linfield, H.S. State Population Census by Faiths, New York, Hasid's Bibliographic and Library Service, 1938^

Linfield, H.S. "Statistics of Jews and Jewish Organizations in the United States; A Historic Review of ten Censuses", American Jewish Year Book, Vol. 40, 1938-39, pp. 61-814.

Lurie, H.L. "On the Use of the term non-Jewish in Jewish Statistics", Jewish Social Studies, Jan., 1940.

Lurie, H.L. "Some Problems in the Collection and Interpretation of Jewish Popula- tion Data", Jewish Social Service Quarterly, Vol. 10, 1933, pp. 263-268.

Robison, Sophia M. The Jewish Population of Essex County, Newark, Jewish Community Council of Essex County, 1948. (Part I of the Report of the Survey Committee on Jewish Education, Group Work and Jewish Population in Essex County.)

Robison, S. and Starr, J. (eds.) Jewish Population Studies, New York, Conference on Je ash Relations, 1943.

Contains a chapter on "Methods" and population studies of Trenton, Passaic, Buffalo, Norwich, New London, Pittsburgh, Detroit, Minnea- polis and San Francisco.

Sulzberger, David "Growth of the Jewish Population in the United States", Publica- tions of the American Jewish Historical Society, Vol. 6, 1897, New Y°rk, American ״ Jewish Historical Society, 1897. pp141-149 2. DATA

Alinsky, Saul and Jaffe , A.J. "A Comparison of Jewish and Non-Jewish Convicts", Jewish Social Studies, July, 1939.

Baber, Ray "A Study of 325 Mixed Marriages", American Sociological Review, Vol. II, No. 5, Oct., 1937, pp. 705-716.

130 cases of Jewish intermarriages.

Barron, M. "The Incidence of Jewish Intermarriage", American Sociological Review, 1946, pp. 6-13.

Barron, M. People Who Intermarry, Syracuse University Press, 1946.

Bolduan, Ch. and Weiner, L. "Causes of Death among Jews in New York City", The New England Journal of Medicine, CCVIII, 1932-33. PP* 407-416

Brav, S.R. Jewish Family Solidarity, Vicksburg, Nogales, 1940.

,Survey of Albany ־ unds Jewish Communalיelf are 1'״ Council of Jewish Federations and N.Y., New York, Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, 1947.

Council of Jewish Federations and 'Welfar Funds Jewish Community Self Study of Utica, N.Y., New York, Council of Jewish Federations and •Welfare Funds, 1948.

De Porte, J.V. "Causes of Death Among Jews in New York State", New York State Journal of Medicine, Vol. 28, 1928, pp. 1155-1159.

Engelman, Uriah Z. Jewish Statistics in the U.S. Census of Religious Bodies (1850- 1936), (Reprinted from Jewish Social Studies, Vol. IX, No. 2, Apr., 1947)

Engelman, Uriah Z. "A Study of Size of Families in the Jewish Population of Buffalo", (Buffalo), University of Buffalo Studies, Vol. XVI, No. 1, Nov., 1938,

Frank, Herman "Jewish Demography in the United States, It® Problems, Methods and Results", Yorbuch fun Amopteil (Year Book Of the Amopteil)New York, Yiddish Scien- tific Institute, Vol. 1, American Section, 1938. (Yiddish)

Goldberg, Nathan "The Jewish Population in the United States", The Jewish People: Past and Present, Vol. 2, New Y0rk, Jewish Encyclopedic Handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYCO), 1948, pp. 25-34.

Goldberg, Nathan "Population Trends Among American Jews", Jewish Affairs, Vol. II, No. 5, Apr. 15, 1948.

Greenberg, Meyer "The Reproduction Rate of the Families of the Jewish Students at the University of Maryland", Jewish Social Studies, July, 1948, pp. 223-238.

Haris, Golda "A Note on the Frequency of Mental Diseases Among Jews", The Jewish Review, Vol. V, Nos. 1-4, Jan.-Dec., 1948, pp. 109-114.

Hartford Communal Study Committee Hartford Jewish Communal Study, 1937-1938, Hart- ford Communal Study Committee, 193B7

Jaffe, A.J. "Religious Differentials in the Net Reproduction Rate", Journal of the American Statistical Association, Vol. 34, pp. 335-342. Levinger, Lee "A Note on Jewish Prisoners in Ohio", Jewish Social Studies, Apr., 1941 <

Malzberg, B. "New Data Relative to the Incidence of Mental Disease Among Jews", Mental Hygiene, Vol. 20, pp. 280-291.

Mopsik, Samuel "The Jewish Population of Worcester, 1942", Jewish Social Studies, Jan., 1945.

Rosenberg, Louis •'Age Distribution of Jewish Population in Ontario", Information and Comment, No. 8, Mar., 1949, pp. 1-8.

Rosenberg, Louis The Jewish Community of Winnipeg, Montreal, Reasearch Bureau of the Canadian Jewish Congress, 1946.

Rosenthal, Erich "The Size of the Jewidi Population in Chicago", Jewish Social Studies, Apr., 1945.

Seligman, Ben B. and Swados, Harvey Jewish Population Studies in the United States, (Reprinted from the American Jewish tear Book, Vol. 50» 1948-49) New York, The American Jewish Committee, 1949.

Slawson, John and Moss, Maude "Mental Illness Among Jews", Jewish Social Service Quarterly, June, 1936, Vol. 12, pp. 343-350.

Jewish-Gentile Intermarriage in Chicago", American Sociological" ־.Slotkin, J.S Review, 1942, pp. 34-39.

of Jews in Canada, 1940-1942, (Reprinted from׳Spiegelman, Mortimer The Longevity Population Studies, Vol. II, "No. 3, Dec.,"1943.)

Weinberg, Max II. "Jewish Criminals: A Psychologic-Psychiatric Study of Jewish Prison- ers in Penal Institutions of Western Pennsylvania1?, Medical Leaves, 1939,PP•174-194•

Wessel, B.B. "Ethnic Family Patterns: The American Jewish Family", American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 53, May, Xy43, pp. 439-442.

ADDENDA

Glazer, Nathan "Study of Man - What Sociology Knows About American Jews", Commentary ־*־ ,Vol. 9, No. 3, March, 1950

Robison, Sophia M# "Problems and Techniques in Jewish Demography", Jewish Social Service Quarterly, Vol. XXV, No. 4, June, 1949, pp. 458-471•

Robison, Sophia M. "The Study of Man - How Many Jews in America?" Commentary, Vol. 8 No. 2, August, 1949, pp. 185-192. 4 ,־• BIBLIOGRAPHY

Duker, Abraham G. Jewish Survival in the World Today, New York, Hadassah, The Women's Zionist Organization of America, 1941.

Part III-A: "Economic Problems", pp. 30-34.

The Status of Jewish Lawyers in New York City1', Jewish *3ocial"־ Fagen, Melvin Studies, Jan., 1939.

Friedman, Lee III, Pilgrims in a New Land, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1948.

Some chapters deal with economics.

Glanz, Rudolf "Notes on Larly Jewish Peddling in America", Jevdsh Social Studies, Apr., 1945.

Goldberg, Jacob A. "Jews in the Medical Profession - A National Survey", Jewish Social Studies, July, 1939.

* Goldberg, Nathan "Economic Trends Among American Jews", Jev/ish Affairs, Vol. I, No. 9, Oct. 1, 1946.

Goldberg, Nathan "Occupational Patterns of American Jews", The Jewish Review, pp . 3-24; Vol. Ill, No. 3, Oct .-Dec., 1945, pp.161-,־Vol. Ill, No. 1, Apr., 1945 Mar., 1946, pp. 262-290. (Also reprinted under the־.Vol. Ill, No. 4, Jan ;186 same title by the Jewish Teachers Seminary and People's tress, New York, 1947.)

Greenfeld, Judith "The Role of the Jews in the Development of the Clothing Indus- try in the United States", YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, Vol. II-III, 1947-48, New York, Yiddish Scientific Institute, YIVO, 1948, pp. 180-204.

,JewishColonization in the Americas", The Jewish People: Past and Present, Vol. 2" ־״־ New York, Jewish encyclopedic Handbooks, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYCO), 1948.

;Jewish Farming in*the United States", pp. 69-77"׳.Frank, H Rosenberg; Louis "Canada", pp. 78-80; Steinberg, N. "Argentina", pp. 81-87; Shapiro, Leon "Dominican Republic", p. 88.

Jewish Occupational Council Patterns of Jewish Occupational Distribution in the United States and Canada, New York, Jewish Occupational Council, 1940.

Jevdsh Occupational Council Some Aspects of the Jevdsh Economic Problem, New Y0rk, Jewish Occupational Council, 1940.

Koenig,' Sanuel "Ethnic Groups in Business, Professions and Civil Service in New Haven, Conn.", Jewish Review, Vol. Ill, July, 1945, pp. 138-151.

,"Koenig, Samuel "The Socio-economic Structure of an American Jewish Community *־ Jews in a Gent He World, by Isacque Graeber and Steuart Henderson Britt, New York, The Macmillan Co., 1942, pp. 200-242.

Laserson, Gregory L. "American Jews in Mechanical i-ngineering", Technion Yearbook, 1948, pp. 136-141. * Lestchinsky, Jacob "The Economic Development of the Jews in the United States", -eople: Past and Present, Vol. 1, New York, Jewish Encyclopedic Hand־* The Jewish books, Central Yiddish Culture Organization (CYC0), 1§U6, pp. 391-406.

Lestchinsky, Jacob "A Jewish Economic Problem", Jewish Frontier Anthology, 1934-1944 New Y0rk, Jewish Frontier Association, Inc., 1945, pp. 216-222.

Jewish economic adjustment in the U.S.

,orking-Class", Congress Weekly, May 16, 19149'־ Lestchinsky, Jacob "Our Vanishing * pp. 8-10.

,"Position of the Jews in the Economic Life of America׳Lestchinsky, Jacob "The * Jews in a Gentile •Jorid, by Isacque Graeber and Steuart Henderson Britt, New York The Macmillan Co., 19C2, pp. 402-416.

Levinger, Lee J. "Jews in the Liberal Professions in Ohio", Jewish Social Studies, Oct., 1940.

Reich, Nathan "Economic Trends",. The American Jew, edited by Oscar I. Janowsky, New York, Harper & Bros., 1942, pp. 161-182.

Reich, Nathan "Jewish Occupational Problems", Jewish Frontier Anthology, 1934-1944 ־»־ New York, Jewish Frotnier Association, Inc., 1945, PP• 199-206.

Reich, Nathan "Post War Economy and American Jewry", The Jewish Review, Vol. 1, No.l May, 1943, pp. 29-47.

Reich, Nathan "Too Many Students?" Jewish Frontier Anthology, 1934-1944, New Y°rk, Jewish Frontier Association, Inc., 19437 pp. 207-2157

Reich, Nathan "Wartime Changes in Jewish Economic Structure", Jewish Occupational Bulletin, Vol. 4, No. 1, Summer, 1945, pp. 1-31.

Shosteck, Robert and Baer, Max Two Hundred Thousand Jewish Collegians, Washington, B'nai B'rith Vocational Service Bureau, 1948.

Tcherikower, E. (ed.) History of the Jewish Labor Movement, Vol. 2, New York, Yid- dish Scientific Institute, ITVC, 1945•

i_.arly labor and anti-religicus movement.

ADDENDA

Bamberger, Bernard J, "Plain Talk About Intermarriage", The Reconstructjonist, Vol. No. 16, December 16, 1949, pp. 10-14•

Bloom, Leonard and Shevky, Eshref "The Differentiation of an Ethnic Group", American Sociological Review, Vol. 14, No. 4, August, 1949, pp. 476-481.

Jewish population distribution in Los Angeles, The method used met with considerable criticism.

Ginzberg, Eli Report to American Jews - On Overseas Reliefs, Palestine aid Refugees in the United States, New j£Qrk, Harper & Bros,, 1942.

Table 4, page 81, contains an estimate of the national income of Jews in the United States in 1940, 1941. ־ 6. - Kephart, William M• "What is the Position of Jewish Economy in the United States?" Social Forces, Vol. 28, No* 2, December, 1949, pp• 153-164.

Koenig, Samuel "Ethnic Groups in Connecticut Industry", Social Forces, Vol• 20, No. 1, October, 1941> pp. 96-105®

Includes data on Jews.

Slotkin, J.S. "Adjustment in Jewish Gentile Intermarriages", Social Forces, Vol. 21, No• 2, December, 1942, pp• 226-230• TRAINING BUREAU FOR JEWISH COMMUNAL SERVICE 145 East 32nd Street, New Y°rk 16, N.Y.

INSTITUTE ON ADVANCED STUDIES IN JErtlSH COMMUNITY QRGA1IIZATIGN

־ SUMMER SEMESTER 1950

COURSE UNIT II - SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OP AMERICAN JEWISH IIH

Syllabus and Readings for:

Session 4 - July 6, 1950 - Cultural Patterns

CONTENTS s

Emerging Culture Patterns in American Jewish Life> by Abraham G , jbuker

(Reprinted from Publications of the American Jevdsh Historical EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS IN AMERICAN JEWISH LIFE

ABRAHAM G, DUKE;R

Reprinted from PUBI.ICATIO.NS OF THE AMEKICAN •JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY No. XXXIX. Part 4 (June, 1950)

TRAINING BUREAU FO* JEWISH COMMUNAL SERVICE EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS IN AMERICAN JEWISH LIFE The Psycho-Cultural Approach to the Study of Jewish Life in America1

By ABRAHAM G. DUKER

"The Cultural Approach to History" was the topic of discussion at a number of sessions at the 1939 meeting of the American Historical Association.2 Culture contacts have been the subject of intensive study by anthropologists, originally in application to primitive cultures. This field, in turn, gradually developed into "historical" anthropology, "functional" anthropology and finally into the "new" anthropology of today, termed by some spokesmen as "socio-psychology" or the

1 This essay is an extension of a paper read at the forty-seventh Annual Meeting of the American Jewish Historical Society in a symposium on the study of American Jew- ish history [see the Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society (=PAJHS), no. XXXIX, part 3 (March, 1950), pp. 207-317] under the title, "The Psycho-Cultural Approach to the Study of Jewish Life in America." Much of the material on which this essay is based has been accumulated by the author in connection with the preparation of a syllabus on culture patterns, in the course on "Socio-Psychological Aspects of American Jewish Life," at the Training Bureau for Jewish Communal Service. Some of the material appeared in mimeographed form in September, 1948, as part of a larger mimeographed syllabus on Intellectual Aspects [of the American Jewish community], which was separated from it in the following year and appeared as a mimeographed syllabus on Culture Patterns. The author hereby acknowledges his debt to the facility- staff, lecturers, fellows and students at the Training Bureau for Jewish Communal Service for the benefits of stimulation and discussion in the process of preparing the material and teaching the subject, and to Miss Helen Frankel for technical assistance. Some aspects of the subject were discussed by the author in a paper read before the Annual Meeting of the Yiddish Scientific Institute (Yivo) in January, 1949. This material is also largely incorporated in the present paper. 2 Cf. The Cultural Approach to History, edited for the American Historical Asso- ciation by Caroline F. Ware (New York, 1940). See in particular the essays in "Part Two: Cultural Groups," pp. 61-89. 351 352 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"psycho-cultural approach," an attempt to integrate the concepts of psychology, psychiatry and anthropology as a tool in the study of individual and group behavior. Of late, emphasis has increasingly been placed on the study of the cultural characteristics of different national groups.3 Without embarking into a discussion of the techniques involved in this methodological approach, and after stressing due caution as to the danger of oversimplified generalizations based on psychiatric interpretations, we suggest that applications of these approaches to the study of Jewish culture patterns in America would help to extend our knowledge of history.4 We view culture trends as a legitimate branch of the

8 A good introductory summary on the methodology of the anthropological approaches is contained in Raphael Patai, On Culture Contact and its Working in Modern Palestine, no. 67 of the titles in the Memoir Series of the Anthropological Association, reprinted from the American Anthropologist, vol. XLIX, no. 4, part 2 (Oct., 1947). A propagandistic popular application of the "new" anthropology not without anti-Semitic aspects is Geoffrey Gorer's The American People: A Study in National Character (New York, 1948). See particularly the parts dealing with American Jewry, pp. 202 ff. Cf. book reviews by Abraham G. Duker on the English Page of The Day, April 18, 1948, and by Professor Horace M. Kallen in The American Journal of Sociol- ogy, vol. LIV, no. 5 (March, 1949), pp. 474-476. For a critical review of publications dealing with this approach, see Robert Endelman, "The New Anthropology and Its Ambitions," in Commentary, vol. VIII, no. 3 (Sept., 1949), pp. 284-291, which, however, fails to mention Gorer's view of the American Jew. A most important publication dealing with the adjustment of the Jews in Minne- apolis is Rabbi Albert I. Gordon's Jews in Transition (Minneapolis, 1949), where the reader will find many parallels to developments indicated in this paper. Since we had well-nigh completed this paper before the appearance of Gordon's volume, we did not document all the parallels.. 4 Unfortunately, little attention has been paid to these aspects by the American Jewish historians, whose interests ought to include also the way of living of the people with the history of which they are concerned. American Jewish history has been devoted almost exclusively to the study of events, incidents and famous personalities, often treated from the point of view of Jewish contributions to American life, and, except for communal history, rarely paying attention to its contents and culture patterns and mores. It is significant that the PAJHS contain practically no material dealing with mores, practices and adjustment. The only article of direct relevance of this subject is Jeremiah J. Berman's "The Trend in Jewish Religious Observance in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America," PAJHS, no. 37 (1947), pp. 31-53. Sociological studies deal largely with the adjustment of Jewish immigrants and their children. Of late, greater emphasis has been placed on research about the religious beliefs and 253 ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS history of mores and religious belief, — in themselves branches of history. We also feel that the consideration of the historical background introduces an element of solidity into the approach, particularly so when it comes to evaluating group cultural developments and characteristics. It is necessary to concentrate on the study of the process of transculturation, acculturation and deculturation, all too readily lumped together as "Americanization," as they have affected and affect the immigrant generation and the native born Jew and his children.6 practices as well as on views on Judaism and Jewish adjustment with the use of the questionnaire and the intensive interview methods. See, for example, Abraham G. Duker, "On Religious Trends in American Jewish Life," Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science, vol. IV (New York, 1949), pp. 51-63, which contain some references; Abraham N. Franzblau, Religious Belief and Character among Jewish Adolescents (New York, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1934); Henry Loeblowitz Lennard, "Jewish Youth Appraising Jews and Jewishness," Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science, vol. II-III (New York, Yiddish Scientific Institute-Yivo, 1947-1948); Leibush Lehrer, "National Character," Yivo Bleter, vol. XXXI-XXXII (New York, Yiddish Scientific Institute, 1948), pp. 293-351 (see also, Moshe Kligsberg, "Amerikaner Yiddishe Zelner vegn zich un vegn Yidn," [American Jewish Soldiers about Them- selves and about Jews], ibid., pp. 233-243; J. Steinbaum, "Yiddishkeit bei Tsvantsik Yiddishe Mishpoches in New York," [Jewishness among Twenty Jewish Families in New York], ibid., pp. 208-232); Philip Morton Kitay, Radicalism and Conservatism toward Conventional Religion (New York, Teachers College, Columbia University, Joseph Zeitlin, Disciples of the Wise (New York, Teachers College, Columbia ,־ (1947 University, 1945). Of the many works in the field, a basic one is Jews in a Gentile World, edited by Isacque Graeber and Steuart Henderson Britt (New York, 1942), which contains many studies. The volume generally reflects the theory that Jewish "self-segregation" is the chief cause of anti-Semitism. In a different category is the community study approach developed by W. Lloyd Warner and his associates in the study of Yankee City and other communities. This method has served to bring out significant data on the acculturation and deculturation of ethnic groups, including the Jews, in a small New England industrial community. Cf. W. Lloyd Warner and Leo Srole, The Social Systems of American Ethnic Groups [vol. Ill of the Yankee City Series] (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1945). This method of inquiry could be employed advantageously in studies of Jewish life in different localities, should the Jewish community in this country atquire a more positive attitude towards research in contemporary history, sociology and adjustment problems. Cf. Symposium on social research in the Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science, vol. IV (1949). 6 The use of these terms is suggested in the Introduction by Bronislaw Malinowski to Fernando Ortiz, Cuban Counter-point: Tobacco and Sugar (New York, 1947); and in Phyllis M. Kaberry's Introduction to Bronislaw Malinowski, The Dynamics of Culture 354 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The sources and materials for studies of this kind in the Jewish field range from labels on packages and cans to phonograph records and newspaper advertisements. Naturally, the task of gathering information on the constantly evolving culture patterns of a community of about five million is beyond the ken of an individual scholar. In the present paper, we shall attempt to apply some of our researches to certain manifestations of culture patterns without at all pretending to enumerate in detail all of the problems or topics of research or, for that matter, to exhaust the data on any one of them. Our aim is primarily to call attention to research needs in this field. In studying the emerging culture patterns of the American Jew, cognizance must be taken of the profound effects of the period of closed immigration. It is unlikely thaf; this country will see a new influx of Jewish immigrants, sufficiently large in size and rooted in Jewish tradition to appreciably influence the trends of American and Christian acculturation and Jewish

Change: An Inquiry into Race Relations in Africa (New Haven, 1945). We wish to thank Dr. Sidney Axelrad of the Training Bureau for Jewish Communal Service for help in clarifying these concepts. As we have already indicated elsewhere in our paper, "Psycho-Social Trends" in the symposium on the "Impact of Current Trends on Jewish Center Membership," The Jewish Center Worker, vol. X, no. 3 (Oct., 1949), p. 19: The process of transculturation, or the give and take of mores and cultural values that goes on between the immigrant and the native or between different component groups living together eventually results in attaining a synthesis in culture, accepted by all. This is taking place in American civilization. American culture has been stabilized predominantly along Anglo-Saxon and Christian Protestant patterns. Therefore, the immigrant or other ethnic and religious minorities, while contributing to the transculturation process, are at the same time also passing through both the processes of American acculturation and ethnic deculturation. The first, American acculturation, implies the adaptation of the prevailing patterns. The second, ethnic deculturation, implies the conscious or unconscious shedding of a group's own patterns, often leading to complete assimilation of individuals within the predominant culture. In the case of the Jews, this type of final absorption is unattainable because of the unwillingness of the non- Jewish majority to assimilate large numbers of Jews. It is nevertheless important to examine on the basis of Jewish experiences and the democratic pattern how far this process of acculturation can go without leading to a predisposition stage of final assimilation. This was also reprinted under the title Cultural Adjustment and the Goals of the Jewish Center (New York, 1949). ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 355 deculturation.6 The overwhelming majority of the Jews in this country were born here, and have received their education in this country. Hence it can be assumed that the Jewish community's emerging culture patterns are, to a large extent, the same as those of the general American community in terms of language, leisure time activities, demographic developments,7 and, as we shall see, even of stereotypes in thinking, — in- eluding religious concepts as well. At the same time the Jewish culture patterns will continue to contain sizeable though varying residues of Jewish mores and ways of expression, — some inherited from the European immigrants, others having originated, developed or considerably altered here. Some mores, developed in this country, failed to survive

