Anonimo Mexicano

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2005

Anonimo Mexicano

Richley Crapo

Bonnie Glass-Coffin

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Recommended Citation Crapo, R. H., & Glass-Coffin, B. (2005). Anonimó mexicano. Logan, UT: Utah State University Press.

This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the USU Press at DigitalCommons@USU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All USU Press Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@USU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. edited by Richley Crapo and Bonnie Glass-Coffin ANÓNIMO MEXICANO The island of Aztlan and its seven caves from which the Mexica, Tlaxcalteca, and other Chichimeca emerged. (“Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca,” Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Manuscript, Mexicain 51–53, fol. 28. ) ANÓNIMO MEXICANO

edited by

Richley H. Crapo Bonnie Glass-Cofﬁ n

Utah State University Press Logan, UT 2005 Utah State University Press Logan, Utah 84322–7800

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Anónimo mexicano. English & Nahuatl Anónimo mexicano / edited by Richley H. Crapo, Bonnie Glass-Cofﬁ n. p. cm. Includes a full English translation, the original classical Nahuatl, and a modern Nahuatl version. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-87421-623-0 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Indians of Mexico. 2. Tlaxcalan Indians--Origin. 3. Tlaxcalan Indians--History. 4. Tlaxcalan Indians--Migrations. 5. Manuscripts, Nahuato--Mexico--Tlaxcala (State) 6. Tlaxcala (Mexico : State)--History--Sources. I. Crapo, Richley H. II. Glass-Cofﬁ n, Bonnie, 1957- III. Title. F1219.A61A66 2005 972--dc22 2005022566 Contents

Introduction 1 Chapter 1 7 Chapter 2 11 Chapter 3 21 Chapter 4 25 Chapter 5 28 The Beginning of the Mexican War 38 Chapter 7 43 Chapter 8 45 Chapter 9 49 Chapter 10 56 Chapter 11 58 Chapter 12 61 Notes 66 References Cited 102 Index 103 Illustrations

The island of Aztlan and its seven caves ii The city of Tollan and its sphere of inﬂ uence 8 The stinking corpse 9 The scribal rubric and attestation 10 Two Chichimec warriors 12 Xolotl on Mount Xoloc with his son Nopaltzin 14 Anahuac, the well-watered lands of the Valley of Mexico 17 Scribe’s drawing of the bird 22 Places mentioned in Anónimo Mexicano 24 The region of the war of Teopoyauhtlan 31 The glyph sign for Tlaxcala 41 The four cabaseras of Tlaxcala 46 INTRODUCTION

When Hernán Cortés arrived in Mexico in 1519, the Mexi- converts, four Tlaxcalan caciques, in 1520. Three more ar- ca of the Valley of Mexico ruled an empire of three to four rived in 1522, and others—called the Twelve Apostles of million people. A million of these lived in the Valley of New Spain—joined them from Spain in 1524 under the Mexico, where the Mexica capital city of Tenochtitlan was leadership of Martin de Valencia. The Franciscans were off- located. The other two or three million people were made spring of the Renaissance and its humanistic emphasis on up of conquered tributary groups outside the Valley of the importance of education, and the socializing of the In- Mexico. The Tlaxcalteca, who resided in the next valley to dians into following Spanish customs, law, and religion was the east of the Valley of Mexico, were a traditional enemy of a high priority for them. To this end, they founded schools the Mexica; they had not been conquered and incorporated at San Jose de los Naturales and Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco into the Mexica domain even though they were surround- in Tenochtitlan. In 1529, the Franciscans ﬁ nished building ed by peoples who were tributary to the Mexica. Cortés a monasterial complex in Tlaxcala, La Catedral de la Asun- found in the Tlaxcalteca a powerful ally in his war against ción. In order to learn about those they hoped to convert, the Mexica. Although estimates of its size vary greatly, the the friars sought out native books, but almost all of these Tlaxcalteca army that supported Cortés was formidable. had been destroyed by the Conquistadors, so they encour- Bernal Díaz del Castillo (1552) estimated that there were aged their students to record information about their native 40,000 Tlaxcalteca warriors, while Cortés himself set the culture in books which were written with a Latin alphabet. number at 100,000. Both the Mexica and the Tlaxcalteca One of these was the monumental work of Fray Bernardi- were speakers of the Nahuatl language whose ancestors had no de Sahagún, his twelve-volume General History of the migrated south from the high deserts of northern Mexico Things of New Spain (1963). New codices were created in and adopted an agriculturally based, urban way of life in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries using contempo- Mexico’s high plateau. Both documented their histories in rary knowledge of Indian scribes and students, including traditional “painted books” that were created and interpret- the Mendoza Codex, Codex Mexicanus, Telleriano-Remensis ed by specially trained scribes, but the history of central (1553–63), and the Codex of Ixtlilxochitl. A very few of the Mexico is dominated in popular imagination by the stories pre-Conquest native Nahuatl books were also preserved, that the Mexica of the Valley of Mexico recounted about notably those of the Borgia group of codices. themselves and their ancestors, while relatively few are Most of what we know of the Nahuatl-speaking aware of the Tlaxcalan histories. Anónimo Mexicano is par- peoples of the high desert of Mexico comes from materi- ticularly valuable because it is one of the rare non-Mexica als compiled in the Mexica capital city of Tenochtitlan in accounts of the history of ancient Mexico. It was preserved the Valley of Mexico, which was transformed after the Con- because the Franciscan friars who settled in Tlaxcala and quest into what is now Mexico City. The city of Tlaxcala converted the native population to their Christian religion had a population of 300,000 when Cortés arrived. It was taught some of their converts to read and write using the situated in the next valley to the east of the Valley of Mexico Latin alphabet also used for writing Spanish, and encour- and was the capital of an independent state that had not aged their students to preserve the traditions of their native been conquered by the Mexica. Therefore, a Tlaxcalan per- books in this new system of writing by adapting it to the spective on the history of the Nahuatl-speaking peoples is writing of their own Nahuatl language. a particularly important addition to the more well-known Two Franciscans accompanied Cortés when he ar- Mexica viewpoint. Tlaxcala was not only important in rived in New Spain in 1519. They baptized their ﬁ rst its role as ally of Cortés in the conquest of the Valley of

1 2 Anónimo Mexicano

o o Mexico, but it also continued to have an important role in verso of folio 30 of the Paris manuscript as “enl tf os n 22 o o the ensuing history of New Spain. For instance, Tlaxcala ynb tt 5 ” (bundled together as number 22 in inventory 5). became the fi rst diocese in New Spain to function under This note was written in handwriting that Gómez de Oro- the guidance of a bishop, the Dominican Fray Julían Garcés zco (1927) and, later, Francisco del Paso y Troncoso (see (whose arrival in Tlaxcala in 1527 is described in Anónimo Gibson 1952) identifi ed as that of the Mexican lawyer and Mexicano). The original diocese of Tlaxcala comprised the historian Mariano Fernández de Echeverría y Veytia (1718– states of Puebla, Tlaxcala, Vera Cruz, Tabasco, Hidalgo, and 1780). Balbuena described the manuscript as having been Guerrero—all outside the Valley of Mexico. It was from the written in two memorandum books on twenty-nine leaves Franciscan monastary at Tlaxcala in 1541 that Juan Diego of Castilian paper. The discrepancy in the number of pages Bernardino, an Indian servant in the monastery, began his in the manuscript is likely a result of the fact that the thirti- walk to visit his sick family in Xiloxoxtla during a plague eth leaf was blank on the recto side and contained only Bal- of smallpox in the region, the journey on which he is said buena’s inventory number on the verso, so was likely disre- to have had his vision of Our Lady of Ocotlán, a story that garded by Balbuena in his description. It should be noted has striking similarities to that of the similarly named Juan that although the manuscript contains eleven full chapters Diego of Tlatelolco in the Valley of Mexico from a decade as described above, its main body actually ends with the earlier, but one that emphasized the piety rather than skep- heading and introductory paragraph of a twelfth chapter ticism of the Franciscan religious leaders of Tlaxcala to which was intended to be a history of Tizatlan (later known whom the Indian reported his message. as Xicotencatl), and that the manuscript now held in Paris Between 1581 and 1584, the historian Diego Muñoz has three more folios written on leaves that had been dam- Camargo—the son of a conquistador and a native wom- aged prior to the time of the writing and that consist of an—wrote his History of Tlaxcala, a work in both Spanish copies by a second writer, in a clearly later style of writing, and Nahuatl as a gift for the Spanish king, Philip II. In 1615, of parts of some of the chapters by the primary scribe. Fray Juan de Torquemada published his Monarquia Indiana, According to Francisco del Paso y Troncoso (cited a work that drew on various earlier sources, including the in Závala 1938), the director of the National Museum of work of Muñoz Camargo, as well as Indian memories of Mexico, Anónimo Mexicano was written in a cortesana their own native books. One of his Indian sources was most style script in a late sixteenth- or early seventeenth-century certainly Anónimo Mexicano itself, as documented by the ex- hand (see also note 339). This suggested dating places the tremely close parallels between Torquemada’s Spanish text manuscript within what James Lockhart (1992) classifi ed and the Nahuatl history preserved in Anónimo Mexicano. as stage two of a four-stage process of change in post-Con- The Nahuatl text of Anónimo Mexicano is a twelve- quest Nahuatl. Stage one was a short period from the ar- chapter document concerning the history of the Nahuatl rival of Cortés in 1519 to about 1545, during which time Tlaxcalteca, who migrated from the northern frontier of there was relative stability in Nahuatl and the only known the Toltec empire at its fall. It is housed in the Bibliothèque alphabetic documents were census records from the area of Nationale de Paris in the Aubin-Goupil collection, within Cuernavaca. Stage two, the period to which Anónimo Mexi- which it is identifi ed as document number 254 under the cano belongs, was from that time until near the mid-seven- title, Documents en nahuatl relatifs aux Toltèques, etc. The teenth century. This period was one of a massive infl ux of acquisition was dated 5 August 1898. The manuscript was Spanish loan words into Nahuatl, but little other infl uence described as consisting of two notebooks with thirty fo- from Spanish. This was the period to which Fray Alonso de lio pages. Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci visited Mexico from Molina’s Nahuatl dictionary belongs, a work that began to 1736 through 1744 and gathered the fi rst important collec- appear as early as 1555. This was a period of intense collab- tion of native writings. In his catalog of July 1743, Boturini orative work by Fransciscan friars and the native students indicated that the manuscript was in his possession. He de- who were being training to write Nahuatl in an adapted scribed the manuscript as consisting of eleven chapters that Spanish alphabet, and who were simultaneously serving as contained a history of the four cabeceras of Tlaxcala that resources of knowledge about pre-Spanish native culture. had been copied on two cuadernos of European paper by Examples of Spanish loanwords that are found in Anónimo the interpreter Francisco de Loaysa. In the September 1743 Mexicano include mitxa (mass), Castilianos (Spaniards), Balbuena catalog, the same manuscript is listed as inven- Franciscanos (Franciscans), and, of course, several personal tory 5, number 22, a designation that also appears on the and place names. Introduction 3

The author of Anónimo Mexicano is not known with the same manuscript as that examined by Boturini but certainty, but Boturini thought that the manuscript was an cataloged it as “Legajo 2, Cuaderno 1.” He interpreted it as extraction from a history of Tlaxcala by a Tlaxcalan caci- made up of translations of parts of Torquemada’s three- que named Miguelé Tlacuitlocintlí. On the other hand, in volume Monarquía Indiana on twenty-nine manuscript his inventory, Patricio Ana López ([1745–46] 1925), who pages. Paso y Troncoso believed that it had been used by undoubtedly knew Boturini’s opinion and used Boturini’s Alva Ixtlilxóchitl (1840), and noted that it contained data catalog identifi cation, insisted that the work was anony- very similar to those reported by the sixteenth-century mous. Rosa y Saldívar ([1847] 1947) believed that one sec- historian Muñoz Camargo ([1585] 1966), whose sources tion, chapter 5, was authored by Benito Itzcacmacuetzli (as seem now to be lost. Rosa y Saldívar also noted that, with the chapter itself suggests). the exception of chapter 5, Anónimo Mexicano contains A full English translation of Anónimo Mexicano has many parallels with Torquemada’s Monarquía Indiana. He never been undertaken. A Spanish translation of the fi rst asserted that Anónimo Mexicano was a translation of por- fi ve chapters by Mariano J. Rojas is housed in the Instituto tions of Torquemada’s history into Nahuatl. Similarly, Gib- Nacional de Antropología, and another Spanish translation son (1952) has contended that Anónimo Mexicano might be of the fi rst three chapters by Padre Aquiles Gerste was pub- a partial back-translation into Nahuatl by Torquemada. On lished by Alfredo Chavero (1903) in the Anales del Museo the other hand, Jiménez Moreno (1938, pp. 575–76) viewed Nacional de México. John A. Hasler (1958) also published it as one of the sources that Torquemada drew upon, an an edited work, Anónimo Mexicano: Paleographia which opinion with which we concur for reasons which we give presented both the Nahuatl and parallel passages of “His- below. toria y fundación de la ciudad de Tlaxcala y sus cuatro ca- Although each document contains information ab- beceras” which, like Anónimo Mexicano, has parallels with sent in the other, the history given by the anonymous writ- book 3, chapters 6 and 12–19 of Torquemada’s Monarquía er does parallel that of Torquemada’s Monarquía Indiana Indiana, and which Gibson (1952) regarded as a translation quite closely in many respects, including important simi- into Nahuatl of those sections of Torquemada’s work. larities both of sequencing and phraseology. The parallels Gerste noted that the Nahuatl manuscript is diffi cult are more extensive than has been noted previously, and are to interpret due to scribal errors, the paucity and equivocal particularly striking for book 1, chapters 14–21, 23–25, 27, nature of its punctuation, the spelling variations which it 29, 33, 37, 41, 42–44, and 48; book 2, chapter 1; and book contains, and the presence of a number of terms not found 3, chapters 6, 9–10, and 12 of Monarquía Indiana. The de- in other sources such as Molina ([1571] 1966) and Rémi gree of parallelism is clearly suggestive of some connection Simèon (1963). We handle the scribal errors by reconstruct- between the two documents. Both writers may have drawn ing the intended form, noting this in our end notes. Unfor- upon a common source. Jiménez Moreno (1938) has sug- tunately, Gerste’s transcription also introduced numerous gested that Torquemada may have drawn upon Anónimo errors. Gerste also regularized Nahuatl spelling to a more Mexicano. contemporary form in his transcription. For instance, he Torquemada began collecting material for Monar- regularly rewrote initial y as i. Our own transcription re- quía Indiana as early as 1595, and published his work in turns to the original spelling of the Nahuatl text. 1615. It is known that Torquemada used a variety of previ- Our re-publication of Anónimo Mexicano is being ous sources, including Diego Muñoz Camargo’s Historia de undertaken in order to provide a full English translation of Tlaxcala ([1585] 1966) and Gerónimo de Mendieta’s Histo- all twelve chapters of the Nahuatl text. It is also motivated ria Eclesiática Indiana ([ca. 1596] 1870) as well as native co- by the fact that the manuscript contains not only a number dices or references to them. It is our opinion that Anónimo of previously unattested Nahuatl words, but also because it Mexicano predates Monarquía Indiana and that it is one of contains heretofore unpublished information of historical the various sources which Torquemada drew upon in the interest. preparation of his history. Indeed, it may well have been Anónimo Mexicano is an important document be- written by scribes trained by Franciscan friars. cause of its relationship to other early histories. Taken at Anónimo Mexicano not only contains information face value, the manuscript portrays itself as recounting ma- such as details about the death of Tenancaltzin and the terial from one or more native pictographic codices. Rosa rule of his son Tecoatlalatzin that are absent from Monar- y Saldívar, in his catalog of 1791, described what may be quía Indiana, but it also contains information which was 4 Anónimo Mexicano

apparently present in sources used by Torquemada but possibly ideographic codices. The point of view of the text which he chose to withhold from Monarquía Indiana. For suggests that its source material was also Tlaxcalan—the instance, Anónimo Mexicano declares the number of men information about Tlaxcala being the most detailed and who accompanied Nopaltzin to Nepoalco to have been elaborate. Internal evidence, including the handwriting of 3,200,000, whereas Torquemada takes pains to justify his the manuscript, suggests a date for the original manuscript not declaring the unrealistically high fi gure found in his close to 1600. sources: “If I were to go on, without numbering the people The handwriting of fi ve persons is found on the who arrived in this place, I would do an injustice to the his- manuscript: (1) the primary scribe, (2) a secondary copy- tory (if I were to tell it without telling the number), but if I ist who reproduced three folios of the original manuscript, do refer to it, I fear that it would be viewed as unbelievable. (3) an early editor who made copyediting corrections of er- But, if it is not a clever rationale that forms the opinion but rors by the primary scribe, (4) a commentator who added rather things that are found written (if the ancient paint- occasional marginal notations at a later date, and (5) one ings are true and not mistaken) these say that the people possible notation at the end of the manuscript by Mariano who left these caves and regions numbered more than a Fernández de Echeverría. The Nahuatl dialect of the manu- million people, because in addition to the six kings and script is nonstandard compared with the usual canons of lords who came with Xolotl, there were more than twenty Classical Nahuatl in a number of particulars. For instance, thousand subordinate leaders and captains who had more it includes the frequent use of the imperfect tense -ia as a than a thousand persons each under their care, all of them suffi x to the distant-past-as-past -ca in catcaya. The writer being under Xolotl’s command, as well as under that of also formed inahuachuic (toward the vicinity of) by suffi x- the other six lords who had departed from their rulerships ing -huic (toward) to inahuac (in/to/from the vicinity of and province with him. And so that the ears of the prudent it). In several cases the preterit plural number dyad -que is and the cautious reader might not be scandalized, since the suffi xed to a pronoun, e.g., inque. The marginal commen- number appears to be exaggerated, let me say that near the tator noted that Torquemada followed Anónimo’s wording village that is now called Tenayuca (which at that time was in chapter 2 concerning the death of the Chichimec leader the capital of this great kingdom) is a place where there Xolotl only to the word ymixpan and then omitted the en- are twelve little hills of small rocks. As told in the accounts, suing material that added little to the history (see note 225). there are those that were gathered together there, each per- This, too, suggests that Anónimo predates Torquemada and son carrying one [rock] and placing it on the multitude, was drawn on by him. The extraneous material in Anónimo such that in viewing these, it seems awesome. And consid- does not support the back-translation position. To make ering that each one of these little rocks had been put there characteristics of the original manuscript accessible to re- by each one of them, it may not be diffi cult to believe that searchers, we have adopted a three-column format in which the number of people was as large as has been said and that the fi rst column reproduces the spelling, punctuation, and thus that place came to be named Nepoalco, which means underlining of the original manuscript. In the second col- Place of Counting.”1 Where Torquemada adds clarifi cations umn we give our own rendition in a contemporary orthog- concerning Aztec history or geography for Spanish readers raphy, and in the third, our translation. who would lack that information, these clarifi cations are In our transcription of the original text we have not not found in the parallel passages of Anónimo Mexicano. attempted to reproduce every characteristic of the original, For instance, where Anónimo Mexicano simply refers to such as errors that were corrected by the original scribe or various cities by name, the parallel account by Torquemada emended by the editor. Since it is a characteristic of the frequently adds a statement indicating how far from Mexi- scribe’s writing that may be of interest to some research- co City and in what direction they lie. Similarly, Torquema- ers—that he frequently rested his quill in a manner that da’s philosophical digressions are consistently absent from left what looks like a period but is not actually a punctua- Anónimo Mexicano. tion mark—we have included these in our transcription. Several passages in the document suggest that it was In such cases we do document the characteristics (such as written from the point of view of a Tlaxcalan author. Other a crossed-out letter or letters or the scribe’s original spell- aspects of the text suggests a writer who was working under ing versus the editorial emendation) in the notes. Two the tutelage of the Franciscans. The writer of the manuscript conventions are reproduced but not annotated. When a hy- appears to be drawing from one or more earlier sources, phen or dash or sometimes an equal sign was used simply Introduction 5 to mark the end of a line (a convention analogous to what pronoun prefi x is plural, the resulting inin could be read ei- we might call keeping the text “right-justifi ed”), we have ther as in in- (“the their”) or as inin (“this/these”). Spacing reproduced that mark (even when it occurs when part of is quite irregular and we maintain the original spacing only a word is written on one line and the rest on the next line) when we feel that it represents the meaning intended in the without commenting on this in the notes. Such marks will manuscript. Where there are lacunae in the manuscript, we readily be recognized by the reader. (Except where it marked have used bracketed elipses. The number of periods shown the division of a word, we have not attempted to note this indicates the approximate number of letters and spaces that “right-justifi cation” when it merely involved lengthening may have been present in the manuscript before the dam- the end of the last letter of a line, a convention that was age occurred. Finally, we have chosen to follow academic frequently used by the scribe when certain letters such as l, conventions for the spelling of Nahuatl personal and place n, and e were line-fi nal.) The second nonannotated conven- names. In some cases, this results in the name being notably tion of the scribe that we have transcribed is that of words different in the third column from the spelling in columns broken at the end of a line. We have maintained such non- one and two. hyphenated word breaks simply as a break within the word. The manuscript consists of a total of thirty-four We have maintained word-internal spaces when they are leaves. The recto sides of the fi rst thirty-three were num- clearly larger than the scribe’s usual spacing between letters. bered consecutively. The fi rst sixteen folio numbers were This and other transcription conventions—such as distin- centered at the top of each page. Folios seventeen through guishing between an ordinary dotted i and a clearly accent- thirty-three were numbered at the top right. The primary ed í—sometimes involve a judgement call: for instance, the text of Anónimo Mexicano is written on the recto and verso difference between a hurriedly dotted i in which the dot of twenty-nine leaves. Leaf 30 is blank on the recto, while has been slightly extended and a hurriedly written accent the verso bears only a brief annotation (see note 703) and mark in which the mark is not ended with its usual coun- the accession stamp of the Collection E. Eug. Goupil à Par- terclockwise curve. We have followed Gerste’s lead in mak- is, Ancienne Collection J. M. A. Aubin, with the accession ing the translation a literal one, and have appended notes number 254. Finally, there are three additional leaves. The that indicate problematic aspects of the translation. In or- fi rst of these, written on both sides of manuscript folio 31, der to place the narrative in a broader historical context, we is titled “Commencario de la guere de Mexico” (beginning have also included notes concerning the approximate times of the war of Mexico) and contains material that repeats the of the events described, and about the events themselves primary text’s narrative of the war between Huexotzinco where other sources might add to the readers’ understand- and the Tlaxcalan Chichimeca (on pp. 38–39 of this pub- ing of the history in question. To facilitate the reading of lication). In the left margin at the beginning of this mate- the translation and to make it easier to fi nd the equivalent rial, there is a marginal note that reads, “Capitulo 12. lib part of the Nahuatl, we have followed the convention of 3. Saltando gran parte pero dio fi n” (chapter 12, book 3. English punctuation and carried that punctuation over jumping over the greater part but giving the end). The recto into the Nahuatl of the second column. There is one excep- of this leaf contains the same accession stamp as the previ- tion to this deference to English punctuation that needs to ous page, without an accession number. The ensuing page be noted. In lists of three or more nouns, Nahuatl does not (manuscript folio 32) contains a repetition of the primary use a word for and before the fi nal noun in the list. In the text’s narrative of the reigns of Teuctotolin and his son Tla- case of such lists, we have inserted a comma at that location comihua (chapter 9, on pp. 49–50 of our translation). The in the Nahuatl for the sake of consistency. We have tran- upper right corner of the recto of this leaf is missing, but scribed the fi rst letter of proper nouns and of each new Na- the writing was done after that damage. The third addition- huatl sentence in upper case and have ignored the scribe’s al leaf (manuscript folio 33) continues the war narrative of use of upper case for non-proper nouns elsewhere. In some the fi rst duplicate leaf, and repeats what is found on pages cases, the spacing conventions followed by the scribe cre- 39–40 of our translation. The material in both of these re- ate ambiguities or easy misreadings that we hope to help peated texts is nearly identical to that of the primary text. the contemporary reader to avoid. The most common of The handwriting of these two duplicated sections differs these changes involves the fact that the scribe consistently from that of the scribe of the primary text. The writer of the appends the pronominal prefi xes i- and in- to the preced- duplicate material appears to have copied from the manu- ing article in instead of to the following noun. When the script pages of the text’s primary scribe, as indicated by: 6 Anónimo Mexicano

dittography, in which the corresponding duplicated mate- stamp of the Paris museum, one different from the other rial correspond to words in the original text that are located stamps. This one appears simply to identify the document at the appropriate point for such an error; haplography, in as a manuscript of the museum collection, and reads “BIB- which the omitted text is the entire ensuing line of the orig- LIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE MANUSCRITS”. inal page; and the ending of the copied text with words that Special thanks are due to Jerry Offner for his help- are page-end words in the original even though the copy ful suggestions. The primary author is responsible for any page has remaining space in which a sentence might have weaknesses in the English translation of the Nahuatl text. been ended. The copyist follows slightly different spelling The second author has responsibility for all translations conventions from those of the original scribe, notably pre- from the Spanish. Finally, we wish to dedicate this work to ferring initial i over y in words such as in or ihuan, and m the memory of maestro Charles Elliot Dibble, who was not rather than n before p, while the scribe follows the opposite only a leading ﬁ gure in Nahuatl research but also a man of preference. The copyist also omits the scribe’s h after t in the greatest kindness and humility. words such as theotl. A ﬁ nal blank page contains only the ANÓNIMO MEXICANO

Recto, Ms. Folio 1

ynic 1 Capitu[lo]2 Ini:c 1 Capitulo Chapter 1

Nícan Pehua ynîc [quenin]3 ynaChto- Nican pe:hua que:nin in achtopa Here begins how the ﬁ rst ones recently pa,4 o Altepe manacô nícan yan[cuica o:a:ltepe:manaco nican yan[cuican came to populate the city Tenochtitlan M]exíca tlalpan Tenochtitlan.5 M]exica tla:lpan Tenochtitlan. in the new land of the Mexica.

Mitoa, motenehua cayehuantín Mihtoa, mote:ne:hua cah yehua:ntin It is said, it is mentioned that they, Yn Tolteca tlachueyaque yztac in To:lte:cah tla:chue:iyacqueh. Izta:c the Toltecs, were large of body. Their ynintlaquen huehueyac ymic xîc in intlaque:n hue:hue:yac, imicxic garments were white and long,6 that tlatlainíaynin tlaca yehuantin tlahtlamia. Ini:n tla:ca yehua:ntin in is to say they reached to their feet. Ynachtopa ohual azíco7 mîtoa8 achtopa o:hua:lahcico. Mihtoa o:mpa These people were the ones who onpa hualaque tonalco9 ycalaquían: hua:lla:queh to:natiuh i:calaquian, in came here fi rst. It is said that they yno quinhual yacanque, chicome o:quinhua:lyaca:nqueh, chico:me pi:- came from the west, led here by seven pipiltin yaotetequihuaque10 môto- piltin ya:o:tetequihuahqueh moto:- nobles or captains who were named: cayotíaya, inícçe tzâcatl, tlacatzín ca:yo:tiaya ini:c ce: Tzacatl, Tlaca:tzin the fi rst one was Tzacatl [and the Ehêcatzin–11 Cohuatzon, Tziccohu- Ehe:catzin Co:huatzon, Tziccohuatl, others were] Tlacatzin, Ehecatzin, âtl, Tlapalmezotzin, Mezotzin; mítoa Tlahpa:lmezzohtzin, Mezzohtzin. Cohuatzon, Tzihuac Cohuatl,12 Tla- ohualtotocoque ynonpa yn tlalpan Mihtoa o:hua:ltoto:caqueh in o:mpa palmetzotzin, and Metzotzin. It is said manaían, 13 Ypanpa ynín tlacame- in tla:lpan manaian i:pampa ini:n they were exiled because they were cayo cenca mîequîaque yehuantin tla:camecayo: cencah miaquiaqueh expanding throughout the land there, ynînque yn achto oquihualhuîcaque yehua:ntin. Ini:nqueh in achto and their lineages were growing very tlaollí Ychcatl Yhuá mochí ynoccequí o:quihua:lhui:caqueh tlao:lli ichcatl large in number. Thus as they fi rst achotl, mahuíztíc chalchiuhte me, i:hua:n mochi inoc cequi acho:tl, came here, they carried dried maize coztic teocuytlatl, Yztac teocuitlatl, mahuiztic cha:lchiuhtemeh, co:ztic kernels, cotton, and all other seeds, ohualqu[iz-]que14 Huehuê tlalpal ynteo:cuitlatl, izta:c teo:cuitlatl. O:hua:- marvelous turquoise stones, yellow chanyocan mitoa xihuítl=ce tecpatl, lqui:zqueh Hue:huehtlapal, i:ncha:- gold, and silver. They came from cayehuatl yníc opehuaia15 ý çecahuítl nyo:ca:n ihtoa, xihuitl Ce: Tecpatl. Ca Huehuetlapatl, their place of habita- [yntla]pohu-al,16 auh nohuian zan yehhua:tl ini:c ope:huaia in ce: tion, it is said, in the year One Flint. nenque amo canpa motlalitiaque yeca:huitl [intla]po:hual. Auh no:huiya:n Thus with [that date] they started quine ôoâzíco to lantzinco, Yncanpa zan nenqueh ahmo: ca:mpa motla:- the fi rst era,17 their count [of a new oquipo uhque çe cahuitl, ca quipiaia litiaqueh. Ye:queneh18 o:ahcico To:lla:- era]. And they lived only by wander- onpohuali yhuan matlactli omome ntzinco, in ca:mpa o:quipo:uhqueh ing, settling themselves in no place.19 xíhuitl, quitocayotiaya20 toxihu- ce: ca:huitl, cah quipiyaya o:mpo:- They fi nally arrived at Tolantzinco,21 hualli i:hua:n mahtla:ctli omemeh where they counted one cycle of fi fty- xihuitl, quito:ca:yo:tiaya Toxihu.22 two years, which they called Our Year.

7 8 Anónimo Mexicano

The city of Tollan and its sphere of inﬂ uence.

Verso, Ms. Folio 1 [Oncan oqu]izque23 yn tlal pan, oncan [Onca:n o:qu]i:zqueh in tla:lpan. Onca:n [Then] they left the land. Then they opanoque o[hualquiz ni]que24 Tollan o:panoqueh o:[hua:lqui:zni]queh crossed over and came here to Tollan,25 yncanpa oquipixque ynachto-pa To:lla:n in ca:mpa o:quipixqueh. In where they ruled. Their fi rst king Yntlátocauh26 motocayotiy Chal- achtopa i:ntlahtohca:uh moto:ca:yo:- was called Chalchiuhtlanetzin. He chíuh tlanetzín opeuh|tlatocati27 tiaya28 Cha:lchiuhtlane:tzin. O:pe:- began to rule in the year Seven Reed. ypan xihuitl chicome Acatl, ynic uh tlahtohca:ti i:pan xihuitl Chico:- Their second ruler was named Ix- ome yntlátocauh motocayotí, yxtlil me A:catl. Ini:c o:me i:ntlahtohcauh tlilcuechahuac. Their third ruler was cuecuechahuac, ynic yey-yntláto- motocayoti Ixtlilcuecuechahuac. Huetzin. [The fourth was]29 Tote- cauh, Hueitzíntotepeuh, ynic macuil- Ini:c ye:i i:ntlahtohca:uh Hue:itzin. peuh; the fi fth lord, Nacazcayotl; the li,30 tlatoaní= Nacazcayotl, ynic Totepe:uh. Ini:c ma:cui:lli tlahtoa:ni, sixth, Mitl. The seventh who ruled chicuacentetl, Mitl, ynic chicome Nacazcayotl; ini:c chicuacentetl Mi:tl was a woman named Xiuhtzaltzin. ôtla tocatic ce cihuatl ytoca Xiuht- Ini:c chico:me o:tlahtohca:tic She lasted four years in the govern- zaltzin, otlanahuyxiuh =quixti,31 ce: cihua:tl i:to:ca: Xiuhtzaltzin. O:- ment, and afterwards all the lords ynic zatepan cemochintin32 ýte- tlanahuyxiuhqui:xti, ini:c za:te:pan ruled together.33 Each lord reigned teuctin quihui=cataque:34 yn ce cenmochintin in te:te:uctin quihui:- for 52 years,35 although if he lived teuctli otlâtocatia onpohualí, yhuá cataqueh. In ce: te:uhtli o:tlahtohca:- longer, he resigned. Then immedi- matlactlíió[mo]me36 xíhuitl, maçihuí tia o:mpo:hualli i:hua:n mahtlac- ately his fi rstborn37 son took over,38 hoc nemízquía, zaníc omotzacua tliomo:me xihuitl, ma:cihui oc or else the [other] rulers. The eighth ía níman ocalaquía Ynihuecapan nemizquia, zan i:c o:motzacuaia. Ni- ruler was named Tecpan caltzin,39 Piltzin no ce Yn40 tlatôque, Ynic man o:calaquia in i:huecapan piltzin, in whose time the Toltec collapsed chicuey teuctlatoaní. motocayoti noceh in tlahtoqueh. Ini:c chicue:y and scattered themselves continu- tec-pancaltzin. ypan ynin cahuitl te:uhtlahtoa:ni motocayo:ti Te:- ously. And this Tecpancaltzin left two oxixînque. omoxexeloque yntolteca cpancaltzin i:pan ini:n cahuitl sons, one called Xilotzin, the other Chapter One 9

Illustration of the stinking corpse tale. (From Kingsborough, Antiquities of Mexico, vol. 2, p. 13, ﬁ g. 214; courtesy of Utah State University Special Collections and Archives.) auh ynin tecpan caltzin, oquicauh o:xixi:nqueh o:moxe:xe:loqueh in Pochotl.41 These [two] were left there ome,42 Ypilhuan ce ytoca Xilotzin, To:lte:cah. Auh ini:n Te:cpancaltzin, in Ahuelhuacan. 43 These people built ynocce Pochotl, omoca uhque44 o:quica:uh o:me i:pilhua:n ce: i:to:- their huts, and they settled them- yninque45 oncan ahuelhuacân, ynin ca: Xi:lo:tzin, in occe: Po:cho:tl. O:- selves46 happily and peacefully for tlaca yzcaltique ca omotlalique moca:uhqueh ini:nqueh onca:n ﬁ ve hundred years, and [thereafter] pacaocoxcayotica ocacíc centzontli. A:hue:lhuahca:n. Ini:n tla:ca izcal- they just wandered in the forests and yhuan macuilpohuali xihuitl47 auh tiqueh ca o:motla:liqueh pa:cca: the mountains for one hundred and yn zan onenque cuauh tla tepetla o:coxcayo:tica o:cahcic ce:ntzontli four years.48 But they used every- ocacic macuilpohualli Yhua˘49 nahui i:hua:n ma:cui:lpo:hualli xihuitl. Auh thing up. It is said that very many xiuh tíca, auh ynic ocenpo liuhque in zan o:nenqueh cuauhtlah, tepe:- were hungry, and everything was mitoa ca ynic cenca- omayanaloc tlah o:cahcic ma:cui:lpo:hualli i:hua:n used up, and they were not able to otlapoliohuac50 ayoctle tlacuali51 na:hui xihuitica. Auh ini:c make anything to eat. Also, in one omochiuh nocencan52 machiotoc; ca o:cenpoliuhqueh. Mihtoa cah ini:c place, it is noted53 that one of their ce in54 teuctlátocauh ot zitzquiloc— cencah o:maya:naloc, o:tlapoliuhuac, lord rulers was imprisoned, ahyoctle tlacua:lli o:mochi:uh. Nocencan machiotoc ca ce: i:nte:- uctlahtohcauh o:tzi:ztquiloc=

Recto, Ms. Folio 2 ca mochintín ocetítícatca55 yn teot[in cah mochintín o:ce:títícatca in teo:- because all the gods were becom- ...... ]. Ca tlapo- t[in ...... ] Ca tlapo:- ing united56 [...... ]. huali quitztotica57 Mexo,58 axc[an . huali qui:tztotica Mexico, a:x[ca:n According to the story,59 when they y . . . q . .]60 qui-piaya ini61 theocal iuhquin], quipiyaya in i:nteo:cal in had espied Mexico,62 just as today ýn|imiztlaca, theohuá63 quinmo nex- i:miztlaca teo:hua:n. Quinmone:xtili they built their temple of their false tili yna Yectlí. quenamí cetlaca huey in ahye:ctli, que:namih ce: tla:catl64 gods.And a demon appeared to 10 Anónimo Mexicano

The scribal rubric and attestation at the end of chapter 1. (Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Manuscript, Mexicain 254, fol. 2.)

ac ca ymatzoptica65 oquinmimíctî hue:i a:c cah i: ma:tzoptica o:quin- them, some kind of giant who killed miequintin, moztla tica quitaque mimicti mi-equintin, moztlatica qui- many of them, grabbing them with ypá ce tepetl huecapan yxiptla ce taqueh. I:pan ce: tepe:tl huehcapan, his arms.66 On the following day, yztac piltzintli, cenca mahuiztîc i:xi:ptla ce: izta:c piltzintli, cencah high up on a mountain, they saw the maci-huí Palanquí catquí Yni tzon- mahuiztic (ma:cihui pala:nquicatqui body67 of a white child, very marvel- tecon, auh yca ínípotonca míequín- in i:tzontecon). auh i:ca in i:poto:nca ous (although his head was rotten), tin, omímique,68 chicahu aliztica miequintin o:mimiqueh, chica:hua:- and many died from its stench; they cantîaque yhuá quíhuíC aque69 chal- liztica. Cantiaqueh, i:hua:n quihui:- succumbed because of its strength. titlan auh ý tlaco atitlan oyxpoliuh, caqueh cuechahuac Cha:ltitlan, auh They went to get him, and they took oncan o quinmonextilîynnamo i:n tlahco a:titlan o:i:xpoliuh. Onca:n him to Chaltitlan,70 but he disap- hiectli; auh quel71 quimíhui ma o:quinmone:xtili in ahmo: ye:ctli,72 peared in the middle of the lake.73 tlalcahuacan,74 ma quízacan y pan auh quil quimilhui ma tla:lcahuican There the evil one75 revealed himself y ni ntlallí- caytech huic ytalhui lo ma: qui:zacan; i:pan ini:n tla:lli, ca to them, and he surely told them míquizque popolihuiz que, ma- i:-techhuic italhuilo miquizqueh, that they must forsake and leave quicautocatihuian ca quimítquíz, popo:lihuizqueh, ma: quica:utocati- their land. It was told them that they occeCanpa. Yncampa químacehu- huian76 cah quimitquiz occe: ca:mpa would die and perish77 in that land azquía paquí líz ocoxcaYotl. noma in ca:mpa, quimma:ce:huazquia next to it, and that they should con- tica oquichiuhque; cequi-ntin tonallí paquiliz o:coxcayo:tl nohmahtica78 tinue going so that they would carry yquizaían, hoccequintín tlazin tlan o:quichi:uhqueh. Cequi:ntin to:nalli themselves to another place, where tlalpá: Ynquenamí Yntlachíalíz i:qui:zayan. Oc cequí:ntin tlatzint- they would achieve happiness for machíotl cece me químamatiâ79 ot- lan80 tla:lpan in que:namih in intla: themselves. Some went to the east.81 lalcauhque82 cequintin, otlalmanato chiyaliz machi:yo:tl ce:cemeh qui:- Others went to the land below,83 Coatemallan, Ynoc cequintín oyaquê mamatia. O:tlalcauhqueh Cequi:ntin according to how each one under- Campech= o:tla:lmanato Co:a:te:mallan. Inoc stood the sign that they had seen.84 cequi:ntin o:yaqueh Campech. They left the land.85 Some went to live in Guatemala. Others went to Campeche.86

RUBRIC CSTA87 RUBRICA CSTA. RUBRIC ATTEST. Verso, Ms. Folio 2

[Ynic Capitulo II]88 Ini:c 2 Capitulo Chapter 2 nican motenehua89 yníc ôme [...... Nican mote:ne:hua ini:c o:me [yehua: Here it is told [how] the second ones n]90 oaltepe manaco nicá mexí-catlal ntin] o:a:ltepe:manaco nican Me: came to live here in the plains of ytzmapan.91 xihcahtla:litzmapan. Mexico.92

Zatepanian mochí yntlallí ocahualoc Za:te:panian, mochi in tla:lli o:ca:- Finally, all of the land was aban- yeo yaque intolteca ypan Yn tlatilan- hualo:c, ye o:ya:queh in To:lte:cah i: doned, and the Toltecs had already altin tlazintlan, Ypanceme Altepetl pan in tla:tilanaltin tlazi:ntlan. I:pan gone to the territory below. In quítocayo-tia93 Amaquémê.||94 ocat- ce:meh a:ltepe:tl quito:ca:yo:tia one town, which was called Am- caya95 çe theuctlí-yntlatocauh ý chi- A:maque:meh, o:catcaya ce: te:uctli, aqueme, there was a lord, the king chimeca ytocaCatca96 Tlamacatzin, i:ntlahtohca:uh i:n Chi:chi:me:cah, of the Chichimeca, whose name was auh y ni macehualhuá, mochí. cen- i:to:ca: catca Tlamacatzin. Auh in i:- Tlamacatzin. And his vassals all went petlauhtinemía, zantlaquentitinemia ma:ce:hualhuan mochi cenpetla:uh- completedly naked. They simply Yca tecuan cuetlaxtín temamauh- tinemia. Zan motlaque:ntitinemia97 went about only dressed with tanned tique, cayncemitol yn Yaoyotl quipi- i:ca te:cua:ncuetlaxtin. Temam- animal skins. They were frightening, aya tetotocamitl, mintli Yn tlahuitol, auhtiqueh, cah in ce: mihto:l in ya:- because their avocation was con- quicauyia yn tlen cacia yolcame o:yo:tl. Quipiyaya te:toto:cami:tl mi:- ducting war, and they carried their papalome- omi quí Ynín theuctli ntli, i:ntlahuitol. Quicauiaya in tlein hunting arrows, arrows, and bows.98 oquicauh o meme ypilhuan ceytoca cahcia, yolcameh, pa:pa:lo:meh. O:- And they ate whatever they found, Achcauhtzin, Xolotl- ynachto pa, miqui ini:n te:uhtli, o:quica:uh o:- [even] insects and butterﬂ ies. The oteuctic99 ypantlatocayotl, Yníc ome memeh, i:pilhua:n, ce: i:to:ca: a:- lord100 died, leaving101 his two sons, amo yolo motlallí ynîc amo o teuc- chca:utzin, Xo:lo:tl. In achtopa te:- one called Achcauhtzin, [the other] tia, Oquincentlal lí. Yaoteyecanque,102 uctic i:pan tlahtohca:yo:tl; ini:c o:me Xolotl.103 The ﬁ rst became the lord of tzontecomame quítoquínalquixtiz ahmo: yo:llo motla:lli ini:c ahmo: the rulership; the second was restless Yntle in Ynecocol,104 ochihua loc o:te:uctia. O:quincentla:lli ya:o:te:- at heart105 because he had not been y niachtonhuáYni colhuan, catca yaca:nqueh, tzontecomameh qui:to made the ruler. He gathered the cap- tonallixtlacuâpan,|| inicuac-106 quina:lqui:xtiz in tlein i:nnecocol tains and the chiefs together and told o:chi:hua:loc in i:achto:nhuan, in them that he wanted to depart107 and i:colhuan catca to:nallixtlacua:pan in [take revenge]108 for what had been ihcua:c done to his ancestors, to his great- grandfathers and his grandfathers who were toward the south while

11 12 Anónimo Mexicano

Two Chichimec warriors. (“Códice Xolotl,” Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Manuscript, Mexicain 54–58, fol. 24; photograph from Bibliothèque Nationale de France.)

Recto, Ms. Folio 3 hoctlein machixtíticatca, oq[ui . . . . oc tlein machiztiticatca109 o:q[ui they were still known [...... ]110 ynaíemo quízaía, tlachían[ ...... ] in ayamo: quizaia .], before they left to search wander- tizYxquizalo]111 Yan cuícan Vízcaya tlachiyan[tiz i:xqui:zalo] Yancuica:n ing from Nueva Viscaya,112 three caxtolpohualí, mecatlapoallí, auh Vizcaya, caxto:lpo:hualli mecatlapo:- hundred leagues away.113 And they ohualmocuepque tlanahuatico, ca hualli. Auh o:hua:lmocuepqueh returned with the news that within mochí yntlallí, âmo aca quipîaí, ycel- tlana:huatico cah mochi in tla:lli all of the land there was nothing toc- ca oquitztiaque yn tetepanzoltin ahmo: acah quipiyaya, i:ce:l toca o:- but fallen buildings and crumbled + calchihuali catcâ #114 chicna hui quitztiahqueh in tetepanzoltzin cal walls of houses. In one hundred and tlapoalpan cahuitl115 oquizquíYnic chi:hualli catca. # Chiucna:hui tlapo:- eighty days time all his vassals left cenmochtin yní macehualhuan, ca hualpan ca:huitl o:quizqui pana ini:c together. Indeed, six governors came ohuallaya chi-cuaceme tlatoque auh cenmochtin in i:ma:cehualhua:n. Ca along, and a hundred and twenty yn nahuachuíc116 ohuallaya 25117 o:hua:llaya chicuace:me tlahtoqueh thousand captains came, some of xiquipilli yn yáotlya teayacanque; auh in na:huachui:c o:hua:llaya 25 them with nine hundred men. And cace me yehuátin118 oquihualhuic- xiquipilli in teya:o:yaca:nqueh119, cah the lord [Xolotl] left his brother lord, aya onzontli Yhuá macuílpoalli120 ce:meh yehuantin o:quinhua:lhui:- who was called Achcauhtzin, resid- oquichtin; auh oquicauh yn theuctli. caya121 o:ntzontli i:hua:n ma:cui:lpo:- ing in that place. His122 vassals [num- ycniuh ytoca Achcauhtzín,123 cano hualli oquichtin. Auh o:uica:uh in bered] ﬁ ve hundred thousand, not ynahuac quicentlallí, ynimacehual- te:uctli i:cni:uh i:to:ca: A:chca:uhtzin counting women or children settled huá, yepohua lli yhuá ome xiquipilli ca:no i:na:huac quicentla:li. In i:ma:- near him. Thus it was told quite yhuá tlâco, amo omo pouh cicihuà cehualhua:n ye:po:hua:lli i:hua:n o:- clearly in their papers of knowl- pipiltzin yVh124 neztoc ynimamauh me xiquipilli i:hua:n tlaco, ahmo: edge.125 One year later they arrived at machío,126 ce xiuhtica127 oacíco ce y o:mopo:uh cicihua:, pi:piltzin. Iuh a place they called Chocoayan. From eiantli qui tocayo ti que chocoay- neztoc in ina:mauh machio:.128 Ce: there they went to Coatlicamac,129 Chapter Two 13 an,130 oncan opanoque, Coatl yca- xiuhtica o:ahcico ce: yeya:ntli quito:- and from there to Tepenenetl (as it is mac, oncan opanoque, tepenenetl.131 ca:yo:tiqueh Cho:cohua:ya:n. Onca:n believed to be named today). From caaxcan nômatiyuh mo tocayo-tia o:panoqueh Co:a:tli:camac, onca:n o:- there they went to Tollan, where they yvhquí;132 oncan opano-que tollan panoqueh Tepe:nenetl (cah a:xca:n found only ruins and signs of walls, caoncan ocazique calzontin, tetepá- nomati iuh moto:ca:yo:tia iuhqui). and [only] stewards and a few men. tin, ymachio ca ocalpixque occeme Onca:n o:panoqueh To:lla:n cah onca:n They went on to Mizquiyahualan tlaca, auh opanoque, mizquí Yahua- o:caziqueh calzontin, tetepantin i:- without lan, amo cana omo- machiyo: ca o:calpixqueh occe:meh tla:ca. Auh o:panoqueh Mizquiyahua:- llan ahmo: canah o:mo-

Verso, Ms. Folio 3 [. . . quetzque au]h133 omotlalico [. . . quetzqueh au]h o:motla:lico i:- stopping anywhere and settled them- ypan ce tepetl ca [quicual]ytac,134 pan ce: tepe:tl c[a quiqual]ittac, o:- selves on a mountain that pleased oquitocayoti yni noma Toca Xolotl, quito:ca:yo:ti in o:matoca Xo:lo:tl them. They named it with the name auh nomatica axcan catquí yni Toca, (auh nohmahtica a:xca:n catqui in i:- of Xolotl (and apparently it still has auh nican oquititlan y niPiltzin to:ca:). Auh nican o:quiti:tlan in that name today).135 And from here Nohpal-tzin, otlaltamachihuazquia, i:piltzin Nohpaltzin, o:tla:ltamachi:- he sent his son No paltzin so that ca nomatica oyazquia quitemotiuh huazquia, ca:n o:matica o:ya:zquia he would survey the land there and tlalyeiantlí, yna huachuic136 oacico quite:motiuh tla:lyeya:ntli in na:- so that he could go knowledgeably ypan tetepe cempohuallá, yhuá huachui:c. O:ahcico i:pan tete:pe seeking other places round about. tépeapolco,137 niman omo cuep Cenpohua:llan i:hua:n Tepe:a:polco. Then he arrived at the land near Yncá-pa Yancuican omocehuí ypá Niman o:mocuep in ca:mpa yancui- the mountains of Zempoala138 and tepetl, Xolotl auh yni Piltzin opanoc ca:n o:moce:hui i:pan tepe:tl Xo:lo:- Tepeapulco. Then he returned to cuautlalpan 139 catquí ynahuachuic tl. Auh in i:piltzin o:panoc cuauhtla:- where he had recently established tetzcoco otlachix140 cemix tlahu- lpan catqui in na:huachui:c Tetzcoh- himself141 on Mount Xoloc. And his acan neztoia, ca otoctíCatca tlaol li, co. Otlachiz cemixtla:huacan neztoia son went beyond the forests that opanoc cuauhtlahuíc Popocatepec. ca o:to:cticatca tlao:lli. O:panoc are near Tetzcoco.142 He observed all yncanpa quitac otlapo potzaia, cuauhtlahhuic Popo:catepe:c. In the ﬂ at ﬁ elds where maize had been onpa ynahuachuic coyo huacan, ca:mpa quitac o:tlapopo:tzaia, o:mpa planted. He therefore went toward Yhuá143 chapoltepetl. vnehuac,144 i:na:huachui:c Coyo:huacan, i:hua:n the wilderness of Mount Popocate- oquí nahuatito Yni Tatzin, ynoçhí- Chapoltepe:tl. Onehuac o:quina:- petl.145 From there he saw smoke ris- copanoc Ynin oquizque cequintin huatito in i:tahtzin, in o:cic o:panoc ing146 near Coyohuacan and Chapul- Yaotecanque# oazito ypan tepetl ini:n o:qui:zqueh cequi:ntin ya:o:te:- tepec.147 Immediate ly he reported it tenanyocan, ca quicualytaque yn148 caqueh.149 O:azito i:pan tepe:tl Tena:- to his father, who had gone the other yeiantli, omoquepque, quinahuatito nyocan, cah quicualitaqueh in yeya:- direction.150 Some of these captains y ni151 tlatocauh, auh omocentlali ntli. O:moquepqueh quina:huatihto left and they went to the mountain que quicemito Yn Nôpaltzin oqui- in i:ntlahtohca:uh, auh o:mocentla:- of Tenayuca,152 which they saw that it cahuaz quiaya Yntepetl Xolotl, ynic liqueh. Quicemihto in Nohpaltzin was a good dwelling place. They re- Yazque o:quica:huazquiaya in tepe:tl Xo:lo:tl, turned to tell their commander, and ini:c ya:zqueh they gathered themselves to gether. It was the judgment of Nopaltzin that they should leave Mount Xoloc, that they should go to

Recto, Ms. Folio 4 Tenanyôcan,153 auh omocentl[a ena:nyocan. Auh o:mocent [echico- Tenayuca. And they gathered ...... ]154 tlaca queh ...... ] tla:ca o:hua:llaya. together . . . . [the people] who had 14 Anónimo Mexicano

Xolotl on Mount Xoloc with his son Nopaltzin pictured to his right. (“Códice Xolotl,” Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Manuscript, Mexicain 10BIS, fol. 1.)

ohualaya otlanahuatí, cece[n . . . O:tlana:huati ce:ce[n . . . quipana] come. They were told at that time . quipana]notazquia155 quitlalitaz notazquia quitla:litiaz156 ce: tetl o:- that on going by,157 they should each ce tetl, tlatlamanpan Yeínco auh mochi:uh mahtlactliomo:me te:te- . . . . place a stone in different places, omochiuh matlac tli omome tetepe- peto:to:n tetl cah a:xca:n ohmahtica forming thereby158 twelve moun- toton tetl caaxcan nômatica mohtâ, mohta. Auh ini:n yeya:ntli159 moto- tains of small rocks160 that you see âuh y nin Yeyan tlí motocayotí, cayo:ti Nepohualco. Auh mihtoa cah there now. And this place is called nepoalco, auh161 mihtóa caoqui- o:quipo:uhqueh ce:ntzontli xiquipilli Nepoalco. And it is said that they pouhque centzontli xiquipillí, tlacatl. tla:catl. Auh zan i:c o:moyeya:nti in counted 3,200,000 men.162 And after auh za nic omoyeyantí Ynteuctli te:uhtli Xo:lo:tl o:mpa in Tenna:- lord Xolotl had established himself Xolotl onpa Yn tennanyocan.163 nyocan i:c cenmochi164 in teya:o:qui:- as lord there at Tenayuca with all Yccen mochi yniteyaoquizcahuan165 zcahuan, o:quixe:xelo in i:tlatila:nal the captains, he distributed pieces of oquixéxelo ynítlati lanal. çecenteûctlí ce:cen te:uhtli, cah chiquace:meh o:- land to one each of the lords, those ca chiquaçeme ôhualaía ynahuac—166 hua:llaya i:na:huac. six who had come with him.167

Maciuhý pacticatca Xolotl, ycaínyan- Ma:cihui pa:cticatca168 Xo:lo:tl i:ca in Although he was pleased with the cuícantlal cuiliztlí,169 amo híc Yollo yancuica:n tla:lcuiliztli, ahmo: i:c yo:- new lands, Xolotl was not content, motlalíaya, cui xcana- quipiaia170 llo motla:liaya, cuix canah quipiyaia, because perhaps there might be oth- hoccequintin tlaleque tlalma- oc cequi:ntin tla:lequeh tla:lma:ce:- ers, landowners or farmers, who kept ceuhque, hueliz oquítzacuilizquía; uhqueh hueliz o:quitza cuilizquia. guard, who might watch carefully, Chapter Two 15 auh ní-man oquititlan. Yn, Acato- Auh niman o:quititlan in A:catonatl, who might take back171 [the land]. matl ceme yn chicuacentin PiPiltin ce:meh in chicuacentin pi:piltin in So172 he sent Acatomatl, one of the y173 nahuachuic ohualaque, yca na:huachui:c o:hua:llaqueh, i:ca tla:- six nobles who had come to the tlaCa174 itzcuahuitl, mintlí, auh ca, itzcuahuitl, mi:ntli. Auh onca:n vicinity with him, with spears175 and oncan ô nahuatiloque yncanpa o:na:huatiloqueh in ca:mpa o:quittac piercing arrows. And then they were oquihtac tlapopo-tza Yn Nopaltzin, tlapopo:tza in Nohpaltzin. Onca:n discharged to the place there where oncan ocacíc, ce toltecatl ytoca o:cahcic ce: To:lte:catl i:to:ca:Ezitzin Nopaltzin had seen signs of smoke. Ezitzin, ynahuac catca y nicihuauh i:na:huac catca in i:cihua:uh A:xo:- There they found a Toltec named A-xochiatl, yhuan ce y Piltzin, oncan chia:tl i:hua:n ce: i:piltzin. Onca:n Ezetzin, who had his wife Axochiatl quilhuí. que quilhuiqueh and one of his children with him. There they said

Verso, Ms. Folio 4 [ca yazque, auh]176 omotlatí, yehu- [cah ya:zqueh. Auh] o:motla:ti that [their people] had gone.177 But atl, yhuan hoc cequintin caocatca yehhua:tl i:hua:n oc cequi:ntin he and some others who were near Chalco Atencohuíc, amo-quineque cah o:catca Cha:lco A:te:ncohuic Lake Chalco had hidden themselves. Yazque incepá Ynicnihuá, ca yeo- ahmo: quinequi ya:zqueh in cepa:n178 They did not want to go with their tlalcauhcá, opanoc Colhuacan auh in icni:huan ca ye o:tla:lca:uhca:n. friends when they left179 the land. oncan ocacic oc omome, Ynnahuac O:panoc Co:lhuacan, auh onca:n o:- [Acatomatl] went on to Culhuacan, yPilhuá Yhuá ycihuahuá, xiuhtematl, cahcic oc omo:me in na:huac i:- and there they found two others yhuá Y cihuauh, ozelo-xochitl, pilhua:nhua:n i:hua:n i:cihua:huan: nearby with their180 children and Cozauh tlí, Yhíoxochitl y huá Xiuhtematl i:hua:n i:cihua:uh O:ce:- their wives: Xiuhtematl and his wife yninpilhuá- Coyotl, Acxocuahuítl, lo:xo:chitl Co:zauhtli Ihyo:xo:chitl i:- Oceloxochitl, and Cozauh tli and [his auh aten cohuic Chalco- oquimacíc hua:n in i:npilhua:n Coyo:tl, Acxocu- wife] Yhioxochitl and their children occequintin amomiequintin, Ô- ahuitl. Auh a:te:ncohuic Cha:lco, Coyotl and Acxocuahuitl. And near quipanahui ynpopocatepetl, auh o:quimahcic oc cequi:ntin (ahmo: the Chalco shore he found some oncan te-pe Xoxoma, oquinma cíc miequintin). O:quipanahui in others (not many). He crossed Po- occequintin yncayn pilhuan 181 Popo:catepe:tl, auh onca:n Tepe:- pocatepetl, and there in Tepexoxoma yhuá Ycihuahuan, ynin oquilhuí-ca xoxo:ma o:quinmacic oc cequi:ntin he found others with their children chololam, ocatcaya ome theopixque in cah i:npilhua:n i:hua:n i:cihua:- and wives. These said that in Cholollan Chal-chiuhteme. auh Zanoncan182 huan. Ini:n o:quilhui:ca Cholo:la:n there were two Chalchiuhteme183 omocuep. oqui-monahuatilito yn o:catcaya o:me teo:pixqueh Cha:- priests. And after he arrived there, he theuctli Xolotl, auh za-tepanían Ye lchiuhtemeh. Auh zan onca:n o:- went to report to his lord Xolotl.184 omo Pilytac ayac macequí- topehua, mocuep, o:quimona:huatilito in And when ﬁ nally the noble saw oquinxexelhuí185 ý tlalli, auh ynoca- te:uctli Xo:lo:tl, auh za:te:panian ye that no one was encroaching,186 he chi187 Pipiltin oquinyeíantli, mahuiza o:mopilittac ayac ma cequi: tope:- distributed the land to his followers. uhcan oquixelol yn macehualtin. hua, o:quinxexelhui i:n tla:lli. Auh And while giving the best188 places Inonpa tlatzintlan- Zacatlan,189 in ocachi pi:piltin o:quinyeya:nti,190 to the lords, he undertook to split cuauhchinanco- Totopec, Atotonilco, mahuizauhca.191 O:quinxelo192 in up the commoners there below ca motocayotia chichime ma:ce:hualtin in o:mpa tlatzintlan Zacatlan, Cuauhchinanco, Totopec, Zacatlan, Cuauhchina:nco, To:to:- and Atotonilco (the region that was tepe:c,193 A:toto:nilco (cah moto:ca:- called Chichime- yo:tia Chi:chi:me:-

Recto, Ms. Folio 5 ca tla:lpan) #194 auh ynoc cequí[tin . . catlalpan, auh in oc cequi:ntin [tin . catlalpan),195 and others [ . . . . ] were ...... ]196 atencohuíc omo ...... ] a:te:ncohuic o:moxi- spread out thereabouts along the xixini taque, yt[o c a y o c a n i hxi:nitaqueh, i:[to:ca:yo:can . ya]uh edge of the lake,197 a place named . . . 16 Anónimo Mexicano

a]uh198 tenanyocan motzat zauh yn Tena:nyocan. Motzatzauhti199 c in i:- Tenayuca. Then he remained ruler ialtepeuh, caza quicuitlahuiltitoc a:ltepe:uh, cah zan cuicuitlahui:ltitoc in his city, Tenayuca, so that he alone yntlatlamaliztlí, auh Ynic ye caxtolí in tlatlamaliztli. Auh ini:c ye caxto:- took care of the land. And thus in ome xihuitl oqui man Yn Altepetl lli o:me xihuitl o:quiman in a:lte- the seventeenth year he moved to the tetzcoco, ca oquíxtamachiuh ca Yní- pe:tl Tetzcohco, cah o:qui:xtamachi:- city of Tetzcoco, which had been sur- Piltzin Nopaltzin—. uh cah in i:piltzin Nohpaltzin. veyed by his son Nopaltzin.200

Ynic201 yeopanoc chicuey xiuhti ca o Ini:c ye o:panoc chicue:xiuhtica Eight years later, after lord Xolotl acico y nXo-lotl, teuctlí; ohuala que o:ahcico in Xo:lo:tl te:uctli, o:hua:- arrived, six nobles of different chicuaceme Pipiltin tlatlamanpan. llaqueh chicuace:meh pi:piltin tla:- languages came bringing [just] a few ynintlatol. amo miec tlaca|quí-202 tlamanpan in i:ntlahtol ahmo: miec people with them, so that they could hualhuicaya Ynícyequin nahuátíta tla:ca quihua:lhui:caya, ini:c ye ﬁ rst observe whether they might es- canicanmocencahua, auh ynin- quina:huatita cah nican mocenca:- tablish themselves here.203 And their totoca çe tecuantzin, tzontehua, hua. Auh in i:ntotoca ce: Te:cua:- names were ﬁ rst Tecuantzin, then Helzacatitechcochí; hua huantzín, ntzin, Tzontehua, Helzacati:techco- Tzonte hua, Helzacatitechcochi, Hua- tepotzotecua; Ytzcuincuaní; mazi- chi, Huahua:ntzin, Tepotzotecua, Itz- huantzin, Tepotzotecua, and Itzcuin- hui mitoa yntechquiza ynoTomîme cuincua:ni. Ma:cihui mihtoa i:ntech cuani.204 While it is said the Otomi, Tlaxcalteca, mizteca, Popolocame, ca qui:za in Otomimeh, Tlaxcalte:cah, the Tlaxcalteca, the Mizteca, and the hueliz melahuac yeZ, mazoyhuí amo Mizte:cah, Popo:locameh cah hueliz Popoloca derived from them, it pos- Yntlanhuic mopohua Yntlaxcalteca mela:huac yez, ma:zoihui ahmo: i:- sibly could be true, except that the cazatepan ohua laque;——— ntla:nhuic mopo:hua in Tlaxcalte:- Tlaxcalteca (who came later) should cah (cah za:te:pan o:hua:laqueh). not be counted among them.205

Ypan onpoali206 yhuá chi come I:pan o:mpo:hualli i:hua:n chico:me In the forty and seventh year after xihuitl oazico yn Pilli. Xolotl, ohual- xihuitl o:ahcico in pilli Xo:lo:tl, the noble Xolotl arrived, another laque hoc yeintin tlatoque qui hual o:hua:lla:queh, oc ye:intin tlahto- three rulers207 came, bringing many ytquique mie quintin Yao quizque queh quihua:litquiqueh miequintin well-adorned warriors. He who led chalchiuhtihuize, Ynquin Yacanaya ya:o:quizqueh cha:lchiuhtihui:tzeh. them was called Acolhua, so that Ytoca catca. Acolhua; yníc oquicuic In quinyaca:naya i:to:ca: catca A:co:- they took the name of his lineage.208 ynitoca ynitla ca mecayo Ynipil toca lhua. Ini:c o:quicuic in i:to:ca: in It was the noble title of Citzin, who Citzin cahuey i:tla:camecayo: in i:pilto:ca: Cihtzin, was great. cah hue:i.

Verso, Ms. Folio 5 [...... Au]h209 pacayotica oquicel- [Auh ...... ]h pa:cca:yo:tica And . . . . happily lord Xolotl and his lique Yn teu[ctli X]olotl,210 Yhuan y o:quiceliqueh in te:u[ctli X]o:lo:tl, i:- son Nopaltzin received them, and ni Piltzin Nopaltzin.#-211 auh oquin hua:n in i:piltzin Nohpaltzin. # Auh he gave them in marriage the two na mictí yn nahuachuíc omé tín o:quinna:micti in na:huachuic o:me- girls whom he guarded.212 He gave yníchpochuan quipiaía. Yn Acol- tin ichpo:chuan quipiyaya. In A:co:- Cuetlaxochitl to Acolhua as wife, and hua oquícihuatí ynahuac ý cuetlax lhua o:quicihua:ti i:nahuac i:n he gave him the nobility of Azca- Xochitl- yhuá quimacac yn pilotl Cuetlax Xo:chitl i:hua:n quimacac putzalco. And to Chiconquauhtli213 Azcapotzal co, auh yn chícon cu- in pillo:tl A:zcapo:tzalco. Auh in Chi- he gave Cihuaxochitl as wife, and he avhtli, oquí cihuati quimacac yn Çi- co:ncua:uhtli o:quicihua:ti in gave him the nobility of Xalto can. huaxochitl, yhuá y npilo tl Xaltocan; Cihua:xo:chitl, i:hua:n quimacac in And so to his third son-in-law,214 auh ynic yeî Ymon ytoca Tzonteco- pillo:tl Xaltocan. Auh ini:c ye:i i:mo:n Tzontecomatl, he gave the nobil- matl, quimacac ynpilotl tlatocayotl i:to:ca: Tzontecomatl, quimacac in ity and rulership of Coatlichan and CoatlYchan; tetzcôco; auh zanic o pillo:tl tlahtohca:yo:tl Co:a:tli:ca:n, Tetzcoco.215 And then after he gave quin namictí ynyeime ichpoch huan Tetzcohco. Auh zan i:c o:quinna:- the two216 girls in marriage, he tried Anahuac, the well-watered lands of the Valley of Mexico. 18 Anónimo Mexicano

:217 niman nentlama quinamícti Y micti in ye:imeh ichpo:chhuan, to marry his son Nopaltzin to a ni Piltzin Nopalt zin yca ce Tolte- :niman nentlamah quina:micti in Toltec girl,218 daugh ter of the noble catl, Ych poch yn pilteuctlí Pochotl. i:piltzin Nohpaltzin i:ca ce: To:lte:- lord Pochotl and granddaughter of Yxhuíhu, yn tlatoaní- Topiltzin;219 catl ichpo:ch, in pilte:uctli po:cho:tl, the ruler Topiltzin, who had reared ca oquízcaltíca Tlaximaloyan Yní- ixhui:hu in tlahtoa:ni Topiltzin; cah her secretly in Tlaximaloyan. Her Nantzín Huítzílzilin. ychtaca, auh o:quizcaltica Tlaxi:maloya:n. In i:- mother was secretly Huitziltzilin, ynitoca ynin cî hua pilli ychpochtlí na:ntzin Hui:tziltzilin ichtaca, auh in and the name of this noble girl was Azca Xochitl#220 Zatepanian Yehu- i:to:ca: ini:n cihua:pilli ichpo:chtli Azcaxochitl.221 Finally, this rulership eyata yníntlalteucyotl yca caxtoltin A:zcaxo:chitl. # Za:te:panian, ye hue:- had grown, with ﬁ fteen nobles (six Pipiltin, chicuacen meohua-laque iata in intla:lte:ucyo:tl i:ca caxto:ltin who came with lord Xolotl, and six ynahuac ý teuctli Xolotl, chiac- pi:piltin (chicuace:nmeh za:te:pan- who came afterwards, acenme Zatepanian o hua laque ian o:hua:llaqueh

Recto, Ms. Folio 6 Yhuá yníc yeíntin oazíco; a[uh . . . . . i:hua:n ini:c ye:intin o:ahcico). A[uh and three [more] who arrived [after ...... o]222 hualaque ynitoca catca ...... o:]hua:llaqueh in i:to:- that]). And [one of the three who] Acato[nalli aquin oqui]macac223 Yn ca: A:cato[nalli ahquin o:qui]macac arrived who was named Acatonalli, altepetl224 yhuá mochi yn itlatilanal in a:ltepe:tl i:hua:n mochi in i:tla:- to whom he gave the city and all the Yn Coatepec, auh yn cuatlapal. oquí- tilanal in Co:a:tepe:c, auh in Cuatla- territory of Coatepec. And to Cuat- macac, Yn Altepetl Mamalhuasco, pal o:quimacac, in a:ltepe:tl Mamal- lapal he gave the city Mamalhuazco auh yn Cozcacuauh tlí ytehuícal, huasco (auh in Co:zcacuauhtli (and its companion Cozcacuauh tli), auh yn yztac mitl. ynoquí-yzcaltí yn i:te:hui:cal), auh in Iztacmi:tl in and to Iztac mitl (who had reared Nopaltzin, oquimac yntepeíecac ca o:quizcalti in Nohpaltzin o:quimac Nopaltzin) he gave Tepeyecac, which axcan motocayotío225 Huada lupetzin: in Tepe:yecac, cah a:xca:n moto:ca:- is called Huadalupetzin today,226 and auh yn Tecpan, yhuan yztac cuauhtli, yo:tia Huadalupetzin auh in Te:cpan, to Tecpan and Iztac-Cuauhtli he gave Ynpilotl Mazahuacan——— i:hua:n Izta:c Cuauhtli, in pillo:tl the nobility of Mazahuacan.227 Maza:huacan.

Niman228 zanicoacic ynteuctli Xolotl. Niman zan i:c o:ahcic in te:uctli Xo:- After lord Xolotl arrived at this ococoxtatíc omíc #229 ymixspan230 lo:tl, o:cocoxca:tic, o:mic. # i:mi:xpan point, he got sick and died in this mochintin ynin Pilhuá hicní-huan. mochintin ini:n pilhua:n, icni:huan, way at this place, with all his chil- yhuá ytlacahuan ye matlacpohualli i:hua:n i:tla:cahuan ye matla:cpo:- dren, friends, and his subjects, when xiuhtica ynemilizpan;231 auh oqui pix hualli xiuhtica i:nemilizpan. Auh he was 200 years old.232 And he had Ynte uctlatoca yeyautlí macuil- o:quipix in te:uctlahtohca: ye yautli held the lord rulership 112 years. pohuali. yhuá mâ-tlactlio momey ma:cui:lpo:hualli i:hua:n mahtla:ctli And it had been 122 years since xihuitl; |233 yhuan chicuacenpoalli- omo:me xihuitl | i:hua:n chicuace:n the Toltecs had been destroyed. He yhuá ome xihuitl opoliuhque Yn po:hualli i:hua:n o:me xihuitl left behind his son Nopaltzin, who toltecâ- omocauh234 ynípiltzin#235 o:poliuhqueh in To:lte:cah o:moca:uh. inherited236 from him and carried Nopalt zin, quimaceuh yhuicopa In i:piltzin Nohpaltzin quima:ce:uh the rulership, and this one’s grand- quihui cac ý tlatocayotl'yhuá237 Yní238 i:hui:ccopa quihui:cac in tlahto- son Tlotzin,239 the son of the Toltec yxhuitzin Toltzin ipiltzin Yncihua- hca:yo:tl i:hua:n inin i:ixhui:tzin noblewoman, became240 the ruler of pilli toltecatl omocauh tlatoaní, Tlohtzin i:piltzin in cihua:pilli To:- Tetzcoco. And he left his second son, tetzcôco. auh ynic ome iPiltzín lte:catl o:moca:uh tlahtoa:ni Tetzco- who was called Quauhtequihuale,241 ytoca Cuauhtiquihuale, oquipilcauh hco. Auh ini:c o:me i:piltzin i:to:ca: as ruler of Zacatlan. Zacatlan Cua:uhtiquihua:le o:quipilcauh Zacatlan. Chapter Two 19

Verso, Ms. Folio 6 [ynic y]etetl242 YPiltzin Pôpozoc [Ini:c y]e:itetl i:piltzin Popo:zo:c, He left his third son Popozoc as oquí-Pilcau[h y]tech243 yn tenami- o:quipilca[uh i:tech] in Tena:mitic. ruler over Tenamihtic. And then his htíc.244 auh omacoque Y ní245 Auh o:mahcoqueh in i:mahce:hua:- vassals, the Tolantzinco246 and oth- maçehual huan tolantzincá, yhuan lhua:n To:lla:ntzinca:n i:hua:n oc- ers, rebelled. When he learned this, occequin tin, Ynomatica, oya qui cequi:ntin. In o:matica o:ya:queh they247 went quickly to punish them, quintla za cuiltito Yhuan pacayotica quintla:za cuiltito. i:hua:n pa:cca:yo:- and he left them pacifi ed. And in the oquincauh, auh ypan cen pohuali tica o:quincauh, auh i:pan cempo:- twenty and seventh year [of] his gov- y huá chi co me xi huitl ytlato- hualli i:hua:n chico:me xihuitl ernment he died, and it was his son caliz- omiquí,248 auh oteutic yni i:tlahtohca:liz o:miqui, auh o:te:utic Tlotzin who was fi rst called Pochotl, Piltzin Toltzin (achtopa)mitohuaya in i:piltzin Tlohtzin249 (achtopa) mi- who reigned and governed at Tetzco- Pochotl, ca teuctia Yni- Pan tez- htoaya Po:cho:tl cah te:uctia in i:pan co. And he was succeeded by his son coco250 Yhuá oquímaçeuh yni Piltzin Tetzcohco. I:hua:n o:quimahce:uh in Quinatzin, whose second name was Cuinat zín, cayometoca tlaltecat zín, i:piltzin Quinatzin, cay o:me to:ca: Tlaltecatzin.251 (Nothing at all is said amo mitoa ma ytla Ytlachihual. tla:lte:catzin. (Ahmo: mihtoa ma of what this lord ruler252 did, except Ynín teuctlatoaní, ca zan paquiliz itlah i:tlachi:hual ini:n te:uctlahtoa:- that [he spent his days] pursuing nen Ylhuitlâ Pacoaían ahahuizoian ni—ca zan pa:quiliz ne:n ilhuitla happiness with wasteful,253 joyous ca iníc cenpoali, Yhuan caxtolí254 pa:cohuaya:n aha:huyaloya:n.255 Ca festivi ties and pleasures.256) After he yhuá ce xihuitl otlatocatic omomi- ini:c ce:mpo:hualli i:hua:n caxto:lli i:- had ruled for thirty-six years, he died quillí, yhuá oquimaceuh yní Piltzin hua:n ce: xihuitl o:tlahtohca:tic and he was succeeded by his son Cuinatzin=257 ynic ometoca tlalte- o:momiquilli i:hua:n o:quima:ce:uh Quinatzin, whose second name was catzin tlatoani tetzcôco, auh onpa in i:piltzin Quinatzin ini:c o:me toca: Tlalte catzin, ruler of Tetzcoco, and quipanolti Ynitlâ tocayo, ca íehuatl Tla:lte:catzin, tlahtoa:ni Tetzcohco, he transferred his rulership there. ynachtopa ohuícoc ypan ma huízauh- auh o:mpa quipanolti in i:tlahtohca:- He was the one who was fi rst to be quí tlapech maytl ymacolpan yo:. Cah yehuatl in achtopa o:huicoc carried on a litter on the shoulders nahuintin Pípiltin, amo omotlatoca i:pan mahuizauhqui tlapechmaitli:- of four nobles, who were not called pohuaya, Yhuà ytlanhuic ohuicoya macolpan nahuintin pi:piltin, ahmo: rulers. And he was carried under a ce ecahuil maytl, auh yntla come.258 o:motlahtohca:po:huaya. I:hua:n shade, which they each carried in oquinhuicaya yntlatoque omopa- i:tlanhuic o:hui:co:ya259 ce: ehcahuil- turn.260 pa261 tlataya mochintin #262 oqui cauh maitl. Auh i:ntla:comeh o:quinhui:- ynonpa Yn caya i:ntlahtoqueh o:mopa:patlataya mochintin. # O:quica:uh in o:mpa Yn

Recto, Ms. Folio 7 Tenanyôcan motlacuitlahuíaya, Tenanyocan motlacuitlahuiaya, [ca:- Then in Tenayuca his mother’s older [campa it]oca263 Tenan Cacaltzín mpa i:t]oca Tena:ncacaltzin yo:- brother, who was called Tenan- yoquichtíuh. yn i[Nantzin].264 Ypan quichtiuh in i:[na:ntzin]. I:pan ini:n caltzin,265 took control. At that time ynín ca huitl o hual Azico yn Mexica ca:huitl o:hua:lahcico in Me:xihcah the Mexica arrived here in the new nican Yancueca tlalpan, auh oqui- nican yancueca tla:lpan, auh o:- land,266 and this ruler intercepted267 míxnamíc ynin tlatoaní oncan otlí268 quimixnamic ini:n tlahtoa:ni onca:n them there on the road. He drove ypan onpa quimax itito- chapoltepec. ohtli i:pan. O:mpa quimaxitito them away to Chapultepec.269 Then #270 canpa271 axcan celilo yn tla- Chapoltepe:c. # Ca:mpa a:xca:n he died, sixty years from when he toque omomiquilí yepoal xiuhtica, celilo in tlahtoqueh, o:momiquili ye: received the rulers.272 He was the ye tlatocatia; ca Yein yn achtopa, po:hual xiuhtica. Ye tlahtohca:-tiaya ruler who was the ﬁ rst whom they oquítemítíque yca ahuia ca Pa- cah ye:in in achtopa o:quite:- embalmed273 with unguents. They haatl, oqui tlalílique miec ytlahuitol, mitiqueh i:ca ahhuiacapahaatl. O:- buried him with very many of his ce cuauhtlí tlacuicuítl, ce ozelotl quitla:liliqueh miec i:tlahui:to:l, ce: things: his bow, an eagle carved of 20 Anónimo Mexicano

ycxitlan; yceuítlapan huic tetocamítl, cuauhtli tlacuihcuitl, ce: o:ce:lo:tl wood, a jaguar at his feet, on his mintlí ymatzalan; cayehuatl onoquít- i:cxitlan; i:cuitlapanhuic te:tocami:tl, back a bow, and arrows in his hand. lallí mîque tecallí yn canpa hocce- mi:ntli i:ma:tza:lan. Ca yehhua:tl For his burial a sepulcher of stone quineque omotoca tíaque;274 ono:quitla:lli miqueh tecalli in ca:- was established, a place others would mpa oc cequi:n quinecqueh275 o:- use to be buried. motocatiaqueh.

Auh niman ocalac ce ypiltzín tecoat- Auh niman o:calac ce: i:piltzin, And later one of his sons, Tecoat- lalatzîn auh ynic oquíteneuhque Teco:huatla:latzin, auh ini:c o:quite:- lalatzin,276 entered [to rule], and thus onpa tetzcôco; auh zan hic oquitac neuhqueh o:mpa Tetzcohco. Auh they proclaimed him king there at pacacatqui, Ynitlatocayo, oquinx- zan i:c o:quittac pa:cca:catqui, in Tetzcoco. And after he saw his ruler- exelo Yni Macehualhua277 nauhcan i:tlahtohca:yo:, o:quinxe:xelo in i:- ship paci ﬁ ed, he divided his vas- tlamápá- âcolhuaque, Metztecazca.278 ma:cehualhua:n na:uhca:n tlamanpa sals into four groups: the Acolhua, chimeca, Tecpanneca279 colhuaque, A:co:lhuaqueh, Me:tztecazca Chi:- Metztecazca Chichimec, Tepaneca, Ynoquintecpan cenpoal li yhuá chi:me:cah, Tepane:ca, Co:lhuaqueh. and Culhua. He established twenty- chicuacentlatoca Altepeme, ynic In o:quinte:cpan ce:mpo:hualli six governing cities, so that they quipalehuízquía Ytech yntlá toca i:hua:n chicuace:n tlahtohca: a:- would help him (being next to him tequítl, no çenpoalli yhuá caxtol- ltepe:meh, ini:c quipale:huizquia in authority), as well as thirty-nine lion nahuí tlamame Altepeme onpa (i:tech in tlahtohca:tequitl), no: ce:- provinces and cities into which he quinpanoltí- Pipiltin, Ca280 cenmo- mpo:hualli i:hua:n caxto:lli onna:- transferred nobles,281 who in all were chi mochihua yepohuali yhuá hui tlamameh a:ltepe:meh o:mpa sixty- quinpano:lti pi:piltin cah cenmochi mochi:hua ye:ipo:hualli i:hua:n

Verso, Ms. Folio 7 [macuiltin tl]atoque282 yhuá Pipi- [ma:cui:ltin tl]atohqueh i:hua:n pi:- ﬁ ve governors and nobles who ltin, oquícuitiaya283 quen[nami piltin o:quicuitiaya que:n[namih tla:l] recognized him as sovereign once tlal]tlatouní,284 ce tlamachiliztlí285 tlahtoa:ni. Ceh tlamachi:liztli ilnami- and for all, and he made them their Ylna mícoca quípíx, oquinxexeloaia- coca quipix. O:quinxe:xeloaiaya tla:- domains. This one ruled wisely.286 He ya, tlaca altepepá- Ca Yntla ypan- ca a:ltepe:pan cah intla: i:pan ce: scattered287 the people in each city, cealtepe maytl, tepanecatl ocat caya a:ltepe:ma:itl Tepane:catl o:catcaya so that if there were 3,600 men in a chicnavhtzontlí288 tlacatl; oquiquixtia chiucna:uhtzontli tla:catl; o:quiqui:- Tepaneca town, he took 2,000 and macuiltzontli- yhuá oquin pan- xtia ma:cui:ltzontli i:hua:n o:quinpa- removed them289 into a Chichimec oltiaya ypan Altepepan chichimêcâ, noltiaya i:pan a:ltepe:pan Chi:chi:- town . And from there he would take auh onpa oquinhualhuicaya ocno me:cah. Auh o:mpa o:quinhua:lhui:- together the same number to near Yx-quích, ynnahuac yntepaneca, caya ocno: i:xquich in na:huac in Te- the Tepaneca place, from which he yn canpa oquin quixtícâ. Ynocce- pane:ca in ca:mpa o:quinquixtica:n had taken some of the ﬁ rst ones290 quintin; ca noyuh quichiuh ta ynic, in occequi:ntin, ca no: iuh quichi:- to another place, so that by doing cemochí ynoc cequíntin tlaca izcal- uhta ini:c, cemochi in occequi:ntin thus they were all together with dif- tique ypanpa intla oquinequízquía tla:ca izcaltiqueh i:pampa intla ferent people who had been reared ynnoccequintin mehuazque áhuel291 o:quinequizquia in occequi:ntin elsewhere.292 Thus if they wanted omonecoc ceti lizquia Yn nahuac,— me:huazqueh ahhuel o:moneco:c others to rebel, they would not be —— ce:tilizquia in na:huac. able to do it, because they revealed them selves if they would conspire293 with those near them.294 Ynic III Capitulo295 Ini:c III Capitulo Chapter 3

Nícan Motenehua yn- Zatepanian Nican mote:ne:hua in za:te:panian o:- Here it is recounted who came here ohualaque nican Yan cuicantlalpan;296 hua:llaqueh nican yancuica:tla:lpan. last to this new land. It is indeed they cayehuantin Ynohualquízque Aztlan, Ca yehua:ntin in o:hua:lqui:zqueh who came out of the place Aztlan. The Yncanpa ohua la que Ynachtopa A:ztla:n. In ca:mpa o:hua:llaqueh ﬁ rst who came from there were the tolteca, nicá otlalpixque Mixicatlal- in achtopa To:lte:cah, nica:n o:tla:- Toltecs, who ruled here in the land of pan=297 lpixqueh Me:xicahtla:lpan. Mexico.

Recto, Ms. Folio 8298 Mitoa ca yn onpa ypan Altep[ehuei Mihtoa ca in o:mpa i:pan a:ltep[e:- It is said that there in the great city maitl]299 tlá- cenca otlaca izcaltiloc ca hue:i ma:itl] tla: cencah o:tla:caiz- the people were most plentiful, Yciuhca yo pan moxe loque, omocec- caltiloc, ca ihciuhca:yopan moxe:- because they scattered themselves can300 quix tique, hualaque301 Anahu- loqueh. O:mocecca:nqui:xtiqueh, rapidly.302 They withdrew com- ac, Auh ý huitzinton ceme yno cachi o:hua:laqueh A:na:huac. Auh pletely and came to Anahuac.303 And atlama chileque qui hualhuicaya in Huitzinton ce:meh in ocachi Huitzinton was one of the more inon tlaca necochotl oquícac. Yhuá ahtlamachiloqueh quihua:lhui:caya learned and astute304 among those cacicatzíc305 Ynic ocuí caya ce toto- ino:n tla:ca necochotl o:quicac. I:- who led them. So he asserted to tzintlí,306 ca quí toaya, tihuy, tihuy,, hua:n cahcic a:zic ini:c o:cui:caya ce: them that a bird had sung thus and oquin mil-huí ynic oquicac. yn ahuac to:toltzintli, ca quihtoaya tihui, tihui. said “Let’s go! Let’s go!”307 He told yn tecpantzin auh ýxquich ohuelit O:quimilhui308 ini:c o:quicac Tecpantzin what he had heard. And ynic oquintlatlaci huíq. ynín omen- i:nahuac in Tecpantzin. Auh ixquich these two were very effective in hur- tin, yn cemîxquich tlacatl Aztecâ309 o:hue:lit ini:c o:quimihcihuitiqueh310 rying all the Azteca. They interpreted quimixpantiaya, ca ínícuíc Yn tot- ini:n o:mentin in cemi:xquich in tla:- the bird’s song effectively, as a good zotzintlí311 huel Machiliz Yecyotl yníc cah312 A:ztecan Quimi:xpantiaya ca omen that they should go together huicoca,313 maquica hu-acan ynin in i:cui:ca in to:toltzintli hu:el mach- and abandon this land, and that they tlalpan, Ynic ye nenentíazque oc- iliz ye:cyo:tl ini:c i:hui:ccoca ma:- should already be migrating to some cecanpa tlal pan, quintlatalhuiliaya,314 quica:huacan ini:n tla:lpan, ini:c ye other land. They organized them to oquizque Yn nahuachuic chicna huy nenentiazqueh occe: ca:mpa tla:lpan. depart from the region. Nine parties tlamantlí, tlaca, mochintín cetlaca- Quintla:lia:huia:ya o:quizqueh in na- of people, all from the same lin- tilíz-pan quizque, omoxexeloque huachuic. Chiucnahui tlamantli tla:- eage, left with them. They separated Ynizquícan chachane cayotl, (occe- ca, mochintin cetla:catilizpan, qui:- themselves into an equal number of quin quítoa ca zan na huí tlamátin, zqueh. O:moxe:xeloqueh in izquica:n residential groups. Some said that it

21 22 Anónimo Mexicano

Scribe’s little drawing of the bird in Anónimo Mexicano. (Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Manuscript, Mexicain 254, fol. 8.)

Mexicâ tlaco chalca, chal meca, Yhuá cha:cha:nehca:yo:tl. Oc cequi:n quih- was only four groups—the Mexica, Cal pítzco,315 auh melahuac toa cah zan na:hui tlamantin—Me:- the Tlacochalca, the Chalmeca, and xihcah, Tlahcocha:lca, Cha:lmeca, the Calpil tzca—but truly i:hua:n Calpitzca—auh mela:huac

Verso, Ms. Folio 8 [ohualaque ynahuachi]uc316 nahuí [o:hua:llaqueh i:nahuac chi]ucna:- nine groups came to this region: the tlamátli, chalcá. Matlatzincan,317 hui tlamantli—Cha:lca, Ma:tlatzinca, Chalca, the Matlatzinca, the Tepan- Tepanecâ,318 Mali nalcâ Xochimilcâ Tepane:can, Mali:nalcan Xo:chimi:- eca, the Malinalca, the Xochimilca, (cuítlahuacan319 chichi-meca), lcan, Cuitlahuahca Chi:chi:me:cah the Cuitlahuaca, the Chichimeca caynintin yehuantin yn tlax calteca; (cah ini:ntin yehua:ntin in Tlaxcalte:- (who are the Tlaxcalteca), the Mízquitecâ; tenochcâ-auh ceme cah), Mizquite:cah, Teno:chcah. Auh Mizquica, and the Tenochca.320 And yninque, oquitoca cuíque, ynínne ce:meh ini:nqueh o:quito:ca:cuiqueh some of these thus took the names tlalil.yny321 malte peuh,——— ini:n netla:lil322 ini:n a:ltepe:uh. of these cities they set tled.

ohual yacanaloque Ypanpa ý O:hua:lyacanaloqueh i:pampa in They came from there, led by Tec- tecpantzin323 Yhuá- yn huitzin- Tecpantzin i:hua:n in Huitzinton, in pantzin and Huitzinton, in the ﬁ rst ton,#324 yn achtopa325 xihucahuîtl, achtopa xiuhca:huitl mote:ne:hua year that is called Two Rabbit.326 motenehua toch tli;327 mopohuaya Ome Tochtli. Mopo:huaya o:ntzontli Eleven hundred and ninety-four Ontzontlí, cax-tolli yhuá nahuípoal- caxto:lli i:hua:n na:hui po:hua:lli years had been counted when they lí; y huá matlactli on nahuy, xihuitl, i:hua:n mahtla:ctli on na:hui xihuitl, left the land called Aztlan. But after ynon pa ohual quizque Ypá- yntlallí in o:mpa o:hua:lquizqueh i:pan in they arrived at Chicomoztoc, they mo tocayotia Aztlan,#328 auh zanic tla:lli moto:ca:yo:tia A:ztlan, # auh divided up into different popula- oazíque chimozcoc,329 omoxexelo- zan i:c o:aziqueh Chimozcoc o:- tions. They multiplied there. They tiaque Y-nocce quintin nepapant- moxe:xelotiaqueh in oc cequi:ntin left behind the Mexica and the laca,330 tlacachiuhque, onpa quin nepapan tla:ca. Tlacachiuhqueh Tenochca, although it is said that the Chapter Three 23 hual cauhtiâque Yn Me-xícâ y huan o:mpa. Quinhua:lca:uhtiaqueh in Mexica arrived ﬁ rst, not those who Yntenochca, [macihui mitoa achto- Me:xihcan i:hua:n in Teno:chcan, went before them.331 pa ocalaque yn mexica]332 yn amo ma:cihui mihtoa achtopa o:calaqueh Yno-hual tlayacanque——— in Me:xihcah, in ahmo: in o:hua:- ltlayacanqueh. Places mentioned in Anónimo Mexicano. Recto, Ms. Folio 9

Yníc333 IV Capitulo Ini:c IV Capitulo Chapter 4

Nican mi[toa, moten]ehua334 yní huey Nican mi[toa, moten]ehua in i:hue:- Here is told, is recounted, the great- liz tlá to cay.o oquipixque ý Pipil-tin iliz- tlahtohcayo: o:quipixqueh i:n ness of the rulership of the nobles who Azca Potzalco, ca tzontecoma Altepetl- pi:piltin A:zcapo:tzalco, cah tzonteco- guarded Azcapot zalco, which was the catcaía. Yníccen mochí335 ynacolhuâ, ma a:ltepe:tl catcaya, in iccen mochin chief city, the ﬁ rst among all the Ac- Y huá tepanecatl, ynicuac Ypan in A:co:lhuan i:hua:n Tepane:catl olhua and Tepaneca, when the great tlatocatiá ý Huehue tezô=zomoctlí, ca inihcua:c i:pan tlahtohca:tia i:n hue:- Tezozomoctli was made ruler in it. Be- oquimicti yn yxtlilxochitl yn teuc tla- hueh Tezozomoctli. Ca o:quimicti in cause he slew Ixtlilxochitl, their noble tocau336 cenmochí tlacatl yçel tlatoca- I:xtli:lxo:chitl inte:uctlahtohcauh, cen sover eign, he fully ruled all the people tia, Yhuá motenehua. y ninetlaliloca, mochi tla:catl i:cel tlahtohca:tia. as the supreme ruler.337 And it is told ynin huey Altepetl.338 I:hua:n mote:ne:hua in i:netla:liloca how this great city was established. ini:n hue:i a:ltepe:tl.