6 Cf., Mark Wischnitzer, To Dwell in Safety: The Story of Jewish Migration since 1800 (Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1948), pp. 267-273; and Abraham G. Duker, Jewish Public Relations and the DP Admission Act (reprinted from The Reconstrtictionist (Oct. 1,1948), where it appeared under the title: "Admitting Pogromists and Excluding Their Victims." 7 Following are some important publications on various aspects of Jewish adjustment: Nathan Goldberg, Population Trends Among American Jews, Jewish. Affairs, series no. 5 (April 15, 1948), his "Occupational Patterns of American Jews," The Jewish Review (published by The Jewish Teachers Seminary and People's University, New York), vol. Ill, no. 1 (April, 1945), pp. 3-24; vol. Ill, no. 3 (Oct.-Dec., 1945), pp. 161-186; vol. Ill, no. 4 (Jan.-March, 1946), pp. 262-290; also his Economic Trends among American Jews, Jewish Affairs series, vol. I, no. 9 (Oct. 1, 1946) and Patterns of Jewish Occupational Distribution in the United States and Canada (New York, Jewish Occupational Council, 1940). In addition other surveys and local studies have been made, among them in particular, Leonard Bloom, "The Jews of Buna," in Jews in a Gentile World, op. cit., pp. 180-199; Uriah Z. Engelman, "Medurbia," Contemporary Jewish Record, vol. IV, no. 4 (Aug., 1941), pp. 339-348; (Oct., 1941), pp. 511-521; Samuel Koenig, "The Jews of Easterntown," The Jewish Review, vol. V, nos. 1-4 (Jan.-Dec., 1948), pp. 1-29, and his "The Socio-Economic Structure of an American Jewish Community," in Jews in a Gentile World, op. cit., pp. 200-242; and Charles Reznikoff, "Chronicles of the Lost; American Series," Commentary, vol. I, no. 6 (April, 1946), pp. 20-29, and Albert I. Gordon, op. cit. On status level, see Wesley and Beverly Allinsmith, "Religious Affiliation and Politic-Economic Attitude: A Study of Eight Major United States Religious Groups," The Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. XII, no. 3 (Fall, 1948), pp. 376-389; Edward C. McDonagh, "Status Levels of American Jews," Sociology and Social Research, vol. XXXII, no. 6 (July-Aug., 1948), pp. 944-953; Julian L. Greifer, Neighborhood Centre: A Study of the Adjustment of a Culture Group in America, New York, 1948 (abstract of a Ph.D. thesis at New York University). 356 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY beyond the immigrant generation. The story of such a development may be gathered from the title of a newspaper article, namely, " 'Jewish' and 'Non-Jewish' Cigars and Cigarettes,"8 dealing with differences in smoking tastes brought from abroad and adjusted here under the influence of prevailing conditions. The roomer or boarder system, maintained during the immigration period by most immigrant families, primarily for economic reasons, and secondarily as a continuation of the Old World pattern of hospitality, has similarly undergone a great transformation in consequence of American acculturation.9 The changes in the standards of home hospitality to both stranger and friend in an industrial and urban society are indeed worthy of investigation as are other trends indicated here. Study is also needed on the parallels and differences in development among Jews and other ethnic groups in this country. Too often, Jewish scholars and observers tend to forget that other ethnic groups also face similar problems of adjustment and group definition. Of course, there are basic

8 Jay Grayson, "Yiddishe un 'Nit-Yiddishe' Cigars un Cigarettn," [Jewish and 'Non-Jewish' Cigars and Cigarettes], Forward (New York), May 13, 1949, p. 2. 8 Cf. S. Heller, "Haintige Borders Zainen Andersh fun di Amolige" [Today's Boarders Are Different from the Former Ones], Forward, Sept. 16, 1949, p. 5. With ecological changes, other social or psychological "types," too, have disappeared or are on their way out, as for instance the shlepper (puller), a person employed to "pull" customers into the store. Cf. Louis Wirth, The Ghetto (Chicago, 1928), pp. 233-34. Wirth's Schacherjude (ibid.), p. 248, seems to be a non-Yiddish expression, evidently used by Jews in Germany and Austria. The changes in the type of the allrightnick (ibid.), p. 249, and, as we believe also, the changed attitude towards the nouveau riche are worthy of investigation. The distinctions between Wirth's Deutschland and the "ghetto" Jews (ibid.), pp. 248 ff., already drawn too sharply at the time of the book's publication, are indeed much paler today in consequence of acculturation and the internal Jewish melting pot to which we referred above. Changes in "types" are also evident from a study on differences in gestures of "assimilated" Eastern [European] Jews and those of immigrants. See David Efron, Gesture and Environment: A tentative study of some of the spatio-temporal and "linguistic" aspects of the gestural behavior of Eastern Jews and Southern Italians in New York City, living under similar as well as different environmental conditions (New York, Kings Crown Press, 1941). ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 357 distinctions between Jews and other ethnic groups. These stem not only from the varying yet to some extent common courses of adjustment in this country, but even more so from their differing historical backgrounds as well as the social conditions in the countries of origin at the time of the emigration. Though Jewish settlement on this continent dates back to the sixteenth century and while Jewish communities in what is now the United States originated in the middle of the seventeenth century, most of the Jews of America stem from Eastern Europe and thus constitute part of what is commonly called the "newer" immigration.10 Outstanding differences in the European background of the Jewish and the other ethnic immigrant groups in this country have influenced differing courses of development. In the case of the Jewish immigrants, the old home ties have been maintained more in terms of the local European community town or city rather than country or state of origin. This is the result of the more tenuous political ties and cultural identification with the former homelands because of the traditions of persecution and alienation.11

These distinctions are viewed by the more liberal scholars as historical myths״ 10 conveniently concocted for the purpose of retaining the country's American Anglo- Saxon and Protestant character," we wrote in The Jew in American Society, Syllabus, Training Bureau for Jewish Communal Service (New York, 1948) [mimeographed]. The historical origins of this classification are covered in Edward N. Saveth, American Historians and European Immigrants, 1875-1925 (New York, 1948); cf. its .review by Morris U. Schappes in Jewish Life, (Feb., 1949), p. 30. See also Edward N. Saveth "The Study of Man — The Immigrant in American History," Commentary, vol. II, no. 2 (Aug., 1946), pp. 180-185. Judging by current DP legislation, the onus of the inferiority of the "newer" immigration is on its way out so far as Christian East European immigrants are concerned, but not in the case of the Jews. Cf. A. G. Duker, Jewish Public Relations and the DP Admission Act, op. cit. 11 With the exception of Charles B. Sherman, Yidn un Andere Etnishe Grupes in die Fareinikte Shtatn [Jews and Other Ethnic Groups in the United States] (New York, 1948), it can be said that the comparisons and contrasts between Jews and other groups have not been seriously dealt with in the literature in the field. We have attempted to draw some general conclusions in The Jews in American Society, Syllabus, Training Bureau for Jewish Communal Service (1948) [mimeographed], which appeared 358 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

This distinction constitutes the main factor in Landsmann- sckaft organization based on city and town rather than on region and country.12 It is still too early to evaluate the connection with the newly established state of Israel in the scale of attachments. Perhaps, the closest parallels to the Jewish group to be found in American society are the religio-ethnic groups identified with a national church, as, for instance, the followers of the Syrian rites, the Greek and Ukrainian Greek Orthodox, the Carpatho-Russian and Hungarian Greek Catholics (Uniates).13 Unlike Roman Catholics and Protes- tants, these religio-ethnic groups did not find here established English language churches, into which their children could assimilate. Studies of common processes and differences in the adjustment of these groups, as well as of the Jews, are most desirable. It is always, however, necessary to call attention to the major distinguishing fact that these minorities, small as they may be, are still part of the large Christian majority in this country. before the publication of Sherman's valuable study, whose conclusions we are glad ן .to note are similar to mine Interesting examples of Polish attempts to work out ideologies for the status of an ethnic group are, Joseph Swastek, "What is a Polish American?" Polish American Studies, vol. I (New York, 1944); also his "What is a Polish American?" Polish Institute of Art and Science Bulletin, vol. Ill, no. 1 (Oct., 1944), pp. 73-83; and Thaddeus Slesinski, "Development of Cultural Activities in Polish American Communities," Polish American Studies, vol. V, no. 3-4 (July-Dec., 1948). For a comparison of Jews with Negroes in the educational sphere, see Louis Wirth, "Education for Survival: The Jews," American Journal of Sociology, vol. XLVIII, no. 6 (May, 1943), pp. 682-691, where the point is not made that the Negroes are also members of the Christian majority. 12 On Landsmannschaften, see Works Progress Administration in the City of New York, Yiddish Writers' Project, Die Yiddishe Landsmanshaftn fun New York [Jewish Landsmannschaften of New York] (New York, The J. L. Peretz Writers Club, 1938). A summary of the book by I. E. Rontsch, with many errors and mistranslations appeared as "The Present State of Landsmannschaften," Jewish Social Service Quar- terly, vol. XV, no. 4 (June, 1939), pp. 360-378. 13 Cf., for instance, Afif I. Tannous, "Acculturation of an Arab-Syrian Community in the Deep South," American Sociological Review, vol. VIII, no. 3 (June, 1943), pp. 264-271. No comparative data are brought out directly in the article, but parallels with Jews can be easily noted. ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 359

The Jewish ethnic also displayed a greater degree of religious liberalism and free thinking because of the influences of enlightenment and secularism.14 An important element in this connection is the sudden contact of the Jewish immigrants from the Orthodox milieu and its rigid communal control and influences with the relatively free urban society in the United States. Other contributing factors are the higher educational level and urban background as well as a swift process of adoption of the mores of the general society. Reli- gious and national group loyalty (with Zionism as a major expression) and the tradition of an historical community of fate, coupled with increasing anti-Semitism and social ostra- cism have helped to check the process of Jewish deculturation. The sheer weight of numbers has also played an important role in this resistance. Not only is the Jewish community greatly influenced by the American cultural melting pot, it is also going through the process of a miniature melting pot fusion of its own, with its sub-ethnic ingredients rapidly combining to produce the pattern of the native American Jew. The overwhelming majority of the American Jews is East European in origin. It is this group and its descendants that is in the process of

14 For the impact of the Haskalah (enlightenment) and secularization, see Salo W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jewish People (New York, 1937), vol. II, pp. 190 ff., and his Modern Nationalism and Religion (New York, 1947), pp. 213-249. The ideological trends in East European Jewry and to some extent their transformation in this country are to be found in Oscar I. Janowsky's Jews and Minor- ity Rights (New York, 1934), and on a more popular level in Max Gottschalk and Abraham G. Duker, Jews in the Post War World (New York, 1945). There is also a sizeable literature of memoirs and books particularly on the labor movement. For a brief summary of labor trends see Bernard D. Weinryb, "The Adaptation of Jewish Labor Groups to American Life," Jewish Social Studies, vol. VIII, no. 4 (Oct., 1946), pp. 219-244. A somewhat idealized approach on the spiritual life of Polish Jewry is contained in the introductory essay by Abraham Joshua Heschel to Roman Vishniac's Polish Jews (New York, 1947). An interesting approach with emphasis on secularization and including some illustrations from literature is Solomon A. Birnbaum's all too brief "The Cultural Structure of East Ashkenazic Jewry," The Slavonic and East European Review (London), vol. XXV, no. 64 (Nov., 1946), pp. 73-92. 360 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY absorbing all others in a miniature internal Jewish "melting pot" with a resultant culture pattern, where the Jewish residues are distinctly of East European origin, but not without some contributions of the other groups. The distinctions between the sub-ethnic Jewish groups such as Litvaks (Lithuanians, including the White Russians), Rumanians, Ukrainians, Poles, and Galicians do not seem to outlive the first generation in this country. This is in contrast to the longer lasting differences between the descendants of the German culture periphery and the East European Jews16 not to speak of the antagonism between the Sephardim and Ashkenazim. In this connection, it is also important to note that the cultural contacts between immigrant Jews and other immigrants, hailing from the same country, do not seem to outlive the immigrant generation. The study of dual cultural ethnicism also presents some important problems to the researcher.16

We prefer to use the term "German culture periphery" rather than "German Jews" because until about the third quarter of the nineteenth century the maskil (the enlightened Jew) presented almost the same type, culturally speaking, whether his residence was in Berlin, Prague, Budapest or Warsaw. His European cultural language was German rather than that of the local population. In Yiddish terminology he was identified as der Daitch. Non-German individuals of this type usually found no difficulty in assimilating with the German Jewish immigrants in this country. Cf. Abraham G. Duker, American Society Today, Syllabus, Training Bureau for Jewish Communal Service (July, 1949), p. 18 [mimeographed]; and ibid., Jewish Migrations Syllabus, Training Bureau for Jewish Communal Service (June, 1949), p. 4 [mimeographed]. 16 See Rudolf Glanz, Jews in Relation to the Cultural Milieu of the Germans in America up to the Eighteen-Eighties (New York, Marstin Press, 1947), a translation of the Yiddish article which appeared originally in the Yivo Bleter, vol. XXV, no. 1 (Jan.-Feb., 1945), pp. 70-95; no. 2 (March-April, 1945), pp. 203-234 and in his "The Immigration of German Jews up to 1880," in the Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science vol. II-III (New York, 1947-48), pp. 81-89. Dr. Glanz has called attention to the dual cultural relations of the German Jews in this country, most of whom, in addition to their Americanization, in the sense of acquiring the knowledge of the English language and American mores, have also retained cultural and organizational contacts within the German immigrant community, as well as their specifically Jewish religious- cultural affiliation with the Jewish community. The politically radical German Jewish immigrants of the Hitler period have tended to retain their German group contacts, possibly in contrast to the more conservative and the more consciously religious or ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 361

Examples of the influence of the sub-ethnic Jewish groups can be found in a number of areas. For instance, the most prevalently accepted Hebrew pronunciation in synagogue worship is that of the Lithuanian Jews. The German Jews contributed the pronunciation of the holem (e. g. the Litvak oi in olam was abandoned in favor of the German ou). The nationalist Jewish elements. For similar developments among Hungarians and Czech Jews, see Emil Lengyel Americans from Hungary (Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Co., 1948), and Guido Kisch In Search of Freedom: A History of American Jews from Czechoslovakia (London, Edward Goldston, 1949). Similar multiple ethnic culture contacts also exist among Jewish immigrants from other "emancipated" countries as well asfrom a certain periphery of the linguistically or otherwise assimilated elements from the "unemancipated" countries. The duality among Russian speaking Jews ia a less striking one. It commenced with the emigration of the Socialists and radicals in the 1880's and it would seem that at times the Russianized Jewish intellectuals constituted the major spokesmen of the progressive Russian cultural expression in this country as differentiated from the Greek Orthodox native Russians. The Union of Russian Jews conducted public forums on Jewish subjects in the Russian language as late as 1949. Dr. Mark Wischnitzer informs us that eight issues of Zarya, a Russian- Jewish weekly were published in New York in 1943, while one issue of Yevreiskaia Zhizn appeared in the same year. Russian Jews are active in the Russian press and relief activities of both the center and Socialist groups, a relationship established since their revolutionary contacts were made under the Tsar and strengthened by their common flight from Soviet Russia. The latest Jewish immigration from Poland shows a similar tendency of living in both cultural milieus, the Polish and the Jewish. The conscious assimilationists, of course, avoid as much as possible Jewish identification. On the other hand, the more Jewishly conscious elements have retained their own organizations and press* functioning in the Polish language, in contrast with the Yiddish speaking Landsmannschaften of the earlier arrivals now in the process of linguistic Anglicization and with considerable overlapping with recently established organizations of former Displaced Persons, who arrived here following World War II. This difference is due to the great progress of Polonization among the Jews in Poland since that country's attainment of independence in 1918, as well as to the character of the 6migr6s who managed to arrive here either immediately before the outbreak of World War II or during the War. Many of those were recruited from the more affluent individuals, who were either visit- ing this country in connection with the World's Fair of 1939 or managed to flee from Poland during the early stages of the war, thanks to financial or political connections. The desire for a local Jewish center on the part of the most recent Polish immigrants is expressed by Dr. Philip Turk, "Danger Signals in the House of Polish Jewry," Our Tribune, English Supplement of Nasza Trybuna, vol. X, no. 1 (Jan.-Feb., 1949), and by Roman Mogilanski, "Potrzeba Rodzimego Ogniska" [The Need for a Native Hearth], Nasza Trybuna (New York), vol. X, no. 2 (March-April, 1949), pp. 1-2, which represent some of the many opinions on this subject. 362 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

American environment can be credited with the pronunciation of the letter r.17 On the Yiddish stage, the predominant pronunciation of Yiddish is the Galician and Ukrainian, with the Lithuanian pronunciation usually employed as comedy relief to typify the comical "Litvak." The American Jewish dietary patterns are predominantly East European, as evidenced by blintzes, borsht, and other dishes. The latest loan words and word forms borrowed by the English language from the Jewish group also stem mainly from the East European Yiddish milieu.18 This emerging residual East European

17 An interesting variation is the tendency among hazzanim to retain vestiges of the Polish pronunciation, such as 00 for o in yisroel, ai for e in melekh. We leave further investigation in this field to specialists in music and linguistics. It would also be interesting to begin to note the influences in liturgical expression of the Israeli Sephardic pronunciation now that it is on the way of being introduced into synagogue worship in this country. 18 Cf. H. L. Mencken, The American Language (New York, 1937), pp. 216-18, 633-636, who also refers to articles by C. K. Thomas, American Speech (June, 1932; Oct., 1933) and by Robert Sonkin, ibid., (Feb., 1933). Cf. also Mencken, The American Language, Supplement II (New York, 1948), pp. 151 ff., passim, and references in footnotes to pp. 259-262. Other pertinent articles are J. H. Neuman, "Notes on American Yiddish," Journal of English and German Philology, vol. XXXVII, no. 3 (July, 1938), pp. 403-421; A. A. Roback, "You Speak Yiddish, Too!" Better English (Feb., 1938), pp. 49-58; and Julius Rothenberg, "Some American Idioms from the Yiddish," American Speech (Feb., 1943). Distinctions should be drawn between Hebrew and Yiddish terms introduced into English and utilized only by Jews: grager (Purim noise-maker), nahit (chicken-peas), kittel (white robe) and other words or expressions of Jewish origin which have made their way into the general American vocabulary through the comic strip, radio or vaudeville. Thus Al Capp has introduced through his Li'l Abner comic strip the word "nogoodnik" (Sunday Mirror, New York, June 5, 1949 and following — possibly earlier). Capp also uses the very common prefix "shm-" as coined in the phrase "technicality-schmecnicality" (same strip, Daily Mirror, New York, June 14, 1949). A parallel is the use of "Atom-schmatom" in the column "In the Wind," The Nation (Aug., 20, 1949), p. 176. Similarly, Carl Gruber has one of his characters exclaim: "Soup! Schmoop! Who cares" in "The Berrys" (The Star, New York, June 19, 1949). The shmoe, a substitute with possible Freudian connotations belongs in the same category. Al Capp's creation "The Shmoo" whose Yiddish origin is without doubt, has been republished in a book The Life and Times of the Shmoo (New York, 1948). Its character, "the Shmoo," has become an American institution. The name of a horse in Lariar-Spranger's comic strip Ben Friday is "Nellie Nudnick" (New York Herald Tribune, Dec. 1, 1949). These are mentioned in order to point to the comic strip as a source for the study of Yiddish loan words and expressions in English. In ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 363 majority ^lowly but surely manages to absorb, by marriage and influence in other ways, groups that are less related culturally such as the Sephardic and even Yemenite.19׳ The problems of acculturation and deculturation are often viewed among Jewish ideologues as peculiar to American Jewry. Such developments, however, are products of the

turn the acceptance of these expressions by the general public affects to a large extent also their retention among Jews. Radio scripts constitute an additional source with which we hope to deal on another occasion. It is an assumption of general familiarity with some Yiddish words that prompt one "Joe Suburban" to say in a letter to the editor, "O, temporal O, tsores!" (Daily Compass, New York, May 23, 1949). Maurice Schwartz is portrayed as a delightful "shlimozzle" in his role in "Hershel, the Jester" in a review by J. P. S. in the New York Times, December 14, 1948. We wish to record an interesting description of the Italian "Grocchi" as a "Macaroni schlamozzle" as tendered by Stanley Frank in Collier's and reported in the New York Post Home News, December 20, 1948. Dr. Joshua Bloch informed us of the word "Beitzimer" for Irish (derived from the Hebrew "beitzim" which in Yiddish is "Eier") and "Makkes" (the Hebrew word makkoth) for beatings. For an illustration of material found in trade argot, see David Geller, "Lingo of the Shoe Salesman," American Speech, vol. IX, no. 4 (Dec., 1934), pp. 283-286, and the "Addenda" by J. S. Fox, ibid., p. 286. For vulgarisms, see an Editor's Note to a letter to the editor, editorial page of the New York Post-Home News, Oct. 31, 1948; and Jeffrey Freece in American Speech, vol. XXII, no. 3 (Oct., 1947), pp. 234-5. In a different category is the ritualarium, used in lieu of mikveh (ritual bath). We believe that this is the first appearance in print of the term Gillies, an opprobrious word for Galicians, which we heard in New York in 1948. To Dr. Jacob Shatzky, we owe the following: "to shiver" (to sit Shiva) and "all of a sudden" for alav ha-shalom. Relatively little is known of the burlesque poetry, some of it strongly self-depre- catory if not mildly anti-Semitic, such as "Levy at the Bat," an incomplete transcript of which we secured two years ago from a Brooklyn boy. It contains many Yiddishisms. The vaudeville field will undoubtedly yield many more similar items. This area of culture transfer reflects much of the psychological impact and changes in status. In a different category are attempts to create folk motives in a mixture of Yiddish, Hebrew and English, in imitation of similar songs in Eastern Europe, and of Italian and German dialect songs, such as Philip Ney's "Folks Motivn," among which "O'Brien, Yidn shreien, Just Now," seems to be the most popular one. Cf. Yiddish America, Zamlbuch [Yiddish America, Collective Volume], edited by Noah Steinberg (New York, 1929), pp. 271-279. 19 The Syrian Jewish Congregation in Brooklyn was served by Ashkenazic rabbis. Cf. "The Magen David Syrian Jewish Community" by Rabbi Morris J. Rothman, Assistant Rabbi and Youth Director of Magen David Center, The Orthodox Union, vol. X, no. 5 (June, 1943), pp. 6-7. Rabbi David Hecht, an Ashkenazi, was spiritual head of the Congregation in 1948 and 1949. There are no data on intermarriage between these sub-ethnic groups and the Ashkenazic majority. 364 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY adjustment of Jews to conditions of living in the emancipated Western communities and are not indigenous to American Jews alone. With regards to economic structure, urban concentration, demographic developments, linguistic assimilation, intermarriage and religious observances, the American Jew shows a pattern that in our opinion differs from trends in other emancipated, immigrant-receiving countries only in the effects of the varying numbers and times of entry of the immigration waves.20 Basic to the understanding of the emerging culture pattern is also an appreciation of the influence of Christian religious practices and beliefs upon American Jews and particularly the adaptation of some of their stereotypes. Without entering into the problem of whether or not the United States can properly be spoken as legally being a Christian nation, Amer- ican civilization is to a large extent influenced by Christian customs and practices, and, in consequence, there is much unconscious permeation of those customs and even stereotypes among Jews. A most obvious example is the observance of Christmas and its derivatives. We note the assertion by a Jewish writer of the notion of the Jewish God as being the vindictive Deity of the Old Testament in contrast to the kind, loving God of the New Testament and his acceptance of the Christian usage of such a term as "Pharisees."21 Of course,

20 The comparative study of culture patterns of Jews in different western communities still needs to be undertaken. We have called attention to this problem in "Religious Trends in American Jewish Life," Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science, vol. IV (1949), p. 51, note 2. 21 Cf. Abraham G. Duker, "Religious Trends in American Jewish Life," op. cit., where some examples are cited. An example of a cliche is the following reference by columnist Albert Deutsch, "Like a great Jewish rabbi before him, Stephen Wise scorned the Pharisees and spoke to and for the despised multitudes . .. Wise, many years ago, literally drove the money-changers from his own Temple." The same column contains the following: "He was of the stuff of Ezekiel and Jeremiah, of Amos, Micah and Hosea. He preached up with passionate zeal the teachings handed down by these 'latter prophets,' teachings later summed up in the most concise and inspiring set of ethical principles ever enunciated — the Sermon on the Mount." (New York ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 365

in the final analysis, this reveals this particular Jewish writer's ignorance of Jewish theology. It would, however, be worth- while to investigate whether or not there are sufficient instances of similar Jewish-Christian religious syncretism among Jews to justify their characterization as a trend.22 The influence of the American environment is also seen in the areas of religious practices by Jews. It is not merely a question of relaxation in observances. Here account must also be taken of the initial predisposition to secularism among the immigrants which they had brought with them from those places in Europe where Haskalah and modernization had made serious inroads in the Jewish community. The free and largely ׳ urban American environment has hastened the process. In addition, the American environment has served to change and modify religious customs and mores that have been retained. Specifically American in influence is the emphasis on the importance of Hanukkah, due to its seasonal incidence with Christmas, a festival that exercises an overwhelming impact upon all, particularly the children. This rather popular festival in the Jewish scheme of holidays has become a most significant one.23 Among the recent innovations testifying to the increasing in its celebration are the appearance in 1949 of Hanukkah gift wrapping paper and ribbon, of Aleph Beth (Hebrew alphabet) chocolate bars and of the Hanukkah chocolate boxes. An innovation but a few years old is the appearance of

* Post Home News, April 20, 1949). This was also reprinted without comments in the Congress Weekly (May 2, 1949), p. 7. 22 We have heard of a case in a Midwestern city where a girl born on Rosh Ha- shanah was named Gloria Beth. Her mother explained to the rabbi the reason for this choice, — Gloria in memory of her grandmother Goldie, and Beth in honor of Bethlehem, a sacred city, in order to signify the daughter's birth on a sacred day. While Bethlehem is obviously a place much revered in Jewish tradition, the person who told us of this incident assured us that the mother, a member of his congregation, had no awareness of this fact. It is the familiar Christian association which recom- mended itself in this instance.. 23 More on Christmas observances among Jews will be found in my "Religious Trends ...," op. ext., pp. 52-53. 366 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY signs in stationery stores advertising "Hanukkah Greeting Cards with Jewish and English."24 We have mentioned elsewhere the presentation of Elijah the Prophet bearing gifts for children as a figure very much akin to Santa Claus. A recent innovation in a Southern community was that of "Uncle Max, the Hanukkah Man."26 Conversations with rabbis as well as general observation reveal that Shabuot would have enjoyed less popularity except for the introduction of confirmation ceremonies.28 In addition to Rosh Hashanah, there is greater attendance at the synagogue on the days on which Yizkor or the prayer for the dead is recited.27 Perhaps the new American custom of consecration will help to restore the children's celebration of Simhat Torah. The popular children's festival of Lag ba-'Omer seems to be restricted only to those attending all-day Jewish schools, while Tu Bishevat (Jewish Arbor Day) is in the same category, except for its limited revival under the influence of Zionism. How far such effects extend cannot be determined without further research. Passover is in a different category because of its dietary requirements, which are independent of synagogue attendance.28 A noticeable decline in the observance of such important fasts as the Seventeenth of Tammuz and the Ninth

24 The record of the development of the custom of using Jewish greeting cards in this country is virtually a closed book. The Rosh Hashanah (New Year) greeting card was among the earliest that became widespread. There are also greeting cards with Jewish content and Yiddish text for Mother's Day, possibly also for Father's Day. For a popular survey of the New York greeting card and its derivatives, not all of them American (the check on the Bank of Heaven for 120 years of good life; heavenly lottery winnings; coupons for possessions in Palestine), cf. Daniel Persky "Tashi," Hadoar (Sept. 23, 1949), pp. 988-990. 26 Cf. Abraham G. Duker, "Religious Trends...," op. cit., p. 53, note 10. Mr. Isaac Rivkind called our attention to a letter by Mrs. Ida R. Schwartz of Charleston, S. C., in the Jewish Morning Journal, Jan. 3, 1950, p. 6, containing a description of "Uncle Max, the Hanukkah man." Uncle Max is described as being a person groomed to represent an elderly man of patriarchal appearance, wearing "traditional clothes and a nice yarmulke, coming from Eretz Israel on a good will mission." He distributed the Hanukkah gifts to the children and explained to them the meaning of the festival. Cf. also Dr. Klorman's column, ibid., Dec. 18, 1949. 26 Gordon, op. cit., p. 110. 27 Ibid., p. 113. 28 See infra, note 68. ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 367 of Ab is to be recorded. Daily services are in the same category on an even weaker level, with some efforts to maintain a precarious hold on Sunday mornings, an interesting American innovation. A number of home and semi-public observances connected with holidays also seem to be on the decrease, such as the use of the ethrog (citron) and lulav (palm branch) on Sukkot, the sale of hamez and the observance as a fast day by the first-born males of the day preceding the Passover, the kapparot custom before Yom Kippur, and the purchase of the spring wardrobe before Passover. The tashlik custom seems to be still fairly popular in the cities among the Orthodox.29 The extent of the observance of the Sabbath as a day of rest, as judged by questionnaire studies, conversations with rabbis, sermons and articles in the press is declining continuously,30 — this again, in contrast to Hanukkah. Other Christian influences, also found outside the United States, are the use of the rabbinical and cantorial robe, the custom of prayers uttered by the rabbi in English that are not found in the traditional prayer book, as well as some postures during prayer.81 Another area of influence is based on the prestige values of general concepts, which range higher than the traditional Jewish ones. For instance, preference is given to the use of the term Reverend Doctor or Doctor to that of Rabbi. Often they are applied to men who do not bear these titles.82 While

19 Jacob Z. Lauterbach "Tashlik, A Study in Jewish Ceremonies," Hebrew Union College Annual, vol. XI (Cincinnati, 1936), pp. 207-340, states that "in the last few years the popularity of the ceremony has suffered a great setback due to the fact that the Jews are mostly city dwellers and concentrate in large cities... (p. 339)." He predicts that "the Halakah, the arch enemy of superstition will ultimately be the cause of the complete abolition of the Tashlik ceremony (p. 340)." 80 Gordon, op. cit., passim. 81 A monograph on these changes is a desideratum. 88 This, of course, is not an exclusive American custom, traced as it is to emancipation. For an adverse reaction to this practice see William B. Silverman "An Article About a Title," Hebrew Union College Monthly (Feb., 1945), p. 9. In a different category is the increasing usage of the Roman Catholic term "retreat" for religious sessions of rabbis and even laymen which, of course, do not resemble the original institution. A publicity release tells of "religious retreats" for Jewish chaplains (JWB Circle, Feb. 1950, p. 3). 368 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Yiddish traces its origin to the modification of the German language by the loan of words from Hebrew in areas dealing with religious observances, morality and affection, American Jews generally substitute in these areas Hebrew terms by English ones, as seen in the use of the terms "sexton" for shamash, "cantor" for Jmzzan, "cemetery" for bet oZam.33 We have already mentioned that the borrowings of Yiddish expressions by the English language are of low prestige value.34 A comparison with the wide range of home and family customs practiced in the daily life of the traditional Jewish milieu shows that a great many have disappeared following a generation or two of life in this country. We are not considering here the area of religious changes due to the Reform position.36 Let us observe, for instance, the variety of customs associated with birth.86 The custom of displaying in the maternity room the shir ha ma'alot, a written or printed sheet of paper containing the text of Psalm 121 together with some cabbalistic inscriptions, is on its way out, largely in consequence of the abandonment of the home encouchement.37 The maternity hospital also served to make obsolete the

83 Typical is the sign at the entrance to the Jewish cemetery in Haverhill, Mass., where the inscription Haverhill Jewish Cemetery is duplicated by a Yiddish version in Hebrew letters, Haverhill Yiddisher Cemetery. 34 See note 18. 36 Developments in Reform Judaism seem to be pointing back to the tradition, as exemplified in the readaptation of the atarah on the tallit, restoration of the Shofar blowing, with the American innovation of the addition of a trumpet mouthpiece with a shallow bowl to the ram's horn; cf. the Reports in the Central Conference of American Rabbis, Yearbook, particularly those of the Joint Committee on Ceremonies, passim. 38 A good summary of home and public observances is contained in W. M. Feldman, The Jewish Child (London, 1918). For contrasts, cf. Gordon, "From the Cradle to the Grave," op. cit., pp. 121-147. 87 The Shir ha-Ma'alot, printed sheets bound in tablets, are still sold in New York's Jewish religious book stores on the East Side, retailing at five cents. We have not had the opportunity to investigate the extent of their sales. For a description, cf. E. A. Wallis Budge, Amulets and Superstitions (London, 1930), pp. 224 ff. Incidentally, Hassidic rabbis still sell amulets in New York City and probably in other places as well. Not all the purchasers, to our knowledge, can be classified as Orthodox or even observant Jews. ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 369 custom of the shema recitation by school boys at the bedside.38 The practice of ben zakhar or shalom zakhar, a convivial gathering held on the Friday evening after the birth of a male child at the home of the parents, has well-nigh disappeared in this country, so much so that rabbis from medium sized communities had to resort to listing of rare individual cases to prove that it still exists. As a matter of fact signs of its disappearance were also visible in Europe many years ago, since references to it in prayer-books were omitted. The ceremonials at the circumcision rites, even when performed by mohalim and not by physicians have been considerably changed.38 The pidyon ha-ben, the redemption of the first-born male child on the thirtieth day after his birth seems to be holding its own to a wider extent.40

38 Together with this also disappeared the Wachnacht (watch night), preceding the day of circumcision. For its description, see Judah D. Eisenstein in Jewish Ency- clopedia, vol. XII, pp. 454-455. It would be interesting to find out whether the Holle Kreish practiced in Germany in connection with the naming of girls is still retained in this country either among descendants of the earlier German immigrants or among the contemporary refugee immigrants. For its description, see article by Kaufmann Kohler in Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. VI, p. 443. For attitudes on childbirth and ceremonials connected with it in the East Side immigrant milieu, see Jean Jaffe's interview with Dr. Abraham I. Rongy in The Day (March 6, 1949). 83 The custom of performing the circumcision ceremony in the synagogue has disappeared. Similarly, the sermon has practically disappeared from the circumcision ceremony. Interestingly, Brit ltzhak, A Manual Comprising the Rite of Marriage, Circumcision, Redemption of the First Bom, and Confirmation: and the Usual Prayers for These Ceremonies; also Speeches Designed for Such Occasions, by Rev. I. L. Kadushin (New York, 1897), contains Hebrew texts of three speeches for the occasion (pp. 41-47), perhaps testifying to the prevalence of the custom at the time of the book's publication. The circumcision certificate appears to be an American innovation. A text of it in English and Hebrew (For Good Remembrance at a Happy Hour) is published in Kadushin's Brit Itzhak., p. 87. It would be interesting to study the extent of the distribution of these certificates. The substitution by the word godfather for sandek also seems to be popular. The American invented surgical circumcision apparatus has been the subject of much consideration in the responsa literature. The circumcision feast has been substituted by the serving of refreshments in the hospital hall, and special quarters for the performance of the circumcision ceremony are available in Jewish hospitals. 40 To our knowledge this ceremony is still celebrated mostly in the home rather than in public halls like other family customs. We hope to investigate this further. Cf. Gordon, op. cit., p. 123. 370 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

We have not heard of the practice of the first birthday visit to the synagogue by boys. Insistence on the sha'atnez prohibition continues to be urged by Orthodox rabbis.41 Despite these and the advertisements of sha'atnez laboratories in the press,42 it is doubtful whether this prohibition is widely observed. It can be presumed that the custom of wearing a small tallit (arba kanfot) is practiced only among the strictly Ortho- dox.43 Similarly, it can be surmised that the week-day morning custom of laying on phylacteries is practiced only among the very Orthodox. In this connection, a new custom may be pointed out, that of the Breakfast Prayer Glubs on Sunday mornings in Orthodox and Conservative synagogues, probably an American innovation. We wish that we could give more information on the retention of the kapparot custom. We believe that salutations such as gut Shabbos, or gut Yorntov, have managed to survive to a larger extent than shalorn alekhem. We have no data on the uses of the mizrah in the home though it is sold in Jewish bookstores. It would be interesting to survey the proportion of homes which still attach the mezuzah to their doorposts. We have rarely heard of the ceremony of the dedication of a new home (kanukkat ha-bayyit), so widely practiced in East European communities. This is part of the general decline in home observance.44 The

a The wearing of fabric consisting of a mixture of woolen and linen is forbidden by Mosaic law. See for instance, the advertisement by the Union of Orthodox Rabbis urging the preaching of sermons on this subject in the Jewish Morning Journal (Oct., 8, 1948). A free sha'atnez laboratory is also in existence in Brooklyn. 42 Cf. the advertisement by Crawford Clothes "Non-Sfeaafraes Clothes available"; and the advertisement by one, Margolis, "Featuring non-Shaatnes Clothes," The Orthodox Union (Oct., 1945), p. 25. 43 William Rosenau in Jewish Ceremonial Institutions and Customs (Baltimore, 1908), p. 65, wrote: "Like the phylacteries, the Praying Searf has fallen into disuse among some Jews." Interestingly, the Chevra Malbish Arumim of Brownsville, Brooklyn, N. Y., offered a free tzitzit tying service in an advertisement in the Jewish Morning Journal (April 7, 1949). 44 Jacob S. Golub and Noah Nardi, "A Study in Jewish Observance," The Recon- ׳structionist, vol. XI, no. 9 (June 15, 1945). Cf. Louis Katzoff, Issues in Jewish Educa tion: A Study of the Philosophy of the Conservative Congregational School, (New York, ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 371

use of the mikveh (ritual bath) by women has also declined and is a subject of continuous discussion in Orthodox circles. Other ceremonials, on the other hand, have acquired new significance in this country, particularly the Bar Mitzvah ceremony, which seems to be on its way of readaptation even by the Reform and by the secular Yiddishists.46 Mention should also be made of the Third Seder, an adaptation of a religious custom by secularists, and now a semi-secular ceremony held on Passover. Introduced by Labor Zionists as a fund raising affair, it was also adopted by the Workmen's Circle as an annual Passover celebration.46 An interesting innovation is the taryag custom, introduced by Jewish edu- cators in 1941. It provides for the entry of the name of the Bar Mitzvah celebrant in a special Jewish National Fund Book.47 The increasing extravaganza of the Bar Mitzvah celebration will be discussed below. While confirmation of girls is an adaptation by Reform Judaism of a Christian practice, it has been accepted by Conservative Judaism, and we would not be surprised to hear about its practice among the Orthodox.48 What appears to be purely an American

1949), pp. 107-17. For an interesting plea to women for the retention of the home mores see Betty D. Greenberg and Althea O. Silverman The Jewish Home Beautiful, (New York, The Women's League of the United Synagogue of America, 1941). 46 Cf. Isaac Rivkind L'Ot ul-Zikkaron [Bar Mitzvah: A Study in Jewish Cultural History] (New York, 1942), pp. 62-64; 72-73. « L. Feinberg, "Der Dritter Seder fun Arbeter Ring" [The Third Seder of the Workman's Circle], Der Freind (New York, June, 1949), pp. 12-13. 47 Simcha Rubinstein, "Turyag," Shebile ha-Hinuk vol. I, n. s., no. 4 (1941), pp. 75-77 (cf. Rivkind, op. eit., bibliography, item 48, p. 91). The Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations also introduced in 1933 the registration of Bar Mitzvah candidates who were given publications and who conducted some joint activities. The Orthodox Union, vol. I, no. 4 (Nov., 1933). 48 On confirmation, cf. David H. Wice, Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. Ill, p. 329. We have not had an opportunity to examine the same author's Bar Mitzvah and Confirmation in the Light of History and Religious Practice (1933), a typewritten thesis at the Hebrew Union College. Cf. Rivkind, op. eit., bibliography, item 15, p. 88. See also David Philipson, "Confirmation in the Synagogue," Central Con- ference of American Rabbis, Yearbook, vol. I (1890-91), pp. 43-58, and Louis I. Egelson, "Confirmation Practices in the Jewish Religious School," ibid., vol. XII (1931), pp. 366-399. 372 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY development is the bat mitzvah, the equivalent of the bar mitzvah for girls, the practice of which began in the Conserva- tive Reconstructionist innovations and has been accepted even in some Orthodox synagogues.49 An interesting new semi- religious ceremonial is the Oneg Shabbat (Sabbath Delight), a public ceremony held on Friday evenings or on Saturday afternoons, and introduced here following its earlier practice in Jewish Palestine. Far reaching are also the changes in customs centered about death. Purely American innovations in this area are visits to graves of parents on Father's and Mother's Days. These have become so frequent that the usual contingent of mole macher (reciter of El male rahamim prayer) are to be found on these days in the Jewish cemeteries. It would be worth- while investigating whether this new custom shows signs of replacing the similar practice during the Jewish month of Elul. Certainly, the increasing custom of placing the tombstones in a flat position rather than vertically60 is due to the new styles in California garden cemeteries rather than to a sudden revival of the ancient Sephardic custom. The custom of placing photographs of the deceased on the tombs is now rarely observed. It would be interesting to trace its rise and decline. The revolution in burial ceremonies and practices, which has resulted in the abandonment of the simple and inexpensive four board box and its replacement by an expensive casket and in the introduction of other luxuries such as flowers and formal dress, is the proper subject not only for investigation but also for remedial action.6! The abandonment of the

49 Cf. David H. Wice in Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. II (1940), p. 75. 60 See pictures in advertisements in New York Post (Nov. 22 and 30, 1948, and Jan. 17, 1949). 61 A brief summary of changes is contained in Abraham I. Shinedling's article in the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. IV, pp. 479-480. Cf. also ibid., vol. II, p. 602. For a more elaborate discussion, see Gordon, op. cit., pp. 139 ff. For a compendium of traditional observances and customs with some remarks on changes, see Jekuthiel ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 373 traditional shroud and its substitution by the customary clothes is also taking place. It would also be interesting to find out to what an extent the practice of having a prayer minyan in the home of the deceased during the first week after death has been retained.82 The reduction of the duration of shiva (period of mourning) to three days instead of seven has been noted by Gordon.63 The availability of professional reciters of the kaddish on a commercial basis would seem to indicate that this practice is not retained as much as it used to be for the first year following the death.54 Kaddish recitation by professionals is not restricted to America.65 The custom of women rising to recite the kaddish prayer with men, even in some Orthodox synagogues, is probably an American innovation. The use of the English language for tumular inscriptions parallels a similar practice of using the vernacular in other countries. So is probably the memorial Yahrzeit certificate. An American innovation is the repast offered on the cemetery grounds following the unveiling of tombstones. The custom of sending flowers, candy or fruit baskets to the home of the mourners has grown in popularity in this country.66

Jehudah [Leopold] Greenwald, Kol Bo al Abelut (New York, 1947), particularly pp. 13-14. We have witnessed many varieties in ceremonials, including the performance of Masonic services with distinct Christian connotations, preceding a pseudo-Reform ceremony by a non-ordained rabbi, who contributed his own variations to the ritual. On problems raised by "secular" funerals for the non-believers, cf. B. Z. Goldberg, "Vegn Lvaies" [Concerning Funerals], The Day, Feb. 23, 1949. 62 Paid participants for this purpose were furnished through a leading New York Orthodox congregation in 1948. 68 Cf. Gordon, op. cit., p. 144. 64 The advertisement of a Bronx synagogue offering professional Kaddish sayers was a regular feature in the small advertisement section of the Jewish Morning Journal and The Day (1948 and 1949). The transliteration in Latin characters of the Kaddish appears in very many American published*prayer books (Siddurim). On repasts, see David Einhorn, "Picnics tsvishn Kvorim oif Yiddishe Cemeteries," [Picnics at the Graves on Jewish Cemeteries], Forward, Nov. 19, 1949. 85 An interesting suit of a professional Kaddish sayer in the State of Israel who won a $60.00 claim for his services in court was reported in the Forward (July 31,1949). 56 Memorial Certificate, in Hebrew and English, published in Isaac Leib Judah Kadushin, Brit Itzhak, part II, Sefer Tziyon (New York, 1898), appendix. 374 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Many innovations can be traced back to American mechanical ingenuity and the present progress of the plastics industry. In this category belong the ordinary electric and the more modern fluorescent Yahrzeit candles. The latter appear to be similar to illuminations used by Roman Catholics.67 The old fashioned tallow or paraffin Yahrzeit candle that is housed in a drinking glass, with an eye to economy via double utility, appears to be an American product. We are not sure of the origin of the elaborate metal electric commemoration Yahrzeit tablet with individual bulbs for individual names that is to be found in the synagogues and usually carries the names of the deceased in English, but we suspect that it is an American innovation. The miniature photographic print Torah is traced to German photographers who, it is said, introduced it in this country at the turn of the century. It became a popular gift for relatives in Europe.68 Some three years ago we noted the appearance of individual books of the Pentateuch in a similar Torah scroll form, possibly inspired by greater desire for profits. There is also available on the market a photographic reproduction of the Megillah (Scroll of the Book of Esther) as well as miniature plastic Torah arks, in addition to similar earlier products made of wood. The plastic Hanukkah dreidel (teetotum) that had made its appearance following World War II is but one of the many new products in this line. We have noticed plastic Sabbath and holiday table clothes, probably not older than 1949.69 Cookie cutters with Jewish symbols