Quípohua yn ipan ynin zaza nil Am- Quipo:hua in i:pan ini:n zahza:ni:l a:- In this book of stories it is told about auh yn Az-capotzalco tlaca, ynic ach- mauh in A:zcapo:tzalco tla:ca, ini:c the Azcapotzalco people, who fi rst to opeuh. yníc otzintic ynin Altepetl. achto o:pe:uh ini:c o:tzi:ntic ini:n undertook to establish their city in ypan achtopa cahuitl, cenca huey. a:ltepe:tl i:pan achtopa ca:huitl. the fi rst era. They were a very great ynic tlacayohuac. amo cana macic. Cencah hue:i ini:c tla:cayo:huac. multitude. Certainly the density yninenehuiloca yní- chamauhca; Ahmo: cana mahcic ini:n eh nehui:- of this one was nowhere equaled. Yninetlalil mopohua centzontlí loca: in i:chama:uhca. In i:netla:lil Its settlement lasted fi ve hundred chicua cenpo huali, yhuan matlactlí mopo:hua ce:ntzontli chicuace:npo:- and thirty years.339 Thus they set an xihuitl;340 yuh qui machiotitaque hualli i:hua:n mahtla:ctli xihuitl. example with their cities. The fi rst ynî Altepehuâcahuan, Ynachto-pa Iuhqui, machiyo:titaqueh in i:a:- who came to rule was one Hueitzin ohualtlatocatitaque. Ynçe, Hueytzin ltepe:huacahuan. In achtopa o:hua:- Teuctli,341 the second was Acolhua ca teuctlí- ynícome Acolhuacâ teuhtlí. ltlahtohca:titaqueh in ce: Hue:- Teuctli, the son-in-law342 of the lord ymon ý teuc tlí- Xolotl; avh mi to a itzinte:uctli, ini:c o:me A:co:- Xolotl. And it is said that he held the nel oqui pix Yntlatocayotl, macuil- lhuahca:nte:uhtli, i:mo:n in te:uhtli rulership peacefully in goodness for poalli xiuhtíca343 paca, hiecyopan 344 Xo:lo:tl. Auh mihtoa nel o:quipix one hundred years. in tlahtohca:yo:tl ma:cui:lpo:hualli xiuhtica pa:cca: ye:cyo:pan.

Verso, Ms. Folio 9 Z[atepanian ye]345 Acolhua oquíucíc Z[atepanian ye] A:co:lhua, o:quicuic After Acolhua, his son Cuecuex346 . ynítlatocayo, Yní-Piltzin, Cuecuech, in i:tlahtohca:yo: in i:piltzin took the rulership, but it is not

25 26 Anónimo Mexicano

auh amo mítohuaquezquí xi-huitl Cuehcue:ch, auh ahmo: mihtoa que:- said for how many years he ruled, ôtlátocatíc. maciyhuí huecauh zqui xihuitl o:tlahtohca:tic, ma:cihui although he had the rulership for a yn oquipix- ynin tlâtocayotl, auh huehc:auh in o:quipix ini:n tlahto- long time. After he died, he installed zaníc omíc ôquitlali çe y Pilt zin. hcayo:tl. Auh zan i:c o:mic, o:quitla:li one of his sons as their ruler. He was ynin tlatôanícatca347 ytoca Cu- ce: i:piltzin in i:ntlahtoa:ni. catca i:- called Cuauhtzin teuctli, grandson of auhtzinteuctlí, yxhuyuh yntlatoaní to:ca: Cuauhtzinte:uctli, i:xhui:uh in the ruler Acolhua. And so he made acolhua, auh ynitlachihual- ynin tlahtoa:ni A:co:lhua. Auh in i:- himself the ruler. And this ruler’s tlatoani, amo ômíchcuílo yeica tlachi:hua:l ini:n tlahtoa:ni ahmo: o:- accomplishments were not writ- ynopoliuh yní-itlal amahúan, Ytech ý michcuilo yeica in o:poliuh in ten, because the books about his tlatocayotl niman ocalac yn Ylhuíca i:tlalamahuan i:tech in tlahtohca:yo:- rulership perished.348 Then he was míná; zanicomíc, ôquí cantocac tl. Niman ocalac in Ilhuicami:na. succeeded by Ilhuicamina. After he otlatocatic Matlacohuatl, zani co mic Zan i:c o:mic, o:quicantocac o:tlah- died, Matlacco atl followed behind y nin tlatoaní, oquimaceuh yn tlato- tohca:tic Ma:tlahco:a:tl. Zan i:c him and was made ruler. After this cayotl çe Pillí- ytoca Tezca coatl, 349 o:mic ini:n tlahtoa:ni, o:quima:ce:- ruler died, a son called Tezcacoatl350 zaníc omiC351 ynin tezca coatl otla- uh in tlahtohca:yo:tl ce: pilli i:to:ca: received the rulership. After this tocatic quíYcantocan Tezcapoctlí, Te:zcaco:a:tl, o:tlahtohca:tic quican- Tezcacoatl died, one named Tez- zanic omo miquilli ynin Tezca poctlí, tocan Te:zcapo:ctli. Zan i:c o:momi- capoctli ruled. After this Tezcapoctli o quícantocac ynteuctlí Teotl ehuac, quilli ini:n Te:zcapo:ctli, o:quican- died, the lord Teotlehuac fol lowed auh mochintin ynin que teteuctin tocac in te:uctli Teo:tlehua:c. Auh him. But the accomplishments of amo omazicamat ynin tlachi-hualiz. mochintin ini:nqueh te:te:uctin all these lords are not found in Ypanpa inícuac ocalla que yncax- ahmo: o:mazicamat ini:n tlachihua:- the painted books.352 (When the tilteca mochí opolíuhque ynín liz i:pampa. (In ihcua:c ocallaqueh Spaniards entered, they destroyed all tlacuilol Amahuan: auh zani comic in Caxtilte:cah mochin opoliuhqueh these books.353) And after this ruler ynin tlatoaní theotl ehuac, ô.qui cuic ini:n tlacuilol amahuan.) Auh zan i:c Teotlehuac died, came the rulership yn tlato cayotl. yn tzihuac-tlatonac,354 o:mic ini:n tlahtoa:ni Teo:tlehua:c, of Tzihuac Tlatonac, who ruled the ynin oquipix Yntla tocayotl yepo- o:quicuic in tlahtohca:yo:tl in Tzi- nobility for sixty years. huatli xihuitl-355 huac Tlahtohnac. Ini:n o:quipix in tlahtohca:yo:tl yepohua:lli xihuitl.

Recto, Ms. Folio 10 ypan ynin teuctlatoani í nemiliz, o[. I:pan ini:n te:uctlahtoa:ni i:nnemiliz, In the life of this lord-ruler, the ...... y]n356 Mexíca Atitlan, o: [hua:lqui:zaque i]n Me:xihcah Mexica [arrived in this land of] toltic, Acatitlan [Yn . . . . .]357 tlaca A:titlan to:ltic, a:catitlan. [In . . . . grassy lakes among the reeds.358 [The zanicomic y ninteuctlí oquimaceuh .] tla:ca. Zan i:c o:mic ini:n te:uctli, . . . . .] people. After this lord died, ý tlatocayotl ce y Piltzin cainicuac o:quima:ce:uh in tlahtohca:yo:tl one of his sons received the nobility, omic yni thatzin yequin o-quipi- ce: i:piltzin, cah in ihcua:c o:mic and he began to rule just one year af- aia tz359 çexihuítl, auh ýtoca tezo- in i:tahtzin ye quin o:quipiyaya ce: ter his father died. And he was called zomoctlí- cayno quic ohueíatá, xihuitl. Auh i:to:ca: Te:zohzo:moctli Tezozomoctli, who was great when ypanpa otlatocatic, yní Nantzín- yni cah in o:qui:c o:hue:iata’ i:pampa he was ruler.360 His mother’s name toca Cihua xochitl, nahuí xiuhtica o:tlahtohca:tic. In i:na:ntzin in i:to:ca: was Cihuaxochitl. Four years later he quihuícac yn yntequitl auh zate- Cihua:xo:chitl. na:hui xiuhtica took this ofﬁ ce.361 And afterwards, panían omo tlatocatlali362 yni- Piltzín quihui:cac ini:n tequitl. Auh za:te:- his son was installed as ruler.363 So caoquinotzque, neçentlaliliztica panian, o:motlahtohca:ti in i:piltzin. they summoned the assembly of all mochintin yní maçehualhuan y Ca o:quino:tzqueh, necentla:liliztica his vassals when his father died. And nicuac omíc Ynitatzín, auh amo mochintin in i:ma:ce:hua:lhuan in it is not said why his mother did not mitoa tlei nic âhocmo tlatocatic yni ihcua:c o:mic in i:tahtzin. Auh ahmo: make him ruler until he was known Nantzin zanío364 ca momatí yníc mihtoa tleini:c aocmo: tlahtohca:tic thus already for four years. The yenahuixiuhtíca quipiaia yn Piltzintli in i:na:ntzin zan i:c cah momati ini:c revered noble ruled and was more Chapter Four 27 yequitlacamataya mochintin Yn ye na:hui xiuhtica. Quipiyaya in prosperous than all of the lords. He Pipiltin. cenca huey ixtlatquí catca, piltzintli ye quitla:camataya mochin- had very many possessions, so that ynic yéhue yatiuh, auh mítoa ocuícac tin in pi:piltin. Cencah hue:i he continued to grow with honor. ý tlatocayotl. nápohualixí-utl, #365 i:xtlatqui catca. Ini:c ye hue:iyatiuh. And it was said that he held the rul- ypan ini tlatocayo, oquititlanili ý Auh mihtoa o:cuicac in tlahtohca:- ership for eighty years. In his reign teuctlí tex-calticpac . ce Acax ítl yztac yo:tl na:uhpo:hualli xihuitl. # I:pan the lord in Texcallan,366 Ce Acaxitl cenca mahuízauhquí o qui huen- in i:tlahtohca:yo:, o:quiti:tlanili in Yztac, sent him much honor because tillí yca íteuc tlauhtiloca, oceliloque te:uctli Texcalticpac, Ce: A:caxitl Izta:c, of his lord-rulership.367 They received yntetzcô-co tlatla ypanpa Yncolhua- cencah mahuizauhqui o:quihue:ntilli Culhuacateuctli Cuanexcaye368 into cateuctli cuanex. caye tlatocatia ypan i:ca i:te:uctlauhtiloca. O:celiloqueh the midst of Tetzcoco. He was the tlax calteca tlalpan, huel paca ocox in Tetzcohco tlatla i:pampa in Co:- ruler of the Tlaxcalte ca land. Very cayotica quín mocelilí íni¯n tetitlan- lhuacahte:uctli Cuanexcaye. Tlahto- happily, their envoys were admitted tîn, huel quin mocnellilí, necehui- hca:tia i:pan Tlaxcalte:cah tla:lpan. readily and looked after very well liztica.———369 Huel pa:cca: o:coxcayo:tica quin and calmly. mocelili ini:n te:ti:tlantin, huel quin- mocne:lili nece:huiliztica. Verso, Ms. Folio 10

[Inic]370 V Capitulo. [Ini:c] V Capitulo. Chapter 5 ypan mopohua yníc omo yeíantíco I:pan mopo:hua ini:c o:moyeya:ntico In which is recounted how the Tlax- Poyauhtlan ý Tlaxcal-teca, Yhuá Poya:uhtlan in Tlaxcalte:cah, i:hua:n calteca occupied Poyauhtlan and Yn yaoyotl ôquí chiuhque. ynicuac in ya:o:yo:tl o:quichi:uhqueh in [about] the war they made when they míxnamíque ýnahuac yn Mexíca ihcua:c mixna:miqueh i:nna:huac in disputed among themselves near the tepanecâ371 Me:xihcah Tepane:ca. Mexica (and) the Tepaneca.

Mopohua372 mitohua ynípan ýnin Mopo:hua, mihtoa in i:pan ini:n za:- It is recounted, it is told in this zazanil Amauh yntla xcal tecâ, [oqui zanil a:mauh in Tlaxcalte:cah, o:- Tlaxcalteca book of stories, which ma y cuilo cepilli ytoca Be-nito quima:ihcuilo ce: pilli i:to:ca: Benito a nobleman named Benito Itzcac ytzcac macuechtlí,373 çeme ynach- Itzcac Ma:cue:chtli, ce:meh in ach- Maquechtli374 wrote by hand, that he topa ômachtiloque ypanpa yntheo- topa o:machtiloqueh i:pampa in was one of the fi rst who were taught, pixque franciscanos- ynmatica teo:pixqueh Franciscanos375 in ma- because he received baptism by the ôquíçellí ynnecuayatequiliztlí]376 tica o:quicelli in necua:a:te:quiliztli. Franciscans.377 And herewith he Y huanpehua qui toa; totlacuilol I:hua:n pe:hua quihtoa: totlahcuilol begins to tell what our great-grand- âmapá ôtechhual machtitaque yn amapan otechhua:lmachtitaqueh in fathers, our grandfathers, and our tachtohuan, tocolhuan, totahuan ca tachto:huan, tocolhuan, totahuan:. fathers went along handing down y pan ýhueytlallí Aztlan.378 olol- Ca i:pan in hue:i tla:lli Aztlan, o:lol- to us in teachings379 in our painted huitoya Yn Mexíca, tlaxcaltecá. oto- hui:to:ya in Me:xihcah, Tlaxcalte:cah, books.380 In the great land of Aztlan, mime totonactín. auh onpa o mo xe- Otomime, Totonactin. Auh o:mpa that the Mexica, the Tlaxcalteca, the xelotiaque. ynmexíca ohualquizque o:moxe:xelotiaqueh. In Me:xihcah o:- Otomi, and the Totonaca used to achtopa cempohuali yhuá matlactli hua:lquizqueh achtopa cempo:hua:lli live together.381 And there they went on382 na hui xiuhtíca; zatepanian383 i:hua:n na:hui xiuhtica. Za:te:panian, their own ways.384 First the Mexica, yeo catcaya ín tlaxcaltecâ chicomoz- ye o:catcaya in Tlaxcalte:cah Chico:- who left to come here twenty-four toc, ô quin hualycantocataque,385 moztoc o:quinhua:lyacantocataqueh. years later.386 After wards, those who oquihua lycanaya387 çe Yaoíecanquí388 O:quinhua:lyaca:naya ce: ya:o:yaca:- there were the Chicomoztoc Tlax- ytoca Cetecpatl ocone-netl, ohuala- nqueh i:to:ca: Ce: Tecpatl Oconenetl. calteca fol lowed them here. A fi r tree zico mexico atencohuíc yemanticatca O:hua:lahcico Me:xihco a:te:ncohuic, idol named One Flint that they car- Yn cequintin atitlan, acaític, tolítíc ye manticatca in cequi:ntin a:titlan, ried brought them here. When they ynizquitlaca macá,389 auh zano quin a:caitic, to:litic. In izquitla:ca ma:ca:n. arrived here at Mexico, some [oth- hual panahuitiquizaco,390 amo- Auh zan o:quinua:lpanahuiti qui:- ers] were already settled391 along the zaco, ahmo: shore, which was reedy, grassy. It was possessed by many people. And also they fi nished crossing this way; they did not settle at one place. [Instead] they crossed over this way,

28 Chapter Five 29

Recto, Ms. Folio 11 yntlan omo tlalíque, o hual pano[que intla:n o:motla:liqueh. O:hua:- and moved on recently toward Chal- yhuan om]o-cehuíco392 yancuícan lpano:[queh i:hua:n o:m]oce:huico co, on the shore of the lake. There at chalcohuíc ate[nco, . . . y]a,393 theo yancuica:n Cha:lcohuic a:te:n[co, . Mount Teopoyauhtlan they set up Poyauhtlan,394 Ynin teuh oncan oquí . . y]a, Teo:poya:uhtlan, in i:nte:uh. their god there. They named him quetzque quito-cayotiaía395 Camaxtli Onca:n o:quiquetzqueh quito:ca:yo:- Camaxtli Mixcoatl.396 And this false mixcohuatl.397 auh ynín iztlaca theotl tiaya Camaxtli Mixco:a:tl. Auh ini:n god was truly a bearded one,398 and .nel tentzone. Yxhuít zaltic, ycpac iztlacateo:tl eh nel te:ntzoneh ixhui:- one who had narrow eyes.399 Before qui manilia ya Yni cua eca huil. tzaltic. Icpac quimaniliaya in ihcua:c400 him401 they spread out offerings, that quenami ynaxcan mitxa402 quí-tlalia cahuil que:namih in a:xca:n mitxa in the past was in the manner of the ý theopixca tlatoque, tlaquentitoc quitla:lia teo:pixcatlahtoqueh. present-day mass that the priests403 yca Yztac-tilma tlí, oqui piaia yca Y Tlaque:ntitoc i:ca iztac tilmahtli, o:- perform now. He sat garmented in tlahuitol, chicnauh- mamalhuiztlí, quipiyaya i:ca i:tlahui:to:l, chicna:uh a white cloak.404 They guarded him tetotocamitl. mintlí, acallí, mochí- mamalhuiztli, te:toto:cami:tl, mi:ntli, with his bow, six litters, hunting hícxitlanhuíc manticatca, oncan acalli. Mochi i:c xitlanhuic manti- arrows, piercing arrows, and a boat, yecate paca yotica . necehuiliztíca; 405 catca, onca:n ye cateh pa:cca:yo:- all near his feet. When it was all atlan, cuauhtla, tepetlan , o-yaia406 tica nece:huiliztica a:tlan, cuauhtlah, completed, they were happily rest- tlamatihue, hey tla mínque yuhqui- tepe:tlan o:ya:ia tlamati. Huehhue:i407 ing together there near water and totine mía canel Yn tlahuítol. tlami:nqueh. Yuh quitotinemia—cah an abundance of trees, among the ocualhuícay, xiccomítl tetotocamítl nel i:ntlahui:to:l o:cualhui:caya408 mountains. They lived by their wits. mintlí, onca:ncanaía, tepe Zo lime. mi:co:mitl,409 te:toto:cami:tl, mi:ntli. They consumed much. They lived totochtin, cuauhtotolim, Mazame, Onca:n canaia tepe:zo:limeh, to:to:- in this way—truly they carried their oze lome, cuamíztin, tecuanímê, chtin, cuauhto:tolim, maza:meh, bows and their quiver, hunting ar- yníc omotlayecol -tiaya. auh amo o:ce:lo:meh, quauhmiztin,410 te:cua:- rows, and their hunting arrows, and yxnezquí yníc ye mixnami-quí411 yn nimeh. Ini:c o:motlayecoltiaya. Auh piercing arrows. There were par- nahuac ynacolhuaque, yhuá Tepan- ahmo: i:xne:zqui. Ini:c ye mi:xna:- tridges, rabbits, fowl, deer, jaguars, eca ynic Yepeuhquí quilnamíquí miqui i:nnahuac in A:co:lhuaqueh mountain lions, and savage beasts; Yaotl, yníc tlal pan, Atl ytíc quin hua l i:hua:n Tepane:ca. Ini:c ye pe:uhqui thus they sustained themselves. But yahualoque ynchichimeca oquice- quilna:miqui ya:o:tl. Ini:c tla:lpan they did not proceed to live in a mito y nacolhua yhuá Tepanecatl a:tlitic, quinhua:lyahua:loqueh in convivial way. Thus they continu- mochín. Chi:chi:me:cah. O:quicemitto in A:- ally quarreled412 among them selves, co:lhua i:hua:n Tepane:catl mochin: near the Acolhua and the Tepan- eca.413 Thus they contin uously engaged in combat, and thinking about war.414 Thus, in this wet land, the Chichimeca came, going all around. The Acolhua deliberated in the company of all the Tepaneca inhabitants:

Verso, Ms. Folio 11 [. . . . yahua]lozque415 yníc cueci- “[I:nic yahua:]lozqueh, Ini:c416 cue- “[Thus] the Chichimeca [are spread- uhque chichi-meca, amo cualli hciuhqueh Chi:chi:me:cah. Ahmo: ing] all around.417 Thus the Chi- nícan totlan onozque, matí-quin cualli nican totlan onozqueh Mati, chimeca are rushing around. It is not pehuacan, onpa in theo tl yxco; Ynic quinpe:huaca:n o:mpa in Teo:tli:xco.” good for them to have spread here yequin Yaomani loque. cenca huey Ini:c ye:qui:n ya:o:maniliqueh.418 among us. Indeed, let us vanquish mí qui liztli-419 omotac Yncepan Cencah hue:i miquiliztli o:mottac, them there at Teotlix co.”420 Thus 30 Anónimo Mexicano

huíc ýnon tla man pan. momic in ce:panhui:c ino:n tlamanpan ﬁ nally they prepared for war. Death tianí. || momictiani. ||421 was very much seen, and throughout that region they were killing each other.

mitoa. cayno míque Pipiltin Mexíca Mihtoa ca in o:miqueh pi:piltin Me:- It is said that twenty-four thousand yei xiquí pillí, auh yn Macehual- xihca ye:i xiquipilli, auh in ma:ce:- Mexica nobles and uncounted com- tin âmo-opohualo qué, auh yni hua:ltin ahmo: o:pohua:loqueh. Auh moners died. And in truth, the blood mezo Yno míque nelompa ocal- in i:mezzo: in o:miqueh nel o:mpa of those who died ﬂ owed all the way laquíto amanaloían Chimal huacan, o:calaquito a:manaloian Chi:mal- there422 to the place where the water miequin tin yn otzizquiloque mexica huacan. Miequintin in o:tzizquilo- is dammed up at Chimalhuacan.423 oquimelteque in chichimeca yxpan queh Me:xihca o:quimeltequeh in The Chichimeca eagerly sacriﬁ ced y nitheuh- Camaxtlí,424 ôquin425 Chi:chi:me:cah I:xpan in i:nteo:: many Mexica who were taken huen manílíquê. yníc Ye can426 oquín Camaxtli, o:quinhuenmaniliqueh. prisoner. Before the face427 of their maquíxtí. ypan Ynín Yaotl; Yníuh Ini:c ye:cca:n o:quinma:qui:xti i:pan god Camaxtli they spread them out opanoc quí milhuí yníntheuh.428 ini:n ya:o:tl. In iuh o:panoc: quimil- as offerings. Thus, at an opportune maaoque Yn tzalan, ynnahuachuíc hui in i:nteo:, “Ma aoqueh429 i:ntza:- time, he delivered them from this tiecan yn Mexícâ ma tí huían onpa lan i:nna:huachui:c tiecan in Me:- war. In this way they crossed over Yntheotl yxco, aíoc mo Ynpan xihcah. Ma tihuiya:n o:mpa in Teo:- [the mountain]; their god revealed tlaneçíz430 tonaz, tlathuíz, Yehualquí- tli:xco ayocmo: i:npan tlaneciz, to:- to them, “Be no longer among them za Yn theo. Poyauhtlan opanoque naz, tlathuiz.” Ye hua:lqui:za in Teo:- at the place of the Mexica. Let us Amaquemêcan, oquí-yehualoque poa:uhtlan. O:panoqueh A:maque:- depart from Teotlixco431 before432 it Ynpopoca tepetl, oquizaco híc o mehcan. O:quiyehua:- loqueh in dawns, before it is sunny, before the cope= Popo:catepe:tl, o:quizaco i:c Ocope sun sheds light.” They left Teopoy- auhtlan, coming this way.433 They went past Amecameca.434 They came over Popocatepetl. They left Ocope

Recto, Ms. Folio 12 tlayôcan, Atlíxco. teyecac, ca[lpitzco tlayo:can, A:tli:xco, Teye:cac, Ca- tlayocan, Atlixco, Teyecac, Ca- . . . . . \O. . .]co435 oncan omocauht- [lpitzco, ...... ]co. Onca:n o:- [lpitzco, and . . . . . ]co. Then some láque cequintin, yhuá hoc cequin tín moccauhtlahqueh cequi:ntin, i:hua:n remained at Calpitzco, and some oyaque Chololan,436 totomihuacan, oc cequi:ntin o:ya:queh Chololan, others went to Cholula, Totomihua- cuauhtitlan Tecalco. Ózto ticpac, auh Totomihuacan, Cuauhtitlan, Tecalco, can, Cuauhtitlan, Tecalco, and Oz- yno hualaque mítoa mo-tenehua437 Oztoticpac. Auh in o:hua:llaqueh toticpac. And it is said, it is told that Texcaltícpac, oncan oazíco Xochíte- mihtoa, mote:ne:hua Texcalticpac. they came to Texcalticpac.438 There catítlá,- tetenan yôcan Mítzco huepal- Onca:n o:ahcico Xochitecatitlan, Tet- they arrived at Xochitecatitlan, Tet- calco, Ynic yetleco Ypan yntetepe enyocan Mitzco, Huepalcalco. Ini:c enyocan, Mitzco, and Hue palcalco. Yztaquê, oncan ye manticate omote- ye tlehco i:pan in te:tepe yztaqueh By ascending the snow-covered439 caque ynchichíme ca. omocentlal- oncan Yemanticate, o:motecaqueh in mountains, the Chichimeca already lique yníc yetozque. paquiliz ti ca Chi:chi:me:cah, o:mocentla:liqueh. spread out and com pletely settled ynaoque aca quín cueci huitiz, oqui- Ini:c yetozqueh paquiliztica. In aoc the land there. Thus they were agree- hualhuica ia chicnauh mamalhuíztlí eh440 ac ahquin cuecihuitiz. O:- able with happiness. No longer did yníc oquiquixtiaya yn tletl ycotla- quihua:lhui:caia chicnauh mamal- anyone harry them.441 He442 led them chinoaya zanoquimatíloaya ynîn. huiztli. Ini:c o:quiqui:xtiaya. In tletl with nine litters. Thus the ﬁ re [of mapíltzalan, ||443 oncan Yemantícate, i:c otlachinoaya. Zan o:quimateloa:- the volcano] burned off the land. omotlayecoltiaya yca yntlen oqui- ia444 in i:nmapiltzalan. Onca:n ye They bruised their feet and burned mamayâ, ||445 opeuhque ye quítla lía manticate o:motlayecoltiaya i:ca in their ﬁ ngers.446 They were already Chapter Five 31

Chalco, Amecameca, and Popocatepetl: the region of the war of Teopoyauhtlan.

huey tetzacualí yníc no huíanpa ytlal- tlein447 o:quimamayan. i:c o:pe:- spreading out there and providing tamachíuhpan, tepetitla448 yxtlahuac uhqueh ye quitla:lia hue:i tetzacuali, for themselves by means of whatev er huíc,449 âtlauhtzalan, ynicye quich- ini:c nohuianpa i:tla:ltamachiuhpan they carried on their back; they be- icahualo-titaque ynín netlalitoca, tepe:titla itla:huachui:c a:tlauhtzalan, gan and set in order the great stone oapanquetztaque.. quauhtza cualli ini:c ye quichicahua:lotitaqueh in i:- temple. Thus they brought con- quimantíaque, ypan hueyotlí, yeccan nnetla:litoca. O:apanquetztaqueh cu- struction rock to the plain among cat ca Y níc450 oquichiaya ynaquine auhtzacualli; quimantiaqueh; i:pan the gullies from everywhere on the yaotl, quilnamiquiz quía yniuh hue:i ohtli ye:ccan catca. Ini:c o:- surveyed land, and fortiﬁ ed it so that yeopeuhca, auh neli melahuac. yninte quichiyaya in a:quin eh ya:o:tl, quil- they established their reputa tion. tzacuali tepan tli. amo oquichiuhque na:miquizquia in iuh ye o:pe:uhca, They built ditches; they ﬁ nished hic mopalehuiz quía; oquichiuhque auh nelli mela:huac ini:n te:tzacualli great roads among the forests where Ypanpa Ynaquineque oqui= tepantli. Ahmo: o:quichi:uhqueh i:c there were good places. Thus they mopale:hui:zquia. O:quichi:uhqueh prepared for whoever was an en- i:pampa in aquin necqueh o:quit- emy.451 They would anticipate him as if he had already attacked. And it was certainly true that they made this great temple. They did not act by this means to fortify themselves. They 32 Anónimo Mexicano

Verso, Ms. Folio 12 t[iaque ...... c]achtizqué452 íca iní [taqueh ...... c]achtizqueh i:ca [...... ] so that everyone would Mahuízauhca tlachi-hua[l],453 [y]nin i:mahuizauha tlachihua:l, in i:nhue- want to see their awesome [h]uelítílíz ynín tlacâ; Yn yehuantín litiliz in i:ntla:ca. In yehua:ntin huel accomplishment. 454 They themselves huel yn cen yolo Pachiuhticatca yno- in cen yo:llo pachiuhticatca in o:- were very satisﬁ ed, with their whole químílhuyaia ynin theû- Camaxtle, quimilhuya:ia in i:nteo: Camax- heart, that they were strengthened cacemicac tlaca xícoque yezquía, tli. (Ca cemihcac tla:ca xi:coqueh by their god Camaxtli. (In fact, the nícan y pan ynin Yeiantlí opehu- yezquiá nican i:pan ini:n yeya:ntli people perpetually suffered, living azquia Ynintlâ tocayo #455 Y pan ynin o:pe:huazquia ini:n tlahto:ca:yo.) # here in this way so they could found cahuítl. Ye tlatocatia Huexotzinco.456 I:pan ini:n ca:huitl ye tlahtohca:tia their kingdom.) At this time there Ynin Yao Yecancauh ytoca xiuh tle- Huexo:tzinco. In i:nya:o:yeca:ncauh already was a ruler of Huexotzinco. huí. Yníc y equímitac yntlaxcalteca, i:to:ca: Xiuhtlehui. Ini:c ye quimittac Their leader was called Xiuhtlehui. yemotza tzacâ, tetzacualan. Cenca in Tlaxcalte:cah. ye motzahtzacan te:- Already the Tlaxcal teca watched híco- momotzahuía yní Yollo, oncan tzacualan. Cencah i:c o:momotza- him. They already surrounded and huallay. Innahuac- miec tlacá tlatla huia in i:yo:llo. Onca:n hua:llay enclosed him. Because of this, he mapan. Oquincetilítaya íntlaxcal i:nna:huac miec tla:cah tla:tlamapan. was greatly disturbed. Then many tecatl tlatoaní, amo Maoquilcauh O:quince:tilitaya in Tlaxcalte:catl people came into his territory from yntlen quil na mic tinenca. Oncan tlahtoa:ni. Ahmo: ma o:quilca:uh. In other regions. The ruler of the Tlax- omo centlali . oquítlacuauh Ytô- yníc tlein quilna:mictih ne:ncah. Onca:n calteca457 united them. Do not forget Yaotl quinchihuilíz Yntexcalticpac458 o:mocentla:li. O:quitlacua:uh, itto: what he foolishly brought about. chichí-meca, oquintitlan yzíuhca ini:c ya:o:tl. Quinchi:huiliz in Texcal- They settled themselves there. He tiacahuá. Onpa ynahuac yn Mexicatl ticpac Chi:chi:me:cah, o:quintitlaniz strengthened it, and thus he watched tepanecatl, cayetlatocatía yn huítzil iuh ca tiahca:huan o:mpa i:na:huac the enemy. Since the Texcalticpac yhuítzín,459 quimonahuatili quil- in Me:xihcahtl Tepane:catl. Ca yetla Chichimeca might attack them, he huí, cainchi chi meca, cat-ca, theo to:ca:tia in Hui:tzilyhuitzin. Qui- had sent ambassadors460 there near poyauhtlan, yni necocol ycníhuan mona:huatili, quilhuiy ca in Chi:chi:- to the Tepaneca Mexica, who indeed .yoquimaxcatí-taya mochí Yntlallí, me:cah cat-ca Teopoyauhtlan461 in was named Huitzilihuitzin.462 He cenca hueycayotl necocollí, ynic mo- i:nnecocolycnihuan ye463 o:quimaxca:- himself responded and said to the chintín quinquixtilitaya . Ynimaxca. titaya mochi in tla:lli cencah hue:- Chichimeca,464 with great dignity y nintlat-quí, yninhuelíh465 cay e ihca:yo:tl necoco:lli. Ini:c mochintin and anger, that at Teopoyauhtlan mochi yntlen oquitaya oqui- quinquixtilitaya in i:maxca in i:ntlat- their ancestors had already appro- qui. Ini:n huelih cah ye mochi in priated all the land. Thus he caused tlein o:quitaya, o:qui- them all to leave their property and their possessions. This one was able, so that already all that he saw and

Recto, Ms. Folio 13 nequía quí maxcatízque, Ynice[n nequia, o:quimaxcatizqueh. Yn i:- desired was to enrich himself. Once ...... ]ni-466 yntla llí, huel cce[n ...... ]ni in tla:lli huel and for all the [...... ] yncamatíca nonochi pa omo- in ca matica nonochipa o:mocaquia. land, there were indeed many plots caquía auh caâmo y tla nequiliz Yn, Auh cah ahmo: i:tlanequiliz, in tlah- heard.467 And it was not the ruler’s468 tlátoaní, quincahu=ylíz quía ynitla toa:ni quinca:huilizquia in i:tla:l, desire to relinquish his lands to l, ynic Yolchichique tlahueleqh=469 ini:c yolchichiqueh tlahuelequeh. them, so they became bitter at Zaníc oquimo caquiti Yn theuctla- Zan i:c o:quimocaquiti in te:uctlah- heart and enraged.470 Repeatedly, toani, Huí= tzily huitzin, Mexicatl, toa:ni Hui:tzilyhuitzin Me:xihcahtl the monarch Huitzilihuitzin of the tepanecatl. Ynitlaitla- nilíz Yníc oti Tepane:catl in i:tlai:tlaniliz. Ini:c Mexica and the Tepaneca was told tlanoqueYnítítíacahuan yˆ xiuhtle o:titla:no:queh in i:titiacahuan in his request. Thus the envoys of Xi- huy tlatoani Huexotzinco, omo- Xiuhtlehuy, tlahtoa:ni Huexo:tzinco. uhtlehui, the ruler of Huexotzinco, Chapter Five 33 cuiltono yca ínitlachí-hual, huel O:mocuilto:no i:ca in i:tlachi:- were sent. Thus he was well off, melahuac quimaticac ca cemícac hual. Huel mela:huac quimaticac ca because of his accomplishments. He ayc omix-namíca, ayc omo coco lica cemihcac ai:c o:mi:xna:mica. Ai:c was completely convinced that they ýnín mochtin cepá tlaca Nômatíca o:mococolica. Ini:n mochtin ceppa would never have confrontations oquí ohuicamat . Yníc cualpale- tla:ca nohmahtica o:quiohuihca:mat, with them. They had never wished huízquía Yo lo quimaltoya cenca ini:c qualpale:hui:zquia. I:yo:l471 o:- one another harm. On many occa- huey ca yeque, ynomomahuilia472 quimattoya cencah hue:i, ca yequeh sions this one, knowing it was dan- ya mopolozquía ypan Ynin yaoytl, in o:moma:huiliaya473 mopolozquia gerous, would go to help someone. macíYhuí amo- nel oquin cemixna- i:pan ini:n ya:o:yo:tl. Ma:cihui ahmo: He was very greatly skilled, so that huatí. yntitia cahuan, ycaíní- ytlanil- nel o:quincemi:xnahuati i:ntitiahca:- he himself would defeat those who oca, yninepa lehui loca, oquínnahua- huan icah in i:ihtlaniloca in i:nep- were feared in this war. Although ti omeyotitiuh caniman oconnelti ale:hui:loca. O:quinna:huati o:mey- he did not actually command their lizquia yni tlatoltzin. ohualaz quía, otitiuh caniman o:conneltilizquia warriors, he indeed ﬁ nally dismissed qui pa lehui quiuh, inic quí mixna- in i:tlatoltzin o:hua:llazquia quipale:- their warriors on the occasion of his huátí yntitia- ca huan Huexotzínco:: hui:quih. Ini:c quimi:xna:huati inti- request for his aid. He commanded occecanpa oquinhualtítlan hoc tiacahuan Huexotzinco:. Oc ceca:npa them to go where his words would cequintin ytetlan nencahuan oqui- o:quinhua:ltitlan oc cequi:ntin i:tit- be veriﬁ ed, that they would come nahuatíto Yn tlaxcaltecâ; texcalticpac lannencahuan474 –o:quina:huatito in to help him. Thus he dismissed catca, yntlen ymicahuíc Tlaxcalte:cah Texcalticpac catca in the warriors of Huexotzinco.475 He tlein i:micca:hui:c sent some of his other envoys 476 to another place—he sent them to Texcalticpac Tlaxcal a, which was the place against which

Verso, Ms. Folio 13 [oq ...... a]477 ý Huexotzinco [o:qui ...... a] in Huexo:tzinco the ruler of Huexotzinco had [sent tlatoaní, mela huac quincaquíz478 tlahtoa:ni. Mela:huac o:quincaquiz- them to do] his killing. The Tepan- tilique, yntitia cahuah. Tepaneca Yuh tiliqueh in titiacahuan Tepane:ca iuh eca warriors explained the truth to quín mo nahua tilique ——— — quinmona:huatiliqueh: them, exhorting them in this wise: ——

Ynamehuantzitzín Pipiltin, tlal ma- “In amehuantzitzin pi:piltin, tla:- “You respected nobles and possess- ceuhque ypan Ynhuecapan Tetepe lma:ce:uhqueh i:pan i:nhuehcapan ors of the land of the high moun- tlaxcalanhuíc , maxic momachítí- te:tepe Tlaxcalanhui:c, ma xicmoma- tains near Tlaxcala, be informed can, catititlano, tititiaˆ479 cahuá chitican, ca tititlano totitiacahuan480 that the great noble, your sovereign Yˆnhuey481. Pilli mo matzin, mo in hue:i pilli momatzin moampotzin and patron Huitzilihuitzin,482 who ampotzin Huítzil Yhuítzin ynhuelqui Hui:tzilihhuitzin in huel quimopilpi- guards well the the great waters of mo Pilpialía. Ynhuey atl, chalco atl, alia in hue:i a:tl, Chalco a:tl, Tenoch- Lake Chalco and Tenochtitlan, has te nochtitlan, auh yehuatzin mitz titlan. Auh yehuatzin mitzmona:- sent our ambassadors so that you mo nahuatilía, que na yn macehu- huatilia, que:na in macehua:ltin may understand that. And he sent us altin Huexotzinco, y huá Yní yaote Huexo:tzinco i:hua:n in i:ya:o:te:- to you to advise you how the vassals yecancauh xiuhtlehuí, otlati tlan, yeca:ncauh Xiuhtlehui o:tlatitlan of Huexotzinco483 and its war leader quimitlaní- lîa yníc quipalehuíz quimitlanilia ini:c quipale:hui:z Xiuhtlehui sent to ask for help in the .amo huicopahuictzinco. ytech yn amohui:ccopahuitzinco. i:tech in war that he is planning, and that he Yaoyotl quilnamíquí. Amech mochi ya:o:yo:tl quilnamiqui, amechmochi- wishes to wage against you. Thus in huí liz nequí- yníc484 amech moco- huiliznequi. Ini:c amechmococolia his enmity against you, he entreated Colía,485 caquitlatlavhtía ynintotla- cah quitlatlauhtia ini:n totlahtohca:- this one, our ruler,who has sent us to toca486 tzín,487 amo tlacopahuíctzinco tzin,amotlaco:pahui:ctzinco you, and he [also] sent a person here 34 Anónimo Mexicano

Tontitlano, . quihual Titlanilíz tlacatl. tontitlano, quihua:ltitlaniliz tla:catl to help at this gathering.488 And then Qui pale hui qui hué ytech Ynin quipale:hui:quihuen i:tech ini:n ne- he vowed that he wanted to send neçentlallílí, auh niman quí mo ne centla:lili. Auh niman quimonetoltili, him, even though such was not truly toltí lí, Y huan quinequiquititlaniliz¸, i:hua:n quinequi quititlaniliz, mazo what it appeared to be concerning mazo neli y huí amo- tlen intech- nelli ihui ahmo: tlein intechcopa ten- them—these489 only came copa tenmachialoz ynin hualyaloca- machialoz–ini:n hua:lyaloca

Recto, Ms. Folio 14 Zan necayahualíz tica. Yetozque zan necayahua:liztica. Yetozqueh as a deception. They [would be] [zquia ...... tz]que,490 [zquia ...... ]queh, ahmo: civil. They [...... ], but it is amo tlen quilnami quizqu[e tlein quilnamiquizqueh. [Ahmo: not what they intend. They [do not amoquihuicazqu]e491 ynitzcua- quihui:caz]queh i:nitzcuahuitl, i:- carry] their swords and their war huítl, ynitz te maytl, amo nitztemaytl, ahmo: tla[co:panhui:ctz] clubs against you, not against you. tla[copanhuitz]inco-492 ca ye Ynin nco. Cah ye ini:n i:ntlana:huatilli Indeed, this is their command that ý tlanahuati llí amech hual mo ti amechhua:lmotitlanilia, ini:c mela:- he sent us to inform you, so that tlanilîa.493 ynic melahuac amo yohuac amoyo:llotzin cen yetoz, ca ye- you would be completely informed lotzin cenyetoz . cayehuatzin . noce hua:tzin noceh in i:ma:cehualhua:n. about him and his vassals. Do not yni mace hual huan, amo amech Ahmo: amechmoyo:l itlah ca:huil- be disheartened. They respectfully moyol Ytla cahui lîtzinozque, yhuá itzinozqueh ihuan amechmotlanilia, left something, and request you and amech mo494 tla ní lía, amech mo amechmotla tlauhtilia, ma:camo: i:- entreat you not to turn yourselves tlatlauh tilia, macamo inhuicopa an nhui:ccopa anmocueptzinozqueh, ca against them, because they do not mo cuep-tzinozque, cayn Yehuátín in yehuantin ahmo: ya:o:yecoqui:- come to conclude war. They do not amo yaoyeco qui hue amo amech huih ahmo: ame:chmotoli:ni:liz- cause you suffering, because they mo to li ní lizque, cazan yoca yc queh, ca zan iyohca:i:c in yo:lo:pach- are only just secretly fooling the Yn Yo-lopachihuíz ý huexotzinc- ihuiz in Huexo:tzincatl. Yehua:tl Huexotzinca. It was he who thus atl, yehuatl yn iníc tinahuatiloque, in ini:c tina:huatiloqueh, o:tame:- ordered us to speak to you and to otamech mo lhuilíco.ynan yoltla- chmolhui:lico in anyo:ltlapaltiqueh take counsel with you, who are paltiquê, chichimecâ; no Ynicuac Chi:chi:me:cah. No inihcua:c an- courageous Chichimeca. And also an qui mochihuíLízque yna mo quimochihuilizqueh in amonahua:- when you make your sorcery, let it nahualotzín. ma camo ytla necocolí, lotzin, mahcamo: itlah necoco:li, not be495 from anger, because you xicmolna míquilican, ýtla co-pahuíc xicmolnamiquilican in tlaco:pahui:c remember what the Tepaneca did YnTepaneca, Ynque na mí onan qui in Tepane:can496 in que:namih o:nan towards you during the great war497 mo-chi huilique, ynicuac ý huey quimochihuiliqueh inihqua:c in hue:i of Poyauhtlan,498 near Chalco.”499 Yaoyotl. Poyauhtlá-chalco atitlan,— ya:o:yo:tl Poyauhtlan Chalco.

Zanic o concac yn tlatollí yn Zan i:c oconcac in tlahto:lli in Col- After he listened to the speech with- Colhuaca theuctli Cuanex. Pillí huacate:uctli Cuanexpilli Texcal- out interruption, Culhuacanteuctli texcalticpac chichínecâ- ticpac Chi:chi:me:cah Cuanexpili500 of the Texcalticpac Chichimeca

Verso, Ms. Folio 14 [oquitlani]501 yao tetequihuacahuá, [o:quin titlan]i ya:o:tetequihuaca- sent war leaders. He responded to cenca miec- t[l]a[macehual]iztli,502 huan. Cencah miec tla[ma:ce:hua] them with very great remorse.503 o qui cuepilí, ynic qui mo-nahuatilí liztli o:quicuepilli. Ini:c quimona:- Thus he answered them, that he and cenca quicnelil matía yehuatzin, huatili cencah quicne:li:lmatia his city were greatful, because they yhuá yníaltepehuacahuan, caoqui- yehuatzin i:hua:n in i:a:ltepe:huaca:- helped them and would strength en mopalehuí-Liaya, oqui mo lhui huan, ca o:quimopale:hui:liaya, o:- them. Always he would give his good lizquía, cemicac quicuepcayo: quimolhuilizquia. Cemihcac will in return. He himself would in- Chapter Five 35 tizquia Yní cualmachoca, qui mo quicuepcayo:tizquia in i:cualma- crease whatever his obligation is. He tequipanil huiz. intlein zazo Ytequi- choca, quimotequipanilhuiz in tlein would always be seen drawing near pano lo catzin, mayuh ce micac qui- zazo i:tequipanolocatzin. Ma iuh ce- to serve. Then he sent back their momachietoquilítazquía:504 niman mihcac quimomachietoquilitazquia: valiant ones505 in happiness. oquin titlan ynti tiacahuan506 cenca Niman o:quintitlan i:ntitiauhcahuan paquilizpan——— cencah paquilizpan.

Hoccecanôpeuh tlaca mana ynicpe Oc cecan o:peuh tla:camana ini:c Now they began to prepare thus to huaz Yao chí-huaz; ma:zo yhuí pe:huaz ya:o:chihuaz, ma:zo ihui in begin to make war,507 even though yntlen zazo pehua amo hiec tzinti, tlein zazo pe:hua ahmo: hiec tzi:nti, what started did not begin propi- yntlacamo theo tlatla tlauhtiliztica, in tlacamo teo:tlatla:tlauhtiliztica. tiously, lacking divine supplication. ý tlanô- ynin ne ltoquilizpan amo (In tlano ini:n nelto:quilizpan ahmo: (In following him, they did not quimatia cah in intheuh, Camaxtli. quimatia cah in i:ntheuh, Camaxtli know that their god Camaxtli was an catca Yztlacatiní, tlahueli loca theotl; catca iztlacatini tlahuelilocateo:tl. imposter, a villain god. They went to oya que yn theo pan canpa catca Y ni O:ya:queh in teo:pan ca:mpa catca the temple508 where his image was. xip-tla, cenca qui mo tlatlauhtilique, in i:xi:ptla. Cencah quimotlatlauhti- They prayed much for their being inne palehuiloca oqui mo509 ytla ni liqueh in nepale:hui:lo:ca.) Oquimit- helped by him.510) They requested lique . ynic quinpalehuiz quia Yn lanilique ini:c quinpale:hui:zquia him so that he would help them, for huíco pa iní coco l hicniûan; niman i:nhui:ccopa in i:cocolhicni:huan; ni- the sake of their ancestors. Then they qui hualhui- Caque; Acatl, tehuatza- man quihua:lhui:caqueh; A:catl, brought him Reed, Dried Staff, and íatl||511 tlacotl, tlaco tlat tla huatza llí Tehuatzayatl || Tlaco:tl, Tlaco:tlat- Dessicating Staff.512 With the obsid- Yca ý mitl,513 ytztítl, maza nelhuatl. lahuatzalli. I:ca in mi:tl itztitl, ma- ian arrow, deer root, and feather yhuitlˆ zanelhuatl, i:huitl, down,

Recto, Ms. Folio 15 Ynic ochíhua lozquia, mîtl. ini:c o:chihua:lozquia mi:tl. I:xpa[n in order to make the arrow. They Yxpa[n oquitlalque]514 ynin oqui o:quitla:liqueh] ini:n o:quinhuen- set it down before him, and this huen manatô, oncan oqu[in manatoh. Onca:n oqu[inna:huati ca] one spread out the offering. There nahuaticaq]uin515 palehuízquía, quinpale:hui:zquia, cencah hue:i it was requested, with very great çenca huey tziu hcno liz tica, tziuhcnoliztica. Chocaqueh i:mi:xo:- sobbing, that he would help them. [ch]ocaque516 ymixoío tlalpan qui no yo: tla:lpan. Quino:quiqueh cencah They threw their divining things on quiquê. çenca tla tla tla uh ti liztica tlatlatlauhtiliztica. Quimotlatlauhti- the ground. They spilled them with quimo tla tla uhti líque, yecan qui liqueh, ye:cca:n qui:zazquia in i:hui:- much supplication. They prayed to zazquia yni huí cpa Ynin netequí cpa ini:n netequipacho:lli i:pan him, that it would be a propitious pachollí ypan catca ya oquimatia catcaya. O:quimmatia in a:xca:n time to ﬁ nish this penitence before ynaxcan ocachí, y na yc cemíhcac. ocachi–in ai:c cemihcac–i:ntechhuic him. He informed them that for a bit yntech huyc omonequia, cay panpa o:monequia, ca i:pampa in yaia ya:- longer—not forever—it was neces- yniayachi hual.huan, ca mochintin ý o:chihua:lhuan517 (ca mochintin i:- sary for them, because of the war- huayolcahuá yncotoncahuan. manel nhuayo:lcahuan, i:ncoto:ncahuan, riors who went before him (that is, yntla co pahuíc amo cue pCa518 caa ma:nel in tlahcopahui:c ahmo: all their relatives and their parents, mo tlein y ntlatlacol Ynpinahuiz. cuepca cah ahmo: tlein i:ntlatlacol even though they did not return to maci Yhui acualli ynintlaytlanilíz, i:npi:na:huiz. Ma:zo519 ihui ahcualli the center,520 because of their fault Yca inin Choquiz. yhuá ý tziucnolíz, in i:ntlaitlaniliz. Icah in i:ncho:quiz and their shame). For some time ca quezqui Yl= huitl qui pí xque ne- i:hua:n i:ntziucnoliz ca que:zqui they presented their evil petition, zahualiztíca; niman tlahuê-manque ilhuitl quipixqueh nezahua:liztica. by means of their weeping and their nepapan Yo lca me, Pipiltzítzín. Niman tlahuenmanqueh nepapan sobbing for many days while they Zani-521 Contlan y nin tlaytlani líz, yolcameh. Pipiltzitzin zan i:c ontlan had been fasting. Then they made an Ynmoyo ltequípa. Choque Chi- in i:ntlaihtlaniliz. In moyoltequipa- offering of various insects. Nearby, 36 Anónimo Mexicano

chimeca, Ynin tlahuelí loc, quimil- choqueh Chi:chi:me:cah. In i:- the nobles repeatedly made their huí522 caoquipíaya iní hueliti líz ntlahueliloc quimilhui ca o:quipi- requests. The Chichimeca were anx- Yca quinpale huíz, ôquin nanqui li yaya in i:huelitiliz i:ca quinpale:hui:z. ious at heart. Their rage increased Ycamatíca. Yní tlahuelico xiptla523 O:quinna:nquili i:camatica in i:tla- in intensity, because he maintained Camaxtle, amo xi mo Yo lmaah ti huelico xi:ptla Camaxtle: “Ahmo: his power in order to help them. can mayxquích amo yollo524 amotlâ ximoyolmauh-tican. Ma i:xquich Camaxtli replied to them through pal .xicchi ca ahmo: yo:llo amotlahpalxic chica:- the mouth of his enraged image:525 huacan ca “Do not be afraid. May you all aspire to be courageous, that

Verso, Ms. Folio 15 [...... ]quitzon qui xtizquê, [...... n an]quitzon,526 [...... you] will see them, auh axcá y[n anquich]ihuaz quia quixtizqueh. Auh a:xca:n i[n make them leave. And now you ce Z¸az¸anillí yztla cah=liztlí, oquin anquich]ihuazquia527 ce: za: zani:lli should make a storied deception.” nahuatí oqui temozquiâ ce Yeh iztlacatiliztli. O:quinna:huati o:quite- He commanded them to seek a pochtli tlazotli, oquipiazqui, ce yni mozquian ce: ichpo:chtli tlazohtli, special girl whom he would take care chi chi hual huey Y huan ce tepiton, o:quipiyazqui, ce: in i:chi:chi:hual of. One of her breasts was large and ni man cual hui quí-hualhui quiliz hue:i i:hua:n ce: tepito:n. Niman one small. Then when they found quia oncan yni theo pa ncal Otemo- cua:lhui:qui, hua:lhui:quilizquia her,528 they should carry her there to loto Ynin Ych pochtlí híc no huian onca:n in i:teopancal. O:te:moloto his temple-house. Having gone to yhuá zanic o cazique qui hual hui ini:n ichpo:chtli i:c No:huiya:n i:- seek this girl thereby everywhere and ca queh ynitheopan Camaxtlé, no hua:n zan i:c. O:cahziqueh quihua:- ceaselessly. Having taken hold of her, matica otlanahua tí ca qui tiz quia ce lhui:caqueh in i:teopan Camaxtle. they led her to Camaxtli’s temple. Pahtlí ynic yezatepan oconic, quipatz Nomatica o:tlana:huati caqui:tizquia It was thought that he had revealed quilizque ini chi chi hual yhuá quí ce: pahtli. Ini:c ye za:te:pan o:coni:c that he would tell them a medicine. quetz529 qui Xzquti lizquia530 Ynichi- qipa:tzquilizqueh in i:chi:chi:hual So after wards they squeezed out chihuala yotl. Ca omonequia yca i:hua:n quiqui:xtilizquia in i:chi:chi:- her milk, and her breast milk would inin yntlai tlaniliz, Zaníc oq ui patzi- huala:yo:tl, ca o:monequia i:ca ini:n emerge, because he himself accepted hui lique ini chi chi hua ôquíz531 Çé i:ntlaihtlaniliz. Zan i:c o:quipatzihui- their request by this means. After tlachipinali532 chi chi hua latl niman liqueh in i:chi:chi:hual533 o:qui:z squeezing her breast, a drop of breast Oquí tecaque Ytic çe tecomatl ytoca ce: tlachi:pinalli chi:chi:hual- a:tl. milk came out. Then they put it into Teó Caxitl. Caocatcaía Yehualtíc534 niman o:quite:caqueh ihtic ce: teco- a clay pot called Teocax itl. Indeed it ytzintlan Patlahuac, tlacô to lontíc, matl i:to:ca: Teo:caxitl. Ca o:catcaia was of some age. Its base was large, Yhuá- ye:hualtic. I:tzi:ntlan patla:huac, and thus its middle was cylindrical, tlahcotolo:ntic, i:huan

Recto, Ms. Folio 16 Yníc hueca páhuic, quenam[ih . . . ini:c huehcapahui:c que:nam[ih . . . . and towards the top [it was shaped ...... ]535 Cacemolictli ynic ...... ] Ca cemolictli ini:c like a chalice.]536 It537 was eighteen huecapan, [chichihualatl]538 tli liuh- huehcapan. [chi:chi:huala:t]l tlili- inches tall.539 [The breast milk] quí; Zaníc o qui teca que [Yt]ec540 . uhqui. Zan i:c o:quitecaqueh i:tech became black. They kept putting the Ynin chalchiuh Tecomatl, ý chi chi ini:n cha:lchiuhtecomatl, in chi:chi:- milk into the tur quoise pot. They hual âyotl, oqui Huen manaTo; auh huala:yo:tl. O:quinhuenmanato. Auh spread out the cut papers, then the yn âcatl, tlacomê, yhuá Ytz–temê. in a:catl, tlaco:meh, i:hua:n itztemeh, reed, the staves with the obsidian Mazanelhuatl, çenneli uh toc, oquitla mazanelhuatl, cenneliuhtoc. O:quit- stones, the deer tendon,541 and the pachoque yca . Eh capatlí, o qui lapachoqueh i:ca ehcapatli, o:qui- exemplary dried ear of maize. They cauh que Yuh quí Yn; y huá miec cauhqueh iuhqui in. I:hua:n miec covered it with wind medicine, and qui hué má que, amatla tlacocoton- quihuenmanqueh, a:matlahtlahco- they left it like that. And very often Chapter Five 37 allí, tzopotl, huítzilin , Yhuá Pizíetl tonalli, tzopo:tl, hui:tzilin i:hua:n they spread out the midday cut pa- Co pallí , Xochí ocotzotl. âhuí altic, pizietl copalli, xo:chiocotzotl a:hui:- per offering— buzzard,542 humming- totoch tin coamê, Zolimê; camochí altic, to:tochtin, co:a:meh, zo:limeh bird, and tobacco incense, liquid ynin cenca míec quin míctiaya .y —ca mochi ini:n cencah miec quin- nectar, rabbits, snakes, and quails— huá Yxpan qui hue n manaya ynin mictiaya i:hua:n i:xpan quihuen- for they killed all these together and theoû Camaxtlé, niman, niman543 manaya in i:nteo:uh Camaxtle. Ni- spread the offerings out before their otlatla tlauhtiayâ Ynín tlahueli ca man o:tlatlatlauhtiayan ini:n tlahue:- god Camaxtli.544 Then right away theo pixca huan ynteo pixca Yecan- lica teo:pixcahuan, in teo:pixcaye:- these malicious pri ests, the leading quí tlamacaz achcauh tlí, ynin mochi cca:nqui, tlamacazacheauhtli. Ini:n priests, and the chief priest prayed. qui po poch huíaía, yntla manallí, mochi quipopochhuiaya i:ntlama- These incensed it all—their offer- yca ahhuíaca popochtlí, Yhuá Ynchal nalli i:ca a:huiaca popo:chtli, i:hua:n ings545 with liquid incense, and the chiu h teco-matl, ynic ocatcaya ínchi in cha:lchiuhtecomatl. Ini:c ocatcaya turquoise pot. Thus it was that they chi hualayotl. O–quizca, ytech y ni in chi:chi:huala:yo:tl o:qui:zca, i:tech brought out the breast milk of the chi chí hual huá y nich poch tlí: Yno in i:chi:chi:hua:lhuan in ichpo:chtli breasts of the maiden, incensing it in tlapopoch huiaya yo huatzinco in o:tlapopo:chhuia:ya yohuatzinco, the morning,

Verso, Ms. Folio 16 [...... ]tlâ Co Yohual [tlacohto:natiuh i:hua:n]546 tlahco at noon, and at midnight for three pan, Yei tonal [y ...... ] tlein yohualpan, yei tonal. [Ini:c ahzo days. Thus without doubt he quitaya, y tech y n acatl tetotocamítl, i:tlal]tlein547 quittaya, i:tech i:n a:catl watched, with his whole attention on ítztetl, chichihualatl, yni na huallo, te:toto:cami:tl, itztetl, chi:chi:hua:la:- his reed and obsidian pursuit arrow yhuá; Yncen tlachipínalli chichíhu tl in inahua:llo, i:hua:n in cen tla- and his breast-milk sorcery, in the alayotl, ôhuactaya. yníc moyol- chipi:nalli chi:chi:huala:yo:tl. O:- company of his dried maize and the mauhtí que tlaocoyaía; ohual azíc yn huactaya, ini:c moyolmauhtiqueh dripped breast milk. It dried, so they tonallí, yequí- Zaz que Yaoytl, maci tlao:coyaia. O:hua:lazic in to:nalli, ye were afraid, they were sad.548 The huí amo ochico yo- hua ya. yca inin quizazqueh ya:o:ytl, ma:cihui ahmo: sun descended, and they stopped the nepa le huiloca ynin theû– Omi x tí, o:chico:yohuaya. I:ca ini:n nepale:- battle, although night had not fallen quítac, ínin Theo pixcauh tlatocauh hui:loca, in i:nteuh o:mi:xti. Quittac completely. In order to help,549 this yn theo Caxítl; y huá Yn Acamê, tla ini:n teo:pixcauh tlahtohca:ua i:hua:n one lord sacriﬁ ced someone.550 Thus chichtli- tla l huayotl, Ytztêtl, oncan in a:cameh, tlachichtli tlalhuayo:tl i:- these priests and lords watched the ocazíc Ca mochi Ye ómo zazaloca yn tztetl. Onca:n o:cahci:c ca mochi ye sacred chalice, and the reeds and the Acatl, y huá ý Ytztetl, yeca551 tetotoca o:moza:zalo:ca in a:catl i:hua:n in i:- ﬂ etching. Then they took hold of mintlí; auhin theo Caxitl ye oteten tztetl, ye ca te:toto:cami:ntli. Auh in it, because they had indeed already yníc opozon, quenamí,552 chi chi tl; teo:caxitl ye o:te:ten. Ini:c o:pozo:n. glued all the reed and the obsidian hueyata pozo-tíuh zanono quíuhti Que:namih chi:chi:tl hueyata pozon- stone [points] to the pursuit arrows. uh. yxpan yn the o tl, caque na mí tiuh, zan o:no:quitiuh i:xpan in teo:tl, And the Teocaxitl was already full yni Cuac co mi tl Pozo ni, y nícuac ca que:namih in ihcua:c co:mitl because it frothed up,553 vigorously. ynin, Ynhue xotzinca ymace hual- pozo:ni. In ihcua:c ini:n in Huexo:- The manner in which the milk went huá Yao quizcahuan; omoxêxelocâ tzinca i:ma:cehualhua:n, i:ya:o:qui:- on boiling vigorously, it was just mocececan manca; Ynimaceh554 ca zcahuan555 o:moxe:xe:locan. Mo- spilling over before the god, when hua n cececca:n manca in i:ma:chcahuan. the pot boiled in this way. Then these vassals of Huexotzinco and his soldiers scattered556 themselves in several directions.557 His followers558 had dispersed. Recto, Ms. Folio 17

Principio de la Guerra Principio de la Guerra The Begining of the Mexican Mexicana 8[o /]559 Mexicana 8[o /] War 8th/ [Chapter]

Ynic pehuaz Ynyaoyotl, ynamo quin Ini:c560 pe:huaz in ya:o:yo:tl. In Thus the battle began.561 They did mocatit–iaia.562 Ynquin Yehual- ahmo: quinmocatitiaya in quin ye:- not confer with those they had huique, ynic quimatia cen ca huey hualhuiqueh. Ini:c quimatia cenca563 brought with them just then.564 ininhueliti liz quihual huica ya, íca hue:i in i:nhuelitiliz quihua:lhui:- Thus they thought their very great í-nin nepalehuiloca ýnin Coanotzal- caya i:ca in i:nnepale:hui:loca. In i:- act would bring their aid.565 These hual, tealte pepan ehuâ, auh ynmace- nconno:tzalhua:l tea:ltepe:pan. E:- fi nished566 conferring at the567 city. hualtin omololoque omocetilique huan auh in ma:ce:hualtin o:mo- They568 departed, and the common- ca çenca miec caintetepê oquíque. loqueh. O:moce:tiliqueh, ca cenca ers united themselves. They united miâ; y huan ynixtlahuamé; ýcanpa miec. Ca in te:tepe o:quique:mian themselves, so that together they opanohuaya ynatentli atl qui tlamiay i:hua:n in ixtla:huameh in ca:mpa were very many. Indeed, they crossed inic oconíâ; yno hualne nentoaya, o:panohuaya. In a:te:ntli a:tl quitla- the mountains and they fi lled the omoxexeloay. cequintin yxtlahua- miay. Ini:c o:conia:n in o:hua:- plains569 there. Thus they went there, can ynoc cequin tetepepan Xo lo lnehnentoaya. O:moxe:xeloaya wandering this way. Some were theo pan, ca axcan mo thene hua, cequi:ntin i:xtla:huacan inoc cequi:- scattered to the savannas, others totolân570 Xinticatca . Ynhualpehuaya ntin te:tepepan Xo:loteo:pan, ca a:- onto the mountains of Xoloteopan, Cuapanco, Sannicolas571 Panotlan. xca:n motenehua To:tolan xinticatca. that is now called Totolan, where Hiccen mochi theo. tlalpan. Y huan In hua:lpe:huaya Cuapanco, San it is fl at. They were beginning to Contlantzinco, çacen qui Ya hua lo Nicolas Panotlan i:ccen mochi Teo:- come to Cuapanco, and San Nicolás que572 qui quenque, Yncuauh tlalí; tlalpan i:hua:n Contlantzinco. Za cen Panotlan, throughout Teotlalpan tetepepan ayoc motleyn motaya, quiyahua:loqueh quiquenqueh, in to Contlantzinco. Thus some went ynicua c Yn nomatica ohual azíco573 cuahutla:lli te:tepepan. ayocmo: tlei:n around, covering574 the forest on the Yninnepalehui loca, ý Mexícâ Tepan- motaya. Inihcua:c in nohmahtica o:- mountains. Not again was the like eca caquinchiaya in Huexo tzíncâ; hua:lahcico. Ini:n nepale:hui:loca, in seen. Then they freely came this way. auh zaníc o tlapizque ýntepaneca Me:xihcah Tepane:ca, cah quinchiaya The Huexotzinca were awaiting the yuhquin na huatí ca Y nin yaotlato- in Huexo:tzincan; auh zan i:c otlap- aid of the Tepanecan Mexica; and after cauh, omocecan manque, Ynic izqueh in Tepane:ca, iuhquin na:- the Tepaneca undertook this,575 they huatica in i:nya:o:tlahtohca:uh. sent their commanders of war and O:mocecanmanqueh. Ini:c they assembled themselves together. Thus they

Verso, Ms. Folio 17 Yotlecôque cuauhtlalpan, tlac pan- yotlecoqueh cuauhtla:lpan, tlacpan- ascended the forests towards the huíc,. Yncanpa motocayotia tlama- hui:c in ca:mpa moto:ca:yo:tia front,576 in the place named

38 The Beginning of the Mexican War 39 cazcatzíncó, cuauhtzalan ynicamo Tlamacazcatzinco Cuauhtzalan, Tlamacazcatzinco Cuauhtzalan,577 qui nequía, quin yo cualanilti z que ini:c ahmo: quinequia quinyocual- because578 they did not want to anger yn chichimeca, yeoquin yehua lol aniltizqueh in Chi:chi:me:cah. Ye o:- the Chichimeca. Already, at the be- tzacâ; auh yn yeoinmalitíc ynyao- quinyehua:loltzacan. Auh in ye o:- ginning of the war, they579 drove off iotl. Oqui quiztique yn Huexotzinca inma:litic in ya:o:yo:tl, o:quiquiz- the Huexotzinca and their allies with yhuá ynin coanotza lhuan. Yca huey tiqueh in Huexo:tzinca:n i:huan in great fury and shouting. They spread tlahuelli, tzatziliztli çenmantiuh, i:ncoanotzalhuan i:ca hue:i tlahue:lli, out and engaged the Chichimeca. oquin hual namique ý chichimeca.580 tzahtziliztli cenmantiuh, o:quin- They ascended the slope, and the tlaixco quintle coltique, auh inchi- hua:lnamiqueh in Chi:chi:me:cah. Chichimeca with all their allies were chimeca581 ycamochí ynintlâpal tiliz. Tlaixco quintlehcoltiqueh, auh in met ﬁ rst. The Chichimeca captured Ynachtopa o mo na mique, oquitziz Chi:chi:me:cah i:ca mochi in i:ntlan- one of his582 warriors, and immedi- qui que ceme yniyaohuan, yhua paltiliz in achtopa o:monamiqueh. ately they went together and made n quiciuhca hui caque quíhuen O:quitzizquiqueh583 ce: meh in i:ya:- an offering to their god, Camax tli. manilitô Ynin theovˆ Camaxtlé, zazan o:huan. i:hua:n quiciuhca hui:ca- Then right away they eagerly cut niman quihual elchiquiuh tlapôque, queh quihuenmanilitoh in i:nteo:- open his chest here. They removed quiquixtí-líque yní Yollo.584 qui huen ton, Camaxtle. Zazan niman qui- his heart. They offered it to their ma- manilique y ni tla hueli loca, tlatel hua:le:lchiquiuh tlapoqueh. licious, cursed god. Then they ﬂ ayed chi hual theovˆ, nima no quixí-peu- Quiquixtiliqueh in i:yo:llo:. Qui- him, and they dressed one of them hque. y huan ceme yehuá tín oqui huenmaniliqueh in i:ntlahue:li:lo:- in this one’s skin. He draped himself moquen tí. Y nin y cue tlaxo, omolpi ca:- tlatelchi:hual teo:uh.585 Niman with his intestines, and he went yca iní cuy tlaxco l,- tlalpan qui huy o:quixipeuhqueh i:hua:n ce:meh along dragging his feet and his hands huí lantiuh ynícxi huá, Yni ma huan, yehua:ntin o:quimoque:nti ini:n on the ground. He presented himself o mi xpantí . huenti liztíca. Y ni i:cuetlaxo:. O:molpi i:ca in i:cuitlax- as an offering to his villainous god. tlahue li loca theû. omecuep.586 Xípe, col, tla:lpan quihuyhuilantiuh in He was transformed into Xipe. It was ca yuhquin587 i:cxihuan, in i:mahuan. O:mi:xpanti thus that huentiliztica in i:tlahuelilocateo:uh. O:mocuep Xipe. Ca iuhquin

Recto, Ms. Folio 18 quíntocayotiaía588. ynomo cuetlax quinto:ca:yo:tiaya, in o:mocuet- he was giving them honor, by quenti aya, Yno-quíc yequí pitzaía, laxque:ntiaya. In oqui:c ye quipitzaia, making their skin a garment. All quitzonaya yn tepo naz tlí- Yhuá quitzonaya in tepona:ztli i:hua:n the while they played, they beat cololí; cuauh coyolím, yhuá hocce- cololi, cuauhcoyolin,589 i:hua:n oc the lateral log drum and trumpets, quine Yaotlatquítl ycamiec tzatzilizt- cequi:ne ya:o:tlatquitl i:ca miec wooden bells, along with other li, tla huelecayo tíca cayûh, Ozelomê, tzahtziliztli, tlahue:lehcayo:tica ca war property, with much furious mimiztín590 ômozepan xí co-ayâ, ina- iuh o:celo:meh, mimi:ztin. O:moce:- shouting, like coyotes, jaguars, and quin huel achtopa o tla xícoz quia, panxi:coa:yan in a:quin huel ach- mountain lions. Those who were nocece quintin híemopalehuizquíâ, topa. O:tlaxi:cozquia noceh cequi:- at the very front were themselves ynicamo xicahuilozquia yuhquiyn nti:n yeh mopale:hui:zquian, ini:c collectively deceived. They would omozepan tzatzaíanaya, necocchi- ahmo: xicca:huilozquia. Iuhquiyn endure it, or some of them would be cahua líztlí ý huelitíliz ocaçía, ynín o:moce:pan tzatzayanaya. Necoc encouraged,591 and thus would not tlahuel oquin Comoníaya, cequi ntí chica:hua:liztli i:nhueli:tiliztli o:cah- be left out. In this manner they cut n ycatematl, tetl quitlaza ya, cequí cia. In i:ntlahue:l o:quincomo:nia:ya. him to pieces. On both sides they quenamí Poctli oquitlazaíámíntlí- Cequi:ntin i:ca tematl tetl quitla:zaya. reached the fullness of their strength. ynic cen mochí omo netech mí mí Cequi que:namih po:ctli o:quitla:- Their fury became inﬂ amed.592 Some c t i ayá, y nime zo quino quíaya zaya593 mi:ntli. Ini:c cen mochi o:- threw down rock with slings. Others inyemíquí, yhuá quimíxílca ca yníc monetech mimictiaya, in i:mezzo: shot down some sort of smoking 40 Anónimo Mexicano

tla i xco tepetla, ototocaya ynimez¸z¸o. quino:qui:aya. In ye miqui, i:hua:n arrows. Thus all together they killed yni-uh huetzí Ylhuícac hueyatl, caa- quimihxilca, ca ini:c tlaixco tepe:tla, each other, they spilled one another’s mo Yuh y nní- quítõa594 ynque namí o:toto:ca:ya in i:mezzo:. In iuh huetzi blood. Already they died, and it Omochiuh, ynicuac zoneuh ticatca, ylhuicac hue:i a:tl. Ca ahmo: iuh ini:n awakened them, so that thus their mo huey chihtícatca ínin yaoyotl, yn quihtoa: in que:namih o:mochi:uh, blood ran down the surface at the theopîx-ca yacanquí quimo tlatlavhti in ihcua:c zo:ne:uhticatca, mohue:- bottom of the mountains. It was as if li li ticatca,595 iniy ztla ca theovˆ, yníc- ichi:uhticatca ini:n ya:o:yo:tl. In teo:- ﬂ oods of water were falling from the qui596 mí tlani li to ia tziucno liztica, pixcayacanqui quimotlatlauhtili- sky. This was not as if these said how ma597 hiec nalquiza Yní Altepeuh; atia catca, in iztlaca theo:uh. Ini:c it happened to them, when they were zanic qui tlamí. ynitla= quimihtlanilitoia tziucnoliztica, ma: exaggerating and aggrandizing them- ye:cna:lqui:za in i:a:ltepe:uh. Zan i:c selves regarding this war. The leading quitlami:n in priest was petitioning the villainous god. Thus he begged him with great sobbing, that they would completely triumph.598 Just when he ended

Verso, Ms. Folio 18 ytlanilíz;599 oquizqui Ynahuati liztica i:tlaihtlaniliz, o:qui:zqui i:na:huatil- his prayer, his villainous god ynítlahue li loca theôû,600 ymac acti iztica in itlahueliloca teo:uh: I:ma- emerged with his command: the uh yn.theo caxitl, ycainchi chihual cactiuh in teo:caxitl i:ca in chi:chi:- sacred chalice with the milk would ayotl, ihuan quin yoleuh quimilhuy, huala:yo:tl i:hua:n quinyo:le:uh qui- enthrall and vitalize them. He said, maîxquich Ynamo Yollehuilíz inax- milhuy, “Ma i:xquich in ahmo: yole:- “Do not be worried at all now, can. Yaoquíza nimé chi-chimeca, ê,601 huiliz in a:xca:n, yao:qui:zanimeh Chichimec war leaders. That one ynaic anxiconí, ynaíc anyol cuetlaxi- Chi:chi:me:cah. Yeh in ai:c anxi:coni never deceives you at any time, that huy macamo Ximo mauhtican, cay in aican, yo:lcuetlaxihui. Ma:camo: he withers in vitality. Be not afraid eínmá inan602 tla xí-Cozque, ipanpa ximomauhtican, ca ye in manin. that they are already preparing. You in to theovˆ. Camaxtlé. y eto tech hic Antlaxi:cozqueh i:pampa in toteo:uh will endure it for the sake of our god hicnoyohuâ. Ynoquic oqui to ay inin Camaxtle. Ye totech i:c icno:yo- Camaxtli. That one is someone com- ynecentla liltlatol, oquino qui ynchi huah.”603 In o:qui:c o:quihtoa:y ini:n passionate to us.” In addition to this chihualatl, y pan Yno quí moquentí- i:necentla:liltlahto:l, o:quino:qui in one saying his unifying604 words, he toía .yn mique cuetlaxtlí, ocanquí chi:chi:hua:la:tl i:pan in o:quimo- spilled the breast milk onto the one . niman Ce mintli, ynmicniuh yno que:ntitoia in miqueh cuetlaxtli. dressed in the dead one’s skin. Then, mozazalôca- nahualotica quimá, Occa:n quin niman ce: mi:ntli, in in two places, a pursuit arrow and oqui tlaz ý pan Ynte605 Yaohuá- ycuac micni:uh in o:mozazalocah na:hua:- its companion were stuck together yn oqui quiz ti quizque ynoc cequi llo:tica. Quiman,606 o:quitla:z in i:pan with sorcery. He spread them out, he mintli catca theopan, chicahuac in te:ya:o:hua:n. Ihcua:c in o:quiqui:- ﬂ ung them down before the war- motlazâto, ynpan Yn Hue xotzinca ztiqui:zqueh in oc cequi mi:ntli catca riors. When they ﬁ nished making miec tlacatl tlalpan qui tepehua=ya, teo:pan. Chicahuac motlazato i:npan them come out, there were still some Ynic nimá607 ome huatequetz çe mix in Huexo:tzinca miec tla:catl. Tla:- arrows before the god. Many men ayahuitl tliliuhquí caahuel ynmo lpan quite:pe:huaya. Ini:c niman threw themselves down onto the noma yttaía, amo omonex tíaya, iníc o:me:hua-tequeh ce: mixa:yahuitl many Huexotzinca warriors. He scat- mo cepan mîmictîqué, ynteoyao hua tliliuhqui ca ahhuel in monohma- tered them on the land here. Then n y na mo ma o qui matia hac qui hittaia. Ahmo: o:mone:xtiaya. Ini:c they raised up a black fog, so that it mictiaya, ypanpa moce:panmihmictiqueh in te:ya:o:- was hard to be seen readily.608 They hua:n. In ahmo: mah o:quimatia ac were not revealed. Thus, the warriors quimi:ctiaya i:pampa, were killing one another. It was as if they could not even recognize who they killed there, The Beginning of the Mexican War 41

The glyph sign for Tlaxcala. The arrows indicate that the city is being besieged. (“Códice Xolotl,” Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Manuscript, Mexicain 46–50, fol. 38V.)

Recto, Ms. Folio 19 ayocmo609 míxmatía, aocmo omo- ayocmo mi:xmatia. Aocmo: moce:- because they could not be seen. They cepan yttaya, zaYo ca oqui machi panittaya za:yohca: o:quimachiliaya were no longer seeing everything liayaí, ynic mo çepan xixílíaya in. Ini:c moce:panxi:xiliaya, o:mah- together,610 but just acting indi- omazique miec aocmo tla ma to que. ciqueh. Miec aocmo: tlama:toqueh. vidually. Thus they were all being yeoyxpopoîo-ti que, ynce quintín Ye o:i:xpopoyo:tiqueh, in cequi:ntin trampled and being grabbed. Many atlauhco omo tepexi huíaía, amo- atlauhco o:motepe:xihuiaya. Ahmo: just felt around by hand. Already qui ma tia Canpahícoyaía, cequin quimatia ca:mpa i:c o:ya:ia. Cequi:n they dashed their faces, and some al- omocuacha Laniaya texcalco, yníc o o:mocua:chala:niaya texcalco. Ini:c ready fell into canyons. They did not miquia, ca yeínecayahual chihualíz o:miquia, ca ye in ehca yahua:lchi- know thereby where they went. Thus Ynamo hiectli, amo hoccecampa hua:liz in ahmo: ye:ctli. Ahmo: occe: some cracked their heads against the omotac quiteneuhque yno quit- ca:mpa o:mottac quiteneuhqueh in volcanic outcrops. Thus they died, taque, ca ín atlauhtin o teten que o:quittaqueh, ca in a:tlauhtin o:tete:- because already that evil one made omixmá que. Yca íno mîqué; Yhuan queh o:mi:xmanqueh i:ca in o:mi- them wander around. Not since then y n chichimeca ý çîhuahuahuan, queh. I:hua:n in Chichimeca i:nci- has been seen what they told that ynin Pilhuan, Zatepanían oquizque huahuan,611 in inpilhuan za:te:pan- they saw, because they ﬁ lled the gul- oquintzitzquiaya. ynomo-cauhcâ ian o:qui:zqueh, o:quintzi:zquia:ya in lies level with those who died. And tlaca; auh yn huexotzincatl yca inin o:moca:uhcan tla:ca, auh in Huexo:- the wives and children of the Chi- tlachí-huallí, amo çe612 omo palehuí, tzincatl i:ca ini:n tlachihua:lli, ahmo: chimeca afterwards came out and mochí, otzitzquiloc, ôâ-noc, noce ce: o:mopale:hui:. Mochi o:tzi:tzqui- took hold of the men who remained, omictiloc; inquezquintin ocholoque loc. O:a:no:c noceh o:mictiloc. In and by means of these deeds, not ô-oquinnahuati to ynín huailcahuá, quezquintin o:choloqueh o:quinna:- one of the Huexotzinca were helped. oyolticatca o quin mil huitaque huatito ini:n huailcahuan.613 O:- All were taken prisoner.614 They were inic otlachiuhtiaque,. Auh inicuac yolticatca, o:quinmilhuitaqueh. Ini:c seized or killed. However, many who oquicaquía Ynin nican ôpanoc, o:tlachi:uhtiaqueh, auh in ihcua:c ﬂ ed reported these lost ones.615 They omomauh títaya; auh ý Tepan- o:quicaquia ini:n nican o:pano:c, reported that they were alive. Thus 42 Anónimo Mexicano

ecatl zanicoqui tac yni n yaoyotl, o:momauhtitaya. Auh in Tepane:catl they had caused something to be omocueptaque ynin chayocan, zan i:c o:quittac ini:n ya:o:yo:tl, o:- done, and when they heard this they mocacui ti li z tíca, cenca pactihuí, mocueptaqueh in i:nchayocan, moca left and were afraid. And after the Te- ynicamo omo çetilí que yn cuitiliztica, cencah pactihui. Ini:c paneca leader had seen this war, they ahmo: o:mocetiliqueh in returned to their place of habitation completely informed and very paci- ﬁ ed. Thus they did not join

Verso, Ms. Folio 19 nahuac ý Huexotzînca: y tech mitoa na:huac in Huexo:tzinca. I:tech mih- with the Huexotzinca. Concern- ynin huey Ya oyotl , ca ce huey teya toa ini:n hue:i ya:o:yo:tl, cah ce: hue:i ing this great war, it is said that yacanquí ytoca catca; tecua-nitzin ca teyaya:canqui i:to:ca: catca Te:cua:- there was a great war leader whose o quimaman cuícalíztica, ininyaotl nitzin, ca o:quima:ma:n cui:caliztica name was Tecuantzin, and that they qui pixque yn theo Chichimeca. Y ini:n ya:o:tl quipixqueh in Teo:chi- memorialized616 him in song. The nachto pa, oal-tepe manque nican tla chimeca. In achtopa, o:a:ltepe:- Teochichimeca waged this war. They tocayo pá tlaxcalan, no-qui tenehua. manqueh nican tlahtohca:yo:pan ﬁ rst established cities here in the yn Yao yotl, qui chi uhque theo Poy- Tlaxcalan. Noquitenehua in ya:o:- ruling place of Tlaxcala. They say auh tlan. Ynna huac huíc ý nahuac617 yo:tl quichi:uhqueh Teo:poyauhtlan they [were the ones who] made war ý acolhuaque, te panecca chalco huic in na:huachui:c i:nna:huac in A:co:- at Teopoyauhtlan with the Acolhua, atenco— lhuaqueh, Tepane:ca Cha:lcohui:c and Tepaneca near Chalco Atenco. A:te:nco. Yníc. VII 618 Capitulo. Ini:c VII Capitulo Chapter 7 nican mo tenehua yní-cepan tlachi- Nican mote:ne:hua in i:ce:pantlachi- Here it is mentioned the accom- hual, quípixque yntlaxcaltecá, Yn hua:l, quipixqueh in Tlaxcalte:cah in plishments of the Tlaxcalteca in the nahuac ý Huexotzincâ; inic ynna- na:huac in Huexo:tzincah; ini:c in region of the Huexotzinca; how they huachíc, ô=mozetililique ynoccequin- na:huachui:c o:moce:tiliqueh in oc ce- united themselves with the rest of the tin tlati la naltín. ye- híco, âltepemá qui:ntin tlatila:naltin ye i:c o:a:ltepe:- provinces when they established cities taque nohuíanpa. tlaltecpá= mataqueh no:huiya:npa tla:ltecpan.619 everywhere as royal lands.

Ynin yaoiotl quipixque cate ma Ini:n yao:yo:tl quipixqueh ca temam- They waged620 this war that was mauhti ý na cazpan ino quicaquia, aulitiy nacazpan in o:quicaquia, frightening to the ears of those who qui matíâ, yncequi n tí n amo quimatian. In cequi:ntin ahmo: heard it and knew about it. Some did quineltocaia yntheo chichimeca cui quineltocaia in Teo:chichimeca cuix not believe the Teochichimeca were x-miquini catca, quimatia at621 theot- miquini catca, quimatia ahteo:tla:- mere mortal men, but believed them latlaca catca ynic ce Yeo mahuiztilo tlacah catca. Ini:c ceh ye o:mahuizti- to be demons.622 Thus they were quê, ynic cenmochí Ynal tepehuacan, loqueh. Ini:c cenmochi in a:ltepe:- surely revered. Thus when the news tlana huati li oacíco yn nahuac huíc huacan tlana:huatili o:ahcico in na:- [of the war] arrived in their vicin- mochintin quinequia yca ín yo llo huachui:c, mochintin quinequia i:ca ity, all the inhabitants of the cities mocetilizque,= i:nyo:llo: moce:tilizqueh. wanted to be united with them. ——— ——— ———

Recto, Ms. Folio 20 ynic nonochipa pacâ o coxcai tica Ini:c nonochipa pa:cca: o:coxcaitica Thus they would agree to be forever yetoz qui a, cauh o qui teneuhque ye tozquia. Cah iuh o:quiteneuhqueh at peace with them. So it was that inin tlâtol, ynachtopa o hualaque cay in i:ntlahtol. In achtopa O:hua:lla:- they endorsed their proposals. It ehuantin ynchichimeca catca Huexo queh ca yehua:ntin in Chi:chi:me:- was they, the Chichimeca who were tzinco y huan yno mo Yo leuhca ý cah catca Huexo:tzinco, i:hua:n in at Huexotzinco, who ﬁ rst came hua Yolquê, tlaxcalteca Pipil-tin, o:moyo:leu:hca in hua yo:lqueh together with those who were kin zano matica yuh qui hual y lnamique Tlaxcalte:cah pi:piltin. Zan o:matica to the Tlaxcalteca nobles. Thus Yn Mexíca tepaneca. Yca inin tlâ tla iuh quihua:lylna:miqueh in Me:- the Tepaneca just remembered it co l quimilhuí to y ní te ya y ecanca xihcah Tepane:ca i:ca in i:ntlahtlaco:l, because of the confessions of their huan yníc omíco hua c tlaxcala n quimilhuito in i:teyaya:ca:ncahuan623 war leaders, who told them of the Zan nômatíca mocentlalique yn ini:c o:micohuac Tlaxcalan. Zan, dying at Tlaxcala. Just as freely the colhuacá, Y huan acolhuâquê; manel nohmahtica, mocentla:liqueh in Culhua and the Acolhua also united cemicac ocatcaya Ymic nihuan Colhuacan, i:hua:n A:co:lhuaqueh themselves (although they always

43 44 Anónimo Mexicano

Ynchololteca, yhuan Ynte peyecac (ma:nel cemihcac ocatcaya i:nicni- had been their friends). The Cho- tlaca, Cuauh quecholteca, ytzocan, huan624). In Chololteca i:hua:n in lolteca and the people of Tepeyecac, cuauhchinanca, toto-mi huácan, tepe:yecactlaca, Cuauhquecholteca, the Cuauhquecholteca, Itzoca, cho chomê, Pinomê, tecamachalca, Itzocan, Cuauhchinanca, Totomi- Cuauhchinanca, Totomihuaca, aca tzinca, tehuacanecâ Cozca teca, huacan, Chochomeh, Pinomeh, Chicome, Pinome, Tecamachalca, Teo teca, ynín tlati-Lanal. ý holmeca Tecamachalca, Acatzinca, Tehuacan- Acatzinca, Tehuacanecan Cozcateca, xicalancan, tlatlauhquí tepeca625 ecah Cozcateca, Teoteca, in and Teoteca, the territories of the Ol- yztac ymaxitlan, tetelâ, Zaca tepeca, i:ntlatila:nal in Olmeca Xicalancan, meca Xicalanca, the province of the y‘huan no huían ynin tlati lanal ca- Tlatlauhquitepeca Izta:c I:maxtitlan, Tlatlauhqui Tepecayztaca, Tetetlaca, mochintin yecan huala que, omo ceti Tetelah, Zacatepe:ca i:huan no:hui- and Zacatepeca, together with their lique in na huac yn tlaxcalteca tlaca ya:n in i:ntlatila:nal–cah mochintin territory everywhere, so that all of camiec xíhuitl atle neco li lí ômopîx, ye:cca:n hua:laqueh. O:moce:tiliqueh them came. They assembled them- I ni ceoab yec notzaia, omotlapati in na:huac in Tlaxcalte:cahtla:cah, ca selves near the people of Tlaxcala, so liaya, zanic o mo ce ti li que â Yoctle miec xihuitl atle neco:lili o:mopix. that for many years they controlled machiaya Yaoyotl. Oqui má tíaque O:moce:panyecno:tzaia, o:motlapa- whatever enmity they had. They ne- tilia:ia zan i:c o:moce:tiliqueh. Ahye:- gotiated and traded with each other, ctli626 machia:ya ya:o:yo:tl. because only thereby they would O:quimantiaqueh unify themselves. They knew war was not good. The founded

Verso, Ms. Folio 20 Miec Altepe Yntlalpan, motepan- miec a:ltepe: i:ntla:lpan. Motepan- many cities in their land. They titaque, qui mo xexelhuique ynin titaqueh. quimoxexelhuiqueh in in- themselves built walls. They shared tlâtlal quí piazquia, Yn cuahutlal- tlahtla:l. Quipiyazquia in cuauhtla:- their plans. They would guard their tin, yhuá ynixtlahuamé. nochi te ltin627 i:hua:n in i:xtlahuameh, nochi forest lands and their ﬁ elds, and each tzacuali ceceacanpa ý tlatilanalli tetzacuali cecea ca:mpa. In tlatila:- of all the enclosures . They peopled oqui macehu=aya noce canpa oquí nalli o:quimma:ce:huaya, noceh ca:- the territory, or where it looked cualytaya; y huan y ni n nahuatil, mpa o:quicualytaya, i:hua:n good, and their law was that it could ynnetlaliloca, hic o hueyataque, omi in i:nnahuatil, in netla:liloca, i:c be settled if they grew. They multi- equía taque cay ca caxtol Po huali o:hueyataqueh. O:miequiataqueh ca plied and expanded, so that by three xihuitl, mito- a caoteten tlacatl ypan i:ca caxtol pohua:li xihuitl mih- hundred years, it is said that they ynin mexícá tlalpan= ynic nauhcan toa ca o:te:ten tla:catl i:pan ini:n spread throughout the land of the theoatitlan, tlapatzco, chanpoton mexicahtla:lpan. Ini:c Na:uhca:n, Mexica. Thus Nauhcan, Teoatitlan Campech, acozamelco, cuauhtzacu- Teo:a:titlan, Tlapatzco, Chanpoton, Tlapatzco, Champoton, Campeche, alco, cenpoallá= Nauhtlan, Cozâpan, Campech, Acozamelco, Cuauhtzacu- Cozumel, Cuauhtzacualco, Zempoa- Papantlan, chacha lintlá= meztit alco, Cenpoalla Nauhtlan Cozapan, la,628 Nauhtlan, Cozapan, Papantlan, tlan, huaxteca, Panoco, cayehuá Papantlan, Chachalintlan Meztitlan, Chachaintla-Meztitlan, Huaxtec, and oqui xixini-que Ynintlaca mecaío Huaxteca, Panoco–ca yehuan o:quix- Panoco—they were settled. It is said y nín chi chimeca, Yhuá- aco lhua ixiniqueh. In intlacamecaio ini:n that the lineages of these Chichimeca que míto ohualaque629 tonalco Ycala Chi:chi:me:cah, i:hua:n Acolhuaqueh and Acolhua came from where the Quían, Hue huecalco=— mito o:hua:laqueh tonalco i:cala sun entered its home in the west.630 i:uian huehuecalco. Yníc VIII Capitulo631 Ini:c VIII Capitulo Chapter 8

Yníc o Alte pe tecácataque ytech ynin Ini:c o:a:ltepe:tecacaque i:tech ini:n How they populated this kingdom of tlatocaíotl, tlaxcalan yhuá ynico tlahtohca:yo:tl Tlaxcalan, i:hua:n in Tlaxcala, and when they spread out moma¯ Yní nahuy Ycpal tla tocayo- i:co:moman ini:n na:hui icpaltlahto:- these four seats of rulership that were ytoca; cabeseras———632 ca:yo: — i:to:ca: cabeseras. called cabeseras.