57 There are several styles of the fluorescent lamps. Prof. Guido Kisch informs me that a leading Orthodox rabbi in Germany had used an electric lamp for Yahrzeit commemoration. The American electric bulbs are equipped with the Star of David. Cf. the illustrated advertisement in Jewish Morning Journal (April 1, 1949). 68 For the information about the origin of the miniature Torah Scrolls, I am indebted to Mr. Menasseh Vaxer of New York. 69 Cf. the advertisement in the Hadassafe Newsletter (Sept., 1949), p. 13, in which the manufacturer offers "eight different plastic table clothes with Shabbos, Yomtov and Erez Israel motives in wonderful colors." ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 375 were introduced in the same year.60 A recent innovation is the musical Hanukkah lamp that plays the traditional hymn Ma'oz Zur (Rock of Ages) or the Hatikvah.61 The use of the electric clock to turn the lights and the radios on and off on Sabbaths and holidays also seems to be an American adaptation. Influences of local commercialism are seen in the trade mark labels attached to the tallit (prayer shawl). A culture pattern which seems to be more prevalent in this country than in Europe or in Israel among both the observant and non-observant is the wearing of the skull-cap, developed here into what may be called, and not only facetiously at that, the yarmulke cult.62 The refraining from consumption of meat on Fridays among Roman Catholics has resulted in at least one specially prepared "kosher" Catholic product, the "Friday Franks" made of tuna fish.68 However, it is only among Jews that the intimate tie-up of culinary preferences with kashrut requirements have, in this industrial milieu, combined to create a huge kosher food industry facilitating in many respect the retention of kashrut because of the reduction of work involved in food preparation in the home.64 AlthouglTReform Judaism

80 According to a mail enclosure advertisement the setcontains "six cookie cutters in gleaming, heat-resistant, blue and white plastic." The designs consist of a "Star of David, Dreidle, Lion of Judea [sic!], Sabbath Candle, Holiday Wine and Shofar." Easy cookie recipes are enclosed for Rosh Hashanah, Purim, Passover, Hanukkah, the Sabbath. 61 Cf. the advertisement in New York Post Home News (Nov. 30, 1949). 62 While in European countries and in Israel, the Orthodox customarily wear hats or caps in public, or even at home, the yarmulke (skull-cap) seems to be the more popular headgear in this country, where it has become the normal gesture of obeisance to tradition, to the extent that even Gentiles wear it at Jewish gatherings. 63 "When a group of priests in Boston Were served what looked like frankfurters on a recent Friday, there were instant protests: 'We can't eat meat today.' Then the surprised priests were told to go ahead and eat them; the frankfurters were actually made of tuna fish. After other similar test runs on unsuspecting diners, Friday Franks were put on the market this week by Gloucester's famed old (89 years) Davis Bros. Canning Company." Time (Dec., 5, 1949), pp. 94-95. 64An advertisement by a well known business promotion agency in New York which specializes in the "Jewish market" gives a partial list of advertisers whom the 376 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY has almost completely abandoned kashrut, many Reform Jews take advantage of products of the kosher food industry. The kosher food industry also serves others who do not observe kashrut. Many Conservative and nominally Orthodox Jews maintain the double standard of kashrut observance at home and non-observance outside. Here, too, can be noted varied stages in acculturation, or deculturation, depending on the approach.65 While there is evidence of a decrease in the consumption of kosher meats in some localities, traced to the high prices and inefficient regulation of the industry,86 the purchase of kosher food does not by itself indicate that the home is a kosher one. In many places the kosher restaurant is being replaced by the "Jewish style" or "kosher style" restaurant. There is also ample evidence of transculturation in this area. Just as spaghetti has become part and parcel of the menus of many American restaurants, dishes like borsht, potato pan- cakes and blintzes are served in general restaurants in the larger cities, signifying the Jewish contribution to the general American cuisine as well as the numerical weight of the Jewish middle and upper classes.67 The Passover season presents a agency served during a period of twenty-eight years, listing 56 national advertisers. It points to the influence of the Yiddish press as an advertising medium (New York Herald Tribune Nov. 11, 1947). Cf. also Kosher Food Guide. Organized Kashruth, a periodical published in New York, whose vol. I, no. 1 is dated March, 1935. 66 Some cynic has observed that "Every Jew carries his own Shulhan Aruk." The process begins with eating vegeterian or dairy foods outside the home. It continues with the eating of fish, later shell-fish, or meat products, though not pork and sometimes ends with fried bacon for breakfast. 66 On the problem of kashrut in this country, see the thorough work by Jeremiah J. Berman, Shehitah: A Study in the Cultural and Social Life of the Jewish People (New York, 1941). It is a recurrent topic in the press, cf., for example, articles by Dr. A. Klorman, Jewish Morning Journal, Nov. 24, 1948; by P. Rubinstein, ibid., April 5, 1949; by David Eidelsberg, ibid., July 22, 1949. 67 A 1949 menu of a drug store in Cleveland lists, together with the usual dishes "Kosher Salami Sandwiches" and "Hot Kosher Corned Beef de Luxe." Even more interesting is the menu of a Cleveland restaurant, dated June 10, 1949. Not only do "Stuffed Kishke," "Shrimp Cocktail," "Chopped Liver," "Gefilte Fish," "Pickled Herring" and "Creamed Herring" appear on the menu among the appetizers with Baked Virginia Ham Sandwich and Kosher Corned Beef Sandwich on the sandwich ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 377

most interesting period in observance and semi-observance, with cafeterias and restaurants in New York serving both Matzah and bread as well as non-kosher dishes in Passover style.68 An interesting institution is the Jewish dairy cafeteria or restaurant found in New York and possibly also in other very large cities. It is a restaurant sui generis and deserves further study, like many other subjects mentioned in this paper.69 Interestingly enough, delicatessen of the type which

list, but there is also a special Kosher Korner in which the following dishes are listed: "Cottage Cheese and Sour Cream; 2 Cheese Blintzes with Sour Cream; Chopped Liver w. Potato Salad; Corned Beef & Eggs; Assorted Cold Cuts with Potato Salad & Sliced Tomato." The reader will note not only the mixture of kosher and non-kosher meats, but also the indiscriminate combination of meat and dairy dishes in the Kosher Korner. Clementine Paddleford, the food expert of the New York Herald Tribune, in her description of a Viennese Hungarian restaurant in New York mentions the "chicken in the pot with those fluffy matzoth balls" (Dec. 4, 1948). Restaurants run by Jews which feature Jewish dishes together with the customary fare of general restaurants have sprung up in smaller cities and communities where there may be a sizeable Jewish business element. 68 The elaborate preparations for the Passover are generally well known. In New York some of the largest department stores open up special Passover departments. A leaflet containing Passover recipes was offered for three cents to its readers by the magazine section of the New York Herald Tribune (April 10, 1949, p. 48). Passover recipes by Harriet Jean Anderson are listed also in the magazine section of the New York Herald Tribune, idem, pp. 38-39. The increasing use of prepared food is seen in the disappearance of &0rsW-making in the home. A questionnaire on Passover Customs and Practices issued by the Yiddish Scientific Institute in 1949, includes a question, "If you generally eat in a non-kosher restaurant, do you patronize that restaurant on Passover, too? If you do, do you omit bread and meat on the Passover days? Do you patronize on Passover only a restaurant that is kosher and in accordance with the special dietary regulations for Passover?" Chocolate "matzo" bars were introduced in 1949. Another interesting aspect of Passover in America is the utilization of the Passover Haggadah for commercial advertising. The first Haggadah of this kind seems to have been the one published by the printery of E. Zunser in 1895, the cover of which bears the advertisement of the bookseller, M. Germansky. See no. 144 in Abraham G. Duker, "Eged Haggadot," Kiryat Sepher (Jerusalem), vol. VIII, no. 1 (Nisan, 1931), p. 116. The early advertisers were steamship companies, banks, booksellers and food processors. Of late, many commercial Haggadahs are sponsored by Orthodox institutions. Cf. Isaac Rivkind, "Haggadot Pesalj," Hadoar, vol. VII, no. 22 (April 15, 1927), p. 341. e9 Leah W. Leonard, in the preface to her cookbook Jewish Cookery in accordance with the Je/uiish Dietary Laws (New York, 1949), p. viii, interestingly calls attention to the fact that the earliest American Jewish cookbook, Mrs. Esther Levy's, Jewish Cookery Book, On Principles of Economy adapted for Jewish Housekeepers ..., published 378 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY is considered as being typically Jewish food, can serve as a good example of American acculturation. Delicatessen was comparatively unknown in the East European milieu. In this country, Jews adopted it from the Germans in such a thorough fashion that it became identified as a Jewish dietary component.70 The gingerbread Haman is also an evidence of American adaptation.71 Culinary habits are influenced in great measure by American conditions, — to the extent that the diet of even the immigrant generation differs greatly from that of the country of origin. Outstanding is the use of citrus fruits and of vegetables. More bizarre adaptations showing strong acculturation influences are the use of "Kosher Bacon," the common term used for "beef frye," parts of beef resembling bacon in appearance and as some would have it also in taste.72 The kosher Chinese noodles also belong in this category. An American innovation is the substitution of the kosher inscription in Hebrew or in roman letters by the (u) brand,723 certifying the product's kashrut by the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America. Worthy of notice is also the innovation of certifying the kashrut of mineral and chemical products, such as salt, in 1871, "contains very few Passover Recipes, and not one for gefilte fishl" (authoress' italics and exclamation mark). Generally, little is known about the acculturation trends in cooking. While the East European diet predominates, German influence is quite visible in the typical Jewish dishes suggested in Greenberg and Silverman, op. cit., pp. 89-110. In contrast, Leonard's book shows a distinct Rumanian influence. A special section is devoted to recipes in Israel, with distinct Near East influences, perhaps pointing to a new ingredient in this area. Indeed, a comparative study of cookbooks and the evolution of Jewish dishes in this country awaits the scholarly gourmet. 70 See articles by Jay Grayson in Forward (Aug. 22 and 24, 1949); also Ruth Glaser "From the American Scene — The Jewish Delicatessen," Commentary, vol. I, no. 5 (March, 1946), pp. 58-63. n Cf. cakes suggested in picture opposite page 54 in Greenberg and Silverman's The Jewish Home Beautiful, op. cit., which contains no description. 72 There is a host of these prepared foods. We are acquainted with a familiar brand which customers in some localities call "Jewish Bacon," or "Kosher Bacon." 723 A small capital u, placed in the center of a large capital letter O. ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 379 detergents and other products which did not require attesta- tion in the Old World milieu.73 Important social and religious functions are performed through the catering industry, institutionalized in the hotel and the commercial wedding halls of varying sizes, accommo- dations and charges. In the metropolitan communities, the neighborhood commercial hall (called wedding temple, wedding salon, wedding chapel), and usually operated by or in collaboration with a cantor, "reverend" or rabbi, and the large catering establishments, operating through hotels, have to a large extent taken the place of the synagogue and community center as the locale for family celebrations, — the major ones being weddings, Bar Mitzvahs, and silver and golden weddings. The custom of baking and cooking by the bride's family and friends in the immigrant days, when only quarters would be rented in the neighborhood ball room, has given way to the caterers, who also supply yarmulkes (skull caps) with the name of the bride and groom, and the date and locale of the wedding printed inside. Of late, matchbooks with similar imprints and properly initialled paper napkins have also been supplied. The menu too deserves collection and study. Such supplies are also available for Bar Mitzvahs and other occasions. The celebration of engagements is less frequently heard of, and the signing of the tena'im (engagement contract) seems to be practiced only among the extreme Orthodox. A new fashion is the celebration of weddings and Bar-Mitzvahs in resort hotels. The unsynagogued elements which, together with the large numbers considered nominally Orthodox, outnumber the affili-

73 Cf. the advertisement of kosher cosmetics for Passover which lists "lipstick (medium, crimson red, gypsy red), cream rouge, face powder, liquid shabbos soap, tooth powder, creams, nail polish, nail polish remover, brilliantine." The advertisement is published in English and Yiddish (Jewish Morning Journal, April 8, 1949). There is no historical material at all published dealing with such commercial products. It would be interesting to trace the histories of the firms catering to the Jewish market. 380 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY ated, find in the wedding hall or hotel the answer to their religious needs on such occasions. In consequence, the wedding hall has become an important factor in fashioning cultural and religious patterns. Innovations in ritual are assumed by the less informed to be genuine and required by Jewish custom. In our collection of descriptions of ceremonials, we note the trend towards the abandonment of the traditional ritual in favor of substitutions. Some of these are borrowed from non- Jewish practices and from Hollywood sources, while others have evolved in the commercial wedding halls and hotels. Often the innovations are merely interwoven in the traditional ritual. The maid of honor, the best man, the bridesmaids and ushers, the ring bearer, the flower girl — all these are evidences of acculturation which by this time seem to be endowed with the prestige of sanctity. While the ceremonial is performed by a rabbi (ordained or self-termed), cantor, "reverend," or choir leader, major roles have been evolved for the choir, jazz band, and the master of ceremonies, who is not to be confused with the badhan or jester, a rarity in this country. We also note the evolution of bizarre innovations, such as the participation of dancers who dress in abbreviated ballet skirts, scatter flowers in front of the procession. The ritual includes the performance of songs from the stage and motion pictures. One choir leader advertises a ceremonial protected by the copyright laws.74

74 Cf. the advertisement by a choir leader who refers to himself as an institutzie far zich alein (an institution by himself), and calls attention to a "new Huppah ceremony, a new Bar Mitzvah ceremony, with the latest effects." The advertisement also includes the warning that to "copy or to imitate the Huppah, or Bar Mitzvah ceremony without the permission of the author is legally forbidden under the Copyright Law (Jewish Morning Journal, Sept. 24, 1948). Another advertisement, in the New York Post (Nov. 19, 1948) reads as follows: "Terrific is the expression of all who hear and witness Rev. S. ... Beautiful Wedding Ceremony. Concisely Addressed. Ritual Arranged in Special Duet Music ... Glorious Voiced Soprano Singing Latest Wedding Song Remember Dear, By permission of..., distributor." The Minnesota Rabbinical Association restricted the wedding ceremonies to the home and the synagogue because its members felt that "only the sanctuary of the home or the sanctuary of the synagogue is an appropriate setting for so sacred a service" (National Jewish Post, Nov. 15. 1948). There is little published material on the various ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 381

We have heard of the custom of releasing white doves from cages during the ceremony.76 The position of the marriage broker (shadkhan) has declined in importance also in this country in consequence of modernization. Still the presence of matrimonial bureaus and Lonely Hearts or Friendship social clubs indicates that the need for intermediaries has not been completely eliminated.76 The commercial Bar Mitzvah cere- types of weddings. Descriptions of more traditional weddings are contained in Daniel Persky's "Hatunot li-Yehudei Amerika" [Weddings of American Jews] Hadoar, vol. XXVII, no. 17 (Feb. 25, 1949). The use of the song "Oh Promise Me," is mentioned in the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. X, p. 482. The song is borrowed from Robin Hood by Reginald de Koven. Harry Simonhofl in a critique of the use of "Wagner's Bridal Chorus March" from Lohengrin in the wedding ceremonial refers to the composer's anti-Semitism and suggests the substitution of the "March of the Priests" from Felix Mendelssohn's oratorio Athalia. Citations from the article which appeared in the Miami Jewish Floridian are given in the column by Helen Cohen, .National Jewish Post (Indianapolis), June 17, 1949, p. 7־ The The wedding ceremonials generally include frequent picture taking and sound recording. The ceremony is supervised by a master of ceremonies. Investigation is also needed on the maintenance of the Old World custom such as throwing raisins and candy on the bridegroom upon his being called up to the Torah on the Sabbath preceding the wedding, as well as on the retention of this custom. In New York City, Hassidic wedding ceremonies of rabbinical families are sometimes performed in the open, — more often, however, in wedding halls, where we have witnessed the American innovation of the use of the microphone. The custom of refraining from marrying during the Sefirah period between Passover and Shabuot is still widely practiced even among the more affluent. Cf. Werner J. Cahnman, "A Note on Marriage Announce- ments in the New York Times," American Sociological Review, vol. XIII, no. 1 (Feb., 1948), pp. 96-97 where Cahnman comments on the conclusion concerning the low proportion of Jewish marriage announcements in the New York Times by David L. and Mary A. Hatch in their study of the "Criteria on Social Status as derived from Marriage Announcements in the New York Times," ibid., vol. XII, no. 4 (Aug., 1947), pp. 396-403. The authors were unaware of the coincidence at times of the Sefirah period with the month that they had selected for their study during the years 1932- 1942. 76 We have heard of this custom being practiced in this country at least twenty years ago. Georg Herlitz and Max Grunwald "Wedding and Wedding Customs," Universal Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. X (New York, 1943), p. 482, tell of the "bestrewing of the bridal pair with wheat, a custom practiced along the Rhine and in Hesse, allowing hens to fly over the canopy, a custom which used to be observed in Posen." 78 Cf. Rose Braunstein, A Study of Jewish Matrimonial Clubs in New York City, 19S6-S7 (Typescript Thesis), The Graduate School for Jewish Social Work (New York, 1939). Advertisements of shadkhanim and matrimonial bureaus appear regularly in the Yiddish Sunday Day (New York). 382 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

, mony too has evolved its own ritual, resembling closely the extravaganza of the wedding ceremony. There is the march, the bringing in of the Bar Mitzvah cake, the lighting of the thirteen candles, or of fourteen — one for luck — the use of the choir, the rendition, sometimes, of "Mein Yiddishe Momme" by the Bar Mitzvah celebrant or of "Dos Pintele Yid" by an artist. So much importance is now being attached to this commercial hall ceremonial, that we have heard of cases where it has replaced the synagogue ritual completely, even eliminating the custom of calling up the Bar Mitzvah lad to the reading of the Torah. The Bar Mitzvah cake, usually in the form of a Torah scroll, is also an American innovation.77 We have not had the opportunity to observe the golden or silver wedding anniversary ceremonials. From what we have heard, their observance in the hotels or commercial halls is just as bizarre as that of the others. Since the elaborate ritual is one of the chief selling points in the competition between the caterers and hall proprietors, the trend in this area of observances is towards increasing

" The Bar Mitzvah cake is of course an adaptation of the birthday cake, and one of a galaxy of baking products, which includes the Shabuot cake with the tablets containing the Ten Commandments, Cf. photograph opposite p. 32 in The Jewish Home Beautiful, by Betty D. Greenberg and Althea O. Silverman, op. cit. We have never seen the East European Hoshana Babbah cake with the customary doves and ladders in this country. There is little published descriptive material on the commercialized Bar Mitzvah celebration. Most of our information is therefore from oral reports by eye witnesses. A description of several Bar Mitzvah celebrations is included in Bezalel Kantor, "Yiddishe 'Simchos' " (Jewish Joyous Occasions), Der Yiddisher Kemfer (New York), Dec. 3,1948, pp. 8-10. The article also includes a description of a wedding ceremony. It appeared in an abridged form in English under the title "Simchas in America" in The Jewish Spectator (New York), March, 1949, pp. 15-17. A plea for order in observances is Isaac Levitats', "Communal Regulation of Bar Mitzvah," Jewish Social Studies, vol. XI, no. 2 (April, 1949), pp. 153-162. Of the many publicity seeking stratagems connected with the Bar Mitzvah, we were most impressed by the Phila- delphia boy who "solemnly declared" following his speech at the celebration in one "of the richest halls in New York," that he would donate an ambulance for the Red Mogen David in Israel. The picture of the Bar Mitzvah boy, ambulance and proud parents and relatives appeared in The Day (March 2, 1949), p. 8. ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 383 extravaganza, and as a by-product, also increasing costs. The economic aspects of this culture pattern deserve study. Disastrous is its effect on the status of the poorer and lower middle class people who are forced to spend a great deal of their income on these family occasions in order to keep up with the proverbial Joneses. The continuation of this trend spells ruination to the poorer classes and carries with it threats to communal institutions, since there is little money left once the caterer's bill is paid. These rituals also tend to become accepted as the proper and customary ones, so much so that it is possible to categorize them as local minhagim (customs), at least in the largest cities.78 The effects of these practices in other areas also deserve serious consideration. The same choirs perform in the Orthodox synagogues on the High Holidays and festivals, and also on the Sabbath, in the wealthier ones. The adaptation of the jazz tempo in the synagogue worship, the inclusion of popular melodies in the ritual as symbolized by the common acceptance of the melody of "Misery Lous" for a chief Selihot (penitential) theme,79 are threatening the aesthetic standard of the services and the survival of the traditional modes of Jewish music. The increasing custom of spending the holidays in resorts is also a factor to be studied, with its evolving patterns of behavior, services, etc. The same influences are to be found on the, Yiddish stage and radio, in the entertainment programs in the Jewish hotels in the Catskills and other regions, where the same pattern of entertainment is followed. It has been asserted that the "Borsht Belt" in the Catskills performs a most important function in the artistic life and amusement industry of the country by providing the stage opportunities for new talents.