Yní cuac Paca ocoxcaiotica qui In ihcua:c pa:cca: o:coxcayo:tica At that time, the Tlaxcala were macehuaia yntlax-calteca ynimalte- quimma:ce:huaya in Tlaxcalte:cah yn peacefully governing their cities. peuh, quí piaia Zan Yoca ce i:na:ltepe:uh. Quipiyaya zan iyohca:- ce:

Recto, Ms. Folio 21 Ynin tlatocauh, amo maâca otla- ini:n tlahtohca:uh. Ahmo: matica This sovereign ruled by himself. This calaquil manaya ynin thevctli. Ytoca o:lacalaquilmanaya ini:n te:uctli. I:- sovereign did not know vassalage to catca Colhuacateuctli, cuanex– ynin to:ca: catca Co:lhuacate:uctli Cua:- anyone. His name was Culhuaca- oquipix ce yteycauh. Motocayo- nex. Ini:n o:quipix ce: i:te:ica:uh teuctli Cuanex. This one took care tiay Teyohualmin qui chichimeca moto:ca:yo:tiay Teyohualmi:nqui of a younger brother who was called teuctlí, cazatepan omê toca yohuac, Chi:chi:me:cahte:uctli, ca za:te:pan Teyohualminqui Chichimecteuctli, Cuícuítzcatl theo chichi mecatl, Za- o:me to:ca:yo:huac, Cui:cui:tzcatl who was later called Cuicuitzcatl níc ômotac Ye huehuetíc, zenca tlat Teo:chi:chi:me:catl. Zan i:c o:mottac Teochichimecatl. Afterwards he was qui hua. íno miec Ymacehual huan ye hue:huetic, cencah tlatquihua in seen to be already great, and had quin mo cuitlahuiaya, oquito quí no: miec i:ma:cehualhua:n quinmo- many properties and was taking care ocan Xe loz intlatôcayotl. ynahuac cuitlahuiaya, o:quitoquiocanxeloz of many of his vassals. He divided yniteycauh Teyohual minquí, auh ni- i:ntlahto:cayo:tl na:huac in i:teycauh their rulership with his brother man Yn Collhuacateuctlí oquí-notz Teyohua:lminqui. Auh niman in Col- Teyohualminqui. And then Colhua- inin yteícauh, Yhuan mochintin, huacate:uctli o:quinotz ini:n, cateuctli summoned this one, his ymîxpan, ô-qui macti cen tlaco, yní i:te:icca:uh, i:hua:n mochintin in i:- younger brother, and, in front of mace hualhuanoquin mo-Cuitla- xpan, o:quimacti centlahco in i:ma:- all,633 he gave him half of the vassals huiaya, oncan quitlatlauhti químícno cehualhua:n o:quinmocuitlahuiaya. whom he was ruling. He implored Y tazquía, ca moto linicatzitzíntín, Onca:n quitlatlauhti quimicnoit- him to have pity on them, to be a caoquin píazquia quenami Y Pil- tazquia, ca motoli:nica:tzitzintin, ca revered impoverished one for them, huan; ni mano quin cellí y nTe634 yo- o:quinpiyazquia que:namih i:pil- and who should take care of them hual min quí Yca míec necuiltonolí, hua:n. Niman o:quincelli in Teyo- like his sons. Then Teyohualminqui o q ui n mócniuhtlac mochintin; hua:lminqui i:ca miec necuilto:no:lli, received them with much wealth,

45 46 Anónimo Mexicano

The four cabeseras of Tlaxcala.

auh za nico mo tac, Ye tlaco yaxca o:quinniocniuhtlac mochintin. Auh and from then on saw himself as Ynt tlaxcalteca tlattôca635 yotl, oqui zan i:c o:mottac, ye tlahco ia:xca: in sovereign of half of the Tlaxcalteca. te mohuí yní teccal, oncan ocotelo Tlaxcalte:cah tlattohcayo:tl. O:quite- He brought down his palace there to lco, y huanoquí tocayoti Colhuacan, mohui in iteccal onca:n Ocotelolco, Ocotelulco, and he named it Colhua- Ylnamîco ca yn theo– i:hua:n o:quito:ca:yo:ti Colhuacan can in remembrance of Teo- ilna:micoca in Teo:-

Verso, Ms. Folio 21 Colhuacan ý canpa ohualquizque Colhuacan636 i:n ca:mpa o:hua:- culhuacan, from which the Tlaxcalte- yníntlaxcal teca: no hoc ce Ytocayo, lquizqueh ini:n Tlaxcalte:cah. No oc ca came. Also it kept another name, ô qui pix. Tecpancallí,- auh zanico ce: i:to:ca:yo: o:quipix: Te:cpancalli. Tecpancalli. And after that there were mo Piltlali, omo huey tilita, omo ma Auh zan i:c o:me piltla:lli. Ahmo: two royal lands. He did not aggran- huizti litâ, ynquena mí aquín yancuí hueytilita. O:momahuiztilitan. In dize himself. They hon-ored each can quí cuí Yntequitl, cayuhqui yn que:namih a:quin yancuica:n quicui other. In this manner, he who was quin yollehua Yn mace hualtin yca in tequitl, ca iuhqui in quinyo:lehua the new one took tribute, because he íní ma huíz tililoca, ca zan quezqui in ma:ce:hualtin i:ca in i:mahuiztili- thereby encouraged his vassals as a Ylhuitl y no mo pil tlallí. oquimax- loca, ca zan que:zqui ilhuitl. In o:me means for his being honored, instead cati yntlatocayotl, quí pa na huó yni piltlalli o:quima:xcati in tlahtohca:- of having many festivities.637 The sec- Achcauhtz in Colhua ca te uc tlí, Pi yo:tl quipanahuo in i:achcauhtzin ond noble land exceeded in wealth llí Tepe tícpac, inic qui l cauhtaya Colhuacate:uctli, pilli Tepe:ticpac. the rulership of his older brother í ní mac e hual huá. Yca638 ynícual Ini:c quilca:uhtaya in i:ma:cehual- Culhuacateuctli, noble of Tepet- tlachihual, tlanemactlí. oquiceliaya hua:n i:ca in i:cualtlachihua:l. icpac. Thus his vassals remembered Chapter Eight 47

Ymatíca yn Teyohualminquí,639 mazo Tla: nemactli o:quiceliaya i:matica in him because of his grand achieve- y huí y ninomé ntin tlatoque. Amo Teyohua:lminqui. Mazo ihui, ini:n ments. Teyohualminqui received the ma mococo lique, mixnamique, omentin tlahtoqueh ahmo: ma mo- inheritance deftly. Even though these caoquicepan huíca que ynin tlâ- cocoliqueh, mixna:miqueh ca oqui:c two rulers did not hate one another, toca tequítl, oquinmacac tlanahua- ce:pan hui:caqueh in i:ntlahto:ca:. they contended with one another; so tili ynicce mí-cacpaca yezque ytec Tequitl o:quinmacac tlanahuati:li. that for as long as they were together ynintla to ca yo——— Zaníco mo Ini:c cemihcacpa cah yezqueh i:tech in their rulership, the law was to give miqui li Yn Teyo hua lminqui tla in i:ntlahtohca:yo:. Zan i:c o:mo- them both tribute. Thus for forever toaní Ocotelo lco. O tla toca tic ce y miquili in Teyohua:lminqui, tlahtoa:- they were united in their rulership. Piltzin, Ytoca tlaylotlac tetz pantzin, ni Ocotelolco, O:tlahtohca:tic ce: After Teyohualminqui, king of Oco- y nico me Yto ca i:piltzin, i:to:ca: Tlaylotlac Tetz- telulco, died, one of his sons named pantzin. Ini:c o:me i:to:ca: Tlaylotlac Tetzpantzin ruled. His second name was

Recto, Ms. Folio 22 Papalotl, yezatepan motocayoti, tlaca Papalotl. Ye za:te:pan moto:ca:yo:ti Papalotl. Finally, he was named teuctlí, oquí-ycantocac yni cua l hui tlacate:uctli. O:quicantocac in i:cual- Tlacateuctli. He followed in the coca y ni Tátzín , o quin mo cui tla huicoca in i:tahtzin. O:quinmocuit- direction of his father’s goodness. He huí yni mace hual huan640. Y natle lahui in i:ma:cehualhua:n. In atle took care of his vassals. He instigated macic ne yxnamictlí, maci y huí641 mahcic nei:xna:mictli, neehua:- no confrontations or rebellions, y panynitlatocayo omo ehuate- liztli. Mahci ihui i:pan in i:tlahtohca:- although many wars arose in his rul- quetz642 miec yaoyotl auh nícan mo yo: o:moe:huatequetz miec ya:o:yo:tl. ership. And here it is mentioned how tenehua. Ynquenami motecpanqeh Auh nican mote:ne:hua in que:- they set some of the four dominions ynnahuí tlatoca yotl, tlaxcalan Ynach namih motecpa:nqueh ynnahui of Tlaxcala in order. First, a ruler topa oquin pacho ycel ce teuctlí tlahtohca:yo:tl Tlaxcalan. In achtopa named Tetzpantzin governed alone. yt toca tetzpantzin Zani co mi c o:quinpacho ycel ce: te:uctli i:to:ca: After he died, a noble named Colhua oquicauh cypiltzin ytoca Colhua Tetzpantzin. Zan i:c o:mic, o:quicauh Teyohualminqui entered, whose life teyohualmin quí, caamo o huecauh ce: i:piltzin i:to:ca: Colhua Teyohua:- was not long. This Teyohualminqui yninemiliz, ynin teyohual minqui lminqui, cah ahmo: ohuecauh in left a noble named Acatentehua in quí cauhtehuac ytech yni tlatocayo i:nemiliz. Ini:n Teyohua:lminqui qui- his rulership. Then this one was cey piltzin ytoca Acatentehua, ca:uhte:huac i:tech in i:tlahtohca:yo: already ruling this rulership (of ynicuac yninyemo-tocayotiaya ynin ce: i:piltzin i:to:ca: Acatentehua. Ini- Culhuacan, Tecpan, and Ocote- tlatocayotl, Colhuacan, Tecpan, oco hcua:c ini:n ye moto:ca:yo:tiaya ini:n lulco). This noble king was generous, telolco, ynin Pilli tlatoaní, yolchama- tlahtohca:yo:tl, Colhuacan, Tecpan, so they honored him in that era. huac catca ynic qui mahuizti lique y Ocotelolco. Ini:n pilli tlahtoa:ni yo:- Thus afterwards he took care of the pan ynon cahuítl, ynic Za tepanían lchama:huac catca. Ini:c quimahuiz- rulership as that his grandfathers quimo Cuitla huí yntlâtocayotl qui tiliqueh i:pan yno:n ca:huitl. Ini:c and his fathers had left behind. In ca huili teuhque yní coltzin, y ni za:te:panian quimocuitlahui in tlah- his wisdom, he settled many men Tatzín, Ycai ni tla machiliz oqui n tohca:yotl quicahuihteuhqueh in i:- down, he colonized them, so that cuíc, oquin chan tlalli miec tla catl, coltzin, in i:tatzin. I:ca i:n i:tlamachi:- many obeyed him. If Acatlan did camochtin quí tlacamataya, amo aca liz o:quincuic, o:quincha:ntla:li miec not do as he ordered, at his desire, tlen ôqui chihuaía yntlacamo Yten- tla:catl, cah mochtin quitla:camataya. then this Acatentehua scattered them copa, ytlanequilí-tzin, Ynin Acat- Ahmo: A:catlan o:quichihuaia in tla:- throughout the land. He divided up entehua, oqui n tlal xexelhuí. ô-Qui camo: i:te:ncopa, i:tlanequihtzin, their property and authority. Thus n Má643 mamac tlattquitl,644 hueli ti ini:n Acatentehua o:quintlalxixelhui. liztlí, yníc O:quinmahmacac tlatquitl,huelit- iliztli. Ini:c 48 Anónimo Mexicano

Verso, Ms. Folio 22 huel quin yol Poxauh quin cuíc yn- huel quinyolpoxauh quincuic he successfully softened those whom tech645 huíc Ynic otlatocatic Ónpo- i:ntechhui:c. Ini:c o:tlahtohca:tic on- he took next to them. Thus he ruled huali, y huan Ma tlac tlí- xihuitl. yníc pohua:li i:hua:n mahtla:ctli xihuitl. for fi fty years. But they fi nally killed Zanquimíctique, Yníc hoc cecampa Ini:c zan quimictiqueh. Ini:c oc ce:- him. So the rulership crossed over to opanoc yntlâ tocaíotl, caye inomo- ca:mpa o:panoc in tlahtohca:yo:tl, yet another one, because they united cetilique yníc qui míctique c a yun ni cah ye in o:moce:tiliqueh ini:c qui- themselves and killed him, as it will can mo-Pohuaz==——— mictiqueh cayun nican mopo:huaz. be recounted here. Yníc VIIII Capitulo Ini:c VIIII Capitulo Chapter 9 mo pohuaz Que nin646 omíctiloc yn Mopo:huaz que:nin o:mictiloc in It will be recounted how the Acatente- acatentehua Pillí. O co-telolco; no Acatentehua pilli Ocotelolco. Nomih- hua noble of Ocotelulco was killed. It mihtoa quenín ocalaquí co yn tlâco toa que:nin o:calaquico in Tlahcoo:- is told how the fi erce one Tlacomihua ômihua, tlahuele, cacalaquí, huale mihua tlahue:leh ca calaqui hualehua who entered coming from the land of hua chololan tlalpan, yníc hualtzintí. Chololan tla:lpan. Ini:c hua:ltzi:nti in Cholollan. Thus originated the Ocote- Yn Ocotelolco tlâto cayotl———647 Ocotelolco tlahto:ca:yo:tl lulco rulership.

Yníchuel melahuac mazicamatiz Ini:c huel mela:huac ma:zica matiz Thus it is truly difﬁ cult to know the Ynipe uhca, ini tlâtocaio. ypillo648 in ipeuhca in itlahto:ca:io i:pillo. beginning of his rulership, his noble ynic pal y eiantlí ô-Co telolco catla I:nicpal yeya:ntli, O:cotelolco Cat- domain. Their seat of residence was cui tlapan onhualpehuaz mo Po- lacuitlapan. Onhua:lpe:huaz mopo- Ocotelulco Catlacuitlapan. They huaz, iniuh occecan tíc teneuhque hauz, iniuh oc cecca:ntic teneuhqueh began to migrate; it is recounted like cayuh mazícamatíz. Ynícuac Ynchi- majzica:matiz: i:n ihcua:c, in Chi:- this. Still, in one place they mention chimeca. Oalte pemanque. Ypeuhca. chi:me:cah o:a:ltepe:manqueh i:- that thus they mastered it, when Poyauhtlan, atenco chalco, Mexíco, peuhca Poyauhtlan, Atenco Chalco, the Chichimeca were settling cities Zatepanian yn yaoyotl oquí pixque Mexico. Za:te:panian, in ya:o:yo:tl in the beginning at Poyauhtlan, on in nahuac, yn acolhuaquê, yhuan o:quipixqueh in na:huac in A:co:- the shore near Chalco in Mexico. Tepanêca, ynic yeonpa oquizque quí lhuaqueh i:hua:n Tepane:cah. Ini:c ye Afterward they carried out649 the war hual o:mpa o:quilqueh quihua:l- in the vicinity of the Acolhua and Tepaneca. Thus already there they said that they

Recto, Ms. Folio 23 Yahualotaque yn Popoca tepetl, yahua:lotaqueh650 in Popocatepe:tl, came around Popo catepetl, and ohual tlaca man taque ôaltepe o:hua:ltlacamantaqueh o:a:ltepe:tla:- they came dividing up the land and tlalique, Ynic quin cauhtaque Pipil- liqueh. Ini:c quinca:uhtaqueh pi:pil- settling cities. Thus nobles relin- tin, oquín mo cuí tla huiz quía, omo tin, o:quinmocuitlahuizquia. O:mo quished them, so that he would take cauh tiquízaco chololam miequíntín cauhtiquizaco Cholo:la:n miequintin care of them. He himself left many macehual tin, Pipiltin, mo mahuíz ma:ce:hualtin, pi:piltin. Momahuiz- vassals and nobles at Cholollan. He ti líaya. ynic yehuecaû-tica onpa tiliaya. Ini:c ye huehca:uhtica o:mpa was respected. Thus already he was catcayaia; Zaníco panoc yn yaoyotl catcayaia. Zan i:c o:panoc, in ya:o:- old there. After they had crossed oquil namí que yn Huexotzincâ, yo:tl o:quilnamiqueh. In over, they remembered the war. The

49 50 Anónimo Mexicano

yhuan y nin chololtecâ ynic çe n Huexo:tzinca i:hua:n ini:n Chololte- Huexotzinca and these Chololteca, mochi nti n, y no meuhca, yn- ca ini:c cen mochintin, in o:me:uhca thus all together, emigrated to go tech copahuíc yn tla xcalteca , auh i:ntech copauic in Tlaxcalte:cah. Auh next to the Tlaxcalteca, and after Zanic651 omo centla lique nequi líz zan i:c o:mocentla:liqueh, nequiliz they gathered themselves together, cepancatca, yeoquilcauh ca Yní-neco ce:pan catca. Ye o:quilca:uhca in i:- they wanted to be together. Already co lopanoc; cequintin ynin tlaca nnecoco:l o:panoc cequi:ntin ini:n they forgot their anger. They crossed quilnamique panozquia y pan a lte- tla:ca quilnamiqueh panozquia i:pan over. Some of these men thought to petl tlaxcalan, ynic onpa ocat ca ynín a:ltepe:tl Tlaxcalan. Ini:c o:mpa o:- go over to the city of Tlaxcala. Thus huayolque, ceme ynin que huala catca ini:n huayo:lqueh. Ce:meh ini:- they were there. One of these who que chololan y toca catca theuc toto nqueh hua:laqueh Chololan i:to:ca: came was a person from Cholollan lim,652 ca huey Pillí , cuali Eztlí, y ni catca Theuctotolim, cah hue:i pilli, called Teuctotolin, who was a great tech hual quízca, Ynin omo chany- cualli eztli. In i:tech hua:lquizca, noble of good blood. They were otica Ypan Yn tlaxilacallí, cuítlitz-co, Ini:n o:mocha:nyo:tico i:pan in i:- coming this way next to it, these who Ynic oncan omocnomat. Ycaíní tlaxilacal, Cuitlitzco. Ini:c onca:n o:- resided at his home in the district of tlanequi litzin yn teuctlí, Aca tente- mocnomat i:ca in i:tlanequilitzin653 Cuitlixco. Thus there they submitted hua, Tlatoaní Ocotelolco,- Zatepanian in te:uctli, Acatentehua, tlahtoa:ni themselves to the will of the ruler y e panotiuh cahuitl, ye mo tlacuauh Ocotelolco. Za:te:panian ye panotiuh Acatentehua, king of Ocotelulco. Af- chicauhtiuh .ynic quima huiztiliaya ca:huitl, ye motlacua:h chicauhtiuh. terwards as time passed, he himself . Zaníco motac yuhquin quinequia Ini:c quimahuiztiliaya. Zan i:c was strong and lived to old age. Thus quin nextiliz654 yn mace hual= o:mottac iuhquin quinnequia quine:- he was honored. He was only seen as xtiliz in ma:ce:hual- wanting to teach the vassal- Verso, Ms. Folio 23 tín caytech opohuía yn tlatocayotl. tin, cah i:tech o:po:huia in tlahtoh- s who belonged to the rulership. Mazo y huí- aíac655 qui mo catia ya, ca:yo:tl, ma:zoihui aya:c quimoca- Even though no one at any time ypanpa atley iníhuelitilíz- hicqui- tiaya i:pampa ahtleh in i:huelitiliz i:c was satisﬁ ed,656 in nothing thereby maxcatiz quía, quine quia canaz quima:xca:tizquia. Quinequia canaz would he give authority. He wanted yntequitl cemicac oqui tlaca matta in tequitl cemihcac. O:quitla:- to seize their tribute forever. All men y ntlâtoaní cat ca Yno quíc ôquin camatta in tlahtoa:ni catca in o:qui:c obeyed the king as long as he lived. yocuí taya657 mochi tlacatl, ynic o:quinyocuitaya mochi tla:catl. Ini:c Thus perhaps some day he would azô qui en ma ni an hue litílíz mo ahzo que:nmaniya:n huelitiz moyo:- be able to enjoy himself with this Yôllêhuaz, yca ynin ytlatlane qui li lle:hua:z i:ca ini:n i:tlatlanequiliz. wealth. When he died, Teuctotolin z omíc yn Teuc to to lim oqui cauh O:mic in Teuctotolim, o:quicauh i:- left his home to a noble whose name y ti c yni chanyo, y ni ca llo cey tic in i:cha:nyo:, in i:callo ce: i:piltzin was Axochhuamemeloc, but this one piltzin658 ytoca Axoch hua meme loc, i:to:ca: Axochhuamemeloc, cah ini:n did not live long. He made his will cay ni n ame659 huecauh onen; oqui ahmo: huecauh o:nen. O:quica:- and took care of himself. He gave his cauhtehuac qui mo cui tla huy Yn uhtehuac quimocuitlahui in i:cha:- home to his son Tlacomihua. And y chanyo. oquimacehu yni¯ Piltzin nyo:. O:quima:ce:uh in i:piltzin Tla:- for however many years he had al- tlaco mihua auh zanquezqui xiuhtica co:mihua. Auh zan que:zqui xiuhtica ready been taking care of his district, ye qui mo cuitla huí ti cca Yni tla xi ye quimocuitlahuitic ca in i:tlaxila- still he was not happy by his being a lacal, amo hic opac, Yc yepiltíc yca cal, ahmo: i:c o:pa:c, i:c yeh piltic i:ca noble, because of what his landsmen, i ni tla llêca huan yní Cô co l, ytha in i:tla:le:cahuan, in i:co:col, i:tahtzin his grandfathers, and his fathers had tzín, oquica huí li taque, ca za n ni o:quicahuilitaqueh, cah zan niman left him—he remembered with his man o qui l namíc ytic yní Yo llo, o:quilnamic itic in i:yo:llo, in tlein heart what at ﬁ rst his grandfather yn tlen achto pa huíc oquil namic achtopahui:c o:quilnami:ctinenca in had gone along intending. Teuctoto- ti nenca yní Cô col catca Teuc-toto i:co:col catca. Teuctotolim, ini:c o:- lin thus appeared to rule over all the li m, ynic o quinec teuctíz. Y pan quinec teuctiz i:pan mochi in tlahto- royal nobility at the land of Tlaxcala. mochi- yn tlatoca Pilotl tlaxcalan. hca:pillo:tl Tlaxcalan tla:lpan. Ini:c Thus already he was beginning to Tlalpan, y nicye ôpeuh quintlâ tol ye o:peuh quintlahto:l macatihuez, advise maca tíhuez,660 ynana-661 i:nana Chapter Nine 51

Recto, Ms. Folio 24 caz pan yntlaca maçehualtin, ynic cazpan in tla:ca, mahce:hua:ltin. Ini:c the men and vassals of his vicin- quin tla to l macaía; qui mi lhuí ay quintlahto:lmacaia: quimilhuiaya in ity. Thus the lord warned them and a, y nteuctlí yehuehue cat quí. Ynic te:uctli yehuelhue catqui. Ini:c aoc eh said that he was already very great. âô que cualli mo tla cuitla huîa cualli motlacuitlahuia in que:nin Thus he did not still take care of ynquenin opeûca achtopa, zatlatol o:pe:uhca achtopa. Za: tlahto:lcue- them well as he had done at fi rst. cueçî-huí, ayocmo quin mo tlazô hcihui. Ayocmo: quinmotlazohtilia He just talked fast.662 He no longer ti lia yninPil-huan, quenami quin ini:n pilhua:n que:namih quintlazot- held these nobles in high esteem, tlazo tla ce cuali Te Tâtzin mochi la ce: cualli te:tahtzin. Mochi ini:n as a good father who loves them. ynin qui mi lhuíaya Yn tlâco ômíhua quimilhuiaya in Tla:co:mihua. Ini:c Tlacomihua reported all this. Thus ynic o qui lnamiquiâ quin Yol cuêzoz o:quilna:miqui aquin yo:lcuehzoz in he remembered whichever men of ynaltepe tlacâ ycancopa I nintevˆc a:ltepe:tla:ca icancopa in i:nte:- the city were dissatisfi ed concern- tlatocátzîn , y nic quin cen tla liz y uctlahtohca:tzin, Inic quincenta:liz ing their revered lord ruler. Thus tlanequi lizpan cacachícâ¸ qui mil i:tlanequilizpan ca cachica:n quimil- he gathered them together on his hui thâ663 ya. ynintlâtollí, canecia huia:ya ini:n tlahtolli, ca ne:cia property, where he made this speech ý panpa ochíco-yohuaya ycainin i:npampa. O:c i:c o:yohuaya i:ca in to them, so that it appeared to them yecti liz, tziuc noyaia. y nicquí acual i:nye:ctiliz. Tziucnoyaia inic, qui- that he supported them. Still, when y toayaí yn teuctli, toatoaní, oquin ahcualitoaya in i:nte:uctli, tlahtoa:ni night fell, he fi nished this. Sighing yolcuep ynin tlanequi liz. Y huicopa o:quinyolcuep in i:ntlanequiliz i:- thus, he spoke evil against their lord. ynamo ycualtlalna mi quiliz. Ynic hui:ccopa in ahmo i:cual tlalna:- He moved their will against the king, oqui mic tiz quia Yn theûc tla toaní: miquiliz inic o:quimictizquia i:nte:- towards his evil intention, so they auh niman yn macehua ltin o q uctlatoa:ni. Auh niman in ma:ce:- would kill their sovereign lord. And uicen tlalique ynic qui mic tizque hualtin o:quicentla:liqueh ini:c qui- then the vassals agreed thus to kill amo omachiaz quia ý nahuac664 yni mictizqueh. Ahmo o:machia:zquia him. He would not make known to huayolque; Ynin Pili teuctlí:- oya que i:n na:huac in i:huayo:lqueh. Ini:n them his intent. These noble lords Ytec665 yní Teccal chí chi uhtí ahque , pillite:uctli–o:ya:queh i:tech in i:tec- went with him to his palace. They quihtotí huí qui mo tlâpalhuilitihue, cal. Chi:chi:uhtiyahqueh, quih- went as if to be civil. Raising a shout, tzatziztli qui manqué totihui. Quimotlahpale:huititihue they attacked. tzahtziztli quimanqueh.

Verso, Ms. Folio 24 amo. Mimaticatca yníc Ychtaca Ahmo mihmaticatca. Ini:c i:chtaca He was not prepared. Thus secretly quimicti que. y nic y ciuhca yaque quimictiqueh. Ini:c ic iuhca ya:queh, they killed him. Thus when they inîc amo omachiaz quia ynîteíchtaca ini:c ahmo o:machia:zquia in i:ntei- left there, their secret deed would tlachihual, opanoque ynin châchan chtacatlachihua:l. O:panoqueh in not be known. They crossed over yní huayolque ynin teuctlatoani- i:ncha:chan in i:hua: yo:lqueh in i:- to the homes of their poor sover- mo to li ni ca tzintli auh ynquezque nte:uctlahtoa:ni motolini:catzintli. eign lord’s kinsmen. And however Ymític oquimacíquic oquin mî mí Auh in que:zqui i:mitic o:quima:ce:- many were involved killed the sons, ctîque hiccen mo chi ynin Pilhuan, queh o:quinmimictiqueh i:ccen mo- nephews, kin, and all his close kin yn machhuan, ynhuayolque y co- chi ini:n pilhua:n, in machhuan, in with their arrows, so that not one of toncahuan, yníc amo ce omo cahuaz hua:yo:lqueh i:cotoncahuan, ini:c his lineage would remain. Because quía Yni tlaca mecayo. Ynin mahuíz- ahmo ce: o:mocahuazquia in i:tlaca- of it, someone of his faction might tíca tlaca may tl y panpa amo noce mecayo. Ini:n mahuiztica tla:ca ma:- punish these honored men from qui en manían , acay Cotonca o quin itl i:pampa ahmo: no:ceh que:- time to time. It was in this way that tlatzacuiltizquía cayuh qui yn o mic nmaniya:n, acah i:cotonca o:quint- this much-loved sovereign lord died, ynin teuc tlatoaní, cenca tlazotlaloc, latzacuiltizquia. Ca iuhqui in o:mic who was greatly loved and respected. o mo huiz tili-loc y nic cen mo chi ini:n te:uctlahtoa:ni, cenca tlazoht- Thus he was just to every one of his yni mace hualhuan, catca- za hue laloc, o:mohuiztililoc ini:c cenmochi vassals. And when he died, they were 52 Anónimo Mexicano

hue tlacatl, auh y nic omic omachiac in i:ma:cehualhua:n, catca za huehue afraid everywhere. In the city, many hic hohuian yn Altepepan, cenca hic tla:catl. Auh ini:c o:mic, o:machia:c became agitated and did not know mo Yolco- moníque, omo chi chi i:c no:huiya:n in a:ltepe:pan. Cencah about the conspiracy. They armed uhque, yna quin a mo qui matque i:c moyolco:moniqueh, o:mochi:chi:- themselves and went about most xolalpan ochpan pan,. Nenentine uhqueh in ahquin ahmo quimatqueh disturbed, with all the women and mía, cho quiztli cenmantícatca, xolalpan ochpanpan, nenentinemia. children, so that there was very great cicihua. Y huan, Pipiltzitzin, ca huel Cho:quiztli cenmanti catca cicihua: confusion. The crying of the women huey tlaocoli yno motaya inic oquin i:hua:n pipiltzitzin, ca huel hue:i and children was great, so there was mictilica y ni n teuc Tlatocazín; auh tlao:co:lli in o:motaya. Ini:c o:quin- very great mourning. Thus they y no qui pehua mictili cah in i:nteuctlahtohca:tzin. killed him who was their sovereign. Auh in o:quipe:hua And those who began

Recto, Ms. Folio 25 yei ntla co pa huic mocuepaz nequí, ye: in tla:cohpahui:c mocuepaznequi, already nearly slaves wanted to maço Yhuí, omo xiptlatique . Inic mazoyhui, o:moxiptlatiqueh ini:c avenge themselves, desisted because atle y cual quizCa666 cai n tla mo atle i:c hualqui:z, cah intla mochi:- it appeared to them that to do so chintin y ntlâtlaco lo que o mi quí nti:n yntlan tlacoloqueh o:miquiz- would give evil, because if they zquía yn tepilhuan oquin mimic- quia, in tepilhuan o:quinmimic- would kill all the guilty, they would tizquia y ntetâ huan, ynteícnihuan, tizquia in tetahhuan, in teicni:huan. be killing someone’s children and nenca ono qui huiz quía Y ní mezzô, Ne:ncah o:no:quihuizquia in i:- someone’s fathers and friends. They ynoquic ooctley Pâtlí, o-quí piaya; mezzo:, in o:qui:c oc tlein pahtli o:- would spill their blood in vain so tlaco mihua ,ca huel yehuatl y no quipiyaya. Tlacomihua za:huel ye- long as they carried out such a rem- quil inin teíchtaca nemí cti li ztlí, hua:tl i:nequilin in teichtaca nemic- edy. It was just possibly Tlacomihua niman qui l na mic Piltiz y pan tiliztli. Niman quil namicpiltiz i:pan whose desire was the secret killing. Yni cpalli, tlatocayotl, o cote lo lco; in icpalli tlahtohca:yo:tl Ocotelolco. Then it is said that he became the manel yhui amo oquinequia Ce qui Ma:nel inhui ahmo o:quinequia noble on the throne of the rulership ntin ynic o mí667 qui zquia Ynachto cequi:nti:n ini:c o:miquizquia in of Ocotelulco. Although it was not pa Yntlá tocauh amo no qui ne qui â achtopa in tlahtohca:uh ahmo no:- that some who had agreed that the Ynic tlâto catiz Yní n Pilli, nômâ que quinequia ini:c tlahtocatiz ini:n pilli ﬁ rst ruler should die, they did not nín huel mieque Yuquí Ycan to caya. nohmah que:nin huel mieqeh iuhqui want this noble to rule, still in this yn the yao Yecancaúh, oquiceli que i:can tocaya. In ya:o:yaca:ncauh668 manner many were able to follow y nic ô quin mo cuitlahuizquia,: ma o:quiceliqueh ini:c o:quinmocuitla- him because many had participated zo y huía amohuel omocencaû669 ínt- huizquia: mazo i:huia ahmo huel in this manner conspiracy. The war lanhuic Yní maçe hualhuan hac huel o:mocenca:uh intlanhui:c in i:mace:- leaders had accepted him, so that yehuatl qui macehuazquia .oca laquíz hua:lhuan ac huel yehua:tl quimma:- he would govern them, but in spite quia Ytech y nin tláto cayotl ocote ce:huazquia, o:calaquizquia i:tech of this, it was the duplicity among lo lco, cay panpa yn tla toaní teuctli. ini:n tlahtohca:yo:tl Ocotelolco, cay his vassals, that he would be the one Acatentehua, o quí-pix miec çihuapi pampa in tlahtoa:nite:uctli. A:cate:- who would obtain it and would en- piltin. Y chpoch huan, o qui n ntehuah, o:quipix miec cihuapipiltin, ter into this rulership of Ocotelulco, ichpo:chuah o:quin- since Acatentehua had many noble wives and daughters who were Verso, Ms. Folio 25 oquin670 namic tica. Ynnahuac Pipi- na:mictica in na:huac pi:piltin, ma- married to nearby nobles and ltin ma Huizti lo ní, auh mo chintin huiztiloni. Auh mochi:nti:n in respected ones. And all of their ynín móhuan yoltoneuhtícatca, ca i:nmo:huan yolto:ne:uhti catca cah sons-in-law were mutinous,671 çecen quinequia tlatoca-tíz, ayac qui cecen quinequia tlahtohca:tiz. Aya:c because each one wanted to rule. cahuaía y n tlâco omihua teuctiz; ma quica:hua:ia in Tlahcomihua None relented for Tlacomihua to zo y hui y ni tlal namiquiliz Y ni ntla teuctiz. Mazo ihui in i:tlalna:miquiliz rule. But although his thoughts were Chapter Nine 53 huele, caoqui nequía ye motaz Piltiz, in intla: hueli ca o:quinequia ye that it was not possible, he desired amo hic quin mocatí ynin Pipiltin, motazpiltiz, ahmo i:c quinmocati to see himself made ruler. He did yhuan quenin y ni huelitiliz ocachi ini:n pi:piltin, i:hua:n que:nin in i:- not pay attention to these nobles. hue y catca, çan cuel hic oquinca- huelitiliz ocachi hue:i catca zan cuel And as his power was greater, he matzauc, mochintin, auh yúhquin i:c o:quincamatzauc mochi:nti:n. was able to shut their mouths. And omo calaquí Y tech ý tlatoca yotl Auh iuhquin o:mocalaqui i:tech i:n thus he entered himself into the oquimaceuh yecyopan miec xí huîtl. tlahtohca:yo:tl, o:quima:ce:uh ye:cyo:- rulership. He enjoyed it in peace auh zanic omic oquicahui litehuac ce pan miec xihuitl. Auh zan i:c o:mic, for many years. And having died, y Piltzin Ytoca Xipincoltzîn tlíítzcatl, o:quicahuilitehuac ce i:piltzin i:to:ca: his son named Xipincoltzintliitzcatl auh y nin Zanic omíc, o quima- Xipincoltzintliitzcatl. Auh ini:n zan succeeded him. And this one also ceuh ý ni tlâ to cayo. Atlâpaltzintzîn i:c o:mic, o:quima:ce:uh in i:tlahto- died, and Atlapaltzintzin Huitlitzcatl Huítlítzcatl, caamo hueca ulztíca cayo: Atlapaltzintzin Huitlitzcatl, cah succeeded in his rulership. But he onen, ypanpa ce hîc niuh y toca Tle- ahmo huecaulitica o:nen, i:pampa lived just a short time, because his papalotzín. Oquichta ca mîctî- auh ce: icni:uh i:to:ca: Tlepa:pa:lo:zin. brother named Tlepapalotzin killed zaní co míc Ocalac ytech ý tlato- o:quichtacamicti. Auh zan i:c o:mic, him. And having died, his son Max- cayotl, Y ní-Piltzin Maxyxcatzîn, ynî o:calac i:tech i:n tlahtohca:yo:tl in ixcatzin succeeded him in domin- cuac ý ohual azîco yntheyaoyacanquí i:piltzin Ma:xi:xcatzin. In i:cuac in o:- ion. Then Don Hernando Cortés Dn Hernando Cortes- marques, o qui hua:lahcico in teya:o:yaca:nqui Dn Marqués arrived. Toquiliztli- moceli lí yntlaneltoquiliztlí- Hernando Cortez Marques. O:qui- mocelili intla: nel to:quiliztli

Recto, Ms. Folio 26 Quintlazotlac qui npa le huí, y n quintlazohtlac, quinpale:hui: in Cax- Quintlazotlac drew near, approach- cax ti lteca cayuh mací po hua y tilteca, cayuh mahcicapohua i:- ing him, and he received and helped tech y nîn tlâcuí loli, tlato cayo tl tech ini:n tlacuiloli tlahtohca:yo:tl the Castilians, as we have recounted tlax-callan, zanico pe uh o mo ceçe Tlaxcallan. Zan i:c o:pe:uh o:moce- elsewhere in these writings about can celo ynintlato cayotl yncepan cecanxelo ini:n tlahtohca:yo:tl. In ce:- the rulership of Tlaxcala. After that y no me hicnimé, mo ce Can672 xe pan in o:me i:cnimeh mocececanxelo he began to divide this rulership. lo- y nin tla tocayotl, yuhy tech oa zi ini:n tlahtohca:yo:tl. Yuh i:tech o:- Together the two brothers divided co y n Maxyx catzin cayuh tîqui- ahcico Ma:xi:xcatzin. Cayuhti quito:- the rulership. Thus Maxixcatzin toquí ynipanpa cequin tîn qui to qui i:pampa cequi:nti:n quihtoa came next. Unlike many accounts hua amo pipilti n y tech Povhque, ahmo pi:piltin i:tech po:uhqueh, cah in which it is said that they were ca nel nellí cemi cac hiectli eztlí. Y nel nelli cemihcac yiectli eztli. I:tech not nobles, in this one they recount tech o hualquí=que camo chintin ce o:hua:lquizqueh cah mochi:nti:n ce: that indeed it is true, that they were tlaca me cayotl y nicto-contzonqui tlacamecayo:tl. Ini:c tocontzonqui:- always of good blood. In it, they x tîzque. ynîc opa noc tlatocayotl xtizqueh. Ini:c o:panoc tlahtohca:yo:- came out indeed from one lineage. ocote lo lco, mitoa ca zaní co míc tl Ocotelolco. Mihtoa ca zan i:c o:- Thus they withdrew. Thus they went ychtaca y ní-tlatocauh Acatentehua mic, i:chtaca in i:tlahtohca:uh Acat- over to the rulership of Ocotelulco. , o mo cauh que o meme ypilhuan entehua, o:mocauhqueh omemeh i: It is said that after his sovereign tzocotetzitzin yhuan Ynci hua me pilhuan tzocotetzitzin, i:hua:n Acatentehua died, he left two small o quí míz cal tíaya oquín pa le, huí i:ncihua:meh o:quimizcaltiaya, o:- sons, and their women dressed them que, quín ma quíx tí que o quín- quinpale:—hui:queh quinmaquix- in dresses to help them escape. Then quen tíque huí pí lí, Cueztlí tata patí tiqueh o:quinque:ntiqueh huipili they took them to be reared among que, ni man quía huac o quí míz cueztlitatapatiqueh. Niman quiahuac the poor, in isolated places, so the caltito ne to ló ni líz pan tlaxíla cal o:quimizcaltito netolinilizpan tlaxi- boys would be safe. Indeed, when pá, híc quí n pa le huí tí nè que ín lacalpan i:c quinpale:hui:tinequeh in they lost their father, it was already pí píltzítzín ca íní cuac o quí po lo pipiltzitzin,. Ca in ihcua:c o:quipolo- said that they were still very young. 54 Anónimo Mexicano

que inínta tzín yeo mí to, huel hoc queh in i:ntahtzin, ye o:mito, huel oc And even though they did not know te pí tzí tzín auh amo o quí mat que tepitzitzin. Auh ahmo o:quimatqueh their father—already it was said that manel no amo quí nel to ca ía o quí ma: nel no ahmo quineltocaia another one was their father, and his píaía hoc ce Y ta tzín Y nan tzín, Zan o:quipoaia. Occe: i:tahtzin, i:na:- mother who raised them. When they yoca Y no quí míz cal tí que Zaníc ntzin, zanyoca in o:quimizcaltiqueh. were older, already for many years O huéy ata que Y e quez quí xíuh Zan i:c o:hue:iyataqueh, ye que:zqui they were seen as their ﬁ eld workers. tíca mo ta, ya ín tlan673 tla le que, ma xiuhtica motaya in i:ntlantla:lequeh They did not live well, because their ce hual tín, â mo o Cual ne mía ýna ma:ce:hualtin. Ahmo o:cualnemia royal blood wanted to take them huac cay ca íntla to ca éz tlí o quí ne in na:huac ca i:ca i:ntlahtoca:eztli out of the work ﬁ elds to which their quía– Cual Cà yeliz674 tli, a mo te quí o:quinequia. Cual ca yeliztli, ahmo mothers who had reared them had tl675 yxtla hua ca y co quin tê te quiuh tequitl ixtla:huaca i:c o:quintetequi- entrust- ti a í a Ynín nan huan quí míz ca l uhtia:ia in i:nna:nhua:n quimizcal-

Verso, Ms. Folio 26 tíaya , o quin tla tla u htî que quin tiaya. O:quintla:tlauhtiqueh quin- ed them. They implored them that huicazquía huey- Altepepan, canpa. hui:cazquia hue:i a:ltepe:pan ca:mpa they might be taken to the great city, qui tazquia, qui chihuazquîa yao quitazquia, quichi:huazquia ya:o:- where they might see and might do quíza liztlí, no ce y ntla I nín âmo quizaliztli, noceh yntla ini:n ahmo the learning of war. Or, if not this, y ntlane qui li z mao qui nhuicaní i:ntlanequiliz ma o:quinhui:cani then their desire was to be taken ychan acâ; Pillí - Canin O qui tequì i:chan acah pilli canin o:quitequi- to the home of some noble, where panoz quia; Yca huey môca yotl quin panozquia. I:ca hue:i mocayo:tl they might serve him. Although they hui ca que ynic amo oyx machoz quinhui:caqueh ini:c ahmo o:i:- were greatly afraid that if they took quìa Cani ma n qui n míc tizquìâ , o xmachozquia ca: niman quinmic- them that they might be discovered, quin tlaca mat que oquin huicaque tizquia, o:quintla:camatqueh, o:quin- and then they might be killed, they Ychan ce Pilli Ytoca Tozco pi lli, ynic hui:caqueh i:chan ce: pilli i:toca Toz- heeded them, and they brought tlaocox Yntechpa, oquin celli, inic copilli. Ini:c tlao:cox, i:ntechpa them to the home of a noble named Zatepanian qui mat Ynpilhuan, Yn o:quinceli. Ini:c za:te:panian quimat Tozcopilli. Thus it was that he had teuc Tlatoaní, cao qui n palehuìca in pilhua:n in te:uctlahtoa:ni, ca compassion and admitted them. Ynin Nan huan, cenca quin mo o:quinpalehuica in i:nnanhuan. Afterwards he knew that they were cui tlahuí, quin mo mahuiztí lí lí , Cenca oquinmocuitlahui, quin- the sons of the lord ruler, and their manele ahuelit, o q ui ncuep-ytech momahuiztilili, ma:nel eh ahueliz, mothers that had rescued them. He yn tlâtocayotl, onpa quintlalí, .oquin o:quincuep i:tech in tlahtohca:yo:tl. invited them to many feasts, and was yecchiuh ynic quin mamacazquìa, O:mpa quintla:li, o:quianyecchi:uh adored by them, although he could ce qui Ynin Tlalpillo, manel yhui ce ini:c quinmamacazquia cequi in i:- not return them to their place in mi cac omo cauh, teuctli-tlatoaní ntla:lpillo, ma:nel ihui cemihcac the rulership. He settled them there yntlaCo mihuatzin, ynin o mo Pipil o:mocauh, te:uctlitlahtoa:ni, in and arranged it so that they would tin Mazo Y hui y Pilhuan yn teuctlí, Tlaco:mihuatzin. Ini:n o:me pi:piltin, be given some of their noble lands, Yma cehual huan o mochiuhque y ni mazo ihui i:pilhua:n in te:uctli, i:ma:- which were on the slopes of the n tla huele ynìc atley in hue li ti liz o cehualhua:n o:mochi:uhqueh ini:n mountain. Thus, although he always qui pî xque Ynic tlahue:leh, inic ahtleh in hueliti:tiliz remained lord ruler, Tlacomihua. o:quipixqueh ini:c These two boys, although they were sons of the lord, had become the vassals of this tyrant, because they were not able to wage

Recto, Ms. Folio 27 Yaoyotl oqui macazquía: y ni n ne ya:o:yo:tl. O:quimacazquia: in war against him. He would give tlalil. tla Toca yotl Catqui Tlai xco i:nnetla:liltlahtohca:yo:tl catqui them their seat of rulership, which Chapter Nine 55 tepepan tlazocãAltepe pan y ni c tlai:xco tlazohca:na:ltepe:pan, ini:c was at an attractive city situated on motta tlacpan huic, nican ý huel miec motta tla:cpanhui:c nican in huel the slope of a mountain, so that it tl, ocatcayaia . Y nicuac ni can o hual- miectl o:catcayaia in ihcua:c nican was visible from the side here from laque Yn tlax caltecâ, nican mito hua o:hua:llaqueh in Tlaxcalte:cah nican. afar when the Tlaxcalteca came here. ocatcayaia cehuey ti an qui ztlí .ycan- Mihtoa o:catcayaia ce: hue:i tian- It is said that it had been a great pa omo nemacaya míec ne papan : quiztli in campa o:monemacaya market, where many different car- cualoni, xochitl, chalchi huitl; yna miec nepa:pan cualoni, xo:chitl, nivorous animals, fl owers, and pre- xcan yeoc çe can tla lapechco oquí chalchihuitl. In a:xcan ye oc cecca:n cious stones were exchanged. Now cuaní que, caqui Ye hual hui toque tla:lapechco o:quicuaniqueh, caqui they have moved it to a place of fl at miec tlazotli caltín, y techceme ynque ye hua:lhuitoqueh miec tlazontli cal- land, so it is already still surrounded oqui tlalique ý Theo pi xque Francis- tin, i:tech ce:meh i:nqueh o:quitla:- by lovely houses, and one of them ca nos Ynin teo cal ,achtopahuíc, yei liqueh in teo:pixqueh Franciscanos that is situated at it is the church of xi u htica Zatepan. oquimanque Yn in i:nteo:cal, achtopahui:c. Ye:i the Franciscan friars who came here monasterio; nonícan oquicellí- xiuhtica za:te:pan, o:quimanqueh fi rst. Three years afterwards, they ynî676 theopixca tlatoca tequiuh in monasterio. No: nica:n o:quicelli moved to the monastery. Also, it ynachtopa obispo Dn Julian Garces. in i:teo:pixca tlahtohca:, tequiuh in was here that they received its ruling Ytocayocan Sta Maria Concepcion achtopa, Obispo Dn Julian Garces. priest, the very fi rst bishop, Fray Ju- ______677 I:to:ca:yocan Sta Maria Concepscion. lián Garcés.678 The name of the place is [now] Santa María Concepción.679 Yníc X. Capitulo680 Ini:c X Capitulo Chapter 10 nican moténehua, yníc oyata Ynítla- Nican mote:ne:hua ini:c o:yata in Here it is mentioned how Culhuaca- toca hicpal. Tepetíc pac, Za tepanían, i:tlahtohca:icpal tepe:ticpac, za:te:pan- teuctli went to the throne of Tepet- O qui xelo yn Colhuacateuc tlí- y ian, o:quixelo in Colhuacate:uctli i:- icpac, and afterwards divided the nahuac Ynítey cauh tey oh ual mín- na:huac in i:teycauh Teyohua:lmin- region with his brother Teyohualmin- quí;———681 qui. qui.

Verso, Ms. Folio 27 Zaníc oquícelo682 yntlatocayotl . Zan i:c o:quicelo in tlahtohca:yo:tl. After he received the rulership, yncolhua Catheuctlí, ynahuac y nì In Colhuacate:uctli, i:na:huac in Culhuacateuctli divided the region tey cauh tey ohual mínquí, onpa i:teycauh Teyohua:lminqui, o:mpa with his younger brother Teyo- omocahu tlacpahuic texcaltic pac, o:mocauh tlacpahui:c Texcalticpac, hualminqui. He retained the high achtopaian ôqui pepenca, oquima- achtopaian o:quipehpenca. O:quim- part, Texcalticpac, that he chose ceuh ti catcay ca miec paquiliztli, ma:ce:uhticatca i:ca miec paquiliztli. ﬁ rst for himself. He was resting ynic oque cenca huey íni tlamemel, Ini:c o:quecenca hue:i in i:tlamemel, with much happiness. Thus relax- ytech yntequitl, quezqui- xihuitl i:tech in tequitl, quezqui xihuitl ye ing greatly his burden and his duty, yeopanoc. yníuh683 omitô , Zatepan- o:panoc in iuh o:mitoh. Za:te:panian he already passed some years. So it ian omíc, mahuizauhtica otococ, o:mic, mahuizauhtica o:to:coc. Ini:c was already said. After he died, he Ynic oqui ma ceuh yni tlatocayo cey o:quima:ce:uh in i:tlahtohca:yo: ce: was buried with honor. Thus one Piltzin Yto ca Texcalli y684 huehue i:piltzin i:to:ca Texcallihuehue. Auh of his sons, named Texcallihuehue, auh ypanpa amo omítoynitlachi- i:pampa ahmo o:mito in i:tlachihua: succeeded him in his government. hual amo no ni can ti c tenehua; yuh l ahmo no nican tictenehua. Iuh And about him his accomplishments míto a zazaníoca ynyeomíc oquicauh mihtoa za:zanyoca in ye o:mic, are not told, nor are they mentioned ceypil-tzin Ytoca Pantzín Teuctlí., o:quicauh ce: i:piltzin i:to:ca: Pan- now. So it is only told that when auh ynin zan nico mic otlatocatic tzinte:uctli, auh ini:nýzannic o:mic. he was already dead, a son named ce yPiltzin o motaca yoti Cocôtzín . O:tlahtohca:tic ce: i:piltzin o:mota- Pantzinteuctli succeeded him, and Zanico mo miquili ynin Pilli- otla- cayo:ti Cocohtzin. Zan i:c o:mo- when this one died, a son of his tocatic ý ni Piltzin Teytztlacua Tz i miquili ini:n pilli, o:tlahtohca:tic in who was called Cocohtzin. After this n Niman o tla tocatic, Omeacatzin i:piltzin Teitztlacuatzin. Niman noble died, his son Teitztlacuatzin , yni n amo ohuecauh ypan tla o:tlahtoca:tic Omeacatzin. Ini:n ruled. Then Omeacatzin ruled. This tocayotl , huel mo-Zomâquí ocatca, ahmo o:huecau i:pan tlahtohca:yo:tl, one did not live long in the govern- caaycopacticat ca cemicac huel mozomahqui o:catca, ca aic ment, because he was a very bellicose o:pacticatca cemihcac man, who was only happy always

56 Chapter Ten 57

Recto, Ms. Folio 28 Yaoyotl quilnamictinenca onpa ya:o:yo:tl. Quilna:mictinenca o:mpa at war. He went out to contend, there oyaochihuale Ynahuac yn Mexicatl o:ya:o:chihua:le i:na:huac in Mexi- to make war in the region of the tepanecatl.685 onpa omi quito y ehua hcahtle Tepane:catl o:mpa o:miquito Mexica people, where it was he who tl y huan mochí y nimacehu-al- yehua:tl i:hua:n mochi in i:ma:cehu- died, along with many of his vassals. huan, Zanicomic Ocalac ytech yn tla alhua:n. Zan i:c o:mic, o:calac i:tech After he died, one of his sons named tocayotl Çeypiltzin ytoca Tlehue xo in tlahtohca:yo:tl ce: i:piltzin i:to:ca: Tlahuexolotzin, whose second name lotzîn ynic Omey toca tlacazzcali686 Tlehuexolotzin ini:c o:me i:to:ca: was Tlacazcaliteuctli, succeeded him. teuctlí, auh ynYe tlatocaitía.687 nahuy Tlacazcalite:uctli. Auh in ye tlah- When he had ruled for four years, x iuhtica, omocalaquí688 nican Tlax- toca:tia na:hui xiuhtica, o:mocala- Captain Don Hernando Cortés calan689 Yn Cappitan DnHernando690 qui nican Tlaxcalan in Capitan Dn arrived691 at that time in Tlaxcala, Cortes- ynicuac omo tlan ynin tla llí, Hernando Cortez ini:cuac o:motlan when this land was conquered. Thus ynic ohualtzintic ono mo teneuh , ini:n tla:lli. Ini:c o:hua:ltzintic ended what was said about Ocote- oco telo lco, texcalticpac——— o:nomoteneuh Ocotelolco lulco Texcalticpac. ——— ——— ———692 Ynin693 XI. Capítulo Ini:c XI Capitulo Chapter 11 nican motenehua yníc ohualpeuy ý Nican mote:ne:hua ini:c o:hua:lpeuh Here is mentioned how they founded tlatocayotl Cuiahuiz tlan mo tocayotí, in tlahtohca:yo:tl Cuiahuiztlan moto:- here the rulership of Quiahuiztlan, tlapitzahuacan ca:yo:tl Tlapitzahuacan. that was also called Tlapitzahuacan. ———

Ynin yeí tlato cayo tl cano nican Ini:n ye:i tlahtohca:yo:tl ca no: nican This third rulership was also here in Povqui tec pan tla x callan, po:uqui te:cpan Tlaxcallan. O:mana- the high palace of Tlaxcala. It was omanaloc. O tlali loc. Ynpanpa loc, o:tla:liloc in pampa in Chi:chi:- established and settled there by the ynchichimeca, Pipiltin ohua l mox- me:cah, pi:piltin o:hua:lmoxe:loqueh Chichimec nobles, who scattered eloque yx-tlahuacan Teôpoyauhtlan. i:xtlahuacan Teo:pohyauhtlan in themselves here from the ﬂ atland Ynicuac oquimá que ynin tlatocayo- ihcua:c o:quimanqueh ini:n tlahto- of Teopoyauhtlan when they who tl, ynic nica n ohua lazîco ynPopoca hca:yo:tl, ini:c nican o:hua:lahcico, founded this rulership arrived here, in Popoca as it is said, going around Popoca-

Verso, Ms. Folio 28 tepetl, auh ynin Pipiltin chichimeca, tepe:tl. Auh ini:n pi:piltin Chi:chi:- tepetl. And these Chichimec nobles omo çecan xe lo que. ynic nican me:cah o:mocecanxeloqueh ini:c separated themselves, coming here cecapal huíc tezcôco, oncan o mo nican cecapalhuic Tezco:co, onca:n by way of Tetzcoco, where they settled tlali co ynahuac yn tepetla694 oztoc, o:motla:lico i:nauhuac in tepe:tloz- near Tepetlaoztoc, where there were camiec huêhueyntin Oztome oncan toc, cah miec hue:huei:ntin oztomeh many great caves there. Thus they Catcaya inic oncan cochía quez quí onca:n catcaya. Ini:c onca:n cochia slept there for many days, then they Ylhuitl niman opanoque. Yno hual que:zqui i:lhuitl niman o:panoqueh, went on and migrated here, where nenenquí oazí-Co nican Tecpan in o:hua:lnenenquil o:ahcico nican they arrived at the heights of Tlax- tlaxcalan, auh za nic o qui-taque tecpan Tlaxcalan. Auh zan i:c o:quit- cala. And they just saw that already ye mo chi tlaca mantoc, yequimo aqueh ye mochi tla:ca mantoc, ye many people occupied it and were xe xelhuica, ca ce ce a ca qui piaía, quimexexelhuica, ca ceceaca quipi- already populating it, so that each ynimax ca, o-quimo ma ten namiqui yaya in ima:x, cah o:quimomatenna:- one guarded his part,695 because they lique ynteuc tla to-aní Colhuaca- miquiliqueh in te:uctlahtoa:ni Col- had been confronted by the lord teuctlí, cuanex, oquimitlani lí- que huacate:uctli Cuanex. O:quimitlani- ruler Culhuacateuctli Cuanex.696 quin ma caz tlallí, ytech yní tlatoca liqueh quinmacaz tla:lli i:tech in They requested that he give them Altepev´ auh ni man y nCo697 lhuaca i:tlahtohca: a:ltepe:uh, auh niman in land next to his governing city, teuctli, o quincelí, pa qui liztica. y nic Colhuacate:uctli o:quinceli paquil- and then Colhuacateuctli Cuanex Yntech hual quizaia y ni coton ca- iztica. Ini:c i:ntech hua:lqui:zaia received them peacefully. Thus he

58 Chapter Eleven 59 huan, ytlaca mecaío, quince li li ynin in i:c o:toncahuan, i:tlacamecayo:. came out to them as his kinsmen tlaytla nílíz yhuan quin macac yeían Quincelili in i:ntlai:tlaniliz i:hua:n and his lineage. Receiving their peti- tli y huan tla llí, hic altepe manazque quinmacac yeya:ntli i:hua:n tla:lli, i:c tion, and giving them a new place , caZan niman yuhquichiuhque. ynîc a:ltepe:manazqueh, cazan niman iuh and lands where they could settle qui maxca ti que ynin Tlalli yeiantli,. quichi:uhqueh. Ini:c quimaxcatiqueh towns, so that they just did so then. Auh ynachtopa698 ini:n tla:lli yeya:ntli, auh in achtopa Thus they recognized this new land ——— as theirs, and the ﬁ rst

Recto, Ms. Folio 29 otehuctíc. Ytoca Mizquítzin, ye- o:te:uctic i:to:ca: Mizquitzin. Yehua:tl who ruled was named Mizquitzin. huatl yn oquin hual yacan, oqui n in o:quinhua:lyacan, o:quinmanaco. It was he who led them here and manaco, auh Zani comic, o-teuc tíc Auh zan i:c o:mic, o:te:uctic Timalte:- settled them. And after he died, Tímalteuctlí, zani co mic yntimal uctli. Zan i:c o:mic in Timalte:uctli, Timalteuctli ruled. After Timalteuctli teuc tli, o calac Ytic yntlatocayotl . o:calacytic in tlahtohca:yo:tli Toz- died, Tozcoyohuateuctli entered Tozco Yo-huateuctlí; ni man qui ca n coyohuate:uctli. Niman quicantocan the rulership. Then Cuatzinteuctli tocan Cuatzîn699 teuctlí, niman o tla- Cuatzinte:uctli. Niman o:tlahtohca:- followed him. Then Quetzalxiuhtzin tocati c Cuetzalxiuhtzin Zani co mic tic Cuetzalxiuhtzin. Zan i:c o:mic, ruled after he died, there was this ynin Tlatoaní yaoyotl, coco-lí mehua ini:n tlahtoa:ni ya:o:yo:tl, cocolime- war for rulership, and they had tíquez . y ntlan yni nTlatocayotl huatiquez i:ntlan ini:n tlahtohca:- enmity concerning this govern- caceceaca, cecenpi piltin qui ne yo:tl caceceaca, ce:cen pi:piltin ment because each one of the nobles quia tlatocatîz ynic ayc opactí catca, quinequia tlahtohca:tiz. Ini:c ayc o:- wanted to rule. Thus they were never omo y olcehui toya, y nic cen mayan pacticatca, o:moyo:lce:huitoya. Ini:c content and calm. Thus all were mochi n tin o mo xi xico taque cenmanya:n mochi:nti:n o:moxixi:- perpetually suffering. They elected Zatepanian omo centlalique700 o cotaqueh. O:quipehpenqueh ce pilli a noble named Zacatzin, who came quipepenque ze Pilli y toca Zacatzín , i:to:ca: Zacatzin, hua:lehuaya i:tech from the rulership of Ocotelulco. huale huaya y tech yntlátocayotl ôco in tlahtohca:yo:tl Ocotelolco. Pilli He was the noble of a district called telo lco. Pili catca y tech ce tla xila- catca i:tech ce: tlaxilacalli moto:ca:- Contlantzinco. And this Zacatzin’s calli mo tocayotíaíâ, Contlantzínco, yo:tiaya Contlantzinco. Auh ini:n mother grew up in the rulership auh ynin Zacatzin, yninantzin opo- Zacatzin in i:na:ntzin o:tsohui:a of Quiahuiztlan, because she was huiaytech Yn Tlatocayotl quiahuízt- i:tech in tlahtohca:yo:tl. Quiahuizt- the wife of a noble who was from lan ca y ci huauh catca cepilli, y tech lan, cah i:cihua:uh catca ce: pilli Contlantzinco. But they did not po hui a ý contlantzinco, amo oquí i:tech pohuia in Contlantzinco. rear Zacatzin. Thus he watched malhui que Yn Zacatzin, inic qui ta Ahmo o:quimalhuiqui in Zacatzin. and conversed about that which he yà moyolno no tzaia, yntlen co nil Ini:c qui:ttaya, moyo:lnohno:tzaia in remembered namiquia tlein conilna:miquia

Verso, Ms. Folio 29 ytech y nin tlá tocayotl; hualaque y i:tech ini:n tlahtohca:yo:tl; hua:- there at this rulership. They came huan o-qui mo hui qui li q ue yca laqueh i:hua:n o:quimohuiquiliqueh and took him701 so he would govern quin mo Cuí tla Huiz quia , auh yn i:ca quinmocuitlahuizquia, auh in them, and Zacatzin accepted the Zacatzin oquicelli Yn tlátôca tequi Zacatzin o:quicelli in tlahtohca:- duty of rule as long as they thus were tl ynoquic. ynico mo ce ti li taque tequitl in o:qui:c ini:c o:moce:- united in will. He ruled two years, yntlanequilizcopa, omexiuhtˆca o tla tilitaqueh in tlanequilizcopa. O:me and when he died, Iyactzinteoah- tocatic Auh ZaníCo míc Y yactzin xiuhtica o:tlahtohca:tic auh zan i:c teuctli succeeded, who also did not theoâtheuctlí, ca amo ohuecauh o:mic i:yactzinteo:ahte:li cah ahmo live long in this rulership. And after ytech ynin tla to cay otl auh Za- o:huecauh i:tech ini:n tlahtohca:yo:tl. he died, a noble named Citlalpo- 60 Anónimo Mexicano

nicomic o teu ctin yn Pili Çitla l Auh zan i:c o:mic, o:te:uctin in pilli pocatzin ruled, so that he ﬁ nished Popocatzin caye oquitzonquixti Yn Citlalpopocatzin cah ye o:quitzon- the rulership when Don Hernando tla toca yotl ynicuac ocalac, Don qui:xti in tlahtohca:yo:tl in ihcua:c Cortés entered here at the palace in hernando Cortes= nican tecpan o:calac Don Hernando Cortes nican Tlaxcala. Tlaxcalan——— te:cpan Tlaxcalan. ——— ——— ——— ———702 Yníc Xii Capitulo. Ini:c XII Capitulo. Chapter 12 mítoa mo teneûa ynic omoman Yntla- Mihtoa mote:ne:hua ini:c o:moman in It is said, it is recounted, how thus tocayo tl tiza tlan moto cayo tia Xícô tlahtohca:yo:tl Tizatlan moto:ca:yo:tia they expanded the rulership of Tizat- tencatl~~~~~~~ Xi:côtencatl. lan, that was called Xicontencatl. ——— ——— ——— ———703

Recto, Ms. Folio 31704 Commencir ' de la Guere de Mexico Commencir de la Guerra Mexicana Beginning of the Mexican War

Inic pehuaz in yaoyotl in amo quin Ini:c pe:huaz in ya:o:yo:tl. In ahmo: Thus the battle began. They did mo cati aia in quin yehual hui que quinmocatitiaya in quin ye: hual- not confer with those they had inic quimatia cen huey inin- huelti705 huiqueh. Ini:c quimatia cen hue:i brought with them just then. Thus liz quihualhuicay a, ica inin nep- in i:nhuelitiliz quihua:lhui:caya i:ca they thought their wholly great act ale hui lo ca- ýnin Coanotzalhual, in i:nnepale:hui:loca. In i:nconno:- would bring their aid. These fi nished tealtepepan ehua auh in macehualtin tzalhua:l tea:ltepe:pan. E:huan auh in conferring at the city. They departed, omololoque omocetilique ca çenca ma:ce:hualtin o:moloqueh. O:moce:- and the commoners united them- miec ca in tetepe oquíque. miâ ihuan tiliqueh, ca cenca miec. Ca in te:tepe selves. They united themselves, so inixtlahuamé; icampa opanohuaya o:quique:mian i:hua:n in ixtla:hua- that together they were very many. in atentli atl quitlamiay ini c oconíâ; meh in ca:mpa o:panohuaya. In a:- Indeed, they crossed the mountains in ohualne nentoaya, omoxexeloay te:ntli a:tl quitlamiay. Ini:c o:conia:n and they fi lled the plains there. Thus cequintin- intlahuacan706 in occe- in o:hua:lnehnentoaya. O:moxe:xelo- they went there, wandering this way. quintin707 tetepepan Xolotheopan, ca aya cequi:ntin i:xtla:huacan inoc ce- Some were scattered to the savannas, axcan motene hua, Totolâ708 xinti- qui:ntin te:tepepan Xo:loteo:pan, ca others onto the mountains of Xolo- catca in hualpehuaya Cuapanco Sn a:xca:n motenehua To:tolan xinticat- teopan, that is now called Totolan, Nicolas709 Panotlan. hiccen mochi ca. In hua:lpe:huaya Cuapanco, San where it is fl at. They were beginning theotlalpan ihuan Contlantzinco,710 Nicolas Panotlan i:ccen mochi Teo:- to come to Cuapanco, and San Nico- ça cen quiyahualoque quiquenque tlalpan i:hua:n Contlantzinco. Za cen lás Panotlan, throughout Teotlalpan in cuauhtlali ; tetepepan ayocmo quiyahua:loqueh quiquenqueh, in to Contlantzinco. Thus some went tlein motaya, inicuac in nomatica cuahutla:lli te:tepepan. ayocmo: tlei:n around, covering the forest on the o hual acico711 inin palehuiloca,712 ý motaya. Inihcua:c in nohmahtica o:- mountains. Not again was the like Mexícâ713 Tepaneca caquinchiaya in hua:lahcico. Ini:n nepale:hui:loca, in seen. Then they freely came this way. Huexo tzínca ; auh zani c otlapizque Me:xihcah Tepane:ca, cah quinchiaya The Huexotzinca were awaiting the

61 62 Anónimo Mexicano

in Tepaneca yuh quin nahuatica inin in Huexo:tzincan; auh zan i:c ot- aid of the Tepanecan Mexica; and after yaotlatocauh , omocecan manque , lapizqueh in Tepane:ca, iuhquin na:- the Tepaneca undertook this,they inic yotlecoque714 huatica in i:nya:o:tlahtohca:uh. O:- sent their commanders of war and mocecanmanqueh. Ini:c yotlecoqueh they assembled themselves together. Thus they ascended

Verso, Ms. Folio 31 cuauhtlalpan tlacpanhuíc, in campa cuauhtla:lpan, tlacpanhui:c in ca:mpa the forests towards the front, in the moto cayotia- tlamacazcatzínco , moto:ca:yo:tia Tlamacazcatzinco place named Tlamacazcatzinco Cu- cuauhtzalan inic amo quinequía, Cuauhtzalan, ini:c ahmo: quinequia auhtzalan, because they did not want quin y o cualan iltizque. in Chi- quinyocualaniltizqueh in Chi:chi:- to alert the Chichimeca. Already, at chimeca, ye oquin - yehual oltzacâ; me:cah. Ye o:quinyehua:loltzacan. the beginning of the war, they drove auh yn ye oin malitic715 in yaoy- Auh in ye o:inma:litic in ya:o:yo:tl, off the Huexotzinca and their allies otl. oquiquiztique in Huexotzìnca o:quiquiztiqueh in Huexo:tzinca:n with great fury and shouting. They ihuan inin Coanotzalhuan ica huey i:huan in i:ncoanotzalhuan i:ca hue:i spread out and engaged the Chi- tlahuelli , tzatziliztlí cenmantiuh, tlahue:lli, tzahtziliztli cenmantiuh, chimeca. They ascended the slope, oquin hual namique in chichimeca o:quinhua:lnamiqueh in Chi:chi:- and the Chichimeca with all their ica mochi716 _ tlaixco ———717 me:cah. Tlaixco quintlehcoltiqueh, allies were met ﬁ rst. They captured quintlecoltique , auh in Chichimeca auh in Chi:chi:me:cah i:ca mochi in one of his warriors, and they imme- ica mochì inin tlâpaltiliz in achtopa i:ntlanpaltiliz in achtopa o:mon- diately went together and made an omonamique , oquitizquique718 amiqueh. O:quitzi:tzquiqueh ce:meh offering to their god, Camax tli. Then ceme in iyaohuan,719 ihuan quici- in i:ya:o:huan. i:hua:n quiciuhca right away they eagerly cut open his uhca hui ca que ——— quihuen hui:caqueh quihuenmanilitoh in chest here. They removed his heart. manilitô inin theovˆ . Camaxtle , i:nteo:ton, Camaxtle. Zazan niman They offered it to their malicious, zazan niman quìhualelchiquiuh720 quihua:le:lchiquiuh tlapoqueh. cursed god. Then they ﬂ ayed him, tlapôque quiquixtílíque ìnin721 yollo Quiquixtiliqueh in i:yo:llo:. Qui- and they dressed one of them in this quihuenmanilique ini tlahueliloca , huenmaniliqueh in i:ntlahue:li:lo:ca:- one’s skin. He draped himself with ——— tlatelchihual theovˆ722, niman tlatelchi:hual teo:uh. Niman o:quixi- his intestines, and he went along oquìxipeuhque. ìhuan ——— ceme peuhqueh i:hua:n ce:meh yehua:ntin dragging his feet and his hands on yehuantin oquimoquenti. inin o:quimoque:nti ini:n i:cuetlaxo:. the ground. He presented himself as icuetlaxo, omolpi ica inicuitlaxco l ; O:molpi i:ca in i:cuitlaxcol, tla:lpan an offering to his villainous god. He tlalpan quìhuihuí lantiuh inicxihuâ, quihuyhuilantiuh in i:cxihuan, in was transformed into Xipe. It was in in imahuan , omixpantí huentiliz- i:mahuan. O:mi:xpanti huentiliztica this manner that tica. ynitlahueliloca theû . omecuep in i:tlahuelilocateo:uh. O:mocuep xípe , cayuh quin ———723 Xipe. Ca iuhquin

Recto, Ms. Folio 32 Yahualotaque724 yn Popocatepetl, yahua:lotaqueh in Popocatepe:tl, they came around Popocatepetl, and ohual ——— tlacamantaque ô alte- o:hua:ltlacamantaqueh o:a:ltepe:tla:- they came dividing up the land and petlalique , ìnic quin cauhtaque Pipi- liqueh. Ini:c quinca:uhtaqueh pi:pil- settling cities. Thus nobles relin- ltin , oquin mo cuìtlahuìzquía, omo tin, o:quinmocuitlahuizquia. O:mo- quished them, so that he would take cauhtiquìzaco Chololan725 miequin- cauhtiquizaco Cholo:la:n miequintin care of them. He himself left many tin ——— macehualtin , Pipiltín , ma:ce:hualtin, pi:piltin. Momahuiz- vassals and nobles at Cholollan. He momahuiztiliaya . inic ye huecaûtica tiliaya. Ini:c ye huehca:uhtica o:mpa was respected. Thus already he was ompa catcayaia ; zanicopanoc in catcayaia. Zan i:c o:panoc, in ya:o:- old there. After they had crossed ——— yaoyotl oquil namique in yo:tl o:quilnamiqueh. In Huexo:- over, they remembered the war. The Huexotzincâ , ihuan inin Chololtecâ tzinca i:hua:n ini:n Chololteca ini:c Huexotzinca and these Chololtecas, inic cen mochintin , in o meuhca, in cen mochintin, in o:me:uhca i:ntech thus all together, emigrated to next Chapter Twelve 63 tech copa huíc in Tlaxcalteca , auh copauic in Tlaxcalte:cah. Auh zan i:c to the Tlaxcalteca, and after they zanic omo centlalíque nequilízcepan o:mocentla:liqueh, nequiliz ce:pan gathered themselves together, they catca , auh zanic726 ye o quil cauhca catca. Ye o:quilca:uhca in i:nnecoco:l wanted to be together. Already they in î necoco lopanoc ; cequintin o:panoc cequi:ntin ini:n tla:ca quil- forgot their anger. They crossed inin tlaca quilnamiquepan ozquia namiqueh panozquia i:pan a:ltepe:tl over. Some of these men thought ipan altepetl Tlaxcalan , inic ompa Tlaxcalan. Ini:c o:mpa o:catca ini:n to go over to the city of Tlaxcala. ocatca inin huayol que, ceme inin huayo:lqueh. Ce:meh ini:nqueh Thus they were there. One of these que hualaque——— Chololan itoca hua:laqueh Chololan i:to:ca: catca who came was a Cholollan called catca Theuctotolim ;ca huey Pilli , Theuctotolim, cah hue:i pilli, cualli Teuctotolin, who was a great noble cuali eztlí , in itech hual quiz ca , inin eztli. In i:tech hua:lquizca. Ini:n of good blood. Next to it, they were omo chanyotica ipan in tlaxilacalli727 o:mocha:nyo:tico i:pan in i:tlaxilacal, coming this way, these who re- , cuítlitz co , inic oncan omocno- Cuitlitzco. Ini:c onca:n o:mocnomat sided in his home in the district of mat ica ——— ini tlanequi litzin i:ca in i:tlanequilitzin in te:uctli, Cuitlixco. Thus there they submitted in Teuctli , Acatentehua, tlatoaní Acatentehua, tlahtoa:ni Ocotelolco. themselves to the will of the ruler Ocotelolco, Zatepanian ye panotiuh Za:te:panian ye, panotiuh ca:huitl. Acatentehua, king of Ocotelulco. cahuitl ; ye motlacuauh .——— chi Ye motlacua:h chicauhtiuh. Ini:c Afterwards, time passed. Already cauhtiuh. inic quim ahuiztiliaya quimahuiztiliaya. Zan i:c o:mottac he himself was strong, and lived to , Za nícomotac——— yuhquin iuhquin quinnequia quin nextiliz yn old age. Thus he was honored. He quinequia quine:xtiliz in ma:ce:hual mace hual tin —— was only seen as wanting to appear tin——— before the vassals

Verso, Ms. Folio 32 ca itech opohuia in tlatocayotl cah i:tech o:po:huia in tlahtohca:yo:- who belonged to the rulership. Even mazoihui aíac728 quimo catiaya, tl, ma:zoihui aya:c quimocatiaya though no one at any time was satis- ipampa atley in ——— ihuelitiliz ic i:pampa ahtleh in i:huelitiliz i:c ﬁ ed, in nothing thereby would he quimaxcatiz quia, quinequia canaz quima:xca:tizquia. Quinequia canaz give authority. He wanted to seize in tequitl cemi cac oquitlaca matta in tequitl cemihcac. O:quitla:cam- their tribute forever. All men obeyed in tlatoani catca in oquic oquin- atta in tlahtoa:ni catca in o:qui:c the king as long as he lived. Thus yocuitia729 mochi tlacatl, inic azo qui o:quinyocuitaya mochi tla:catl. Ini:c perhaps some day he would be able en manian huelitiliz mo Yollehuaz ahzo que:nmaniya:n huelitiz moyo:- to enjoy himself with this wealth. , ica inin itlatlanequiliz omic in lle:hua:z i:ca ini:n i:tlatlanequiliz. O:- When Teuctotolin died, he left his Teuctotolim730 itoca Axochhua mic in Teuctotolim, [o:quicauh i:tic home and his residence to a noble ——— memeloc , ca inin ame- in i:cha:nyo:, in i:callo ce: i:piltzin] i:- whose name was Axochhuamemeloc, huecauh731 onen ; oquicauhtehuac to:ca: Axochhuamemeloc, cah ini:n but this one did not live long. He ——— quimocuitla huy yn ichanyo ahmo: huecauh o:nen. O:quica:- made his will and took care of oquimacehu in iPiltzin tlacomihua uhtehuac quimocuitlahui in i:cha:- himself. He gave his home to his son auh zan quezqui xiuhtica ye quim o nyo:. O:quima:ce:uh in i:piltzin Tla:- Tlacomihua. And for however many cui tla huitica732 initlaxilacal , amo co:mihua. Auh zan que:zqui xiuhtica years he had already been taking care ic opac , ic yepiltic ica in itlalleca- ye quimocuitlahuitic ca in i:tlaxila- of his district, still he was not happy huan in i cocol, itatzin, oqui cahui cal, ahmo: i:c o:pa:c, i:c yeh piltic i:ca by his being a noble, because of what lit aque, ca zan niman oquilnamic in i:tla:le:cahuan, in i:co:col, i:tahtzin his landsmen, his grandfathers, and itic in iyollo , ìn tlen achto pa|huic733 o:quicahuilitaqueh, cah zan niman his fathers had left him—he remem- oquilnamictinenca in i cocol catca , o:quilnamic itic in i:yo:llo, in tlein bered what at ﬁ rst his grandfather Teuctotolim , inic oquinec Teuctiz. achtopahui:c o:quilnami:ctinenca in had gone along intending. Teuctoto- ipan mochi in tlatoca ——— Pilotl i:co:col catca. Teuctotolim, ini:c lin thus appeared to rule over all the Tlaxcalan tlalpan , inic ye opeuh- o:quinec teuctiz i:pan mochi in tlah- royal nobility at the land of Tlaxcala. quin tlatol ——— maca ti huetz, tohca:pillo:tl Tlaxcalan tla:lpan. Ini:c Thus already he was beginning to inana-734 ye he was beginning to advise advise, 64 Anónimo Mexicano

Recto, Ms. Folio 33 quíntocayotiaía735 in omo cuetlax- quinto:ca:-yo:tiaya, in o:mocuet- he was giving them honor, by mak- quentiaya in oquic ye ——— quip- laxque:ntiaya. In oqui:c ye quipitzaia, ing their skin a garment. All the itzaya , quìtzonaya . in teponaztli quitzonaya in tepona:ztli while they played, they beat the lat- ìhuan cololí ; ——— cuauh coyolin i:hua:n cololi, cuauhcoyolin, i:hua:n eral log drum and trumpets, wooden , ìhuan ho ccequine yaotlatquítl ica oc cequi:ne ya:o:tlatquitl i:ca miec bells, along with other war property, miec . tzatziliztli , tlahuelecayotica ca tzahtziliztli, tlahue:lehcayo:tica ca with much furious shouting, like yûh, ocelomê , mimiztín. ômo cepan iuh o:celo:meh, mimi:ztin. O:moce:- coyotes, jaguars, and mountain xícoayâ , ìn aquin huel achtopa otlaxi panxi:coa:yan in a:quin huel ach- lions. Those who were at the very cozquia , nocecequintin hiemopale- topa. O:tlaxi:cozquia noceh cequi:- front were themselves collectively huizquiâ , inic amo xicahuilozquia nti:n yeh mopale:hui:zquian, ini:c deceived. They would endure it, or yuh qui in omozepan736 tzatzaianaya ahmo: xicca:huilozquia. Iuhquiyn some of them would be encouraged, , necoc chicahualiztli ihuelitiliztli737 o:moce:pan- tzatzayanaya. Necoc and thus would not be left out. In ocacía, inin tlahuel oquin comoni- chica:hua:liztli i:nhueli:tiliztli o:cah- this manner he was completely cut aya, cequinti icatematl , tetl quit- cia. In i:ntlahue:l o:quincomo:nia:ya. to pieces. On both sides they reached lazaya , cequi quenamí ——— poctli Cequi:ntin i:ca tematl tetl quitla:- the fullness of their strength. Their oquitlazaia , mìntlí inic cen mochi zaya. Cequi que:namih po:ctli o:quit- fury became inﬂ amed. Some threw omo netech mimictiaya inimezo la:zaya mi:ntli. Ini:c cen mochi o:mo- down rock with slings. Others shot quinoquiaya in yemiqui , ihuan qui- netech mimictiaya, in i:mezzo: down some sort of smoking arrows. mixilca ca ìníc tlaìxco tepetla , ototo- quino:qui:aya. In ye miqui, i:hua:n Thus all together they killed each caya inimezzo . iniuh huetzi ilhuica quimihxilca, ca ini:c tlaixco tepe:tla, other, they spilled one another’s c hueyatl , caamo yuh in niquitoa o:toto:ca:ya in i:mezzo:. In iuh huetzi blood. Already they died, and it in quenami omo chiuh , inicuac zo- ylhuicac hue:i a:tl. Ca ahmo: iuh ini:n awakened them, so that thus their neuhticatca, mo-=huey738 chihticatca quihtoa: in que:namih o:mochi:uh, blood ran down the surface at the inin yaoyotl , in teopixcayacanqui in ihcua:c zo:ne:uhticatca, mohue:- bottom of the mountains. It was as quimotlatlauhtililiticatca ,iniztlaca- ichi:uhticatca ini:n ya:o:yo:tl. In teo:- if ﬂ oods of water were falling from teov, inic ——— quimitlanilitoya pixcayacanqui quimotlatlauhtili- the sky. This was not as if these said tziuCnoliztica,739 ma hiecnalquiza atia catca, in iztlaca theo:uh. Ini:c how it happened to them, when they quimihtlanilitoia tziucnoliztica, ma: were exaggerating and aggrandiz- ye:cna:lqui:za ing themselves regarding this war. The leading priest was petitioning the villainous god, that they would completely triumph. Thus he begged him with great sobbing, that

Verso, Ms. Folio 33 inialtepeuh ; zanic quitlamî init- i:tlaihtlaniliz, o:qui:zqui i:na:hua- his city would not be completely laitlaniliz ; oquizqui inahuatìliztica tiliztica in itlahueliloca teo:uh: I:- overrun. Just when he ended his - inítlahuelilocateoû , imac actiuh in macactiuh in teo:caxitl i:ca in chi:- prayer, his villainous god emerged ——— teocaxitl , ica in chìchìhual chi:huala:yo:tl i:hua:n quinyo:le:uh with his command: the sacred ayotl , ìhuan quinyoleuh quìmílhui, quimilhuy, “Ma i:xquich in ahmo: chalice with the milk would enthrall ma ixquich in amo yollehuìliz in yole:huiliz in a:xca:n, yao:qui:- and vitalize them. He said, “Do not axcan yaoquizanime ——— Chi- zanimeh Chi:chi:me:cah. Yeh in ai:c be worried at all now, Chichimeca chimeca, ê, in aic anxiconî , in anxi:coni in aican, yo:lcuetlaxihui. war leaders. That one never deceives aic anyol cuetlaXihuy740 macamo Ma:camo: ximomauhtican, ca ye in you at any time, that he withers in ximomauhtican , caye inmâ inan manin. Antlaxi:cozqueh i:pampa in vitality. Be not afraid that they are tlaxícozque , ipampa in to theovˆ . toteo:uh Camaxtle. Ye totech i:c already preparing. You will endure Camaxtle ye totech ic icnoyohua . icno:yohuah.” In o:qui:c o:quihtoa:y it for the sake of our god Camaxtli. Chapter Twelve 65

In oquic oquitoay inin inecentlalilt- ini:n i:necentla:liltlahto:l, o:quino:qui That one is someone compassion- latol,741 oquino qui in chi chihualatl in chi:chi:hua:la:tl i:pan in o:qui- ate to us.” In addition to this one , ipan in oqui moquentitoca in moque:ntitoia in miqueh cuetlaxtli. saying his unifying words, he spilled mique==cuetlaxtli742, o can qui . ni- Occa:n quin niman ce: mi:ntli, in the breast milk onto the one dressed man cemintli , in micniuh ——— micni:uh in o:mozazalocah na:hua:- in the dead one’s skin. Then, in yn o mozazalôca nahualotica quimâ, llo:tica. Quiman, o:quitla:z in i:pan two places, a pursuit arrow and its oquitlaz ipan in tiyaohuan743 icuac in te:ya:o:hua:n. Ihcua:c in o:quiqui:- companion were stuck together with in oquiquiztiquizque in occequi — ztiqui:zqueh in oc cequi mi:ntli catca sorcery. He spread them out, he —— mintli catca teopan, chicahuac teo:pan. Chicahuac motlazato i:npan fl ung them down before the war- motlazâtó , inpan in Huexotzinca in Huexo:tzinca miec tla:catl. Tla:- riors. When they fi nished making miec tlacatl tlalpan quìtepehuaya , lpan quite:pe:huaya. Ini:c niman them come out, there were still înic ——— niman omehuatequetz o:me:huatequeh ce: mixa:yahuitl some arrows before the god. Many çe mixayahuitl tliliuhqui ca ahuel in tliliuhqui ca ahhuel in monohmahit- men threw themselves down on the monoma ittaya, taia. Huexotzinca warriors. He scattered them on the land here. Then they raised up a black fog, so that they could not be seen readily. amo omonextíaya , iníc m o ce- Ahmo: o:mone:xtiaya. Ini:c moce:- They were not revealed. Thus, the pan744 mîmictîqué, in teoyaohuan in panmihmictiqueh in te:ya:o:hua:n. warriors were killing one another. It amo ma oquimatia acquimictiaya , In ahmo: mah o:quimatia ac quimi:- was as if they could not even recog- ipampa ———745 ctiaya i:pampa nize whom they killed there, NOTES

1. Fray Juan de Torquemada, Monarquía Indiana, 3rd because of deterioration of the manuscript since ed. (México, DF: Salvador Chávez Hayhoc, [1615] that date. It could have occurred in the upper 1943), book 1, chapter 1, p. 44. Subsequent note right of the page, an area which is now missing. references are to book, chapter, and page of this Gerste’s transcription appeared in Alfredo Chavero, edition, hereafter cited as, e.g., “(1.1.44).” “Anónimo Mexicano,” Anales del Museo Nacional de 2. A strip at the top of the fi rst page and a larger section México 7:115–132. Subsequent note references are to of the top right is missing. The missing strip had some this publication. writing at one time, but now only the bottommost 4. The scribe began with what was probably ynaz, portion of perhaps four letters are visible, not enough although the fourth letter is not decipherable with to determine even what those letters might have been certainty, then immediately overwrote the fi nal letter with any confi dence. The fi rst readable line actually with a C, which was written as an uppercase letter began Nícan Pehua ynic 1 Capitulo quenin, but we simply so that it would more clearly visible. The ink have chosen to reproduce ynic 1 Capitulo above the of the C ran together with the letter it overwrote. rest as a chapter heading. The fi nal two letters of the 5. The introductory material, which we italicize here, word capitulo and all of quenin are missing, due to was written in normal script but set off from the body the lost corner, but can be reconstructed from the of the chapter by a line composed of what might be context. The indecipherable fragments of a line of described as wavy equal signs. writing at the very top of the page may have been 6. According to Torquemada, “Outwardly, the Toltecs an editorial comment in Spanish. A number of were persons of large body and clever (according later pages have such editorial comments, similarly to the histories of the Acolhua) and covered in the situated. Spanish editorial comments also appear clothing of a large, white tunic” (1.14.37). on a number of pages at the left margin. This page 7. The scribe fi rst wrote the z somewhat high, and then has the following marginal entry: “Concuerda con continued by using the lower stroke of the letter as el Capitulo 4, el libro 1o asta su fi n solo en sus cia” the top stroke of another z that was run together with (it corresponds with chapter 4 of book 1 up to its the one above. ending only in its [meaning unclear]). These entries 8. The scribe fi rst wrote mîtop and then overwrote the are in a hand different from that of the scribe, but fi nal letter with an a. appear to be of a style that was contemporary with 9. The scribe wrote tonalco. The word has been underlined it. A circular library acquisition mark has been and superscribed as tonatiuh (also underlined) in an stamped over the fi rst three lines of text following the editorial hand different from that of the original scribe. introductory heading. It reads, “BIBLIOTHÈQUE Similar editorial emendations occur throughout NATIONAL” clockwise around the top two-thirds of the manuscript, in the same hand and in a style its outer edge and “MANUSCRIT” counterclockwise contemporaneous to that of the scribe. They include around the bottom third. The center of the stamp is changes of word choice as well as of spelling, generally dominated by large letters, “RF,” for “Republique de added by squiggley underlining of the original word France.” or phrase and the addition of an underlined change, 3. This word, which is given in Gerste’s transcription, usually in superscript, occasionally in subscript. Entries does not appear on the original document, perhaps in this hand will be referred to simply as “editorial”