78 The importance of the minhag in changing Jewish practices cannot be under- estimated. For a popular presentation, cf. Solomon Freehof, Reform Jewish Practice (Cincinnati, 1944). 79 The choir leader presumably is the same person who advertised the copyright wedding ceremony. Cf. note 74. 384 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Much of the entertainment in the resorts centers about Jewish "humor" usually of the vulgar type, particularly as presented by the comedian or master of ceremonies.80 The perpetuation of these motifs through the mixed language phonograph record tends to identify the Yiddish language, Jewish traditional culture, the immigrant culture, and even acculturated Jewish patterns with vulgarity and unacceptability.81 There is much to be investigated in the patterns that prevail or are being developed in psychological attitudes as well as scales of status value. Group inferiority is a common phenomenon among immigrant ethnic groups and much of the clash of generations between the immigrant parents and their American-born children revolves about the differences of approach to problems of status. The problem of marginality and self-hate has been the subject of serious study and deserves more attention as it applies to culture patterns.82 The most

80 These have been the subject of many letters to the editor in the Yiddish press. 81 As examples, we shall merely list titles of some records: "Ginsberg from Scotland Yard," "Her Husband's Business," "Number 4 Homintosh Lane," "Galitzyaner Rhumba," "Litvak Polka," "Bialystoker Square Dance," "Lefkowitz the Kop," "Oom-Glick Blues," "The Son of Pincus the Peddler," "Calypso Mandelbaum," "Sarah Come Back to the Range," "Senorita from the Bronx," "My Machaya from Hawaii," "Matzoh Balls," "Hershele at the Induction Center," "Basic Yiddish," "Dalang der Schlang, Mr. Butcher." "Shepsel Kariarik fun Poughkeepsie," "Nancy from Delancey," "The Groom Couldn't Get In." A record band is featured under the name "Alte Kockaire and Pat Zell and Shmendrik's Orchestra." There is also a "Mishiginer Hershel with Barrely Pullick and Orchestra." Another category is the English record interspersed with some Yiddish words, used to convey vulgar meanings. There are also records with mixed Yiddish and Spanish and mixed Yiddish and English vocals in both the vulgar and non-vulgar veins. The student of acculturation and transculturation will find ample material in the contribution of Second Avenue to Broadway. We are acquainted with some twenty-five recorded adaptations of Second Avenue tunes to English words, some of which have attained great popularity. Of course the translation of popular hits from English into Yiddish is a regular feature of Yiddish radio hours with recordings available in many cases. There are no thorough listings of these types of records. We regret the limitation of space prevents us from presenting examples of these types. 82 On the subject of marginality and alienation, see Everett V. Stonequist, The Marginal Man (New York, 1937); id,., "The Marginal Character of the Jews," in ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 385 obvious acculturation area is that of given names. Mencken has remarked that "of all the immigrant peoples in America, the Jews seem to be most willing to change their names."83 The adoption of non-Hebraic names has been a common pattern first in countries of emancipation and among the wealthier and more "Europeanized" elements in the Jewish population centers in Eastern Europe, where they came to be increasingly adopted also by the poorer classes, with changes first taking place among women. The common practice in "emancipated" circles in Europe was to give to children two sets of names, one of the majority culture and the other Hebraic or Yiddish, — the latter for use in the synagogue ritual, in the signature on a ketubah, or other documents, or for tombstone inscriptions. In Germany and in some other countries no connection seemed to have been required in all cases between the Hebraic and the other name. In the United States it is generally the custom to adjust the "American" name to the Hebraic one by taking care that the initials in both are phonetically the same. A common pattern of this adjustment has been adopted so much so that it is taken for granted that certain Hebrew names are "translated" by their American

Jews in a Gentile World, edited by Isacque Graeber and Steuart H. Britt, op. cit., pp. 296-310. Milton M. Goldberg, "A Qualification of the Marginal Man Theory," American Sociological Review, vol. VI, no. 1 (Feb., 1941), pp. 52-58; Jessie Bernard, "Biculturality: A Study in Social Schizophrenia," in Jews in a Gentile World, op. cit., pp. 264-293. For material on self-hate, see Kurt Lewin, Resolving Social Conflicts (New York, 1948), pp. 145-158 and pp. 186-200; Abraham G. Duker, Jewish Survival in the World Today (New York, 1941). Source Book, part II B, pp. 2-6, 10-13, 15-18; Source Book, part III A, pp. 70-98. For an interesting example, as evidenced by a scholar, see Anonymous, "An Analysis of Jewish Culture," Jews in a Gentile World, op. cit., pp. 243-263. 83 H. L. Mencken, American Language, Supplement II (New York, 1948), pp. 415 ff.; and his American Language (New York, 1937), pp. 487, 497-502, 506-508. Concerning names, see also Alfred J. Kolatch These Are the Names (New York, 1948), pp. 73-81, which contains data on frequency of names and shifting tendencies in naming. Interestingly, Rabbi Aaron Gordon's Eben Meir (Piotrkow, 1909), a rabbinical treatise on divorce, reveals a similar concentration on certain name changes. Space prevents us from citing examples from this important hitherto neglected source for the study of American Jewish names. 386 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"counterparts." It would be interesting to study the extent of the awareness and knowledge of the Hebrew names. As a rule Biblical names are avoided among the "American" ones, with the exception of some acceptable ones, which have drifted in via the Christian milieu, such as Michael, Daniel, etc. Of late the tendency can be noted of abandoning this double set of names, and bestowing only up-to-date English ones. While the newspaper announcements, a convenient source for the study of contemporary names, do not seem to indicate much variety, occasionally some unusual names are encountered,84 including Christopher.86 The "Judaization" of "American" non- Jewish names and their identification as too "Jewish" has thus far led to their consequent abandonment or modification, as in the cases of Morris and later Maurice, Isadore or Isidor, Max, Sidney, and more recently Irving (the more fashionable revision being that to Irwin).86 A not too popular reversal of the process, traced to the influence of Zionism and Israel, is the adoption of Biblical or modern Hebrew Israeli names.87 Not so far reaching have been the changes in the family names. Still, the National Jewish Welfare Board reported in connection with its study of the participation of Jews in the United States armed forces in World War II, that fifty to sixty per cent of the names in the returned questionnaires were general "American" names, such as Smith or Brown, with the somewhat bizarre sprinkling of appellations such as Doughertys and Flanagans.88 In some cases, the family names of children are changed upon their birth, while the parents retain their

84 For example, Ming Toy Goldberg, or Harvard Yale Ginzberg. 86 Leonard Lyon, "The Lion's Den," New York Post (Sept. 2, 1948), reports that the son of Moss Hart and Kitty Carlisle, both Jews, is called Christopher. 86 Cf. Kolatch, op. cit. 87 We witnessed the naming at a New York synagogue of a girl by the name Israela on Saturday, May 15, 1948, the day after the declaration of Israel's independence. 88 See Jewish Welfare Board, Suggested Topics for New Speakers on the Neces- sity of Compiling War Records for Jewish Men and Women in World War II (prepared for the Speakers' Bureau in the Philadelphia Jewish War Record Drive, Feb.- March, 1943) [mimeographed]. ]EMERGING CULTURE PATTERNS 387 own names. Often different sets of names for parents and children appear in social announcements, where sometimes the information is added that the name has been legally changed. It would be interesting to investigate the extent of the factors of ethnic immigrant inferiority feelings and the specific Jewish inferiority feelings that operate in such cases. There is also need to investigate a whole gamut of attitudes, such as the change in the family structure, now that the clash between the immigrant parents and their children seems to be receding into history. The strong Jewish mother person which appears from time to time in fiction, presents a typical research problem in this area.89 Ample sources in the fields of case work, psychiatry, rabbinical and newspaper counseling await the researcher in this field. There is also need for investigating the effects of the increasing middle class character of the Jewish population on its ways of living and thinking. A crying need is for investigation of attitudes towards the majority population, the ambiv- alence of respect and disrespect, fear and faith in goodwill assurances. In our perusal of a series of novels dealing with intermarriage, we were struck by the prevalent authors' choices of characters of the male Jew and female Gentile.90

85 As for instance in Delmore Schwartz, The World is a Wedding (New York, 1947). 90 In Intellectual Trends, Syllabus, Training Bureau for Jewish Communal Service (1949) [mimeographed], we remarked that "the intermarriage novel bids fair to become the most numerous branch of fiction on Jewish themes ... The characteristics of this type of literature reflect the cultural milieu of Jews who seek acceptance in Gentile society as well as that of the outside society which is willing to accept them only in part. The male is, in most cases, the Jewish partner of the intermarriage solution. Novels in which a Gentile falls in love with a Jewish woman are rare. The Jewish partner is usually an idealistic person, fairly acceptable, except for occasional racial or cultural quirks which hold fascination at least in the eyes of the general reader. It is usually his Jewish relatives who are portrayed as impossible or unacceptable. The themes are usually autobiographical (p. 8)." Similarly, the war novel too shows the same tendencies of making the Jewish hero more acceptable by endowing him with partly non-Jewish descent (Stefan Heym, The Crusaders, New York, 1948) or a Gentile wife or sweetheart (Irwin Shaw, The Young Lions, New York, 1948; Ira Wolfert, An Act of Love, New York, 1948). For bibliographies on Jewish characters in fiction see Joseph Mersand, Traditions in American Literature (New York, 1939); Joshua 388 AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Rarely, if ever, is there the process indicated in reverse, as for instance in the case of Ivanhoe and Rebecca in Scott's novel.91 This would denote greater acceptability of the Jewish male than female, still to be proven in life. It would be interesting to learn the relation of this attitude to the notion of superiority of male in the traditional Jewish milieu. Generally, the feelings of Jewish inferiority and the phenomena of Jewish thinking in terms of Christian concepts also remain to be investigated. We have indicated some changes in the cultural patterns of American Jews, without any intentions of exhausting the subject, but rather with the purpose of calling attention to the need of research in these areas in which the historian ought to play his part, without abandoning it to the sociologist, anthropologist or psychiatric student. American Jewish history is both Jewish history and American history. It is part of the history of world Jewry. It is also more than peripheral to the history of inter-group relations in this country, a field which is also in need of more investigation. The specialist in American Jewish history must make his contributions also to this field. His research, however, must be preceded by the collector. The study of culture patterns requires more than a collection of archival and newspaper materials. There is need for collecting the various commercial and art objects mentioned in this paper. There is a need for recording pronunciation and other language data (not only in Yiddish) before these are lost to posterity. There is a need for collecting data, through interviews and questionnaires, as well as through autobiographies. There are also pragmatic values for community planning, education and ideological orientation involved in studying the evolution of the culture patterns. We do not dwell on all these aspects in our present discussion.

Bloch, "Annual Review," in the Jewish Book Annual (New York) and Iva Cohen, "American Jewish Bibliography," in the American Jewish Year Book. 91 Cf., for instance, Curtis Carroll Davis, "Judith Bensaddi and the Reverend Doctor Henry Ruflner — The Earliest Appearance in American Fiction of the Jewish Problem?" PAJHS, no. XXXIX, part 2 (Dec., 1949), pp. 115-142. PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

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224 N. 15th ST., PHILADELPHIA 2, PENNA. II-5-6«s50 TRAINING BUREAU FOR JLvilSH COMMUNAL SERVICE 1U5 ^ast 32nd Street, New York 16, N.Y.

INSTITUTE ON ADVANCED STUDIES IN JEWISH COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION

SUMIER SEMESTER - 1950

COURSE UNIT II - SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF AMERICAN JEWISH LIFE

Syllabus and Readings for;

Sessions 5 and 6 - July 7, 1950, A.M. and P.M. - Patterns cf Association and Affiliation

CONTENTS

Jewish Associational Life in the Old World f by Abraham G• Duker,

Bibliography, by Abraham G. Duker* '

tmrn'M Pft&iltAt'WNיNTAL mmm•

NOT TO BE REPRODUCED XIYt:& J1 P^RMIJ^ON

Coordinator: Dr. Sidney Axelrad

Session Leader: Abraham G, Duker

\ JEWISH ASSOCIATIONS LIFE IN THE OLD rfORID

By Abraham 0• Duker

In addition to the central organization (kahal, kehilla) in every Jewish community before Emancipation, there also functioned many smaller self-governmental bodies, known as Hevroth (Hevrahs; sing• Hevrah - association). These varied in strength, function and type of memberships ?Hey were devoted to charities, to prayer, education and mutual aid, with many carrying out multiple functions in these Tailors would be organized in the "Sacred Society of Tailors", running its ״areas own synagogue and at the same time serving as a sort of a trade organization and mutual aid association• There were societies for the study of the Bible, the Mishnah, the Talmud, the midrashim, including children's bible study associations• There were Psalm reading societies. There were Talmud Torah associations for the support of the Hebrew schools for indigent children. There was the Malbish Arumim society for clothing the poor, the Hachnasat Kallah, whose function was to supply dowries and pay the wedding expenses for poor brides. Members of the Bikur Holim societies were obligated to visit the sick• There were Bedek Habait associations tor the repair of the synagogue buildings, which in some cases in "Russia had taken over the management of the synagogue. The Hevrah Her Tamid (Perpetual Light Society)maintained the perpetual light before the H0ly Arc in the synagogue. Books for the libraries of synagogues and batei midrashim were usually purchased by the Pirhei Shoshainui (Rosebuds) societies composed of male adolescents, With the rise" of the mussar movement (devoted to an ethical revival and established ca. 18110), mussar societies for the study of ethical writings began to appear. Most important among these voluntary associations was the Hevrah Kadigha (Holy Society), the burial association, usually the first to be organiz'ed in any new settlement, sometimes even before the establishment of the local Kehillah,

Economic functions were exercised by a variety of artisans' guilds organized along craft lines, with that of the tailors usually the most influential, in the larger cities, and usually termed Hevrah Poalei Tsedek (Association of Righteous Workers), The butchers guilds would be called Zovehei Tsedek(Righeous Slaughterers ious guilds would sometimes be merged in smaller־!Va communities. Many of the societies maintained their own little synagogues. Many had free loan funds for members. There were also women's auxiliary societies, with some cases of admission of females to the regular associations• With the exception of the Hevrah Kadisha,and the occasional rich men's associations for prayers, where membership admission was restricted usually by the requirement of unanimous elections and high dues, the other associations were liberal in admission policy. The trade associations usually required a certificate of artisanship, thus lengthening the newcomers? services as "novices". The associations were based on the membership dues principle, some receiving additional income from communal taxation. Revenues also accrued from the renting of synagogue pews, donations, sale of ethrogim (citrons), house to house canvasses, legacies, percentage taxes on dowries, eyen customs duties an goods entering the city being collected in some localities in Russia,

The societies also performed recreational functions. In fact, in the traditional Jewish milieu both study and prayer in mutual fellowship were viewed as belonging to that category. Banquets (syumim) were usually held at the completion of the Talmud or a stated section thereof, Meetings would also serve as social occasions. Annual feasts were held on stated dates, usually on holidays. The kehillah had final י־' ,authority of regulating the activities of these societies

Such societies existed wherever there was a Jewish community in Europe, varying according to its size. While Emancipation, industrialization, haskalah, Zionism, secularization and migrations introduced new types of associations, these of the old- fashioned type continued to exist (outside the Soviet Union, where some are reported to have continued to function underground) until the very destruction of the European communities• With the post war revival, some of them have resumed their functions• Many varieties of these associations exist in this country.

Associational Development in Modern Times

The rise of the Haskalah brought about the beginnings of secular Jewish associations. The Gesellschaft der hebraeischen Literatur Freunde (Society of the Friends of Hebrew Literature) was organized by maskilim in Koenigsberg, East Prussia, in 17830 It began by publishing the monthly review Hameassef in 1784* In 1817, German maskilim organized the Verein fuer Kultur und Wissenschaft der Juden (Society for Culture and Science of the Jews) with the aim of improving the position of the Jews and checking the prevalent conversions to Christianity• The synods of the -s in Germany, while imitating earlier rabbinical gatherיReform rabbis in the 1840 ings, have introduced a new organizational pattern, of the formal rabbinical convoca- tions, calling forth demands for similar organizational forms in the U.S. and laying the foundation for the rabbinical association. The Revolution of 1848 brought into existence a plethora of secular patriotic organizations for the assimilation of the Jews within the local predominating culture, in Germany, Bohemia and Hungary. These formed the prototype and basis for later ideological associations of the assimilationist and later non-Zionist type, although in the beginnings their functions were largely restricted to education, vocational retraining, and support of the local national guards.

Industrialization also brought into existence new types of workmen1s organization. Business employees' mutual aid and maskilic educational organizations s and in Odessa a decade later, with mutual aid andי appeared in Warsaw in the 1850 education as their aim. In Galicia, a printers' trade union was organized in 1871. s began to appear in the larger cities in Russia, mutual aid societies יIn the 1880 (kasas) for sickness and unemployment of workers in the knitting, tobacco and match industries. These were turned later into strike treasuries by the 1890's• Women workers, the most exploited, pioneered among these groups. In 1892, a socialist leader organized a strike of the talith (prayer shawl) knitting workers in Kolomea (Galicia). There were many strikes of Jewish workers in Russia and Galicia in the 18901s, thus laying the foundation for the Bund and the trade union movement. The first trade union in Palestine appeared in 1884•

Rise of Socialist Ideas and the Labor Movement

Emancipation gave the Jews the opportunity to participate in general culture and social movements. Its slow march as well as the social teachings of Judaism, whose influence s continued to affect even people who have given up the Jewish religion or Jewish identification, were the causes of the participation of the Jews in the Socialist movement. Early nineteenth century Socialism was generally unfriendly to Jewish survival and to the Jewish religion, holding Jews to be a commercial caste and their religion to be a materialistic one, doomed to disappear with Capitalism's abolition. Karl Marx can be classified as an antisemite• Never- theless, the Socialist idea exercised a potent influence first on Jewish individuals and later on the associational pattern of the Jewish community by introducing both ideological and trade union movements.

The typical early Jewish socialists of the 1870's in Russia were connected with the populist movement and were interested only in liberating the Russian masses from Tsarist oppression. They became completely assimilated into Russian culture and generally showed no concern for the needs of the Jewish workers and declassed elements• However, in contrast to the romanticist trend that was prevalent among the Hebrew writers of the Haskalah period, some individual maskilim (Abraham Kovner, I loses L. Lilienblum) were followers of the realist school in Russian letters and advocated since the i860's social amelioration, following the lead of Russian nihilist writers;. Some of these maskilim writers were forerunners if not advocates of Socialism (Jehuda Leib Kantor, Abba Konstantin Shapiro, Judah Leib Le vin-Yahalal). These writers laid the foundations for the receptivity of the socialist ideas among the yeshiva students, the reservoir of Jewish intellectuals of that period•

The first Jewish socialist circle was established in 1872 in the Wilno Rabbinical Seminary (a government-backed maskilic institution established for the purpose of Russianizing the Jevdsh population)• One of its leaders was Aaron Samuel Lieberman, the best-known pioneer of Socialism among Jews• Following police action, Lieberman fled to Berlin and later to London, where he organized in 1876 the Hebrew Socialist Union for specific functions among Jews, but without any particular program for Jewish life. The group's adherents were not successful in their efforts to establish a trade union movement among the Jewish immigrants in London's East End• In 1877, Lieberman founded the first Hebrew socialist paper, Haemeth (The Truth) in Vienna. Deported and arrested in Berlin in 1880, he went to the U.S., where he committed suicide•

The Wilno groups continued its secret educational conspiratorial activities without any awareness of specific Jewish problems. There was also an attempt to establish in 1876 a Revolutionary Association among Jews in Russia• A project for the establishment of a Yiddish socialist publishing house in Geneva in !880 fell through mainly because of objections by Jewish meiribers of Polish and Russian socialist groups• In 1877, M0rris Vintchevsky launched a Hebrew socialist monthly, Asefath Hachamim in Koenigsberg. It was suspended by anti-socialist legislation in the next year.

The pogroms of 1881, which launched the mass migration of the Jews from Russia, were interpreted by some Jevish radicals as a sign.of the increasing social Thbyapproved an appeal published in 1881 by theעawareness of the Russian masses populist Narodnaya Volya (People's Will) party urging the peasants to rob the Jews and kill the officials• Some Jevdsh university students objected to Jewish self- defense formations, as giving aid to the police in what they viewed an act of checking the revolt of the masses against their oppressors• Because of their disappointment in the revolutionary movement, some Jewish socialist youths began to join the Zionist BILU group and the Am Olam group which advocated emigration to the U.S.A.,

After the shock of the pogroms had worn off, the revolutionary circles continued to operate among Jews as they did before, with the intellectuals teaching the Jewish workers Russian or Polish in preparation for reading revolutionary propaganda•

By the 1890's, industrialization in the Pale of Settlement had significantly increased the number of Jewish workers. Under the impact of strikes caused by impossibly hard working conditions, secret trade unions began to emerge, out of the "circles" of the workers, with the brush workers forming the first one in 1895• Beginnings were marked of propaganda literature in Yiddish, with a hand-written Yid- dish revolutionary newspaper appearing that year. Jewish workers began to observe May l in the 1890's and its celebration in Wilno in 1895 marked a historical date• By that year, a central organization of Jevdsh trade unions in Wilno included 850 members from 27 trades• Four delegates of the Jewish workers groups in %ssia, / representing 3,000 members, attended the Socialist Congress in London in the same year• In Galicia, too, a Jewish socialist movement was formed, with a Jewish Yforkers' Party organized in 1892• There were also Jevdsh workers groups attached to the Polish socialist parties. In 1897, the Bund (Algemeiner Yiddisher Arbeter Bund - General Jewish Workers Alliance) was established by a •dlno conference of 11 leaders® That was the year in which the first Zionist Congress was held in Basle, The Bund was originally based mainly on trade union principles, evolving later as a purely ideological organization, which penetrated and led the trade union movement. It was instrumental in founding in 1898 the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party, which split later into the Bolshevik and Menshevik wings. Originally not concerned with Jewish problems, except for the use of the Yiddish language for propaganda and educational purposes, the Bund spread rapidly throughout the Russian Pale of Settlement, The Jewish problem was raised at its 1899 convention, where the Bund's cosmopolitanism was under attack and demands were made for the consideration of the Jews as a -voted in favor of turning Russia into a multi׳ national minority. By 1901, the Bund national federation, with full national autonomy regardless of concentration and allowing also the characterization of the Jews as a nation. The Bund later turned out to be an ultra-Yiddishist group.

The Bund became a powerful force in the international labor movement and the strongest labor group in Eastern Europe, It successfully competed with the efforts of the general Socialist parties to organize Jewish workers either in affiliate groups, as special branches, or to gain their adherence as individuals. The Bund organized many trade unions among the Jewish ?workers and successfully fought off the efforts of the Labor Zionists in this area, maintaining itself as both an ideological organization and a trade union center.

Following the November Revolution of 1917, the left wing of the Bund left the party, first functioning as the Combund, and then joining the Communist parties. The influence of remaining leftist elements made the Bund the most revolutionary group among the Socialist parties of the world. The Bund also retained its sharp anti-Zionism, objecting, as it still does, to the solution of the Jewish problem by emigration. Following the rise of the post-Versailles states, it remained an effective force only in Poland, and only to some extent in Rumania. The increasing economic decline of the Jewish masses in East Europe and the constant crises in Zionism have served to strengthen the Bund in the 1930's. An important factor in this connection was the steady migration of Zionist leaders to Palestine, inhich weakened their movement. The growth of Communist sentiments as a result of the continuous economic decline and antisemitism served to weaken the Bund.•in its last stages,

The annihilation of the Jews in Eastern Europe during World War II brought an end to the Bund's strength. Its attempts to regroup its forces in Poland, where its leaders believed that Jewish life could be rebuilt, met with the competition of the Communists, With the comraunization of the country, the Bund was liquidated. Rise of Secular Nationalism

The struggle for national independence or autonomy by the multitude of nationalities that constituted Russia,also found its reflection in Jewish thinking• Correspondingly, autonomism, a popular theory formulated by the historian Simon the national cultural״ Dubnow at the beginning of the present century, called for autonomy of the Jewish people based on the autonomy of the communities, freedom of languages, and autonomy of the school system• All these were to be based on the Yiddish language, National autonomy was also adopted by the Zionists in 1905, with emphasis on Hebrew as the language of the autonomous Jewish community of future free Russia• The Bund also favored limited cultural autonomy, while the Labor Zionist groups intent further in their demands for it,50 ?insisting on a Jewish parliament, in addition to representation on the general legislative bodies•

The demands for cultural autonomy in Yiddish and the use of that language by the Zionists and laborites as a means of propaganda, led to the growth of Yiddishism and with it to the literary revival of the Yiddish language• Trade unions and socialist activities involved popular efforts to raise the educational level of their participants• In turn, this led to the abandonment of all the traditional religious literature as the educational content of the new type of the secular maskil•

The spread of the popular literature, Yiddish folk songs and press, in turn, led to a higher level of mass literacy and to increasing awareness of ideologies, as well as to further splintering into parties and movements, The reaction that followed the Revolution of 1905, also led to escapism from clandestine political activity to literary creativity and popularization in Yiddish,

The Yiddishist movement, which managed to attract to it many intellectuals, continued to develop• In 1908, its followers called together a conference at Czernowitz, where a resolution was voted declaring Yiddish a national language of the Jewish people.