66 Notes 67

entries or as notes by the “editor” in notes that follow in the bottom margin of the page. The inscription this one. around the edge reads, “[An]cienne Collection J. M. 10. The original scribe fi rst wrote yaoquîza, then A. AUBIN.” Only part of the second of the fi rst two overwrote the fi nal two letters as an h, continued letters shows on the page and part of the fi nal letter is with uaque, and then inserted tete as a superscript. also missing at the bottom edge. 11. The dash is merely a line-ending place fi ller used by 23. The top left corner of the page is missing causing this the scribe to right-justify the writing. lacuna as well as the next, which begins the second 12. We have followed Torquemada’s spelling of the line on this page of the manuscript. The editorial hand name. inserted oquizque above the original word, immediately 13. No editorial comment or emendation accompanies to the right of the lacuna. This placement suggests that the underlining by the editor. the editor was not contemporary with the scribe, but 14. The iz is not visible due to a tear in the right edge of was working after the damage to the manuscript. This the paper, although the tail of the z is partly present English translation, both here and elsewhere, follows on the page, making the reconstruction secure. The the editorial emendations. The space available would editor inserted the quiz above the torn area, indicating have accommodated Oncan. The reconstruction is the same reconstruction. speculative, but quite likely correct. 15. The scribe wrote opehua and then inserted the fi nal 24. The second word is only partly missing, due to the ia in superscript, because he had already written the lost top left corner of the page. It is a preterit form, next word too close to allow the insertion of these beginning with o and ending in que. The initial o two fi nal letters on the normal line. is visible, as is the lower part of the following two 16. The reconstructed letters have been obliterated by a characters. The fi rst of these could have been an a or, hole in the manuscript. Only the tail of the y and, possibly, the lower part of a u. The scribe corrected possibly, the right edge of a tic above the reconstructed the second letter to an h or an n. Whatever the i is visible. The scribe ended the line with pohu- and original was, the editor emended it to omiquinique, continued the last two letters al on the next line. The but this cannot be correct. An m is not possible as editor inserted tlapohu immediately before the al, the second letter, since the character has only a single and the underlining of the insertion and those two hump that ends in an upstroke, indicating either an fi nal letters is continuous. The literal reading is “with h or an n. Of the remaining letters, too little is left it they started their fi rst era, their count [of years].” to comment on, except that the q of the fi nal que is 17. The noun cahuitl means “time, era.” Nahuatl has no partly missing, but enough of the letter is present for term for century. Rather, the Aztec organized their its identity to be secure. Here and elsewhere, where histories into counts of fi fty-two years but did not missing letters cannot be reconstructed, we indicate number these sequentially. the approximate number of letters by the number of 18. The scribe wrote yequine. The scribe’s i has been periods used as ellipses. underlined, emended by a later editor to e (also 25. Circa ad 770. underlined) in superscript. We take this to be 26. The scribe began with tl, then overwrote this with Y. yequeneh, “fi nally, at last, moreover.” 27. The editor inserted the bar to separate opeuh and 19. Literally, “sitting themselves down in no place.” tlatocatí, which had been somewhat run together. 20. The medial yo was inserted later, by the original 28. The fi nal -a is absent in the manuscript. scribe, as a superscript. 29. The scribe wrote only the name, omitting the rest of 21. About sixty-four miles east of Tollan. the sentence, which we have added to the English (in 22. The recto of folio 1 ends here, with the hyphen which brackets) for clarity of reading. ends a line. The lefthand margin of this page bears the 30. The scribe originally wrote this with a single l, then top half of the library’s oval cataloging stamp. Around overwrote the fi nal i as a second l and added a new the edge are the words, “Collection E. Eug. GOUPIL fi nal i above the original comma, adding a new à Paris.” Below this in the top half of the center of comma at the end. the stamp is the manuscript number, “no. 254.” The 31. The line ends after otlanahuy, and the next line begins bottom half of the stamp was stamped upside down quixtí. The editor underlined both and added the = 68 Anónimo Mexicano

in the left margin before quixí, perhaps simply to in the year Seven Reed. He died after governing for note that this was a single word. fi fty-two years. And afterwards Ixtlilcuechahuac 32. The scribe wrote cemochintin, and the editor corrected succeeded him in the same year, and he governed for this by writing cenmochintin in superscript. just as many years, because those Toltecs held by law 33. Literally, “thus afterwards all of the lords together that their kings were not permitted to govern except accom panied her.” for fi fty-two years, neither more nor less, if they lived 34. The scribe wrote quihuia, then overwrote the a as c that long. And they wanted this because this number and continued. was their Xiuhtlalpile (as they called an Age) and 35. Literally, “guarding/observing fi fty-two years.” once he fulfi lled the fi fty-two years the successor 36. All but the left leg of the m and all of the o are missing, entered to govern and fulfi lled fi fty-two even if his due to a tear on the right edge of the page. The fi nal father was alive and he died before fulfi lling this me is on the next line. The reconstruction is certainly number, the father governed the republic until he correct. arrived at the said year, and then he would retire from 37. Literally, “his high/elevated son.” governing, at which time his heirs would take over. 38. Literally, “he entered,” which is idiomatic for After Ixtlilcuechahuac [died], Huetzin succeeded “beginning to rule.” in the reign, and after Huetzin, Totepeuh, and after 39. Torquemada added, “for another name, Topiltzin” Totepeuh, Nacazxoc[uitl]. After him, another called (1.14.37), indicating that Tecpancaltzin was also Mitl, who erected the Temple of the frog god. After called Topiltzin. him, Queen Xiuhtzaltzin succeeded, who governed 40. The underlining of no ce and the beginning of this for four years. After her came Tecpancaltzin whose word is accompanied by no editorial comment. other name was Topiltzin, in whose time, the Toltecs 41. Compare Torquemada: “These Toltecs, it is said, were destroyed. This king, had two sons who were came from the region of the west, and that they were called, Xilotzin, and Pochotl, from which afterwards brought by seven lords and captains called Tzacatl, came the kings of Culhuacan” (1.14.37). Chalcatzin, Ehecatzin, Cohuatzon, Tzihuac-Cohuatl, 42. The word ome ends a line. On the next line, the scribe Tlapalmetzotzin, and the seventh and last, Metzotzin. fi rst continued with me, as if to have written omome, (And they brought with them many people, women and then corrected himself by hatching out those two as well as men, were led with them) and they were letters, allowing the fi rst three letters to stand alone. exiled from their mother country and nation. And They appear to be ome, not omo. they say of them, that they brought maize, cotton, 43. The mythological location means “Place that Tastes and other seeds and vegetables, that are in this land; Like Water” (i.e., a “tasteless” or “insipid” place) and that they were great artisans who worked gold, or, if the spelling is taken to be Ahhuelhuahcan, and precious stones, and many other curiosities. “Impossible Place” or “Place of Bad Fortune,” since “They left their mother country (which was either could be derived from the scribe’s spelling. called Huehuetlapalan) in the year that they called Either meaning would fi t the context. One Flint, and they traveled for one hundred and 44. The tail of the q is missing, due to a hole in the four years wandering through diverse regions of manuscript, but the identity of the letter seems this New World, until they arrived at Tulantzinco unquestionable. where they completed one Cycle that included all 45. The scribe fi rst wrote ynque, then corrected this the time since they had left their land and mother by adding in as a superscript. The word has been country. And the fi rst city that they founded was underlined by a later hand and annotated as ininque Tollan twelve leagues from this city of Mexico in the in superscript. northern region, and more than fourteen others at 46. That is, they occupied the land. the site of Tolantzinco, but it must not have pleased 47. The scribe appears to have written an incorrect letter them even though it is good, and they left the East, after this word xihuitl, and then crossed it out. The and they entered into this aforementioned Tula in letter is not identifi able. the west. The fi rst king from this place that they had 48. Literally, “these men populated and raised themselves named Chalchiuhtlanextzin, and he began to govern thereby still it happened 500 years; and alone living Notes 69

in forests and ridges, one hundred and four years.” 62. Tenochtitlan was named Ciudad de México in ad 49. The initial Y is poorly formed or the scribe began 1535. with an X, then overwrote it as a Y. 63. The scribe ran the fi rst two words together, writing 50. The second syllable is underlined, but no editorial the n and i without lifting the quill from the page. comment is associated with this. The editor placed the upright | to divide the article in 51. The scribe wrote only one l in the fi nal syllable. from the pronoun prefi x i and added the underlining 52. The scribe wrote nocencan. In a later hand, this has with no further comment. been amended to no|ceccan in superscript. 64. The scribe wrote cetlaca. The editor underlined tlaca 53. This phrase could also be rendered as “as it is said.” and corrected it to tlacatl in superscript. Gerste added the clarifi cation “[in their picture 65. The scribe wrote ca imatzaltica. This was emended in writing]” (p. 117). The implication of machiyo:tl, the later editor’s hand as ca imatzoptica. “sign,” is that the author is referring to the ideogram 66. The term i-ma-tzop-tica literally means “his-hand- of a codex. with,” and might be rendered as “his enpawing.” 54. The scribe fi rst wrote ce teuctli, then amended the i to an 67. Literally, “image.” a and fi nished with cauh. He then inserted the prefi x in in 68. The o which begins the word is superscripted, and superscript before teuctlátocauh. The editor underlined its placement is actually above the comma after the the word teuctlátocauh and the superscripted prefi x preceding word. in to show that the in should be prefi xed, and wrote 69. The scribe fi rst wrote quíhuíq, then overwrote the q the entire phrase ca ce inteuhtlatocauh in subscript for with an uppercase C, and fi nished with aque. clarity. 70. Possibly Chalco Atitlan. 55. The recto of folio 2 begins here with ca mochintín 71. The scribe wrote quel. In superscript, the editor ocetítícatca yn teot. The next words are absent, corrected this to quil. because the upper right part of the page is missing, 73. That is, Lake Chalco. including the last part of the fi rst line as well as part 72. The scribe wrote ynnamo hiectli. In superscript, the of the line below. Only two or three ensuing words editor wrote amo yectli. could have been present in the rest of the lacuna, and 74. The scribe wrote matlalcahuícan. In superscript, the may simply have been blank space if the paragraph editor amended this to ma tlalcahuacan. originally ended here. 75. The “evil one,” a Franciscan euphemism for “the 56. The verb means “they were [in the process of] devil,” applied here to the native apparition. During becoming one,” that is, unifi ed in their resolve to this time of the Primitive Inquisition, such comments banish the Toltecs. were intended to make it clear that they did not 57. The scribe originally wrote quitzotiq and then condone the native beliefs. overwrote the fi nal q with ca. We take this to be a 76. The scribe wrote maquicautocatihuian. The editor misspelling for qui:ztotica. corrected this to ma quicauhtithuian in superscript. 58. The superscripted o indicates that the word has been 77. We translate popolihuizque as “disappear.” Gerste abbreviated. suggested “without leaving anything” (p. 117). 59. Literally, “it is a read thing spoken,” that is, a story 78. The scribe wrote nomotica. This was editorially read from a codex. corrected to nomati ca in superscript. 60. The c of axcan is almost complete, and the lower half 79. The scribe fi rst wrote quimacatiâ, then overwrote the c of the following a is also visible. Below the missing as m. section of the page, the tail of the indicated y is 80. The scribe wrote tlazintlan. The editor corrected this present, as is that of the ensuing q, which might also to tlatzintlan, a correction followed herein. have been a p. The spacing would permit the number 81. Literally, “[the] sun’s emerging place.” The of letters indicated by the dots. What might be the abandonment of Tollan is traditionally identifi ed as lower half of a comma might precede the y. These ca. ad 1168. letters might represent iuhquin. 82. The fi rst letter of ca in the middle of the word was 61. We take the fi nal i to be a mistake for in, and a prefi x obscured by ink spatter, so the scribe rewrote the two for the following noun. letters above the originals, in superscript, for clarity. 70 Anónimo Mexicano

83. Tla:tzi:ntin might also be understood to mean “the on that day. Another time, as they continued their south.” celebrations to their false gods, which they did for 84. Literally, “the sign its observation.” the purpose of hearing the desired oracle, the same 85. The abandoning of Tollan is traditionally dated as ad demon appeared to them on a high hill (that in this 1168. region lies in the west) in fi gure and form of a very 86. Compare the similar story entitled “The stinking white and beautiful boy, sitting on a rock but with his corpse,” reported in the Codex Chimalpopoca: “Now, head all rotting, and a great many died from the great in Tollan the people were no more. stench emanating from it, being mortally wounded “Huemac was ruler. The second was called and poisoned, those present seeing it as great an Necuametl, the third was Tlaltecatzin, the fourth evil as had ever been seen, they determined to take was called Huitzilpopoca. The four were left behind him, and dragging him along the ground, to take to by Topiltzin when he went away. And the ruler of him to a great lake which was a little distance from Nonoalco was called Huetzin . . . this place to the east (which is now called Mexico). “Now then, an omen came to him: he saw an ash- And although they attempted it and tried it with all bundle man, a giant. And it was the very one who was their might, it was not possible for them; because the eating people. strength of the demon was greater, whereupon he “Then the Toltecs say, ‘O Toltecs, who is it that’s defended and resisted (in the midst of these efforts) eating people?’ the strength with which the Toltecs tried to remove “Then they snared it, they captured it. And what the boy from that place, and to take him to the lake. they captured was a beardless boy. And the demon appeared to them and said to them, “Then they kill it. And when they’ve killed it, they that in any event it would be well for them to depart look inside it: it has no heart, no innards, no blood. the land, if they wanted to save their lives; because as “Then it stinks. And whoever smells it dies from long as they held it, he did not promise them a time it, as well as whoever does not smell it, who [simply] without deaths, ruins, and calamities, and that it was passes by. And so a great many people are dying. impossible to fl ee the dangers, unless they removed “Then they try to drag it away, but it cannot be themselves; and he asked that they should follow him moved. And when the rope breaks, those who fall and allow him to lead them, that he would keep them down die on the spot. And when it moves, all those safe, and he would lead them to regions where they who come in contact with it die. It eats them all. would live at rest and in peace, The affl icted Toltecs, “Well, now that it could be moved, all the young seeing that their calamities were growing with no end men, old men, children, and young women fi xed it in sight, and that the most certain remedy was to take up. They tied it with eight ropes. Then they dragged his counsel, they took the story as a good omen and it off. departed the land and followed him, some going to “When they got it to Itzocan, it rose up. And those the north and some towards the east, so that they who were dragging it failed to let go of the ropes and distributed themselves according to how each one were simply left hanging. Well, as for anyone who had of them was shown in vision. And so they populated grabbed a rope and just held on to it, it carried him Campeche and Guatemala, according to the collected aloft” (Bierhorst 1992, pp. 155–156). Acolhua histories, on which those ancients wrote in Torquemada’s recounting of the story of the stinking characters and fi gures” (1.14.38). corpse parallels this manuscript in also being preceded 87. The scribe signed the chapter with his personal rubric. by killing by giants, and is followed by the migration The abbreviation CSTA. stands for consta, meaning of people to various sites, including Guatemala and that he attests to the correctness of the document. Campeche: “In this way and by this means there was a 88. The verso of folio 2 begins here. The top left corner of vision of great killing on that day during the festivals. the page is missing, and the chapter head is no longer On another day, the demon appeared to them in form visible. A later notation in the left margin starts at of another giant with very long and tapering hands the fi rst line of text after the introduction, and reads and fi ngers, and dancing with them he was beguiling “Comenzo el Capitulo 15, y relaltò asta el 16 entre them. And in this way, the demon slaughtered them sacando algunas con asta llegan su fi n en el panaje Notes 71

del Cempoala, y Tepcapulco” (beginning chapter 15, 100. Tlamacatzin. and continuing to 16, exchanging some things and 101. Literally, “he left/abandoned him/it.” The referent of ending in the passage about his arriving in the place the singular object is unclear. It is, perhaps, a scribal of lodging at Zempoala and Tepcapulco). error which should have been plural to designate the 89. The scribe wrote motenehuac and then crossed out two sons, Achcauhtzin and Xolotl. the fi nal c. 102. The scribe began yaoq-, then overwrote the q with 90. The upper right corner of the page is missing, and a t. The ink ran in the process, covering the original only the fi nal n of this word is fully present. Our o, which the scribe reinserted in superscript. The reconstruction of Yehuantin is very likely correct and scribe continued with yecanque which we take as a consistent with the small parts of the bottoms of six misspelling of yacanqueh. of the letters that are still visible: the lower, left-hand 103. According to Brundage (1972), Xolotl was the younger corner of the base of the uppercase Y is visible as are brother of the Chichimec ruler of Oyome, a small the bottom of the right-hand downstroke of the u, client-kingdom beyond Tollan’s northern frontier. and the bottom of the a, t, and i. Here the city is called Amaqueme, which may be the 91. The words of this introductory section are double contemporary Mezquital, and the father of Xolotl is underlined. We render this here simply by italicizing identifi ed as Tlamacatzin. According to Brundage, this material. Xolotl’s real name was Amacui (He who has/takes 92. The reading “in the plains of Mexico” assumes -itzma paper), a term that has a religious connotation. The to be derived from ixmani, “something level.” name Xolotl may be translated as “monster, beast, 93. The scribe fi rst wrote mo-, then corrected the prefi x hunchback, page, dwarf, twin, or counterpart.” to qui- by overwriting it. 104. The scribe omitted the initial Y, then inserted it in 94. The || symbol may have been added by the editor as a superscript. point of reference to the marginal commentary given 105. Or “he was dissatisfi ed.” in note 88. 106. The scribe fi rst wrote cau, then overwrote the vowels 95. The scribe used the imperfect tense -ya with the as ua and inserted the initial ini in superscript. The distant-past-as-past tense -ca here and elsewhere || symbol was inserted to separate this superscripted throughout the manuscript, a nonstandard usage. addition from the preceding word. This will not be noted again. 107. The migration of Xolotl is traditionally set around 96. The scribe wrote ytocal, then overwrote the l as c. ad 1246. 97. The scribe wrote zantlaquentitinemia. The phrase 108. Gerste noted that some words appear to be missing from was corrected by the editor to zan motlaquentitine- the manuscript here. Torquemada’s account contains mia in underlined superscript. a more complete account: “to take revenge for old 98. Literally, “their commitment was of war, observing insults, that their fathers, grandparents, and ancestors, their pursuit arrows, arrows, and bows.” Following the have received from the nations, who inhabited the land, same sequence, Torquemada followed the previous towards the regions of the south” (1.15.39). material with: “Near the regions of the north of the 109. The scribe wrote machixtíticatca. The editor City of Mexico and separated from it by the greatest underlined the medial xt and corrected it to zt by distance were some in the provinces (which may still inserting machiztiticatca in superscript. exist) whose principal city was called Amaqueme, 110. The recto of folio 3 begins with hoctlein machiztiticatca, and who, in common and generically were called oq. The upper right corner of the page is missing. The Chichimeca, a naked people, who knew nothing fi rst two missing letters following oq are likely ui, but of clothes of wool, cotton, nor other item being of nothing of them remains to substantiate this. linen cloth; but dressed in animal skins: ferocious in 111. Gerste reconstructed tlachantizque. Enough of the fi rst aspect and great warriors whose arms were bows and three letters after the n remain to confi dently reconstruct arrows. Their sustenance is their intent. They always them as tiz, but the lower part of the next letter is not pursue and kill” (1.15.38). the tail of a q. Fragments of the bottom portions of 99. The scribe fi rst wrote oteactic, then overwrote the a this and the next letters suggest that they might be Yx, with a u. and the tail of a z occupies the position of the fourth 72 Anónimo Mexicano

missing letter. The bottoms of the two fi nal letters are 115. The word was inserted as superscript by the scribe. consistent with lo. This suggests that the missing word 116. The scribe’s use of -huic, “toward,” as a suffi x to nahuac, might be ixquizalo, “wandered aimlessly.” “in/to/from the vicinity of it,” is a nonstandard usage 112. The use of the name Nueva Viscaya indicates that that he followed throughout the manuscript. This the manuscript was written after ad 1562, when the will not be noted again. name came into use. 117. The scribe wrote ome, then inked this out and wrote 25 113. That is, about 780 miles northwest of Tlaxcala, or above it. Torquemada failed to report this extremely roughly in the center of the modern state of Chihuahua. high number, consistent with his position (as reported Nueva Viscaya was a desert province that comprised in our introduction) that his Spanish-speaking the modern states of Chihuahua and Durango. readers would regard such fi gures as incredible. That Torquemada’s version of the story of Achcauhtzin the manuscript of Anónimo Mexicano gives fi gures and Xolotl is as follows: “These Chichimec nations that Torquemada was uncomfortable reporting were guided and led by valiant, and skilled captains suggests that the manuscript pre-dates Torquemada, and lords among whom was one Icuahutzin, who and was used by him as one of his sources and was governed his kingdom for one hundred and eighty not, as Rosa y Saldívar believed, a back-translation of years. After him, his son called Moceloquichtli, who Torquemada’s history into Nahuatl. died in the one hundred and fi fty and sixth year of his 118. The scribe wrote an oversized e but used a lowercase reign. When he died, he was succeeded by Tlamacatzil, form of the letter. who governed for one hundred and thirty three 119. The scribe fi rst wrote what appears to have been yn years, and he died the same year that the Toltecs were yáotlza teayaianque, then heavily inked out yáotlza destroyed and divided one from the other (as has been teay and wrote teyao, with an insertion mark above said). He had two children, one called Achcauhtzin a tea. Above the ai of yaianque he fi rst wrote aí, but and the other, Xolotl. Of these two brothers, some then crossed out these superscripted letters and say that one, Achcauhtzin, entered the government; overwrote the i of the ai in the original line as a c, but others say that Xolotl did. And it could be that attempting to rewrite this as yn teyaoyacanque. In because of this, there might have been some confl ict, attempting to correct his original errors, he seems to and so to avoid this, the two were found to share the have compounded them. In a marginal notation, the governance. Xolotl (per chance) was not content to editor wrote teiaoyeca’que, to supply the correct form share the power with his brother (because he who that should have been written by the scribe. commands does not want an equal). As a courageous 120. The scribe wrote the fi fth letter as either an a, c, or e, man and very spirited and ambitious; by nature then overwrote it as an í. he was not satisfi ed to simply sustain the current 121. The scribe began with oqui-. The editor corrected rulership, but desired to obtain land, to increase and this in superscript to oquin———. extend himself, and to celebrate and glorify his name 122. That is, Achcauhtzin’s vassals. . . . With this natural ambition, and also to avenge old 123. The editor underlined auh oquicah yn theuctli ycniuh insults that his fathers, grandparents, and ancestors ytoca Achcauhtzín. A note in the left-hand margin had received from the nations that inhabited the reads, “capit. 16, del a pun-tes dho Libo.” (chapter 16 land in the regions to the south toward the sun (as of the notes from the aforementioned book). opposed to those in which the Chichimeca had until 124. The scribe wrote yin, then changed this to yuh by then possessed) they placed themselves frequently at overwriting the last two letters with Vh. the borders and they bothered them with continuous 125. That is, in the pre-Conquest writings consulted by wars, subjecting them to new treaties and diffi culties” the author. (1.1.39). 126. The editor underlined ynimamauh machío and 114. The editor inserted a + symbol in the text after corrected this to in imamachio in superscript. tetepanzoltin and a # symbol here, and placed both 127. The scribe underlined ce xiuhtica. A marginal note of these symbols in the left margin followed by a note in the left-hand column reads “Capo 16 en pieza that reads “para nta aqui” (for noting here), suggesting vien sigue aqui—” (Chapter 16 in part comes after the editor’s intention that something be added. here). Notes 73

128. We follow the scribe here rather than the editor. and Tepeapulco are located south of Xoloc, traveling 129. Coatlicamac is also called Coatepec in some other counterclockwise around the lake. Torquemada sources, though Coatlicamac seems to be the older specifi ed the direction and distance from Mexico City name. The location, if Coatlicamac is not purely for both sites, while Anónimo Mexicano simply gives mythological, is unknown. Coatepec is a rather the names, a difference that suggests that the Nahuatl common place name. was not simply translated from Torquemada. 130. The scribe underlined chocoayan, perhaps to mark 139. The scribe fi rst wrote cuatlalpan, then inserted a u in the end of the sentence to which the marginal note superscript. (given in note 121) pertains. 140. The scribe wrote otlachix, which we take to be 131. The scribe fi rst wrote tepenetl, then inserted a second otlachiz. ne in superscript. 141. Literally, “where he recently rested.” 132. The scribe fi rst wrote yhquí, then inserted vh in 142. Tetzcoco is south of Xoloc, traveling clockwise around superscript. the lake. 133. The verso of folio 3 begins here. The bracketed 143. The scribe fi rst wrote the fi nal letter as a second u, material is now missing, due to the absence of the then overwrote it as an á. top left corner of the page, and is supplied from the 144. The scribe fi rst wrote the initial letter as a u, then Gerste transcription. It was perhaps lost after his overwrote it as a v. work. 145. Literally, “he crossed to the mountain/forest at the 134. The missing material is supplied from a subscripted Smoking Mountain.” editorial emendation, ca quiqualyttac. The scribe had 146. Literally, “he saw it was smoking,” that is, he saw only one t in the fi nal syllable, and possibly one or smoke from habitations. more other errors in the now-missing section. 147. Coyohuacan was on the west shore, west of the end 135. Mount Xoloc is located near Xoloc (Place of Xolotl) of the peninsula between Lake Xochimilco on the at the northeast end of Lake Texcoco. south and Lake Texcoco on the north. Chapultepec 136. The scribe wrote ynahuachuic, running the article yn was northwest of Coyohuacan. together with nahuachuic, and omitting one n. This 148. The scribe fi rst wrote ya, then overwrote the second occurs elsewhere and will not be noted again. letter as n. 137. The scribe wrote tepe apolco. This has been underlined 149. The scribe wrote Yaotecanque. The editor wrote in the manuscript. An asterisk has been inserted after yaotecaque in superscript. The only change in spelling this word, and a notation in the left margin reads “o/ is from an upper- to lowercase y. o En el captulo 1/7 del libro 1o. entre algunas palabras 150. Nopaltzin traveled clockwise around the lakes siguien do el 18 con el mismo metodo; y sigue—en towards Culhuacan, while the others explored el 19 dicho libro 1o con lo dho__En el capitulo 2o counterclockwise to Tenayuca. The commander is del dicho libo no—” (in chapter 17 of the 3rd book, Xolotl, as is made clear in Torquemada’s version among some words following the aforesaid chapter (1.17.43). Torquemada’s account of the journey from 18 with the same method, and it follows in the 19th Amaquemecan to the Valley of Mexico says that of the aforesaid 1st book with the aforesaid in the 2nd Xolotl “came with a great number of people . . . They chapter of the said book number). The underlining went plowing all the land and everywhere they passed, of lo dho may mark a break between two marginal they were leaving people in the hospitable places but notes. The ensuing note may refer to the material in without building edifi ces of any notable size until the text in the line that begins with âuh. they arrived at a place which is called Cuextecatl, and 138. This Zempoala is not the Gulf Coast city of the same Chocayan in the vicinity of which they remained for name, but a smaller site located about twenty-nine the time of one year; and from there they passed on, miles east-northeast of Tollan and about sixteen following the desires of him who had taken them out miles west-northwest of Tepeapulco. This expedition of their land, (that was to look for the inhabitants) might be thought of as having followed the Avenidas and they reached another place, called Cohatlicamac, de Pachuco to Zempoala and then on to the regions and from there they passed on to another one, which of Tolantzinco, Tepeapulco, and Zacatlan. Zempoala they gave the name of Tepenenetl. And from there 74 Anónimo Mexicano

they went to the site where the city of Tollan is now, (said 1st book with the aforesaid. in the 2nd chapter twelve leagues from this City of Mexico, in which place book number). and site, they found many ruins of buildings and old 154. The upper right corner of the page is missing. Gerste houses which they gave themselves to understand to gave omocentechicoque, “gathered together in the have been inhabited by other peoples, predecessors. same order that he had brought them.” The fi rst seven And among the houses, they found many cooking letters, omocent, are present followed by the lower pots and fl agstones of diverse kinds . . . And moving half of what could be either an e or an l, and then the on, (with the desire to discover it) they arrived at lower half of a c or an a. Thus, Gerste might be correct another mansion called Mizquiyahualan. And from in what he gave, although omocentlalique, “they this, they went to Atocpa. From there they wandered settled themselves together,” would also fi t the two to another place, which they gave the name, Xoloc, partial letters. Perhaps more of the manuscript was because there on high the great Chichimec Xolotl undamaged when Gerste examined it. Nevertheless, had had a stately home at an earlier time. Settling this cannot be the entire missing text, since it is not then, they stopped and built an edifi ce on this great suffi cient to have fi lled the original lacuna. hill that is called Cempohualtecatl next to the town 155. Gerste omitted cece[n] but reconstructed of Cempohualla (twelve Leagues from the City of quipanotazquia for the second half of the lacuna. Mexico in the region of the north) and from there Perhaps more was visible when he made his they went on to Tepeapulco (four leagues further on transcription. going from Cempohualla, towards the east) . . . He 156. The scribe wrote quitlalitaz. The editor corrected the returned to the place of Xoloc, that he had chosen fi nal syllable to tiaz in a superscripted notation. before as his dwelling. In the intervening time he had 157. Literally, “passing which.” discovered better sites . . . and he arrived at the one of 158. Literally, “and it was itself formed.” Coatlichan, which is a league from Tetzcoco, toward 159. The scribe wrote yeyan tlí. The editor corrected this the south, and having demarcated and surveyed the to yeyantli in superscript. land up to the mountain range called Popocatepetl, 160. That is, twelve stone pyramids. that is six or seven leagues distant . . . and in certain 161. Nepoalco is underlined in the manuscript, with regions they saw smoke (as is known) in Tlatzalan, no accompanying editorial comment. Many place Coyohuacan, and Chapultepec, and without wanting names are similarly underlined in the manuscript. to stop, to learn whose smoke it was that he had seen, As shown, the underline continues through the fi rst he turned around with the people who had come letter of the next word, most probably simply because and gave a warning and report to his father Xolotl, of the line was drawn in haste. the good beginning to his father’s wishes that he had 162. As noted in the introduction, the text gives the discovered; because he believed that the smoke would number of men who accompanied Nopaltzin to not have been other than that of the inhabitants of Nepoalco as 3,200,000, while Torquemada quite those places and that when it was scarce, it would deliberately omitted this fi gure, explaining that he account for what had happened; and to the others regarded it as too unrealistically high to be believable. with this intelligence, he returned to Xoloc, where his This would seem to indicate that Anónimo Mexicano father was anxiously awaiting his coming, to fi nd out either predates, or relies on sources that predate, what was happening in the land” (1.17.42–43). Torquemada’s account, rather than being a translation 151. The scribe wrote yni tlatocauh. The singular prefi x is of Torquemada into Nahuatl, as has been asserted by an uncorrected scribal error, since the subject of the some scholars. sentence is plural. We have therefore rendered this as 163. The struck out name Nepoalco is written in the left in i:ntlatocauh. margin of the line that begins with this word. 152. Tenayuca is west of Mount Tepeyac, on the lake 164. The scribe wrote Yccen mochi. The editor underlined shore. the word and corrected mochi to mochin in 153. The recto of folio 4 begins with Tenanyôcan. An superscript. editorial note in the left margin reads “diche libro 165. The scribe wrote yniteyaquizcahuan, then inserted 1.o con lo dho. En el capitulo 2o del dicho lib.o no—” the o in superscript between the a and the q. Notes 75

166. An editorial note in the left margin reads, “Qs ///” 180. The text has “his sons and his wives,” but two families (Quotes///). are actually discussed. 167. Torquemada recounted the expedition to Nepoalco 181. The scribe wrote yPilhuá yhuá ycihuahuá. We have and Xolotl’s move to Tenayuca in this way: “When pluralized the second, since the referent seems to be Xolotl sent his son, the Prince Nopaltzin, to explore plural. the land (in the region of the southeast) he also 182. The scribe began zan with an o, then overwrote the o dispatched certain other captains to the southwest as a z. and they arrived at a site (called Tenayuca) which 183. This term may be read alternatively as “Precious Rocks” is now a distance of two leagues from the City of or as “Stones of Chalchihuitl.” Thus, the phrase might Mexico, and considered the site, and having seen it be rendered “two priests [and] Chalchiuhteme.” It is to be good for their settlement, they returned there noteworthy that, in comparison, Torquemada said to lord Xolotl to give him a report of that which they “two priests of their idols” (1.19.45). had seen. His coming occurred at the same time that 184. Torquemada recounted the expedition of Acatomatl his son, Prince Nopaltzin, had also returned from his as follows: “He was not contented with what he had, journey. . . and following this discovery, the families not satisfi ed with the security he had in possessing of that place called Xoloc moved, and in a few it. For this reason, although Xolotl had seen that he days arrived at this said Tenayuca, where the great was in possession of a good place and site that he had Chichimec Xolotl, chose dwellings for them in the found for his dwelling, he lived with worry that he caverns of the place, and distributed the other sites to might lose it (or worse, enjoy himself in tranquility all those of his families” (1.18. 43–44). and be taken by surprise) in the event that there might 168. The scribe wrote maciuhý pacticatca. The editor be other previous possessors who might oppose him underlined part of the fi rst word and corrected the and wage war on him to reclaim it. And being careful two words to macihui, pacticatca in superscript. to be wary and eager to secure it for the possession 169. A note in the left margin reads “capo 19 Libo. 10” of his new population, he called on a lord named (chapter 19,1st book). Acatomatl (one of the six major ones, who came with 170. A note in the left margin reads, “haze mencion alguna him), and giving him a good and abundant company a todo el cap 13. Lib 1o.—” (mentioned together with of men, . . . and keeping in mind the news of the chapter 13, 1st book.—). smoke that Prince Nopaltzin had seen . . . he arrived 171. Literally, “never was happy, for if in any place others then to this place where he encountered one of the guarded, owners of the land, laborers of the land, ancient Toltecs called Ecitin, whose wife was called at some time had looked to enlarge themselves, to Axochiatl, who was in that site among the reeds had snatch it.” had his help. He was living alone with his wife and 172. Literally, “and.” a son of his. Acatomatl showed much satisfaction in 173. The scribe assimilated the fi nal n to the initial n of the seeing the Toltec, and desiring to know the cause of next word. his loneliness and why the others no longer inhabited 174. The scribe wrote tlat, then overwrote the last letter as that land, he questioned him with signs (because in C and fi nished the word. language, they did not understand one another, being 175. Literally, “stick with points of obsidian.” of different nations). He was satisfi ed with what the 176. The top left corner of the page is missing. The verso Toltec said: the cause of his solitude was that he of folio 4 begins with this lacuna. The reconstructed had hidden himself when the other inhabitants of words are supplied from Gerste. They were perhaps those places had abandoned them, not fearing to go visible when he made his transcription, but the visible with them . . . Then leaving the Toltec in this place, text begins with omotlati. Acatomatl passed on ahead and not very far from there 177. The bracketed material is supplied from context. The (although it was farther into the reeds of the fresh Nahuatl simply says “they had gone.” water lake, in a place that now is called Culhuacan) 178. The scribe wrote in cepá. The editor changed this to he found only two more of the these aforementioned in cipan in superscript. Toltecs with their wives and children. One was called 179. Literally, “when they had already left.” Xiuhthemal and the other Coauhtli. The wife of 76 Anónimo Mexicano

the fi rst was Oceloxoch, and the one of the second 196. The upper right corner of the page is missing. Only was Yhuixoch. The children were called Coyotl and the lower part of the reconstructed t is still present. Acxoquauh . . . And he passed the volcano and snow- There is room for about fourteen missing letters, covered mountains and the region to the south (that including the reconstructed tin. corresponds to this volcano) at a place that is now 197. Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico. Xolotl is called Tepexoxoma, he found another of these men credited with having distributed land outside the with his wife and children, from whom he received valley as well as around the lake. the information that as there were no others in those 198. The missing section of the upper right corner extends regions, and that he only knew that in Cholula (a city into this line. Following the y, the lower part of the which is now quite populated) that there were priests t (including the left-hand portion of its bar) is still of their idols. Seeing that for so many leagues, he had visible, making its reconstruction secure. The lower not found any number of people and that those few third of the next letter is also visible and is consistent whom he had seen living there gave him confi rmation with an o or an a. Only a tiny fragment is visible of the of their solitude and that the land was wilderness lower portion of the next letter, which we reconstruct and abandoned, Acatomatl returned at once with his as a c. The next letter is completely missing, but the one people to his lord, Xolotl.” (1.19.44–45). after that is reconstructable as a y, since its distinctive 185. The words of the phrase ma cequítopehua, oquinxexeluí tail is still present. Finally, two lower fragments of are underlined in the style of the editor, but without the last letter of the lacuna are also present, and are further comment. The underlining, as shown, is not consistent with the bottom of the loop and the tail continuous and skips some letters of some words. of an a, a u, or perhaps an x. A later hand, which 186. Literally, “pushing.” appears to be that of the editor, reconstructed part 187. The scribe fi rst wrote ynpcachi, then overwrote the p of the material as itocayocan ..iauh below the missing as an o. section. Since this insertion was made after the loss 188. Literally, “marvelous” or “honored.” of this portion of the page, it indicates that the editor 189. The scribe wrote the tz of tlazintlan hurriedly, omitting was working some time after the actual writing by the lower foot or a clear bar on the t; the result simply the scribe. Yet the editor’s willingness to introduce looks like a z. We take the hyphen here to be analogous actual changes in the scribe’s spelling and, in some to a colon, rather than an attempt to join tlazintlan cases, morpheme choice suggests the work is early, with zacatlan as a hypenated proper name. still contemporaneous enough with the scribe to be 190. The scribe wrote oquinyeíantli. The editor corrected treating the manuscript as a work in progress rather this to oquinyeyanti in superscript. than as an earlier document being studied by a later 191. The scribe wrote mahuiza uhcan. The editor corrected scholar. this to mahuizauhca in superscript. 199. The scribe wrote motzat zauh. The editor amended 192. The scribe wrote oquixelo. The editor corrected this this to motzatzautic in superscript, without the usual to oquinxelo in superscript. underlining of either the original or the insertion. 193. The scribe wrote Totopec. The editor corrected this to 200. In Torquemada’s account, Xolotl resided in Tenayuca tototepec in subscript. for seventeen years, and the move occurred in the 194. The # symbol was inserted here by a later hand to eighteenth year: “In this way, Xolotl was enjoying correspond with the notation “solo apto algo del this aforesaid life with his people in that region of Capit.o 2o, L.o dhco” (only suitable something of the hills and mountain ranges and relaxed for seventeen 2nd chapter, book 8, aforesaid) in the left margin. years. And in the eighteenth, he departed that place 195. These locations form a crescent around Tlaxcala to the other one that his son Nopaltzin had surveyed in the contemporary states of Puebla and Hidalgo, in the other region of the lake (that now has the suggesting again a Tlaxcalan perspective on the name of Tetzcoco, and that is the head and main city” history. The reference to Tenayuca in the next sentence (1.26.46). completes this pattern of listing areas surrounding 201. Beginning at this line, a note in the left margin reads Tlaxcala by listing a site to the west in the Valley of “En el capitulo 21. del dicho Libo. 10—lo tra deqe Mexico. Xolotl le repartio las tierras a seis S. Señores Otomites” Notes 77

(in chapter 21 of aforesaid book 10—Xolotl’s report with them a greatly reinforced and powerful army of of the division of the land from six Otomi lords). men who all appeared to be giants because of their 202. The scribe ran tlaca and quí- together. The editor greater numbers and fi ne presentation. These three inserted the line to separate the two words. lords carried a common fi rst and last name, the name 203. The text appears to say, literally, “already they watched Acolhua, and they were of the lineage and blood of it that here they prepared themselves” which, according Zitzin, who was among those very ancient and noble to Chavero (1903), could also be translated as “so that houses” (1.23.51). already he [Xolotl] advised them who remained here” 209. The verso of folio 5 begins with a lacuna. The upper (121). The assertion appears to be that they came left corner of this page is missing. The lower-left with peaceful intentions, bringing only a few of their onset of the fi rst letter on the page is visible and is people with them, to determine whether the rest of consistent with an A. Gerste did not comment on the their people would be welcome in the area. gap, but simply began a new paragraph with Auh. 204. Torquemada explained that “there came another six This was either a reconstruction of the last word of lords, although not all together, but rather following that gap, or more of the word was visible when he one another, arriving after one another at some made his transcription. interval of time. And they arrived at the presence of 210. The upper portions of the bracketed letters ctli X are Xolotl eight years after his arrival at Tenayuca. They missing, but enough of each letter remains to make were these six lords of provinces, that neighbored their identifi cation secure. the one of Xolotl, and although they were neighbors, 211. The # symbol was inserted here at a later time to refer they were not of his language. The histories of those to a note in the left margin that reads “En el capitu 27 lords do not say anything except who they were, and Lb. lo Rey e dho 16o” (in chapter 27 of the aforesaid that they were the very main ones, and that they 16th). This note specifi cally connects the note with came with very few people, only themselves and their Nopaltzin. The hyphen is a line-ending mark. own. They went on populating and taking sites . . . 212. As Torquemada explained it (1.27.55), the three they paid tribute to Xolotl, recognizing him as chief brothers approached Xolotl and promised their and lord. They were called Tecuatzin, Tzontehuayel, loyalty and service to him. Xolotl granted them lands, Acatitechcochi, Huihuatzin, Tepozotecua, and and his son Nopaltzin was charged with handling the Itzcuincua” (1.21.47). details. Later, two of the brothers married daughters 205. That is, the Tlaxcalteca are erroneously included in of Xolotl and were granted other favors. this list, since they arrived at a later time. 213. Chiconquauhtli was an Otomi chief. 206. A note in the margin to the left of this paragraph 214. The text reads ynic yeî Ymon, “his third son-in-law.” The reads, “En el capitulo 23 del citado 16o no, trata nada” scribe made two errors in this phrase. Although there (in chapter 23 of the aforementioned 16th number were three men, only two of them became sons-in-law. treats nothing). This note would likely have been This would be in accord with the previous statement written parallel to the beginning of the paragraph, that two daughters (Cuetlaxochitl and Cihuaxochitl, but the previous marginal note (see note 195) was who married Acolhua and Chiconquauhtli) were long enough that it ended slightly below the fi rst line given in marriage. The Xolotl Codex (Dibble 1955) of this paragraph. A line separates the two notes. also indicates that the Acolhua chief Tzontecomatl did 207. Torquemada explained that they were brothers not marry a daughter of Xolotl. His wife is listed there (1.23.51). as Cihuatetzin (elsewhere Cihuatzin), the daughter of 208. Torquemada recounted the arrival of the Acolhua as Chalchiuhtlanextzin (elsewhere Chalchiuhtlatonac), follows: “Forty-seven years after the great Chichimec the ruler of Tlalcomanalco. Torquemada explained Xolotl took possession of the entire lands, and was that Tzontecomatl was somewhat younger than their universal lord by virtue of there not being the two other Acolhua lords, and he was married any in them who contended with him and because sometime later to a woman named Coatetl, who was those who were with him recognized him as great, born in Chalco. there came from the regions of the west three other 215. Torquemada recounted the marriage of the two lords with the title of kings, who brought following lords in this way: “Here both ladies were married to 78 Anónimo Mexicano

the two aforementioned lords, with Acolhua, who little less than thirty leagues more or less from this was the elder of the two, taking the older one called City of Mexico, in the region of the west” (1.29.56). Cuetlaxochitl and the second, called Chiconquauh, 222. The upper right corner is missing. Gerste included the married Cihuacxoch, and the weddings and the giving now missing uh which was, perhaps, lost thereafter. of the wives were celebrated, with greatest rejoicings, He omitted mention of any missing material, but both by Xolotl as by those of his court and kingdom simply continued with hualaque, which is the fi rst . . . Of Tzontecomatl, the younger brother of these word on the next line. two lords, we have also said that sometime afterwards 223. The reconstructed material is in the missing corner he married Coatetl, who was a granddaughter of the of the page. Enough of the lower n and a of the name lords of the Culhua and Tolteca, and who had been are visible to be secure. The rest of the name is by born in Chalco to the Culhua, and she was of the most implication from other parts of the text. Gerste’s noble blood of the lesser lords of the Chichimeca transcription includes the rest of the missing section, . . . To Acolhua, the eldest of the three brothers, who which was perhaps still present when he made his had been given his elder daughter as wife, he gave transcription. The editor emended the last word to the population and kingdom of Azcapotzalco; and quimacac or oquimacac (the o now being lost) in the second, called Chiconquauhtli, he made him nonunderlined superscript. Perhaps Gerste followed the lord of Xaltocan, which was another kingdom this emendation, since it implies that the scribe began that lies in front of Azcapotzalco in the region of the word in some other way. the north at a distance of four or fi ve leagues; to the 224. The scribe began with í, then overwrote this letter as third, called Tzontecomatl, he assigned the kingdom an a. of Coatlichan, a league in front of his court, in the 225. We take the scribe’s fi nal o to be an error for an a. region of the south” (1.26.53–1.27.54). 226. The shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe was erected 216. The scribe continued his previous error (see note at Tepeyecac about ad 1555–1556. By ad 1568, the 208) in counting the number of marriages by writing name derived from the shrine was established as a yn yeime ichpoch huan, since the text refers to the name for the town, as indicated by Bernal Diaz del marriage of two, not three girls. Castillo ([1568] 1942, vol. 2, p. 81, who refers in his 217. This colon seems to reference the note “// Cap. 29” history to the fact that Cortés sent Sandoval to “una (chapter 29) in the left margin. pueblo que se dice Tepeaquilla, adonde agora llaman 218. She is identifi ed as Azcatlxochitzin in the Xolotl Codex Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe” (a town which they (Dibble 1955) which describes her as the daughter of call Tepeaquilla, where it is known as Our Lady of Pochotl, the son of Topiltzin, Tula’s fi nal king. In that Guadalupe). Thus the writing of Anónimo Mexicano source, Pochotl’s wife is listed as Tochochipantzin can be defi nitely placed as later than ad 1555–1568. (variant spelling, Toxochipantzin), the daughter of 227. Torquemada recounted the division of lands as Nauhyotl, who was the ruler of Culhuacan. Anónimo follows: “After giving his opinion to them, he Mexicano identifi es the mother as Huitzilzilin. convened this parliament, and discussed and named 219. To the left of Topiltzin, in the left margin, is the the Chichimec Acatonale, who was one of his most symbol “o/o” (aforesaid). dear ones; as the lord of the city and province of 220. The scribe inserted the # symbol to mark a note in Cohuatepec. And as the ruler of Mamalhuazco he the left margin, next to the sentence beginning with appointed Cuhuatlapal and Cozcaquauhtli; and to the zatepanian. The marginal note reads “retrocede al 27” ruler of Tepeaca, Iztacmitl, who was the son-in-law (move back to 27). of the prince heir named Nopaltzin; and he gave the 221. As Torquemada reported: “It is also said, as a very governing of Mazahuacan, along with those regions certain and true thing, that there had been of that around it, to Tecpa and Iztacquauhtli” (1.27.55). Toltec nation, a girl called Azcat’xochitl [Azcaxochitl], 228. A marginal note in the left margin beginning with daughter of Pochotl and Huitzitzilin, granddaughter this line reads “o/o Cap. 33” (aforesaid chapter 33). of one of the aforementioned major Toltec lords and 229. A note in the left margin using # to reference the text leaders, according to the sayings and tales, who was at the word omic reads “#/de/se salta desde jmixpan y reared by her mother in the town of Tlaximaloya a luego pasa al tiempo qe vivio Señor Xolotl: sin qe lo Notes 79

del mas comvenga con la historia.” (#/of/skips from from Gerste. None of this text is visible today, because jmixpan and later passes to the time of the life of of the missing top-left corner of the leaf. lord Xolotl: without which it hardly agrees with the 243. The bracketed material is missing, because the history). lacuna at the top left of the manuscript page extends 230. The scribe wrote jmiospan, which has been underlined into this line. The editor supplied pilcauh itech in by the editorial hand, and the editor inserted imixpan subscript. The choice of subscript here, below the in superscript. This seems to indicate that the writer missing corner, again suggests that the editor was of the marginal notes did his work prior to that of the working after the damage to the manuscript. Enough editor. of the lower part of the missing material is present to 231. The previous four words are underlined, with no confi rm all of the original except the h, of which only accompanying editorial comment. the very bottom of the left-hand foot remains. 232. Literally, “already 200 years in his life” (1.33.60). The 244. The name is underlined in the scribal hand, and there year of his death was ca. ad 1304. Torquemada gave is no accompanying editorial notation. a longer account of the death of Xolotl, including 245. A note in the left margin associated with this sentence a deathbed speech attributed to him in which reads “Cap.o 43 L.o 8∂” (chapter 43, 8th book). he appoints Nopaltzin as his successor. He also 246. Torquemada (1.41.66) identifi ed the Tolantzinca as asserted that “espiro el Gran Padre Xolotl, aviendo inhabiting a major province “diez y ocho Leguas al vivido, pocos menos, de ducientos Años” (the great Norte” (eighteen leagues to the north). father Xolotl expired, having lived a few less than 247. Nopaltzin and his warriors. two-hundred years) (1.33.60). Torquemada also 248. The scribe wrote a mark of indeterminant form after identifi ed the sons of Nopaltzin as Tlotzin, who ruled omimiqui, perhaps the beginning of a letter which he in Tetzcoco, Quauhtequihuale, who was also called then crossed through with several strokes, although Tochintecuhtli, and Poponoc (1.37.62–63). the identity of the initial letter, if there was one, is 233. The insertion mark connects to a superscript in the unrecognizeable. No marginal note, superscript, or hand usually found in the left margin. It reads “Capio subscript accompanies this mark. 37” (chapter 37), referencing the beginning of the 249. The scribe wrote toltzin, and the editor corrected this parallel in Torquemada. to tlotzin. 234. The word omocau is partially underlined. The 250. The scribe began the word with tl, then overwrote the underlining actually consists of two underlines. l as an e. The underlining here is perhaps by the writer of 251. The succession was ca. ad 1369. the previous marginal note, marking the end of the 252. The author is apparently still referring to Tlotzin- material it references. Pochotl, explaining parenthetically why the 235. The # symbol was written in as a subscript, then inked previous sentence includes nothing of historical out. import between the ascension of Tlotzin-Pochotl 236. Literally, “he received.” and the passing of rulership to his son Quinatzin- 237. The vertical line is most likely simply an extraneous Tlaltecatzin. mark by the scribe. 253. Literally, “vain” or “wasteful.” 238. Here the fi nal accent appears to indicate nasalization, 254. The scribe fi rst wrote caxtolíme, then crossed out the that is, the word is inin. -me. 239. The scribe misspelled the name as toltzin. Tlotzin was 255. The scribe wrote ahahuizoian. The editor corrected the ruler of the Acolhua state, the capital of which this to ahahuialoyan. was Teztcoco. According to Torquemada, he was also 256. Or this might be rendered as “licentiousness.” named Pochotl (1.58.73). Torquemada said, regarding Tlotzin, that he did not 240. Literally, “remained behind.” make war; that he ruled in moderation and clemency, 241. According to Torquemada (1.37.62), Quauhtequihuale and that everyone loved him. was also named Tochintecuhtli. 257. The = sign was written by the scribe at the end of the 242. The verso of folio 6 begins with a lacuna. The upper left name, before beginning the next word, and it has no corner is missing. The bracketed material is supplied associated marginal note, superscript, or subscript. 80 Anónimo Mexicano