The increasing development of Yiddish as a literary language also led to the establishment of secular elementary schools in that language, with the earliest experiment of this sort being commenced in Warsaw in 1899, By 190U, the Yiddishists agitated for the abandonment of both the old-fashioned Hedarim as well as the im» proved Zionist Hedarim in favor of the secular Yiddish school. The first Yiddish textbook appeared in 1907, The Yiddish school was favored by the Socialists both for indoctrination and contact with the masses. In 1910, the Bund began advocating the establishment of Yiddish folk schools for the children of the Je»/ish proletariat, Yiddish was introduced as a subject of teaching in several schools in Warsaw in the decade of the 1910's. So widespread was the sentiment for Yiddish among the intellectuals that in 1913 the Association for the Spread of Enlightenment, until then a Russianizing Haskalah group, adopted a resolution in favor of Yiddish rather than Hebrew schools.

The German occupation of Poland, Lithuania ana other regions of Russia during World War I, gave a spurt to all the new ideological movements and, in its conr- sequence, also stimulated the Yiddishist School movement, A chain of Yiddish schools, later united in one organization, developed in Poland, despite German and Polish objections, and continued to be active until the destruction of the Jewish community there by Nazism. In the Soviet Union, Yiddish schools were established and supported by the regime until the late 1930's, when a policy of denationalizing the Jewish group began to be enforced, Host of the Yiddish schools disappeared before World "War II, Now, there are probably no more than four Yiddish schools existing throughout the Soviet Union, As we have mentioned, adherents of Yiddishism came to the United States in increasing numbers following the Revolution of 1905, thus adding another ingredient to the variegated ideological composition of American Jewry, The Rise of the Zionist Ideology

Disappointment with the slow march of Emancipation, the influences of the national liberation movements in Europe, as well as the permanent factor of the hope for the return to Palestine, were the causes behind the organization of the first pre-Zionist groups called Hoveve Zion (Lovers of Zion). The return of the Jews to ralestine was advocated by Jews and non-Jews early in the 19th century, and increasingly so in its second and third quarter, both as solutions of the Turkish problem in the Near East and far impoverished un-emancipated East European Je>vry, Following some attempts to organize colonization committees in the 1860's and in the early 1870's, societies for colonization were established in Russia• The pro-Palestine movement was given a spurt by the pogroms of 1881• It was then that the first official Hoveve Zion group was organized in wa^saw, with local groups spreading out in many other cities.

In 1881;, a conference held at katowitz, with delegates from Russia, Austria, Germany, Rumania, France and England, coordinated the Hoveve Zion movement, Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe to the United States organized a chapter in New York, in 1882• There were also youth groups• The movement developed settlements in Palestine, prepared the ground in theoretical thinking(Ahad Haam) and practical work in preparation for the foundings of the official Zionist movement• The first Zionist Congress took place in Basle in 1897• Initiated by Theodor Herzl, following the publication of his book "The Jewish State" (Per Juden- staat), it issued a call for mass organization as a basis for political negotiations and colonizing activities. Zionist groups spread out wherever a Jewida community existed,

A world-wide movement of this kind, whose followers consisted of persons of different social strata and points of view, soon split up into different parties, held closely together by common interest and the constitutional structure of the World Zionist Organization. Out of the "Democratic Faction", formed in 1901, arose the Poale Zion, a laborite group in 1902• A religious wing, the Mizrachi, was formed in 1903• A bitter fight was waged between the Poale Ajon who insisted on colonization in Palestine only, and the Territorialist Zionist Is, who advocated territorial settlement in other countries, in view of the immediate need of emigration outlets, and the failure of negotiations with Turkey for a colonization charter in the Holy Land, When England offered the Zionist movement opportunities for territorial settlement in Uganda (Kenya, Africa), many leading Zionists, including Herzl, were willing to accept it, A revolt by the Russian Zionists at the Sixth Congress in 190$, reaffirmed the Pale tine-centered position, causing a split and the establishment of the Jewish Territorial Organization, Territorialist group multiplied, adding a new ingredient to the ideological struggle.

While Palestine-centered, Zionism in ^astern Europe was much concerned with domestic and communal affairs. Its followers worked for the democratization of the Jevdsh community. Its local branches introduced improved Hedarim and later modem Hebrew schools, Zionism was instrumental in reviving the Hebrew language. It fought the extremist Orthodox, and played a most important role in the Western!- zation of East European Jewry,

In Lithuania, White Russia and the Ukraine, the Orthodox masses favored Zionism. However, in Galicia and Poland, where the Hassidic rabbis rule the communities at the turn of the century, Zionism became synonymous with heresy, as a denial of the Iwessianic belief and a factor in the weakening of religious belief.

At the same time, even the Orthodox could not resist adjustment to Westemiza- tion. Conventions of rabbis in 1900 and 1902, passed resolutions against increasing irreligion and secularism, and called for a return to the traditional religion - 7 -

and old-fashioned schools• By 1912 was founded the Agudath Israel, an ultra- Orthodox anti-Zionist group, headed by German ideologues• The German occupation during World War I was a period of growth of the Agudah, which-became Zionism's strongest opponent alongside with the Bund•

The rise of Hebraism

A product of Zionism's organizational successes was the revival of the Hebrew language. The end of the 19th century saw the organization of various maskilic organizations devoted to the fostering of the Hebrew language, Members of these organizations would speak Hebrew, spread the Hebrew books and newspapers, and also serve as the basis for the reformation of the traditional Heder into an improved Heder (Heder Metukan) and later a modern school. The Hebrew teachers played an important role in stimulating the national awareness of the school children. Similar work was done by the various Zionist students' societies, Hebrew schools were organized in Galicia, beginning at about 1896, with a Teachers' Convention held there in 1896•

The Russian Zionists emphasized the cultural revival before the World Zionist Congresses and were active in organizing societies of .lovers of the Hebrew language, so that when the Tsarist government legalized their existence in 1908, applications for charters were received from 150 cities• Prohibition of the use of the Hebrew language in public led to the closing of many societies, A world Hebrew organization, Ivriah, was established in 1906, acid a Hebrew conference took place in The Hague in 1907, with 2? delegates frcm 9 countries, including the United States• It laid the foundation for a World Congress for the Hebrew language and Culture in Berlin in 1909•

There was a great revival in the Hebrew movement during World War I, particularly in Russia, following the February Revolution in Russia in 1917• Many new institutions and schools were established• This continued until the liquidation of the Hebrew institutions by the Communist regime. During the German occupation of Poland, many Hebrew schools, kindergartens and higher educational institutions were established. The Tarbuth Hebrew educational system emerged• It included by 1922, 227 elementary schools, 29 kindergartens, k high schools, and It professional schools with 1,019 teachers and 34,230 pupils. In Lithuania, 90 percent of Jewish children received complete schooling in Hebrew, despite governmental pressure. The Jewish community of Bulgaria was also largely Hebraized, a major factor in its recent exodus to Israel and satisfactory adjustment there. The Hebrew revival spread during the first World War throughout Europe, reducing radically, together with the Yiddish school system, the number of children attending the traditional schools, A new generation with a new associational pattern was in the making.

Divisions Within Zionism

While Zionism managed to maintain unity through the World Zionist Organization, it was not free from internal strife. The Ugandist split and the separation of the Russian Poale Zion, are described elsewhere. Further splits occurred between the two World Wars, The major event was the departure in 1926 of the Revisionists, who represented an extreme wing, which objected to the predominance of Labor, to the moderation in dealing with England, The Revisionists, led by Jabotinsky, advocated a policy of "colonial" transition stage, free from Labor pressure and a mass exodus from Europe, The Revisionists rejoined the Zionist Organization after World War II, Extremist groups within Revisionism branched off into the Irgunites and the Sternists• The Jewish State Party refused to leave the Zionist Organization, remaining its right wing, close to Revisionism, and uniting later with the Revisionists upon their return to the ,World Zionist Organization, There were further splits of the General Zionists into Group A and Group B, the first favoring cooperation with Labor and the second objecting to it. These divisions are still marked particularly in Israelj, and were of influence in the U.S. Here the Revisionist groups never managed to attain much membership, but during World War II they were instrumental in stimulating a number of mass organizations. These divisions were also reflected in the Zionist youth movement.

Rise of Labor Zionism

The problem of the relationship between Socialism and Zionism was discussed by some leftist Zionists at the first Zionist Congress in 1897• Propaganda commenced in 1898 by Nachman Syrkin, a non-Marxian Socialist, led to the formation of a Socialist Zionist group Heruth (Freedom) in Berlin in 190U•

Since 1900, Socialist groups of working class membership began to he organized within the Zionist movement in Russia under the name Poale Zjon (Workers of Zion), Some appeared under this name at the Zionist Congress of 1^02,

The rejection of the Uganda offer by the Seventh Zionist Congress in 1905, led to disagreement between these loosely connected groups as well as to the rise of new ideologies. The White Russian Poale Zjon groups favored territorialism. The Ukrainian ones, led by Ber Borochov, the chief theoretician of the movement, remained Palestine-centered, In 1905 appeared the S.S, (Zionist Socialists — the name Zionists was retained for tactical reasons)', It became the strongest Labor Zionist group. It advocated a synthesis between territorialism and the class struggle, believing that only the Jewish proletariat could achieve a Jewish territory. Another intellectuals.' group,Vozrozhdenye (Renaissance), believed that a national home was needed only for the sake of a normal national existence, and emphasized the need for a national revival in the Diaspora as the central aim. This group gave birth to the Seimists (Jewish Socialist Workers Party, Serp) which adopted a Social Revolutionary rather than Marxist approach to social problems, and concentrated on Diaspora work, which its followers believed would ultimately lead to the achievement of a territory. It advocated a federalist Russia, with each nationality represented by its own parliament (Sejm);hence the name. In the Jewish Seam, the Seimists preached, the Jewish proletarian representatives would work both for economic normalization of the Diaspora and the attainment of a territory. This evolved into concentration on Yiddish and the strengthening of the kehillah which the Seimists aimed to rebuild as a secular institution and the step towards the Seim, In the U.S., the S«S. (called Socialist Territorialists) outnumbered the other two territorialist groups, the Anarchist Territorialists and the Seimist Social Revolutionary Territorialists. This is mentioned as an example of the sharpening of ideologies among the intellectual and semi-intellectual elements here,

Borochov's synthesis of Marxian Socialism and Zionism led to the establishment of the Jewish Social Democratic Workers Party Poale Zion in Russia in 1906, with an emphasis on separation from the bourgeois Zionists, Before that, a Jewish Socialist Party Poale Zjon, less proletarian-centered and more integrally Zionist, was founded in Galicia, In other countries, parties followed either the "Austrian" or "Russian" schools. The American movement organized as a party in 1905, followed first the Torid Confederation of the Poale״ Austrian model, but became later Borochovist, A Zjon was established in 1907, constituting an autonomous federation within the Zionist movement. This was viewed as class collaboration by the Russian groups, which decided to sever their official connections with bourgeois Zionism in 1909, establishing their own funds and institutions.

In 1906, youth groups arose in Lastern Europe under the name Zeire Zion (Youth of Zion) and Hatechiyah (Revival), with the aim of settling in Palestine, In the Holy Land, their followers joined the non-Marxian Hapoel Hataair (Young Worker), The latter became united with Zeire Zion in 1913, on a platform which denied the class struggle in the Jewish community and advocated complete Hebraization, in contrast to the Diaspora Yiddishism of the Poale Zion,

The November Revolution in Russia split the Labor Zionist groups widely, just as it affected the Bund• The Borochovist wings in Russia soon cooperated with the Communists, and many joined the Red A3ny as special Borochov units• They were led to this by their radicalism, their desire for protection against pogroms, and the hope that the Communist-led world revolution would favor a Jewish proletarian Palestine, They viewed themselves as the future Jewish section of the Comintern, which, however, refused to admit them. The Left Poale Zion were permitted to function in the Soviet Union until 1928, as an officially recognized Communist party, with its own press and youth movement.

Following a decision in 1920 to join the Comintern, a split occurred and Communist Left Poale Zion groups also emerged in Poland and Palestine• Following their rejection by tne uomintern, they continued an independent existence under that name, refusing to collaborate with other groups, and turning increasingly Yiddishist• They later unified with the Hashomer Hatzair, a scout halutz movement, which has also been turning steadily leftist, into the present Mapam (United Labor Party) group in Israel, whose position is very near t|1at of the' Coromunists• The Right Wing of the P0ale Zion joined the unified Zeire Zion and Hapoel Hatzair (after several gyrations) to form the present iviapai party, the Right Wing Socialist group and the ruling party in Israel, The various territorialist and autonomist groups disappeared, although some of their leaders are still active in Yiddish cultural circles and in the Freeland territori alist movement. The *5und declined, following the Hitler extermination, consisting now of small groups in Western Europe and the Americas, Anarchism, once a powerful movement among Jewish workers in the U.S., is now restricted to a few small groups,

•-•א-.**-•*-•jSwJj•

To this brief account of constantly evolving ideological groupings which continually added to the variegation of the associational pattern of the Jews in Europe, also must be added the consciously assimilationist groups. The latter, however, usually consisting, as they did, of wealthier elements, with the exception of some laborite cosmopolitans, did not form a factor of importance in the immigration peiod in the U.S., as their adherents rarely emigrated before the coming of Hitler to power.

All these groups contributed to the associational pattern of American Jewry, While ideological strife was sharpest in the period of mass immigration, and while it can be said that its extreme manifestations in the realm of theory were of direct interest only to the intellectuals and semi-intellectuals, their effect has always been felt and still continues to be felt within the community. The associational pattern of American Jewry cannot, therefore, be studied without the understanding of its European background, and of late also increasingly of ideological positions in Israel, * Baron, Salo Wittmayer The Jew!sh Community * Its History aid Structure to the American Revolution, Vols, 1-3> Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 19U5.

Baron, Salo W,. A Social and Religious History of the Jews, Vols • 1—3, New York, Columbia University Press, 1937• - Vol, II contains general background of Haskalah and secularization, Duker, Abraham G, Jewish Associational Life in the Old tfprld, (TBJCS Syllabus for II-5-6-S50)

Duker, Abraham G, "The Theories of Ber Borochov and Their Place in the History ־״־ of the Jewish Labor Movement", Introduction to Nationalism and the Class Struggle, by Ber Borochov, New York, Poale Zion - Zeire Zion of America and toung Poale Zion Alliance of America, 1937•

Gottheil, Richard J.H. Zionism, Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1939*

Gottschaik, Max and Duker, Abraham G• Jews in the Post-War World, New Y0rk, The Dryden Press, 19145•

# Janowsky, Oscar I, The Jews and Minority Rights, 1898-1919, New York, Columbia University Press,~lP33S

Joseph, S, Jewish Immigration to the United States, 1881-1910, New York, Columbia University Press, 191U® ~~

The Jewish Community in Russia, 1772-1811U, New York, Columbia ״Levitats, Isaac University Press, 19U3» 11-7-850 TRAIiiING BUREAU FOR JE.jISH COM UNAL SERVICE 1115 ^ast 32nd Street, New'York 16, N.Y.

INSTITUTE ON ADVANCED STUDIES IN JEWISH COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION

SUMMER SEMESTER - 1950

SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF AFRICAN JEWISH LIFE ״ COURSE UNIT II

Syllabus and Readings for:

Session 7 - July 10, 1950 - S°cio-Psychological Adjustment Problems

CONTENTS:

t 1• The Definitions of the Jewish Group, by Abraham G• Duker• 2• Additional Readings, from Questionnaire of Yiddish Scientific Institute.

14• Group Membership and Group Belonging, by Isidor Ohein.

Bibliography, by Abraham G, Duker, \

•SflfSNTAf wntf^r ,G 13LOCATION-" י •״-n o - ידייד-ר״ז B4 fePfiOBOCZD ^ י PERMISSION (COMMENTS W2LCZ®®) I

Coordinator; Dr. Sidney Axelrad

Session Leader: xtabbi Maurice B. Pekarsky The Definitions of the Jewish Group.

Summary:

Another outgrowth of the emancipation and assimilation processes is the lack of clarity concerning the status of the Jewish group and its definition. Pre- emancipation Jewry knew of no such difficulties. Jewish nationhood was intimately tied up with the Jewish religion in the mind of both Gentile and Jew, and by the theology of both"Church end Synagogue.

Ein.micipption introduced the problem of the dichotomy between Jewish nationhood end the Jewish religion. The Marxist interpretation, which disregarded religion as a factor and followed the common pattern of not acknowledging the possibility of Jewish nationhood, classified the Jews as a caste. Some American sociologists classified Jewry in terms of a culture group. Racist Antisemitism even before Hitler preeched thst the Jews constitute a mongrel race which pollutes other races. The rise of secular groups in the Jevish community brought with it t religion forms no factor׳־the assertion that the Jews are merely 8 nation and th in the present determination of the Jevish group. There is a marked return to the historical position of 8 national religious synthesis. The problem is further complicated by the varying semantic interpretations of terms such as: "nation", "nationality" and "st te".

To arrive et a realistic definition, we must understand that historical, political and sociological conditions hsve to be taken into consideration; that lid, pragmatically־־׳the definition of the outside community is sometimes even more v speaking, than that of the Jew, since the non-Jevish world he.s great influence in determining the status of a Jew; and that in a democratic status it is the wish of the Jevish group which should constitute the major factor in the determination of its own status.

Readings

"Starvation Held Lot of Europe's Christian Jews" "Hebrew Christian Alliance Official Asserts Neither Sect ¥ill Give Them Aid"

"Christian Hebrews, of whom there ere ,tens of thousands in Continental Europe', are undergoing a hard lot in a 'no-man's land' between Christians and Orthodox Jews who are eoually hostile toward them, the Rev. Herman P. Centz, general secretary of the Hebrew Christian Alliance of America, said yesterday, "Christians, regarding them as oddities, will not accept them, said Mr. Centz. The Jews, on the other hand, openly shun them as traitors. He called this ,a mental torture' which has been made almost unbearable because of the food scarcity. He said neither Christians nor Jews will assist the Christian Hebrews in their efforts to combat starvation. He said •thousands are dying as a penalty for their religious convictions', "The Hebrew Christian Alliance of America opened a six-day conference yesterday at the First Baptist Church, Broadway at Seventy- ninth Street. Mr. Centz addressed an afternoon session on 'What I Recently Saw and Heard in Devastated Europe'. Reporting on a recent tour of Europe, he said he attended a conference at Ramsgate, England, under the auspices of the International Hebrew Christian Alliance, and one at Basel, Switzerland, held by the International Missionary Council. "In an interview preceeding the meeting, he said the Hebrew Christian Alliance is 'not in conflict with the Jewish faith'. He said •'••we accept the Christian viewpoint in history, and we believe that the hopes and promises of the Jewish fathers have been fulfilled In Christ'. ,Otherwise, he added, 'we consider oursevles to be Jews in every respect, and we are deeply concerned about the faith of Jewish people both in Europe and in Palestine'. "In his address he said that the International Christian Alliance was formerly made up of twenty-one national alliances, including aid most of these national alliances were׳, one in Palestine. He forced underground during World War II and are only now being reconstituted."

Prom: N.Y.Herald Tribune, July 7, 1947.

About Christian Jews

..."The irrepressible Sir Abur Rahman, the Indian delegate, inter- rogated Rabbi Yehuda Leib Pishman, chief of the Orthodox Zionists, on matters which Chairman Sandstroem obviously thought were not within the competency of the committee to examine, for after a while he told the rabbi he did not have to answer. "Some typical Rahman questions and Rabbi Pishman's answers: Q.'What what the promised land?' A. 'It reached from El Arish (near the present Palestine-Egyptian frontier) to the Euphrates River.' Q.'Was Egypt included?' A.'No.' "Awarded by God, Confirmed by Moses" Q,. 'But I take it Syria, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan and the Palestine of today are included. When was this promise made by God?' A. 'About 4000 years ago.' Q. 'When was it confirmed by GodJ' A. 'It was confirmed by Moses.' Q» 'Has not God also made a promise to the sons of Ishmael?', A. 'No, this promise was given only to Isaac. To the sons of י.Ishmael another part of this world was promised ־3

י Q. 'Has It not been left to the Messiah to bring the Jews back to the promised land?' A, 'No, The Jews shall return before the Messiah comes ana the Messiah will come only after their return.' "Questioned on Christians, Jews." Q. 'How long after their return will the Messiah come?' A. 'Nobody knows this.' Q. 'How many Christians and Jews in Palestine?' A. 'I don't know, I am not in contact with converts, but a Jew, even if he commits a sin and becomes converted, remains a Jew,' Q. 'Then according to you, all the Christians in Palestine are Jews' "At this point Chairman Sandstroem decided there was no further need for examining the Almightyk attitude toward the mandate,"

Prom: Report on UNSCOP investigation in PM, July 10, 1947.

"A Protestant View"

.,."Are we then to accept the contention of many of the Jews that they must be considered primarily as a religious group? Rabbi Philipson, in his book on Reformed Judaism insists that *the national existence of the Jews ceased when the Romans set the Temple aflame and destroyed Jerusalem... The Jews are a religious community, not a nation.' The Canadian census secures from each resident both his religious affiliation and his racial origin (by father). In its classification of religioxis affiliations, it includes 'Jews', while in its classification of racial origins it indicates 'Hebrews1, Interestingly enough, while the Dominion census for 1931 gave a total of 155,614 Jews, it reported 156,726 Hebrews. Hence, it would seem apparent that the overwhelming majority of those who admit their Hebrew racial origin,wish to be included as Jews in religion. Nor does it diminish our difficulty when we frankly recognize a large number of 'unsynagogued' Jews. We all know that there are many radical Jews who disown all religion and a small number who call themselves 'Hebrew Christians'} there are, in addition, a considerable number who for economic or other reasons do not identify themselves with a synagogue, just as there are many Protestants whose loyalty to any particular church is, to say the least, most spasmodic, although, on occasion, they may easily develop a very boisterous type of Protestantism. On the great Jewish festivals, however,, the synagogues will be crowded, even as on Easter luke-warm Christians throng the churches, and on Yom Kippur and Rosh Hashana these semi-Jews testify to their solidarity with the Jewish community. But if the community be essentially religious, then one may aver that it is far from a unity. Judaism reveals almost all the colors of the theological spectrum, from unadulterated humanism to unadulterated fundamen- talism and orthodoxy. So-called Liberal Christians, for instance, reveal little difficulty in cooperating with Liberal Jewish leaders, but within Judaism there is hardly any whole-hearted cooperation between Reform Jews and Orthodox Jews, except perhaps in social work and education, Moreover, while Liberal Jew3 work heartily with Liberal Christians, Christian missionaries to the Jews seem more antagonistic to Liberal Jews than to Orthodox Jews, partly because they respect the greater definiteness of Orthodox Judaism in faith and practice, and partly because they seem to s:ense in Liberal Judaism the greatest barrier to their missionary activities. Where such diversities of religious outlook exist as within Judaism, it seems somewhat difficult to consider it as essentially a religious unit,

"The answer of the Zionists is that the essential unity of Jewry is neither racial nor religious; it is national. The Jews are a to be sure, a people without a home, a wandering people י• people but with the possibility of a nations! home in Palestine before them. They are a nation, an international nation, an imperium in imperio, or better still, an imperium in imperils. To this, the Jewish group responds with its inner division between Zionists and non-Zionists, while the Gentile world reminds the Jewish nation, if you insist on identifying religion aid nationhood, why should you blame us if we do likewise? Are you not wishing to claim for your- selves a favored position? While you insist that other nations grant religious toleration to you, how can you insist that all those who constitute ,your nation' identify themselves with Judaism? You cannot have your cake and eat it too.

"Moreover, while the Gentile world might be very glad if the Jews had a national home, it is subject to constant irritation by its uncertainty whether to treat the Jews as a race, or religious group, or nation, and the net result of it all is that in the Gentile mind, the Jew emerges essentially as an international irritant, resisting assimilation and finding ever-shifting grounds on which to found his right to a separate existence. Meanwhile, his effort to re- settle in Palestine creates fresh international complications with the Arab-Mohammedan world, while many Gentiles believe that the majority of the Eastern Jews who are now knocking at the gates of Jerusalem and Tel-Aviv are descended, for the most part, from tribes as far removed from Abraham, Isaac and Jacob as were the pagan 'ancestors of the so-called Aryan. In short, the whole situation is a frightful mess, and by his strange dexterity in playing the triple role of a racial, religious and national group, the modern Jew brings down upon his head a triple type of antipathy."

Source: Sil'cox,Claris Edwin, and Fisher, Galen M.: Catholics, Jews and. Protestants. A Study of Relationships in the United States and Canada, New York, Harper and Brothers, 1934, pages 20-22.

"The Classical Reform Position"

"Rabbinical Judaism, teaching as it does, the eternal validity of all the laws and ceremonies, whether prescribed in the Pentateuch or developed by tradition, takes a peculiar stand in reference to such laws whose fulfillment is dependent upon residence in the land of Palestine. These laws, it claims, are suspended for a time owing to the dispersion; they are not abrogated, but only suspended, and will be again binding when the Jews will be restored to their ancient land. This brings us to a second point of difference. The burden of the thought of rabbinical Judaism is national. The hope expressed in the traditional prayers i s that the Jews will return to Palestine, again become a nation under the rule of a scion of the house of David, reinstitute the sacrifices under the ministration of the descendants of Aaron, and worship irt the temple rebuilt on the ruins of the temple of old. The Jews, in their dispersion among the nations, are in a state of exile; their century-long sufferings are a punishment for the sins committed by the fathers while living in Palestine; when the measure of the expiation will be full, the restoration will take place. This doctrine Reform Judaism rejects. It contends that the national existence of the Jews ceased when the Romans set the temple aflame and destroyed Jerusalem, The career in Palestine was but a preparation for' Israel's work in all portions of the world. As the early home of the faith, as the land where the prophets uttered their world-subduing thoughts and the psalmists sang their world- enchanting hymns, Palestine is a precious memory of the past, but it is not a hope of the future. With the dispersion of the Jews all over the world, the universal mission of Judaism began. The Jews are citizens and faithful sons of the lands of their birth or adoption. They are a religious community, not a nation."

Source: Philipson, David: The Reform Movement in Judaism,New York, The Macmillan Company, 1931, page 5.

"Marxist Views"

"Karl Marx never repudiated his youthful views on the Jewish religion which he expressed so vehemently in his dispute with the Hegelian Bruno Bauer, To him •the basis for the Jewish religion was practical need'; 'the worldly ground of the Jews' was 'practical need, avarice', 'What is their worldly God? Money'. 'Money is the jealous God of Israel above whom there cannot be any other God.' Judaism and the Jewish caste which confesses it would disappear with tho disappearance of the capitalistic order. The definition by Marx of the Jews as a caste was based on complete ignorance of both the history and economic circumstances of the Jewish people in his own times, even in the then relatively Industrialized Germany. His opinions of Judaism are too strikingly parallel to those expressed by Feuerbach to admit their originality. Besides, these opinions were the common stock of the 'enlightened' world of his day. To Marx goes the credit of approaching tho Jewish problem from an economic point of view rather than from the theological- moralistic one which was so prevalent in his day. One cannot say that Marx was an anti-Semite. Yet there is no doubt that in spite of the fact that 'it has often been said that Marx both embodied and intensified the dialectical powers of the Jewish spirit', the founder of socialism was emotionally blocked on the.Jewish problem. His later utterances about It are too few and far-between to indicate definitely his process of reasoning, but most of them are unkind and hostile. His silence in the face of the beginnings of the socialist movement among the Jews in the 1870's, the series of Russian pogroms in 1881, and the subsequent mass migrations can^ not be explained in any other way.

"This attitude of Marx gave the socialist thinkers the easiest way out « to ignore or to minimize the Jewish problem. It gave Jewish born socialists a good excuse for assimilating and for neglecting the interests of their brethren in the Ghetto. Moses Hess, the ,communist Rabbi1, was an object of contempt in socialist circles when he published his ,Rome and Jerusalem' in 1862. This is not the place to trace in detail the influence of Marx on the attitudes of the leading pre-war socialists to the Jewish problem. A few illustrations will suffice, Franz Mehring referred to Marx's study about the Jews with: 'These few pages are of greater value than the huge pile of literature on the Jewish problem which appeared since that time,1 Kautsky maintained even later that the Jews were a caste and not a nation in the Middle Ages and that they still constituted one in Eastern Europe, Lenin, who relied largely upon Kautsky and Bauer as experts on the Jewish problem, still maintained in 1915 that the 'Jews in the civilized world are not a nationj they have become most assimilated... The Jews in Galicia and Russia are not a nation; they unfortunately... are still a caste,' He said continually that the solution of the Jewish problem in Russia should take the same course which it followed in Western Europe, namely: 'a doubtless progress of their assimilation with the sur- rounding population,' 'The Jewish question,' he stated in 1903, assimilation or isolation? And the idea ״stands now as follows' of a Jewish 'nationality' has a definitely reactionary character, not only among its consequential followers (the Zionists), but also anong those who attempt to combine it with the ideas of Social?• Democracy (the Bundists).... The idea of a Jewish nationality is a denial of the interests of the Jewish proletariat, introducing within it directly or indirectly a feeling which is hostile to assimilation, a Ghetto feeling.' He quoted with enthusiastic s idea that the complete assimilation of minorities׳approval Kautsky 'is the only possible solution to the Jewish problem, and we have to support everything which will aid to remove Jewish isolation'. For this reason Lenin was opposed even to Yiddish schools for Jewish children in Russia. Stalin too followed the policies of .Lenin in his pre-war treatment of the Jewish problem־Marx and Brachman, an outstanding Soviet scholar in the field, agreed as late as 1936 with Marx that 'the special caste situation of the Jews' was 'taken from life'. The presentation of the Jews as the 'nationality of the merchant and money man was not an invention of the Jew haters."

Source: Duker, Abraham G.: "The Theories of Ber Borochov and Their Place in the History of the Jewish Labor Movement'. Introduction to Nationalism and the Class Struggle. A Marxian Approach to the Jewish Problem. Selected Writings by Bor Borochov, New York, Poale Zion-Zeire Zion, .־New York, 1937, pages 18-20 י י; The True Nature of* the Jewish Group - A Synth 031s"

"It is evident from the presentation of the varying views as to the nature• of tho Jewish group that we cannot measure the Jews by the same yardstick that we measure other peoples. These differences are due to a number of factors which have already been explained. The outstanding among these are their past history and their pros- ent dispersion without either the possibility or the will to assimilate. Tho Jews were a normal nation in the ancient world. It is true that they were a small nation, yet they were a normal nation insofar as the criteria of political state, territorial concentration and language were concerned. In the period of the Second Temple,although a majority of the Jews lived outside of Palestine, religiously and nationally they continued their ties with the Ho'ly Land, Even after the destruction of their state by tho Romans, the Jews did not give up the idea of regaining their political independence. As late as the sixth century uprisings were taking place. During the Middle Ages the further dispersion of the Jews and their decreasing number in Palestine were instrumental in changing the hope for an immediate temporal restoration into a hope of a religious, Messianic character.

"Thus the Jews were transformed from a nation with a peculiar religion to a special group.which had a religion and a national tradition of its own, but no territory or political independence, the realization of which It awaited at some future time. Their emancipation In Western countries, followed by differing adjust- ments through adaptation, changed, for a century, the character of the Jews in that region. Here the majority of the Jews looked upon themselves as members of the dominant nation. Non-Jewish society slowly and grudgingly acknowledged this position. The only distinction between them and the others was the profession of the Jewish ,religion. In a society whore religion was not the concern of tho state, this difference in no way affected their right to be considered part of the dominant nation. In democratic countries this right 13 still acknowledged by society.

"In Eastern Europe the wave of assimilation was halted at its very beginning because of the delay in effecting legal emancipation. Assimilation became the ideology of a very small group of the wealthy, a somewhat larger group among the intellectuals and professionals and a smaller group of cosmopolitan Socialists or Communists. The Jewish masses adhered either to a secular or religious concept of Jewish national ism or to varying syntheses of both. There were differences among the national religionists as to the part which religion was to play in this synthesis, There were also differences oi' opinion, among the secularists concerning the language of the Jews and the need of a territory or territories to perpetuate certain aspects of Jewish cultural life. However, there was agreement on continuing the tradition of a separate people,

"Becausc of the various divergences among Jews, resulting from cultural and class differences and from the influence of external - 8 - forces and because of their dispersion, fev proponents of Jevish nationalism have considered it as identical vith the nationalism of other peoples. The consensus of opinion ha.s been tht t at no time are the Jews likely to become a nation like other nations in the sense ttet an < vervhelming majority of the Jevish people would live ,me language. The Yiddish secularists׳in one land of their own, fnd speak the s most of whom are Socialists, visualize the Jewish people largely as a Yiddish- .group, although they also suppose some political recognition for it ״soeakin Even some of the adherents of territori?lism among them looked upon the territory primarily as a factor for cultural unity pnd did not insist upon complete political independence.

"Among the secular Zionists, too, there is not a general demand for an independent politic?1 state in Palestine. Even Zionists, who consider political independence as a renuisite for the fulfillment of the Zionist program, would be satisfied with political autonomy within the British Empire or vith en Arsb federation of states. Should a politically independent Jewish stfte be set up, the majority or at least a ct is ׳oroportion of Jevs will continue to reside outbids of this area. This f bound to determine the type of Jewish nationalism. Smell nations cannot be imperialistic. Jewish nationalism cannot be imperialistic a? is German or Italian nationalism. It cannot be purely secular, because the major connection between the Jews in Palestine and those elsewhere is bound to be religious-cultural rather than politico1.

"To summarize, the Jews today constitute a group which cr-nnot be termed purely a group or a nation in the ־race, & religious group, a cultural group, a linguistic • t all the Jews in״most common sense. They constitute a nation in the sense th Palestine and the majority of the Jews in East-Central Europe continue to regard themselves 8 separate nationality. Their nrtional character is circumscribed by the in their~׳presence of a large number of individual Jews who do not cf-re to r!r int connection vith the group, regardless of its nature. Furthemore, many Jews in western countries consider their group affiliation to be predominantly religious, traditional or culture1. Since the term ,nation' in Anglo-Saxon countries is usually associated, with a political state, it will be much clearer to use the tern •people' rather than •nation' for the Jewish group. The Jews are a people bound . together by a common historical past, common culture and unity of basic interest. The territorial concentration in Palestinej a degree of politic?•! autonomy there, as well as the revival of Hebrew as a living tongue are developments which are ".rd making the Jews a more completely 'normal' people ׳tending tow

Source: Jewish Survival in the World Today By: Abraham G. Duker Part II B, pp. 27-29. - 9 -

Additional Readings

Following the decision of the U. S. Department of Immigration in 19k3t that the Jewish immigrants no longer be listed under the category "Hebrew", (a decision brought about through the pressures of "defense"-minded sources), the Yiddish Scien- tific Institute addressed a questionnaire on the subject to social scientists and communal leaders.

QUESTIONNAIRE

1, Do you think it is important to have exact data on the immigration of Jews into this country, or do you see any reasons for refraining from collecting these data?

2, If you do not approve of the decision of the Immigration and Naturalization Service as to the deletion of the term "Hebrew" from the classification of immigrants would you simply recommend a return to the previous procedure as far as the Jews are concerned, or, if not, what change would you suggest?

3, Do you consider the classification of immigrants according to "race" appropriate? If not, what other designation would you suggest?

Name. .

Address

Position

Date Some of the typical reactions selected from the first $0 answers in the book "The Classification of Jewish Immigrants and its Implications" - A Survey of Opinion - by Nathan Goldberg, Jacob Lestchinsky, and Max Weinreich published by the Yiddish Scientific Institute, New York, 19h$, follow:

Louis I. Dublin, 3rd Vice-President a nd Statistician, Metropolitan Life Insurance Co.:

I would not recommend a return to the previous procedure as far as Jews are concerned. I think the official decision was right. There is no reason why the Government should take notice of the religion of immigrants. It is their own affair. I see no reason either why the Government should treat Jews differently from other immigrants. Its present procedure is to list them according to country of origin and that should prevail for Jews as well. If Jews are interested in their own people for welfare reasons, they should go ahead and find out through proper channels of service.

The sooner we get away from race designations, the better. The whole concept of race is utterly unscientific and meaningless and a source of endless trouble for everyone concerned. The only sensible procedure is the one that the Government now proposes and that is to classify people according to the political nomenclature of countries of origin. If for other reasons it is necessary to distinguish white from colored, there is no reason why that distinction should not be made,

Louis Finkelstein, President, Jewish Theological Seminary:

I definitely approve the decision of the Immigration and Naturalization Service.

I do not consider the classification of immigrants according to race appropriate. There is no reason to introduce into American official forms the Nazi concept of race. Immigrants should be classified according to their country of origin, especially because of the need to observe the naturalization laws of the United States,

Frank H. Hankins, Professor, Smith College:

It would seem that the new ruling serves no useful purpose. It reduces the value of official statistics by reducing the extent and quality of their immediate information and makes them less useful for social research purposes. At the same time the term "Hebrew"is not a satisfactory one as a designation of "race". How- ever, for the present I should prefer a return to the previous procedure for the preservation of the continuity and clarity of the official data.

We certainly need some such designation and we should not yield to anti- Nazi sentiments by abandoning common sense. The Jews have long objected to this immigration regulation, but I think they are entirely mistaken in thinking it has anything to do with anti-Semitism. This latter sentiment is most prevalent among those classes of the population that never consult the immigration reports. -10-

Pitlrim A. Sorokin, Professor, Harvard University:

Both are unsatisfactory. The best method is: double indication of the country of emigration, plus, Jewish (Hebrew) ethnic group (e.g. Hebrew, U.S.S.R.),

"Race" is certainly a misnomer, "Nationality" or "ethnic group" is much more accurate and scientific.

Milton R. Konvitz, Faculty, New York University:

I.am not in a position to make a definite recommendation, but somewhere, under "Religion," "Nationality," "Race" or other classification, a Jew should be able to identify himself as such.

One is a member of a "race" more by definition than by birth. I do not recommend that Jews be referred to as members of a "Hebrew race." The choice should be open to an immigrant to state that he is a Jew by religious affiliation or nationality or both, or that his parents could be classified as belonging to the Jewish denomination or nationality or both.

Newell L. Sims, Head, Department of Sociology, Oberlin College:

I approve the decision. I cannot see any harm in it, but on the contrary some gain. It will bring less focusing of attention on the Jew as such, hence tend to lessen anti-Semitism.

Yes, if by "race" we understand the primary divisions of the human breed. Otherwise classification by nationality is adequate. If to nationality is added White, Negroid, and Mongoloid (with perhaps Hindu, Amerids, Polynesian, etc. as sub-classifications) it will be sufficient in my opinion.

Edward A. Ross, Professor, Dept. of Sociology, University of Wisconsin:

I approve of the decision of the I, and N. Service. It discourages thinking of them as a race apart. The sooner the Jews are thought of as "just folks," the better.

No answer,

"Mother tongue" might prove a helpful datum in classifying immigrants.

R. M, Maclver, Columbia University:

In my judgment it would be desirable to have recorded both the country of origin, and the ethnic or racial designation, according to a classification specially prepared for this purpose. Some formula could be found for persons of mixed ethnic derivation - itself a ffequent (and probably desirable) occurrence.

Read Bain, Professor of Sociology, Miami University:

No. There is no such thing as a Hebrew race. I see no reason for treating Jews differently from any other class of people. I'd have the Im. and N. Service give up its race categories - except white, black, yellow and I doubt the utility of that. But it is important to get some data about immigrants - age, sex, education, religion, country of birth, country of residence, occupation, marital state, etc. -11-

"Jew" or "Hebrew" is not a race, or a "chosen people" or a class deserving of any special consideration. It is a religion. People called Jews are a class whose culture is largely conditioned by their religion. That's all. The sooner they get this, into their heads - and the sooner non-Jews get it into their heads - the better. Jews should "assimilate": forget about their separatism and become merely a religious class - and a very decent religion it is,' as religions go. You see I am no Zionist. I want American Jews to stay here.

Louis Gottschalk, Professor of Modern History, University of Chicago:

I approve of the deletion of the term "Hebmv" from the classification of immigrants in any case. "Hebrew" seems to me to be a proper description in these days only of a language. It seems especially wrong as a designation for "a race'i If statistics are to be secured regarding Jews, I prefer the description "Jew" or "Jewish" in any case. The best definition of a Jew that I have ever encountered defines a Jew as "one who thinks of himself or is thought of by others as belonging to the Jewish faith or people." In keeping with that definition, a blank on the immigration record to be filled in at the discretion of the immigrant might reveal those who thought of themselves as Jews, though it probably would not reveal those who were thought of by others as such. Such a blank' need not be directed exclusively at Jewsj it might read somewhat as follows: "If you believe that your nationality, religious, or racial affiliation is not accurately described by your answers to the above questions, please name the group or groups in which you think you should be included for accurate statistical purposes,"

Melville J. *Wskovits, Department of Anthropology, Northwestern University:

The questions you pose in your letter of July 28, which I am answering in this way rather than in terms of your questionnaire, are almost impossible to answer. The United States Immigration and Naturalization Service's classification of immigrants has never been based on anything but political considerations. I have never been able to find out what definition, if any, of the word "race" has been used, and I am indeed inclined to believe that there is no definition. The whole system of classification being thus based on a concept that has no foundation in fact or logic, it is impossible to treat it as one would treat a question arising out of a problem that had a logical foundation.

The question then becomes one of practicability - that is, whether there is any reason for including Jews in a specific category as such. It seems to me that the only logical basis for classification is one of nationality, and I do not believe that any considerations arising out of the desirability of the study of Jewish immigration should stand in the way of setting up a logical category. Jews certainly do not comprise a racial unit and are nationals of most countries. To adopt the first classification would thus, in effect, be to take an essentially racis approach. It is on this basis, especially, that I should deem it inadvisable to urge that a special category be set up for Jews outside the national one, which would seem to me to be the most logical and most practicable,

E.B. Reuter, Professor of Sociology, University of Iowa:

It is of no importance to have the exact data. The sooner the Jews and others quit emphasizing their differences from others, the sooner the anti-Jewish prejudices will decline.

Forget it and quit trying to create a race problem.

Of course not. But they will presently be so defined if the ill-advised leaders persist in their being a group apart. -12-

Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Office of Radio Research, under the Auspices of the Columbia University Council for Research in Social Sciences:

I have read your letter and find your problem interesting indeed. I am sorry to say, however, that I am unable to form a definite opinion, at least in the terms of your questionnaire. Maybe it is because I am an immigrant myself that I have a point of view which you seem not to have considered.

X think you are right that actual information on the number of Jewish immigrants will in the long run be useful. Except for exceptional cases it will not be difficult to agree on who is a Jew and who is notj an appropriate entry on an immigration blank in addition to the mother tongue spoken and the country from which the immigrant actually comes seem the desideratum from a social science point of view.

It isray opinion the difficulty arises when such an entry is made on personal documents which the immigrant has to use during the time he is not yet naturalized. There can be no doubt that it is more difficult, for instance, to find a job if a man is classified as "Hebrew" on his identification card,

I wonder whether the appropriate solution would not be to make a distinction between records which the government keeps and the document which the immigrant gets. If no racial or religious identification is entered on the personal document, then it should be very useful to have it on a record which is kept by the immigration authorities. From these records statistics can be developed which because of their anonymous character would do no individual harm but would be useful for the study of immigration trendse

H.L. Shapiro, American Museum of Natural History:

I should recommend recording the nationality in every case possible and in' addition any minority group or ethnic subdivision to which the immigrant adheres. Thus an immigrant from Czechoslovakia would be listed as a national'of that country and in addition sublisted as a German, a Czech, or a Slovak. Immigrants from Russia as Russians and also as Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Jew, Moldavian or what not.

The use of "race" in the cited instructions is wholly inaccurate. It is in- correctly made synonymous with nationality. It is very discouraging that such an error persist after so much has been written and said to clarify the concept.

Richard E. Gutstadt, National Director, Anti-Defamation League, B'nai B'rith:

Mr. Livingston, Chairman of the Anti-Defamation League, B'nai B'rith, has referred to me for answer your letter of July 28. This is in connection with your request for ourqpinion on the instruction issued by the U.S. Immigration and ,Naturalization Service last year which eliminated the term "Hebrew" from the classification of immigrants arriving in this country. Consideration by our Exec- utive Committee indicated the following judgment. We do not believe that the government need classify immigrants as either Hebrew or Jewish. ,Among the great body of Jews in this country are many who do not believe that the Jews are either a race or a nation, but solely a religious or cultural group.

We believe that statistics for certain purposes are important. Such statistics respecting immigration, however, may be and should be procured at the point of debarkation by Jewish agencies and need not be made a matter of government record. Immigration quotas, as set up in appropriate legislation, do not take into account the terms "Hebrew" or "Jewish.". These records are decided purely on the basis of country of birth. Immigration records, therefore, should logically follow this same procedure for classification as has Seen adopted for the regulation of quotas• ־13־

SELF-HATRED AMONG JffiS (19141) from"Resolving Social Conflicts" by Kurt Lewin edited by Gertrud ?Zeiss Lewin, Published by Harper'& Bros,, New York, 19148 - With Permission of the Publishers,

That self-hatred is present among Jews is a fact that the non-Jew would hardly believe, but which is well known among the Jews themselves. It is a phenomenon which has been observed ever since the emancipation of the Jews, Professor ׳ Lessing treated this topic in Germany (1930) in a book, Per Judlsche Selbsthass ("Jewish Self-Hate"), Novels like that of Ludwig Lewisohn (island Within, lyffJ), which pictures the New York Jew around 1930, and those of Scnnitzier, wno deals with the problems of the Austrian Jew in the period around 1900, are striking in the similarity of the problems which they show to exist, In these different countries, the same conflicts arise and Jews of the various social strata and professions attempt the same variety of solutions.

Jewish self-hatred is both a group phenomenon and an individual phenomenon. In Europe, outstanding examples of a hostile sentiment in one Jewish group against another were those of the German or Austrian Jew against the East European Jew, and, more recently, the attitude of the French Jew toward the German Jew, That all the troubles the Jews had in Germany were due to the bad conduct of the East European Jew was an opinion not infrequently heard among German Jews, In this country, the resentment of the Spanish Jew against the immigrating German Jew, and the hostility of the latter to the East European Jew form a parallel to the European situation,

Speaking in terms of individuals rather than groups, the self-hatred of a Jew may be directed against the Jews as a group, against a particular fraction of the Jews, against his own family, or against himself. It may be directed against Jewish institutions, Jewish mannerisms, Jewish language, or Jewish ideals.

There is almost endless variety of forms which Jewish self-hatred may take. Most of them, and the most dangerous forms, are a kind of indirect, under-cover self-hatred. If I should count the instances where I have encountered open and straightforward contempt among Jews, I could name but a few. The most striking, for me, was the behavior of a well-educated Jewish refugee from Austria on the In a tone of violent ־occasion of his meeting a couple of other Jewish refugees hatred, he burst out into a defense of Hitler on the ground of the undesirable characteristics of the German Jew,

But these are rare incidents. In most cases, expression of hatred of the Jew against his fellow Jew or against himself as a Jew is more subtle. This hatred is so blended with other motives that it is difficult to decide in any one particula: case whether or not self-hatred is involved. Take the well-educated Jewish atheist who finally consented to deliver an address at a temple. During the service which preceded his talk, he told me about the pain he experiences on seeing a talith (prayer shawl), and how this aversion was first implanted in him by his father's negative attitude toward the synagogue. Have we to deal here with a form of anti- Jewish sentiment or just the great aversion of the atheist for religion? Does the rich Jewish merchant who refuses to contribute anything to a Jewish charity hate his own people or is he just miserly? The Jewish head of a department or a store may seem to lean over backward not to employ Jewsj but perhaps what he does is actually the maximum that can be done under the circumstances,

It occurs infrequently - although it does happen once in a while - that a Jewish person frankly admits that he hates to be together with Jews. Most of the people who avoid Jewish associations have "good reasons." They are so busy with The boy who prefers "־non-Jewish associations that they "simply don't have time "Ethical Culture" or "Christian Science" to Judaism will tell you that he is not running away from things Jewish, but is attracted by the values of the other groups. - lit -

In some cases, of course, these "reasons" may actually he the real reasons. Still, there are certain facts which make one wonder. The non-Jewish partner in a mixed marriage will frequently be much more realistic in regard to the education of his children. He seems to see the necessity for the child's growing up with a clear understanding of his being either inside or outside the Jewish group. The Jewish partner often takes the position that children in the United States can grow up simply as human beings. He would deny that he is guided by the same sentiment which has prompted many rich Austrian and German Jews to baptize their children and otherwise to link them as much as possible mth typically non-Jewish groups.

However, if the aversion of our atheist for the symbols of Jewish religion were his only motive, he should feel the same aversion against symbols of any organized reli:;ion» That this is not the case shows that something else underlies his behavior The Jewish child from an unorthodox hone who tells his mother, "If I see the old Jewish man praying with his talith, it makes me feel good; it is as if I pray myself, shows that religious indifference does not necessarily lead to such an aversion. Why does the merchant who refuses to contribute to the Jewish cause spend lavishly on every non-Jevnish activity? Why do camps which accommodate only Jewish children hire only non-Jewish counselors and have a Christian Sunday service, but no Jewish songs or other Jewish activities?

Self-Hatred As A Social Phenomenon

An attempt has been made to explain Jewish self-hatred as the outgrowth of certain deep-seated human instincts. This behavior seems to be a prime example of what Freud calls the drive to self-destruction or the "death instinct." However, an explanation like that is of little value. V.hy does the Englishman not have the same amount of hatred against his countrymen, or the German against the German, as the Jew against the Jew? If the self-hatred were the result of a general instinct, we should expect its degree to depend only on the personality of the individual. But the amount of self-hatred tie individual Jew shows seems to depend far more on his attitude toward Judaism than on his personality.

Jewish self-hatred is a phenomenon which has its parallel in many underprivileged groups. One of the better known and most extreme cases of self-hatred can be found among American Negroes. Negroes distinguish within their group four or five strata -the lighter the skin the higher the strata. This dis ־ according to skin shade crimination among themselves goes so far that a girl with a light skin may refuse to marry a man with a darker skin. An element of self-hatred which is less strong but . still clearly distinguishable may also be found araonc; the second generation of Greek, Italian, Polish, and other immigrants to this country.

The dynamics of self-hatred and its relation to social facts become apparent by a somewhat closer examination. A Jewish girl at a fashionable Midwestern university confided she had told her friends that her parents were American-born, although actually her father is a first-generation immigrant from the East, speaking with a strong accent. Now she has a bad conscience toward her father, whom she actually loves, and plans to leave the university. Why did she do it? She felt that if her t be eligible to certain more fashionable circles־parentage were known, she would no on the campus.

״The cause of this action against the family group is rather obvious: the individ ual has certain expectations and goals for the future. Belonging to his group is seen as an impediment to reaching those goals. This leads to a tendency to set himself apart from the group. In the case of the student, this resulted in a conflict with ־ 15 ־ the psychological tie to the family, a conflict •which she w as unable to stand. However, it is easy to see how such a frustration may lead to a feeling of hatred against one's own group as the source of the frustration.

mas־ ,A Jewish lady, dining in a fashionable restaurant with a non-Jewish friend greatly annoyed by a couple of other guests who behaved in a loud manner and were obviously somewhat intoxicated. For one reason or another, she had the feeling that these people might be Jewish. Her friend made a remark which clearly indicated that they •were not Jewish. The lady felt greatly relieved, and from that moment on was abused rather than annoyed by their boisterousness. Such incidents are of daily occurrence. The outstanding phenomenon here seems to be an extreme sensitivity in the Jewish woman regarding the behavior of other Jews, similar to the sensitivity of a mother about the behavior of her children when they perform in public. Common to this case and to that of the student is the feeling of the individual that his position is threatened or that his future is endangered throujh his being identified with a certain group.

The sensitivity in regard to the conduct of other members of a group is but an expression of a fundamental fact of group life, namely, interdependence of fate. It is revealing that Jews who claim, to be free of Jewish ties still frequently show a jreat sensitivity. It indicates that, in soite of their words, these people are somehow aware of the social reality. Indeed, life, freedom and the pursuit of hapniness of every Jewish community in America and every individual American Jew depends in a specific way on the social status which the Jews as a group have in the more inclusive community of the United States. In case Hitler should win the war, this special interdependence of fate will become the most important determining factor in the life of every single Jew. If Hitler should lose, this interdependence will still be one of the dominant factors for the lives of our children.

The Forces Toward And Away From Group Membership

Analytically, one can distinguish two types of forces in regard to the member of any group, one type drawing him into the group and keeping him inside, the other driving him away from the group. The sources of the forces toward the group may be manifold; perhaps the individual feels attracted to other members of the group, perhaps the other members draw him in, maybe he is interested in the goal of the group or feels in accord with its ideology, or he may prefer this group to being alone. Similarly, the forces away from tte group may be the result of any sort of disagreeable features of the group itself, or they maybe an expression of the greater attractiveness of an outside group.

If the balance between the forces toward and away from the group is negative, the individual will leave tte group if no other factors intervene» Under "free" conditions, therefore, a group will contain only those members for whom the positive forces are stronger than the negative. If a group is not attractive enough to a sufficient number of individuals, it will disappear.

We must realize, however, that the forces toward and away from the group are not always an expression of the person's own needs. They may be imposed upon the Individual by some external power. In other words, an individual may be forced against his will to stay inside a group he would like to leave, or he may be kept outside a group he would like to join. For instance, a dictator closes the borders of the country so that nobody may leave. A fashionable circle keeps many people outside who would like to be included. - 16 -

Cohesive and Disruptive Forces In An Underprivileged Group

An important factor for the strength of the forces toward arid away from the ־-group is the degree to which the fulfillment of the individual's own needs is fur thered or hampered by his membership in the group. Some groups, lite the Chamber of Commerce or the labor union, exist for the express purpose of furthering the interests of their members. On the other hand, membership in any group limits free- Being married and having ״dom of action for the individual member to some degree a pleasant and efficient wife may be a great help for the husband in achieving his ambitions, but marriage can be a great handicap, too. By and large., one can say that the more the reaching of the individual's goal is furthered or hindered by the group, the more likely it is that the balance of forces toward or away from the group will be Positive or negative.

This analysis permits a general statement in regard to niembers of socially privileged and underprivileged groups. To gain status is one of the outstanding factors determining t he behavior of the individual in our society. The privileged group, in addition, usually offers its members more and hinders them less than does the less privileged group. For these reasons, the members of the elite in any country have a strong positive balance in the direction of staying in the elite group. Besides, if an individual wants to leave this elite, he is usually able to do so without hindrance (although there are exceptions).

••׳The member of an underprivileged group is more hampered by his group belonging ness. In addition, the tendency to gain status means a force away from such a group. At the same time, we find that in the case of any socially underprivileged group, free mobility across the boundary is limited or entirely prevented by a lack of ability or by external forces. The more privileged majority or an influential section of this majority prohibits free mobility. In every socially underprivileged group, therefore, there are a number of members for whom the balance of the forces toward and away from the group is such that they would prefer to leave it. They are kept inside the group not by their own needs, but by forces which are imposed upon them. This has a far-reaching effect on the atmosphere, structure and organization of every underprivileged gr up and on the psychology of its members.

Croup Loyalty and Negative Chauvinism

In every group, one can distinguish strata which are culturally more central, and others which are more peripheral. The central stratum contains those values, habits, ideas and traditions which are considered, most essential and representative for the group. For the musician, this means the ideal musician; for the Englishman, what he considers to be typically English.

People who are loyal to a group have a tendency to rate the more central layers 7 higher. In other words, the average ,nglishman is "proud" to be English and would dislike being called un-English. Frequently there is a tendency to over-rate the central layer. In such a case we speak of a "100/? Americanism" or, more generally, of chauvinism. But a positive ratin.^, of the central layers is a logical result of group loyalty and a very essential factor in keeping a group together. /ithout such loyalty no group can progress and prosper.

Those individuals who would like to leave a group do not have this loyalty. In an underprivileged group, many of these individuals are, nevertheless, forced to stay within the group. As a result, we find in every underprivileged group a number of persons ashamed of their membership. In the case of the Jews, such a Jew will try to move away as far as possible from things Jewish. On his scale of values, he will place those habits, appearances, or attitudes which he considers to be particularly Jewish not particularly high; he will rank them low. He will show a "negative chauvinism." ־ 17 ־

This situation is much aggravated by the following fact: A person for whom the balance is negative will move as far away from the center of Jewish life as the outside majority permits. He will stay on this barrier and be in a constant state of frustration, Actually, he will be more frustrated than those members of the minority who keep psychologically well inside the group, "e know from experimental psychology and osychopathology that such frustration leads to an all-around state of high tension with a generalized tendency to aggression. The aggression should, logically, be directed against the majority, which is what hinders the minority member from leaving his group. However, the majority,has, in the eyes of these persons, higher status. And besides, the majority is much too powerful to be attacked. Experiments have shown that, under these conditions, aggression is likely to be turned against one's own group or against one's self.

The Power Of The Attitudes Of The Privileged Group

The tendency toward aggression against one's own group, under these circumstances is strengthened by an additional factor. Mark Twain tells the story of a Negro who was brought UD as a white child. T.Tnen he turns against his mother in a most vicious and cowardly way, his mother says, "That's the nigger in you." In other words, she has accepted the white man's verdict in characterizing some of the worst features as typical of the Negro,

It is recognized in sociology that the members of the lower social strata tend to accept the fashions, values, and, ideals of the higher strata. In the case of the underprivileged group it means that their opinions about themselves are greatly influenced by the low esteem the majority has for them. This infiltration of the views and values of what Maurice Pekarsky has called the "gatekeeper" necessarily heightens the tendency of the Jew \&th a negative balance to cut himself loose from things Jewish. The more typically Jevdsh people are, or the more typically Jewish a cultural symbol or behavior pattern is, the more distasteful they will appear to this person. Being unable to cut himself entirely loose from his Jevdsh connections and his Jewish past, the hatred turns upon himself.

Organization Of Underprivileged Groups

Members of the majority are accustomed to think of a minority as a homogenous group which they can characterize by a stereotype like "the Jew" or "the Negro," It has been shown that this stereotype is created in the growing child by the social atmosphere in which he grows up, and that the degree of prejudice is practically independent of the amount and kind of actual experience which the individual has had with members of the minority group.

Actually, every group, including every economically or otherwise underprivileged group, contains a number of social strata. There exists, however, the following difference between the typical structure of a privileged and an underprivileged group. The forces acting on a member of an. underprivileged group are directed away from the central area, toward tte periphery of tte group and, if possible, toward the still higher status of the majority. The member would leave if the barrier set up by the majority did not prevent him. This picture represents the psychological situation of those members of the underprivileged group who have a basically negative balance. It is the structure of a group of people who are fundamentally turned against themselves.

It is clear that an effective organization of a group becomes more difficult the more it contains members having a negative balance, and the stronger this nega— tive balance is. It is a well-known fact that the task of organizing a group which is economically or otherwise underprivileged is seriously hampered by those members whose real goal is to leave the group rather than to promote it. This deep-seated - 18 conflict of goals within an underprivileged group is not always clear to the members themselves. But it is one reason why even a large underprivileged group which would be able to obtain equal rights if it were united for action can be kept rather easily in an inferior position.

Leaders From The Periphery

It is particularly damaging for the organisation and action of a minority group that certain types of leaders are bound to arise in it. In any group, those sections are apt to gain leadership which are nore generally successful. In a minority group, individual members who are economically successful, or who have distinguished themselves in their professions, usually gain a higher degree of acceptance by the majority group. This places them culturally on the periphery of the underprivileged group and makes them more likely to be "marginal" persons. They frequently have a negative balance and are particularly eager to have their "good connections1• not endangered by too close a contact with those sections of the underprivileged group which are not acceptable to the majority. Nevertheless, they are frequently called for leadership by the underprivileged gi-oup because of their status and power. They themselves are usually eager to accent the leading role in the minority, partly as a substitute for gaining status in the majority, partly because such leadership makes it possible for them to have and maintain additional contact rith the majority.

As a result, we find the rather paradoxical phenomenon of what one might call "the leader from the periphery." Instead of having a group led ty people who are proud of the group, who wish to stay in it and to promote it, we see minority leaders who are lukewarm toward the group, who may, under a thin cover of loyalty, be fundamentally eager to leave the group, or who try to use their power outright for acts of negative chauvinism. Having achieved a relatively satisfactory status among non- Jews, these individuals are chiefly concerned with maintaining the status quo and so try to soft-pedal any action which might arouse the attention of the non-Jew. These Jews would never think of accusing Knudsen of "double loyalty" for presiding at an American Danish rally, but they are so accustomed to viewing Jewish events with eyes of the anti-Semite that they are afraid of the accusation cf double loyalty in the case of any outspoken Jewish action. If there is "danger" of a Jew's being appointed to the Supreme Court, they will not hesitate to warn the President against such an action

As stated in the beginning, it may be difficult to determine in a given case exactly where the boundary between Jewish chauvinism, normal loyalty, and negative chauvinism may lie. However, our analysis should make it clear that an unmanly and unwise (because unrealistic) hush-hush policy springs from the same forces of negative chauvinism or fear as Jewish self-hatred does. In fact, it. is one of the most damaging varieties of Jewish self-hatred.

There are indications that the percentage of such people among leading members of the •American Jewish community has increased since the First Tforld 1Tar. In spite of the disastrous consequences which this policy had for the Jews of Germany, there are probably more Jews in America today who have a negative balance than there were in 1910.

On the other hand, the development of Palestine, the recent history of the European Jews, and the threat of Hitlerism have made the issues more clear. A few Jews, such as the infamous Captain Naumann in Germany, have become Fascistic themselves under the threat of Fascism. However, many Jews who had lost contact with Judaism have come back under the threat of Nazism in Europe. The history of revolu- tions teaches us that the most active and efficient leadership of the underprivileged has come from certain individuals who left the privileged groups and voluntarily linked their fate with that of the minority. These people must have had, for one reason or another, a particularly strong positive balance of the forces toward and away from the group. It would be in agreement with historical experience if there were found to be efficient leaders among those who have reentered the ranks of the conscious Jew, ־ 19 ־ What Can Be Done About Jewish Self-Hatred?

Self-hatred seems to be a p syc hop at ho 1 o g ic a 1 phenomenon, and its prevention may seem mainly a task for the psychiatrist; However, modern psychology knows that many psychological phenomena are but an expression of a social situation in which the in— dividual finds himself. In a few cases, Jewish self-hatred may grow out of neurotic or otherwise abnormal personality, but in the great majority of cases it is a phenom— enon in persons of normal mental health. In other words, it is a social-psychological phenomenon, even though it usually influences deeply the total personality. In fact, neurotic trends in Jews are frequently the result of their lack of adjustment to just such group problems.

Jewish self-hatred will die out only ?hen actual equality of status with the non-Jew is achieved. Only then will the enmity against one's own group decrease to the relatively insignificant proportion^ characteristic of the majority group's. Sound self-criticism will replace it. This does not mean that nothing can be done meanwhile. After all, we do have a great many Jews who can hardly be classified as anti-Semitic.

The only way to avoid Jewish self-hatred in its various forms is a change of the negative balance between the forces toward and away from the Jewish group into a positive balance, the creation of loyalty to the Jewish group instead of negative chauvinism. 7e are unable to safeguard our fellow Jews or our growing children today against those handicaps which are the result of their being Jewish, However, we can try to build up a Jewish education both cn the children's level and on the adult level to counteract the feeling of inferiority and the feeling of fear which are the most Important sources of the negative balance.

The feeling of inferiority of the Jew is but an indication of the fact that he sees things Jewish with the eyes of the unfriendly majority, I remember how, as an adolescent, I was deeply disturbed by the idea that the accusation against the Jews as being incapable of constructive work might be true. I know that many Jewish adolescents growing up in an atmosphere of prejudice felt similarly. Today, a Jewish youth who has watched Palestine grow is in an infinitely better situation. VJhatever . one's opinion about Zionism as a political program may be, no one who has observed closely the German Jews during the fateful first weeks after Hitler's rise to power will deny that thousands of German Jews were saved from suicide only by the famous article of the Judische Rundschau, with its headlines "Jasagen zum Judentum" ("Saying Yes to Being a Jew"). Ihe ideas expressed there were the rallying point and the source of strength for Zionist and non-Zionist alike•

To counteract fear and make the individual strong to face whatever the future holds, there is nothing so important as a clear and fully accepted belonging to a group whose fate has a positive meaning. A long-range view which includes the past and the future of Jewish life, aid links tte solution of the minority problem with the problem of the welfare of all human beings is one of these possible sources of strength. A strong feeling cf being part and parcel of the group and having a positive attitude toward it is, for children and adults alike, the sufficient condition for the avoidance of attitudes based on self-hatred.

To build up such feeling of group belongingness on the basis of active responsibility for the fellow Jew should be one of the outstanding policies in Jewish educa- « tion. That does not mean that we can create in our children a feeling of belongingness by forcing them to go to the Sunday School or Heder. Such a procedure means the establishment in early childhood of tte same pattern of enforced group belongingness which is characteristic of the psychological atuation for the negative chauvinists and it is sure to create in tte long run exactly this attitude. Too many young Jews have been driven away from Judaism by too much Heder• Our children should be brought I - 20

with Jewish life in such a way that phrases like "the person looks־ up in contact Jewish" or "acts Jewish" take on a positive rather than a negative tone• That implies that a Jewish religious school should be conducted on a level at least comparable to .schools ־the pedagogical standards of the rest of ou1

Organizational'y, the group as a whole would probably be greatly strengthened if we could get rid of our negative chauvinists. Such an expulsion is not possible. However, we might be able to approximate more closely a state of affairs in which belonging to the Jewish group is based - at least as far as we ourselves are concerned - on the willingness of the individual to accept active responsibility and sacrifice for the group. In my opinion, Jews have made a great mistake in assuming that to keep a large membership one should demand as little as possible from the individual. Strong groups are not built up that way, but rather by the opposite policy. 1Te could learn something here, for instance, from the Catholic group. Actually, demanding a spirit of self-sacrifice from the individual is far more likely to decrease self-hatred.

One final point deserves mention. Many Jews seem to believe that prejudice against the Jew would disappear if every individual conducted himself properly - this in spite of all indications that the two facts have but little inter-communication. Jewish parents are accustomed to stress more than do other parents the import- -the origins of the over״ ance of appearing well in public. This emphasis is one of sensitivity to the behavior af the fellow Jew that we have mentioned previously, and The more the individual learns׳ .a source of endless self-consciousness and tension to see the Jewish question as a social problem rather than as an individual problem of good conduct, thus placing a double burden on his shoulders, the more he will be able to act normally and freely. Such a normalizing of the tension level is probably the most important condition for the elimination of Jewish-self-hatred. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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