258. The scribe began with a t, then overwrote it with a c. à Tenancacaltzin, su Tio, a` que la reconociese, 259. The scribe wrote ohuicoaya. The editor underlined y supiese su intento, como lo hico, y dejò pasar” this and emended it to ohuicóya in superscript. (now it ends at this point, saying that as soon as 260. Torquemado said, concerning Quinatzin: “After the Emperor had newly entered the rulership, he the death of emperor Tlotzin (also named Pochotl) sent to his uncle Tenancacaltzin, so that he would whose wife was called Quauhcihuatzin, daughter of be recognized and his intentions known and so it the king of Huexotla, his son Quinatzin entered into happened and he was allowed to enter). the inheritance of the empire. His coronation was 266. About ad 1250. not held in the imperial city of Tenayuca, as was the 267. That is, from the time he intercepted the Mexica war one of his father and grandfathers (as we have said party. of their coronations) . . . and he moved to his city 268. The base of the l and the í ran together somewhat, Tetzcoco. It was he who was carried on the shoulders but the identity of the í is clear. of four of the main lords, who did not have the title 269. Literally, “he continued it until Chapultepec.” He was of king, with an umbrella that covered his head, the preventing them from moving down the east side of handles of which were held by four kings. And since the lake. they were making stops, they were alternating, both as 270. The commentator inserted the # symbol, added the the principle ones and lords in taking turns carrying superscript comment “Capo. 6o. Lib.o. 2o” (chapter 6, the litter while those who were kings carried the book 2), and placed the following note in the left- umbrella, and the layovers would not be just a few, as hand margin: “quando uno ...... unos los Rey the road was more than seven leagues.” (1.58.73). y lo llevaron Sepultar se busca el Capitulos parra lo 261. The scribe began by writing op, then overwrote the p Capit.o. 8 Libo. 2. In el principio y so dicho in lo mata as an m. pr mayor y mui superfl uo . . . . . faltares lo muchas 262. The editor inserted the # symbol, but there is cosas” (When one ...... of the kings was taken to no accompanying marginal note, superscript, or be buried. Search the chapters towards chapter 8 of subscript. book 2. In the beginning and only in the treating of 263. The upper right corner of the page is missing. the major part and much superfl uous . . . . . missing The missing material is supplied from Gerste’s of many things). transcription, which was possibly done before the 271. The scribe began with an o, then overwrote it as a c. damage to the line. 272. That is, from the time he intercepted the Mexica war 264. The letters in the torn section of the corner are party. Hence, about ad 1310. partially missing, beginning with the N, but are 273. Literally, “he was the fi rst they fi lled him.” almost entirely visible through the lowercase n. The 274. The commentator added “se encontro” (it was lower part of the following tzin is only visible for the encountered) at the end of this line. foot of each letter, except for the full tail of the z. The 275. The scribe wrote hoccequineque. The editor inserted editor reconstructed the noun in subscript as nantzin, oc cequin quineque in superscript. and this fi ts the existing fragments perfectly, leaving 276. The Xolotl Codex (Dibble 1955) lists Tecoatlalatzin little doubt about the reconstruction. The damage (there spelled Techoltlalatzin) as the son of Quinatzin was likely already present at the time the editor made (there spelled Quinantzin) and as his immediate his addition. successor. Although he is here referred to as the 265. This is most likely the same person as the son of Tenancaltzin, we have seen that Tenancaltzin Tenancaltzin who is listed in the Xolotl Codex was actually his father’s uncle. Thus Tenancaltzin, (Dibble 1955) as the younger brother of Quinatzin- who “took control” after the death of his hedonistic Tlaltecatzin’s father. This would make him the brother’s son Quinatzin-Tlaltecatzin, may have brother-in-law of Quinatzin’s mother, Pachxochitl, served simply as regent rather than as king himself rather than “brother” as is indicated here. until the rulership passed to Quinatzin-Tlaltecatzin’s Torquemada (1.58.74) said, concerning Tenancaltzin: son, Tecoatlalatzin. “Aora queda en este punto, con decir, que luego que 277. The scribe assimilated the fi nal n into the writing of el Emperador tuvo nueva de su Entrada, embiò the initial n of the next word. Notes 81

278. The scribe wrote metztecaz chimeca, then inserted 296. The scribe wrote cuil, then overwrote the l as a c. ca in superscript following metztecaz. We take the 297. The introduction is set off from the rest of the text by second word to be a misspelling of Chi:chi:me:cah. a series of curved equal signs across the bottom of the 279. The scribe wrote tecpanneca. We take this to be a page. misspelling for Tepaneca. 298. There is a number “8” at the top of the page, 280. The scribe began with oq, then overwrote these two identifying the page as the recto of the eighth letters as C. manuscript leaf. 281. Literally, “towns to where nobles were caused to 299. The upper right corner of the page is missing. The pass.” fi rst four letters of Altepehuey are fully visible, along 282. The upper left corner of the page is missing, and with the lower half of the second e and the bottom only the bottom segment of the fi rst letter is visible. third of the tail of the y. Gerste supplied the missing Gerste’s transcription continues yei tlatoque. The text. Notably, there is no superscripted note by the yei was perhaps still present when his photographic editor, so this material was perhaps visible when copy was made, and the fragmentary segment of the Gerste made his transcription. fi rst letter is not in the scribe’s style of the tail of a y. 300. The scribe wrote omocecan, then added another c in Gerste ignored the editor’s superscript, which begins superscript between the e and the c. at the right edge of the break as macuiltin tlatoque. 301. The scribe omitted the preterit prefi x o-. 283. The c in the middle of the word was crossed through 302. More idiomatically, this might be translated as lightly, and an h was written above it in superscript but “they reproduced rapidly” or “their population grew then crossed out. This appears to be in the hand of the rapidly.” editor, although it could, perhaps, have been done by 303. Literally, “near the water.” the scribe in a smaller, less heavy style than normal. 304. According to the manuscript, mecochotl oquicac, “he 284. The missing letters are on the lost portion of the heard both sides”—which is to say he was astute. corner. The upper half of the n of quen is missing, but 305. The scribe wrote what appears to be cacicaat, then the reconstruction is clear. The editor, in subscript, overwrote the t with a z and ended with ic. corrected the original text to quenami tlaltlatoani, 306. The scribe spelled this tototzintlí, both here and which seems more likely. The scribe wrote u instead below. In the left margin of this line is what may be a of a in tlatoani. drawing of the bird. 285. The scribe wrote tlamachiliztlí. The editor corrected 307. In Nahuatl, the bird calls can be interpreted this to itlalnamiquiliz in the left margin. onomatopoeically as “Let’s go!” In other words, the 286. Literally, “this one governed his thinking with bird of omen is impatiently urging their departure to wisdom.” a new land. 287. Literally, “he shared.” 308. The scribe wrote oquin mil- huí. The editor corrected 288. The scribe fi rst wrote chicuacei, then corrected this to this to oquimilhui, in superscript, without underlining chicnavh by overwriting the u with an n, the ce with a the original. v, and the i with an h. 309. The scribe began the word with a lowercase a, then 289. Or “he divided.” overwrote it as A. The word Azteca is generally 290. Literally, “the others.” thought to have been a post-colonial neologism. 291. The grave accent above the a is different from the For instance, Miguel León-Portilla (2000) recently scribe’s usual form and may be simply an extraneous published an article in Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl in mark. which he dates the word to the late eighteenth century. 292. Literally, “away from it.” Thus its occurrence here is likely the earliest example 293. Literally, “agree.” of the word. Although this was not a pre-Conquest, 294. In other words, they would fear that their new native term, and although it is likely correct that this neighbors, being outsiders, might betray them if they innovation did not come into common usage until the showed agreement. late eighteenth century, it is found here in the scribal 295. A note in the left margin reads “Capitulo jao del libro 2o hand, attesting to at least its one-time occurrence in y no acabo” (chapter 1 of book 2 and not fi nished). the early seventeenth century. 82 Anónimo Mexicano

310. The scribe wrote oquintlatlacihuíq. The editor editor then corrected in superscript. Assumedly, the corrected it to oquimicihuitique, in superscript, lacuna is larger today than it was when Gerste made without underlining the original. his transcription and the fi rst word and editorial 311. The scribe wrote totzotzintlí. We take this to be a correction may have been visible to Gerste. misspelling of to:toltzintli. 317. The editor underlined the fi nal n and began a note in 312. The scribe wrote tlacatl. The editor corrected this to superscript, but left only a single ink mark there. We in tlaca in superscript, underlining the fi rst word to omit the fi nal n, treating it as a scribal error. emphasize that it had been omitted by the scribe. 318. The scribe fi rst wrote Tecpanecâ, then covered the 313. The scribe wrote huicoca, and the editor emended fi rst c with ink when crossing it out. this to ihuicoca in underlined superscript. 319. The scribe began to write ca, then overwrote the a 314. The scribe wrote quintlatalhuiliaya. The editor as u and continued itlahuacan, chichimeca. Then corrected this to quintlalaihuiaya, in superscript, the scribe made an editorial mark here that seems without underlining the original. to indicate that the comma should be removed after 315. The scribe placed an opening parenthesis at the cuitlahuacan. Finally, the scribe placed an opening beginning of the sentence (before occe-quin) but parenthesis before cuitlahuacan and a closing failed to provide a closing parenthesis in the text. We parenthesis after chichimec. This seems to mean that judge the entire end of the paragraph starting with Oc he intended the two to refer to a single group of cequin and ending with Cal pítzco to be a parenthetical people, the Chichimec of Cuitlahuacan, rather than comment by the scribe, although we have entirely two groups, the Cuitlaca and the Chichimeca. This omitted the parentheses surrounding this material would change the number of groups listed from the for the sake of clarity of reading. Although the fi nal scribe’s count of nine to only eight. We believe that letter of Calpitzco is clearly an o in the manuscript, the scribe was confused, and the intended parenthetic we have treated this as a spelling error for Calpitzca, statement was not to equate the Cuitlahuaca and the since the former is a place name while the other Chichimeca, but the Chichimeca and the Tlaxcalteca. nouns are given in the list as ethnic groups. We have therefore shifted the parentheses accordingly. 316. The upper left corner of the manuscript is missing. This leaves the count of groups as nine, the number Gerste transcribed the bracketed words without which is given at the top of the page by the scribe comment as ohualaque inahuachu, and interpreted himself. the next two letters as ic. His reading of the two fi nal 320. That is, the Mexica Aztecs of Tenochtitlan. letters (which are visible on the manuscript to the 321. The scribe wrote yna, then overwrote the fi nal letter right of the lacuna) is incorrect, as they are clearly as y, which we take to be a third-person possessive uc. The confusion may be because the right side of prefi x for the next word, maltepeuh. the u does have an ink mark above it that could be 322. A note pertaining to the phrase netla:lil in:in a:ltepe: confused with the dot of an i. This is either simply uh in the left margin is not clearly decipherable, an extraneous mark, or the dot of a preceding i, has but seems to repeat the phrase. The fi nal word is been staggered to the right. We therefore reinterpret overwritten, making decipherment of the small Gerste’s fi nal three letters of the lacuna as chi, the lettering problematic. beginning of chiucnahui, “nine,” which accords with 323. The editor underlined several words and wrote one the number of listed groups. Regarding the preceding or two words in superscript above Ypanpa. The words material, there are two fragmentary letters to the of the editor are indecipherable. left of the lacuna. Above and to the left is a very 324. Although the # symbol follows huitzinton, it was fragmentary mark that could be the lower left-hand probably intended to mark the word tochtli on the quarter of the letter o. This might be the beginning line below it (see note 317). of an editorial insertion and the basis of Gerste’s 325. The scribe fi rst wrote ynan, then overwrote the fi nal ohualaque. The second appears to be the fi rst letter n with c and continued with htopa. of the line by the scribe, an h and may represent 326. The author gave the European date for Two Rabbit the beginning of hualaque, the scribe having once as ad 1194. Torquemada reported the story of the again omitted the initial pretente prefi x, o, which the omen and the ensuing migration as follows: “and the Notes 83

justifi cation they had for making this long journey ran at this point, so he then inserted a small h in and for putting themselves in the position of walking superscript, probably after resharpening the quill. so far is that it came to pass, quite incredibly, that This correction proved inadequate, not just because a bird appeared to them on many occasions: It was of the blotched writing of tochtli, but because he also singing, shrieking repeatedly a sound that they wanted failed to include the year number before tochtli. So he to convince themselves was ‘Tihui’ which means ‘Let then inserted a large # symbol above the word tochtli, us go, already!’ And as this was repeated for many and wrote ome in the right margin after cahuitl and days and many times over, one of the wisest of that tochtli in the left margin of this line, separating it from lineage and family, called Huitzinton, pondered it the line of text with a slash curved in the direction and considered the possibility and decided to take of a closing parenthesis to indicate that it should be this song as the basis for his decision, saying that it inserted in place of the original word. was an omen that some hidden deity sent by means of 328. A note in the left margin intended, perhaps, as an the song of that bird. And he had a sympathizer and insertion at the point where this # symbol was added, supporter in his efforts. He discussed it with the other was crossed out after it was written (apparently by the one, called Tecpatzin, and said: ‘Perchance, did you same writer, perhaps the scribe). It is not decipherable not notice that which the bird says to us?’ Tecpatzin with any certainty: ta h.. quipana or ta h. aqui pana. responded that he had not. To that, Huitziton said. The fi nal three letters are uncertain. ‘What that bird commands to us is that we go away 329. We assume the scribe’s chimozcoc to be a misspelling with him,’ and it is right that we should obey him and of Chicomoztoc. follow him. Tecpatzin attended as did Huitziton to the 330. The scribe fi rst wrote nepapantlal, then overwrote the song of the bird. He came to the same interpretation, fi nal l as c and continued with a fi nal a. and both together gave the people to understand it. 331. That is, the Tlaxcalteca Chichimec led by Huitzinton They persuaded them that it was great luck that it and Tecpantzin left Aztlan before the Mexica, but the called them. And because of their incessant urging, Mexica arrived in the Valley of Mexico before them the people moved their houses and left that place and (see Torquemada 3.6.252–253). Gerste’s Spanish followed whatever fortune that awaited them in their translation ends here. future. But although all were of a same generation 332. Someone, perhaps the editor, placed dotted square and linage, all of them did not live underneath one brackets around the material from macihui through single family, but, they were divided into four groups, mexica, but there are no associated editorial the fi rst of which was called Mexica. The second, comments. Tlacochalca. The third, Chalmeca. And the fourth, 333. In the top left corner of the page, the editor wrote Calpilco. Others say, that these families were nine, the notation “p 1. de Po” (page 1 of document). The which correspond to those known as the Chalca, scribe wrote the number “9” at the top center of the Matlatzinca, Tepaneca, Malinalca, Xochimilca, page, indicating that this was the recto side of the Cuitlahuaca, Chichimeca, Mizquica, and Mexica. ninth leaf of the manuscript. “Others say, that the screech, ‘Tihui,’ was only 334. The upper right corner of the manuscript is missing. heard by Huitziton and Tecpatzin; but that they did Gerste included the bracketed material without not see the bird that uttered it. But whether it was comment, and included yhuan between the two this way or the other, everything is just a fable that verbs, although the available space in the lacuna was made up here, and told so that all would agree on makes it more likely that the two verbs were simply the departure and the motive for urging it. They left, separated by a comma. The editor underlined the then, the Aztecs, guided by Tecpatzin, and Huitziton fi rst word and wrote mitehua in superscript. An from their land, in the fi rst year of their fi rst Century, editorial hand also inserted motene in front of the (because it was after this that that they commenced fi nal part of the word, hua, which begins the second to count it) and they wandered some days in which line of text. The editor continued the underlining they spent the space and time of a year” (1.1.78). under this syllable to connect his insertion to it. 327. The scribe misspelled the word tochtli and Again, this demonstrates that some deterioration of unsuccessfully attempted to correct it, but the quill the text had occurred prior to the editors’ additions 84 Anónimo Mexicano

and corrections to the text. A note in Spanish in the 349. The name is double-underlined in the lighter style hand of the second commentator reads “Capitulo 6. of the editor, but there is no accompanying marginal libro 3 noten cena sa no la encluye todo” (chapter 6 note, subscript, or superscript. of 3rd book including everything). 350. Tezcacoatl is not listed in Torquemada (see note 335. The scribe began mochi with a p, then overwrote it as 360 for Torquemada’s list of kings). Rather, his an m. list skips directly from Matlaccóatl to Tezcapoctli. 336. The scribe wrote teuctlatoca, then added an insertion The “Genealogia de los Reyes de Azcapotzalco” of mark after the fi nal a and wrote a u in superscript. the Anales de Tlatelolco also lists a ruler between 337. Tezozomoctli ruled Azcapotzalco from ad 1366 to Matlaccóuatl and Tezcapoctzin (Berlin-Neubart 1426. Ixtlilxochitl was killed in 1418. 1948, p. 21). This is undoubtedly the same individual, 338. The introductory paragraph was separated from the but this text gives him the name of Chiconquiauhtzin: next paragraph by a line of wavy equal signs. “Cuando Matlaccóuatl hubo muerto, se sentó su hijo 339. Literally, “its settling counted fi ve hundred and thirty Chiconquaiauhtzin (como soberano). Después pidió years,” the count starting, perhaps, from the fall of en Xaltocan a la hija del chichimeca Upantzin, una Tollan in ad 1068. If so, this would suggest a date for muchacha llamada Xicomóyaual. Sólo engendró a the writing of Anónimo Mexicano of about ad 1598. los dos hijos: Tezcapoctzin y Acolnauacatzin” (When 340. The number of years is underlined, beginning with Matlaccoatl was dead, his son Chiconquaiauhtzin centzontlí and ending with xihuitl; . The underlining was seated as sovereign. Afterwards in Xaltocan he appears to be in the lighter style of the editor, but there asked for a girl called Xicomoyaual, the daughter of is no accompanying marginal notation, superscript, the Chichimec Upantzin. He only engendered two or subscript. children: Tezcapoctzin and Acolnauacatzin). Neither 341. Torquemada said that the fi rst lord was Acolhua. are they listed in the Xolotl Codex (Dibble 1955), He noted that by some accounts the fi rst lord was which shows Tezozomoctli as a son and the successor named Huetcintecuhtli, but he concluded that these of Acolhua. two were one and the same person. However, the 351. The scribe fi rst wrote omin, then overwrote the fi nal manuscript clearly says that Acolhua was the second letter as a C. ruler. In Anónimo Mexicano, the phrase containing 352. Literally, “paintings.” the name of the fi rst lord is ce Hueytzin teuhtlí, which 353. Literally, “papers.” might also be translated simply as “a great lord.” 354. The scribe separated the two parts of the name with 342. The Xolotl Codex (Dibble 1955) lists Acolhua as one a space, but connected the two by running the onset of Xolotl’s sons-in-law: Acolhua, husband of Xolotl’s of the t from the top of the preceding c. The hyphen daughter Cuetlaxochitzin. here is not in the original, but is merely our means of 343. The underlining of macuil poalli xiuhtica appears to noting this connection of the two parts of the name. be in the lighter style of the editor, but there is no 355. The broken underlining in this sentence is by the accompanying marginal notation, superscript, or scribe and merely marks the end of the page. subscript. 356. The upper right corner of the page is missing. Gerste 344. The scribe fi nished the page with Xolotl; the next two omitted this material without comment. A fragment lines of text, beginning with auh and ending with of the lower foot of the onset of the fi rst missing yecyopan, were written in the hand of the editor. letter tail is present, and could be the bottom of an 345. The upper left corner of the page is missing. Only i, h, n, or m. The tail of the last missing letter, a y the initial letter of the fi rst sentence is visible. The in the article yn, is also present. The missing word remainder is supplied from Gerste. It was perhaps is unreconstructable, but given the space available, still visible when he made his transcription. something such as o:hualaqueh or o:hualquizqueh is 346. Cuecuex, a son of Acolhua, and also the name of the likely. The latter would conform to Torquemada. principal god of the Acolhua. Note the scribe’s use of 357. Only the fi rst two letters of the lacuna are ch for the fi nal consonant. reconstructable. The bottom of the fi rst is the foot 347. The ink ran on the fi rst a. of an uppercase Y, and both legs of an ensuing n are 348. Having been destroyed in the Conquest. also visible. All that remains of the fi nal letter of the Notes 85

missing material is a dot, the fragmentary end of the of Azcapotalco say that this Huetin the fi rst king of foot of the letter, which is insuffi cient to guess its theirs lived for a little less than two hundred years, so identity. The words to the left of the lacuna (to:ltic, that they agree one and the other, and about the life a:catitlan) were underlined (beginning with the fi nal of this king the accounts concur. letter of the preceding word) in a style that could be “When Acolhua Huetintecuhtli died, his son either that of the scribe or the editor. No emendation Cuecuex entered in his place, of whom the number of or marginal note accompanies the underlining. years that he reigned is not said except that the time 358. The two paragraphs were originally joined by a he governed his kingdom was long. Once he was dead, now-missing line. Its absence causes the current his successor was a son of his called Quauhtintecuhtli, fi rst paragraph to end with a four-word sentence grandson of king Acolhua Huetintecuhtli. That fragment, “in the life of this lord-ruler,” and the which he did and the years he ruled are not known next paragraph to begin with a similarly incomplete because the papers of his history have been lost. After sentence, “Mexica Atitlan, grassy, among the reeds.” this one came Ilhuicamina, and after Ihuicamina, The missing words between ynemiliz and Mexica Matlaccohuatl. And after this one, another one, called have been reconstructed, based on Torquemada’s Tezcapoctli; and after Tezcapoctli, another one, who rendition of this part of the account. was named Teotlehuac, whose histories and years of 359. The scribe wrote tz, then crossed it out with three reign and governing have been lost and perished, strokes. perhaps because the ancient Indians hid these papers, 360. Torquemada recounted the names of Acolhua, so that the Spaniards would not take them from them Cuecuex, and the ensuing kings who preceded when they entered the city and the lands, and they Tezozomoctli, although he omitted the name of remained lost, by virtue of the death of those who Tezcacoatl: “The fi rst [ruler] was Acolhua, son-in-law hid them, or perhaps because the monks, and the fi rst of Emperor Xolotl, or so it appears, according to what bishop Don Juan de Zumarraga burned them along is said of him in the history of this same Emperor with many others of great importance for knowing the Xolotl. However, the Azcapotalca histories say that the antiquities of this land, because like all of them they fi rst Lord, whom they had in that town was named had fi gures and characters, that portrayed known and Huetintecuhtli. So there is diffi culty, about which of unknown animals, plants, trees, stones, mountains, these it was. But to remove the doubt. I say, that it waters, mountain ranges, and others things of could be that he was called by both of these names, this type that they believed were a demonstration because the old people of those times had them (as of superstitious idolatry. And so they burned all is said in the Tlaxcalteca histories) and there were amounts they could get their hands on, so that had many who not only had one or two names, but also not some particular Indians been diligent in hiding three and four, based on the events and memorable part of these papers and histories, we would not now things that they did. And among men this is not a know of them, even the record that we have. new thing, because in the sacred scriptures we know “After this, king Teotlehuac was succeeded in the that the kings of Israel and others of other regions kingdom by Tihuactlatonac, who was king for sixty were named with two and three names. Similarly, our years during which time the Mexicans arrived to this king of Azcapotzalco, called Acolhua, might also have land and lake” (3.6.252–253). been called Huetintecuhtli by some, who accepted the 361. Tezozomoctli’s mother served as regent for four years diversity of these two names. Or it could be that those before he took offi ce, perhaps because he was still of his family, when they entered into this land, knew young when his father died. him by this name of Aculhuacatecuhtli, and then 362. The scribe wrote omotlatocatlali. We take this to be a those of its kingdom and city of Azcapotalco knew misspelling of o:motlahtoca:ti. him and named him as Huetintecuhtli, and it is quite 363. His son was Maxtla. believable that the one and the other name refers to 364. The scribe wrote zanío. This is a scribal error for the same person, because the histories of the Aculhua zanic. Tetzcocanas, attribute much life and many years to 365. The phrase nápohualixí- utl is underlined with no Acolhua, son-in-law of Xolotl Emperor, and those accompanying editorial comment and the # symbol 86 Anónimo Mexicano

was probably inserted to mark the marginal note happen to deal with some of the same historical “Capo. 12 libo. 3o” (chapter 12, 3rd book). material. For instance, it is possible to reconstruct 366. Texcallan is an alternative designation for Texcalticpac, the missing line between paragraphs one and two in the actual site of which lies a short distance north of Anónimo Mexicano from Torquemada’s account of contemporary Tlaxcala. According to Diego Muñoz Tzihuac Tlatonac’s reign. Such correspondence would Camargo ([1892] 1966), Texcalticpac was originally be unlikely if this chapter of Anónimo Mexicano were named Tepeticpac; this name was later changed to a simple invention. Although Rosa y Saldívar may Texcallan, and fi nally to Tlaxcala. be correct in attributing this chapter to a different 367. Literally, “by his being favored as a lord.” author than that of the rest of the manuscript, the 368. Culhuacateuctli Cuanexcaye was fi rst king of the contents should not have been so fully dismissed on Tlaxcalan Chichimeca. He made his residence that account. at the Tlaxcalan cabecera of Texcalticpac (also 375. The name franciscanos is underlined in the text, with called Tepeticpac). Torquemada identifi ed him as no accompanying editorial comment. The scribe Culhuacatecuhtliquanez (3.12.265). According to frequently, though not always, underlined words of Brundage (1972), he became the fi rst lord of Tlaxcala Spanish origin. after the Chichimec victories in the area. He was also 376. The editor underlined this word and corrected it in known as Culhua Tecpannecatl Quanezteyaolminqui superscript to necuatiquiliztli. He also inserted dotted and Culhua Quanez. In chapter 5 (see page 34) of square brackets around the preceding material. The Anónimo Mexicano, he is also called Cuanexpili. opening bracket precedes oquimaycuilo, and the 369. A note subscripted at the bottom of the page is closing bracket comes after necuayatequiliztli. diffi cult to decipher, but appears to read “voy algun 377. About ad 1519–1524. p. 2 coysi d Po: aqui ...... y nada p. 12 ...... ” 378. The name Aztlan is underlined in the lighter style (some goes on page 2 of the copied document: here . of the marginal commentator, with no associated ...... and nothing on page 12 ...... ). editorial comment. A number of place names are 370. The top left corner of the page is missing. The fi rst similarly underlined by the scribe throughout the word of the title is reconstructed from the context. manuscript. Only the very end of the pen stroke of the letter c is 379. Literally, “they went along teaching it to us hither.” visible on the right edge of the lacuna. 380. Literally, “painted papers” or “written papers.” 371. The scribe set off the introductory paragraph with a 381. Literally, “used to lie rolled together.” line of wavy equal signs. 382. The scribe fi rst wrote matlactli on, then crossed this 372. A marginal note to the left reads “o/o re busca” (search out and continued with nahuy. it[?]). 383. The scribe fi rst wrote only zatepan, yeo and then 373. The scribe has written the u close upon the preceding inserted ian in superscript above the comma, since c, although the gap is visible. The c here is a single, there was insuffi cient space to insert it in the line of distinct stroke, and the ensuing u begins at its top text. left with a distinct setting of the pen—that is, a slight 384. Literally, “separated themselves.” upstroke at about a thirty-degree angle before the 385. The scribe’s o quin hualycantocataque was a initial downstroke to form the left side of the letter. misspelling of oquinhualyacantocataque. However, 374. Rosa y Saldívar ([1847] 1947) attributed the authorship the editor underlined this word and corrected it in of this chapter to Benito Itzcacmaquechtli (who is superscript to oquinhualcauhtocatiaque. referred to in the chapter itself as the source of the 386. Brundage (1972) suggests that this was about ad information), and contended that the contents of the 1168. chapter were invented by him. Although the material 387. The editor underlined this word and corrected it in of this chapter does have some correspondences in superscript to oquinhualyacanaya. Torquemada, they are not as extensive and detailed 388. The scribe began the word with a t, then used it as the in form as are those of the previous chapters. initial bar of an uppercase Y. Nevertheless, the parallels are more than merely the 389. There is an extraneous scribal mark above the semi- fortuitous result of the fact that the two documents fi nal a, as well as a nasalizing mark over the fi nal one. Notes 87

The fi rst of these was possibly written as a nasalizing 398. Literally, “a beard owner.” mark, and then stricken through by the scribe 399. The word ixhuitzallachia contains ix-, “eye,” and - when he realized that only the fi nal a should be so lachia, “to look, to see.” Simèon lists ixhuitzallachia, marked. Gerste treated both as nasalizing marks, and “to see little and weakly, because of having small transcribes this as ynizquitlacamancan. eyes.” Mixcoatl, however, was a god of hunting, so we 390. The underlining is by the editor, but there are no would expect the opposite. accompanying marginal notes, superscripts, or 400. The scribe mistakenly wrote the fi nal c as an e. subscripts. 401. Literally, “at the top of his head,” idiomatic for “in his 391. Literally, “spread.” presence” or “before this very person.” 392. The upper right corner of the page is missing. The 402. Mitxa is the Nahuatalized form of the Spanish word missing material is supplied from Gerste. A later “misa” (mass). hand, possibly the editor’s, inserted omo- in the left 403. Literally, “priestly rulers,” i.e., priests rather than margin immediately before cehuíco (which begins friars. the next line). 404. Literally, “he sits having clothing by means of a white 393. The lacuna extends into the second line. The lower cloak.” legs of the fi rst missing letter are visible, and are 405. An accent over the i of the semi-fi nal syllable either clearly those of an n. In subscript under the aten at ran when the accent was made or, more likely, was the start of the break, the editor wrote atenco. Most deliberately crossed out by the scribe and the ink ran. of a comma at the appropriate place to follow the 406. The scribe fi rst wrote yait, then overwrote the fi nal scribe’s atenco is visible below the lacuna. The editor letter as an a. did not place a subscript below the rest of the missing 407. The scribe wrote tlamatihue, hey. The editor corrected material, so the page likely deteriorated more after the last three letters in superscript to huey. the editor’s insertion. We suspect this occurred before 408. The scribe wrote ocualhuícay. The editor underlined Gerste made his transcription. Gerste’s transcription the fi nal two letters of this word and the correction gives the last letters of the missing material as onpa. . . . aya in superscript. However, this cannot be correct, since the next to 409. The scribe wrote xiccomítl. The editor corrected this the last missing letter has the tail of a y, not that of to micomitl in superscript. a p. Enough of the last letter (from its bottom center 410. The scribe wrote cuamíztin. The editor corrected this point through its right leg) remains to reconstruct in superscript to quauhmiztin. either a u or an a. The latter is more likely. 411. A note in the left margin, beginning at this line, reads 394. Poyauhtlan has been underlined in the style of the “Geua Geurra. del Poyahutlas–/259 Libo. idem” (war marginal commentator. There is no accompanying of Poyauhtlan–/259 the same book). The “259” is editorial comment. most likely a page number. 395. A note in the left margin, beginning at this line, reads 412. Literally, “thus already they themselves quarreled.” “Que salio . . . . . hombre barbuos 255 libo 3 o no con todos 413. The Acolhuas were the people whose dominant los señas se traer aqui” (who departed . . . . . bearded city was Tetzcoco. The Tepaneca’s principal city was man, [page] 255, 3rd book, not with all signs brought Azcapotzalco. here). This note has been crossed through from top to 414. Literally, “thus they were always conquering and bottom with two lines. Beneath it, the commentator refl ecting on war.” wrote “Capo. 9 libro 3o” (chapter 9, 3rd book). 415. The top left corner of the page is missing. The editor 396. Camaxtli was the tutelary god of the Teochichimecs. reconstructed the last word in superscript above ozque He was commonly equated with Mixcoatl, the Mexica as ya hualozque. The beginning word of the page can god of the hunt. only be guessed at. I:nic would fi t the available space, 397. This combines the names of the Tlaxcalan hunting but no direct evidence remains. god Camaxtli with that of Mixcoatl, the god of the 416. The scribe fi rst wrote ynin, then overwrote the fi nal hunt of the Mexica Aztecs of the Valley of Mexico. letter as a c. Underlined in the style of the editor. The marginal 417. The infi ltration of the Chichimeca was of great note given in note 395 may refer to this name. concern, due to their bellicosity. 88 Anónimo Mexicano

418. The scribe wrote Yaomani loque. In superscript, the They crossed into what is now Puebla, where they editor entered yaomanilique. This differs from the founded cities such as Huexotzinco and Texcala, scribe’s entry in only three particulars: the scribe’s which is now known as Tlaxcala. initial capitalization, a space left between the i and 424. The name has been underlined in the style of the the l, and—the probable reason for the entry—two scribe. Various proper names are similarly underlined ink spatters that cross the fi nal four letters and that in the manuscript. might have been mistaken for deliberate pen strokes 425. The editor underlined oquin and inserted oqui without the editorial superscript that makes it clear in underlined superscript, then crossed out his that those letters should not be stricken. correction. 419. In superscript above the line-ending hyphen, the 426. A note in the left margin reads “tlahuiz tonaz tlanecíz” scribe wrote what might be li, perhaps to clarify (to shed light, to be sunny, to dawn). These are the the fi nal two letters of the line, since the fi nal letter same words found in the text four lines lower, is poorly written and could be confused with an n. although the order differs. Alternatively, and more likely, the marks may have 427. Literally, “on the head.” been nothing more than a clearing of excess ink from 428. The scribe fi rst wrote theo, then overwrote the fi nal the quill. vowel as a u. 420. The location of Teotlixco is not known, though the 429. The scribe ran maaoque together. The editor wrote text places it near the Plains of Poyauhtlan, below ma aoc above this to indicate that the fi rst two letters Mount Poyauhtlan. Torquemada explained the term should be separated from the rest. as idiomatic for “ends of the earth,” but Sahagún treats 430. A note in the left margin, to the left of tlanecíz, reads it as an actual place “toward the southern sea” (1963, “Cap 10” (chapter 10). vol. 11, p. 25), which is descriptive of Lake Chalco. 431. By some accounts after the battle, the Chichimeca This would place the location south of the location divided into two or three groups. One migrated east where Torquemada and Anónimo Mexicano place the by way of a northerly route, while the larger group battle—on the plains between Chimalhuacan and traveled south to Amecameca and then crossed Coantlinchan. Teotlixco may have been the main Mount Popocatepetl into the next valley, passed north center of Teochichimec occupation—somewhere by way of Cholollan, and settled at Texcalticpac. near Lake Chalco, and therefore mentioned here as 432. Literally, “that not again.” the place to defeat them—even though the actual 433. This suggests a southern migration, as does the battle occurred ten or more miles from that center. reference to passing Amecameca (see note 429). 421. The || symbol was inserted by the editor, apparently 434. Torquemada said they went to Teotlixco, which to signal a paragraph break. We have introduced the suggested a southern route from the battle. The break on that basis, and have done so in both the fi rst Nahuatl text could mean that, or also a migration and second column to maintain parallelism, although from their seat at Teotlixco. The migration is past it is not present in the original manuscript. the vicinity of Chalco and Amecameca, towards the 422. Literally, “truly there.” Puebla Valley, by the Pass of Cortés on the northern 423. The reference here may be to a dam on the Rio side of Popocatepetl and south of Iztaccihuatl. The Coatepec, which entered Lake Texcoco just two miles point of view adopted by the scribe supports a north of Chimalhuacan. Thus the fi ghting would Tlaxcala or Huexotzinco origin for the manuscript. have occurred, as reported by Torquemada, “between 435. The scribe wrote the number “12” and centered it at Coatlinchan and Chimalhuacan” (3.9.259) on or the top of the page, indicating that this is the recto of near the headwaters of the Rio Coatepec and the Rio the twelfth manuscript leaf. The upper right corner de San Bernardino, between those two locations. This of the page is missing. The fi rst partial letters in the war, known as the Chichimecayaoyotl or Chichimeca lacuna, l and p, are missing only part of their tops, and War, began about ad 1376. It resulted in the Texcala their identifi cation is unquestionably correct. Only a Chichimeca, who had been settling in the region small fragment of the tail of the z is still present, but of Teopoyauhtlan in the kingdom of Chalco, being it doesn’t match any alternative tailed letter, and the driven out of the Valley of Mexico by the Tepaneca. spacing between it and the preceding p is right for the Notes 89

it to have preceded it. There is enough space left in reconstructed aque is speculative. The lower half of the gap before the visible co for it to have included a the last reconstructed letter at the end of the lacuna is comma, a space, and seven or eight other letters. The present, and could be either an i or a c. missing word is likely another city name, but there is 453. The lacuna extends into the second line. Only the no way of reconstructing it from the manuscript. bottom of the l is visible, but its reconstruction is 436. Underlined in the pen style of the marginal secure. Similarly, only the bottom half of the initial commentator. letter of each of the next two words is visible, but in 437. The two lines beginning with tin and ending with each case enough of the letter is present to make the mo- have had a vertical line drawn at their left and a reconstruction certain. note in the left margin reads “Capo. 18” (chapter 18). 454. Their impressive building projects functioned, in part, 438. By some accounts there were three groups, and the to demonstrate their power to potential enemies. one that came to Texcalticpac by way of Amecameca, 455. The # symbol may reference the notation in the left the Tlaxcalteca, was the largest group. margin on the next line. It reads “Cap.o 12” (chapter 439. Literally, “white.” 12). 440. The scribe wrote aoque, which we take to be aoc eh, 456. The place name is underlined in the style of the “no longer.” marginal commentator, with no accompanying 441. Literally, “hurried.” comment. 442. Camaxtli. 457. Torquemada identifi ed the Chichimeca leader as 443. The editor inserted a || symbol, but there is no Colhuacatecuhtliquanez (3.12.265). accompanying marginal note, superscript, or 458. The place name is underlined in the style of the subscript. The same symbol also occurs in the next marginal commentator, but there are no associated line (see note 438). Perhaps the two occurrences were comments or emendations. at fi rst intended to set off the material between them, 459. A note in the left margin reads “o/o piden amparo del but then the editor decided to add no comment. Gente” (aforesaid asked protection of the lords). 444. The scribe wrote oquimatíloaya, “injure by rubbing 460. Literally, “valiant ones.” or abraiding.” The editor changed this in superscript 461. Teopoyauhtlan (literally, Divine Poyauhtlan) can be to oquimateloaya, “bruise the foot (by stepping on a understood as “the original land of Poyauhtlan” or stone)” or “strike with the hand.” “the true land of Poyauhtlan.” 445. This second insertion of ||, like the previous one (note 462. Huitzilihuitzin ruled the Mexica from about ad 1391 443), has no accompanying comment. to 1418. Torquemada and Muñoz Camargo ([1892] 446. The meaning is problematic. Perhaps this is idiomatic 1966) identifi ed the Mexica ruler as Matlalihuitzin, for something. Alternatively, this might be read as “at who was identifi ed by García Granados (1954) as the Mapiltzalan.” We have selected a reading that accords same as Matlaccoatl, the ruler of Azcapotzalco, the with Torquemada. Tepaneca capital (see pages 25–26 and note 350). The 447. The scribe consistently spelled this tlen. date of the battle is ad 1384, and Huitzilihuitzin had 448. The scribe fi rst wrote tepetla, then inserted ti in not yet been coronated as tlatoani of Tenochtitlan superscript. at that time. It is possible that Huitzilihuitzin was 449. The scribe’s use of -huíc, “toward,” as a suffi x to involved in the 1397 war as Tenochtitlan’s war leader yxtlahuac, is a nonstandard usage, like his use of that and a subordinate of Tezozomoctli, but the name suffi x with nahuac elsewhere. may simply represent a confusion between the names 450. A notation in the left-hand margin reads “aqui ...... Matlalihuitzin and Huitzilihuitzin on the part of the . . . /a . . ./ entro MS. 2 rubas” (here ...... /here[?]/ scribe. enter into the manuscript 2 . . . . .). 463. The scribe wrote yoquimaxcatítaya. We assume that 451. That is, for any potential enemy. he intended to precede the verb with ye, and omitted 452. The upper left corner of the page is missing. Most of the e. the lower half of the reconstructed initial t, including 464. The ambassadors from Tlaxcala. the letter’s bar, is visible. The bottom of the tail of 465. The fi nal two letters were individually underlined by the q, two or three letters later, is also visible. The the scribe, the í with a straight underline and the h 90 Anónimo Mexicano

with a semicircular underline. He made no further 484. The scribe fi rst wrote ynec, then overwrote the e as an emendation. í. 466. The upper right corner of the manuscript is missing. 485. The scribe wrote amech moColía, then added the fi rst The feet of the reconstructed n are all that are visible, co in superscript. but this is likely correct. 486. The scribe wrote ynintlatoca, then added the to in 467. That is, it was heard that the Huexotzinca were superscript. preparing themselves for war against the aggression 487. The scribe wrote tzía, then overwrote the a as an n. of the Chichimeca, who would take their lands. 488. Huitzilihuitl sent a leader ostensibly to coordinate 468. The ruler of Tlaxcala. the Mexica support for the Huexotzinca. However, 469. The suffi x queh is abbreviated as qh. the liaison with the Huexotzinca is only a sham. 470. That is, the Huexotzincas emotionally prepared for Huitzilihuitzin has falsely promised the Huexotzinca war. that he will send warriors in support of their cause 471. The scribe wrote Yol. We assume the i:- was simply against Tlaxcala, but actually intends, as his envoys assimilated to the y of yolli. This accounts for the have explained to the Tlaxcalteca nobles, to support absence of the suffi x -li. the Tlaxcalteca. 472. The scribe wrote ynoma, then inserted the mo in 489. The Mexica warriors. superscript. 490. The upper right corner of the page is missing. The tail 473. The scribe fi rst wrote omahuiliaya, then inserted mo of the missing z is visible, making its reconstruction in superscript. secure. The next four letters are inferred. The fi nal tz 474. The scribe spelled the beginning of the word as is reconstructed from the visible tail of the z, which ytetlan. We take the e to be a misspelling and have is in the style used by the scribe for this sequence of changed it to an i. letters. 475. That is, the warriors sent as ambassadors. 491. The lacuna extends into the second line. The missing 476. Again, the envoy warriors. material is supplied from Gerste. He transcribed 477. The upper left corner of the page is missing. The top this with no comment about a break in the page, half of the initial o at the beginning of the lacuna so perhaps this part of the page was still present at is missing, but the identifi cation is secure. The tail the time. The absence of an editorial notation also of the next letter is visible and is that of a p or a q suggests that the lacuna was not an early one. (more likely a q, considering the spacing between the 492. The lacuna extends into the third line here. The tail and the preceding o). The fi nal a is missing the material from the missing corner is supplied from left-hand portion from 8 o’clock to 1 o’clock, but its Gerste. This part of the page was perhaps still present identifi cation is secure. when he made his transcription (see note 481). What 478. The scribe fi rst wrote quincau, then changed the u to he supplied conforms to the lower parts of the letters a q. that are still visible: the lower half of the co, almost 479. The circumfl ex (ˆ) that follows the a was likely all of the pa, and the bases of the ensuing letters, intended to be above the letter, but was written hastily including the tail of the z, which is written in the style and so follows it slightly. of the tz sequence. 480. The scribe wrote tititiacahuan. We assume that the 493. Again, the circumfl ex may have been intended to be scribe intended to begin with to-. above the preceding vowel, but was shifted to the 481. The circumfl ex between the fi rst two letters is simply right because the scribe was writing rapidly. a connector that indicates that the two letters are not 494. The scribe wrote mo¯, but then added a downstroke intended to have a space between them. above the barred o. This last stroke may have been an 482. Huitzilihuitl, son of Acamapichtli, fought the unintentional mark. battles with Chalco before he became tlatoani of the 495. Literally, “if only not if.” Tenochca in ad 1391. 496. The scribe omitted the fi nal n. 483. The statement suggests that the scribe was writing 497. The great Chichimeca War that was fought when the from a Tlaxcalan perspective, since Huexotzinco is Chichimeca were living at the plains of Poyauhtlan, referenced as the third party. near Mount Tlaloc in the Valley of Mexico. Notes 91

498. Poyauhtlan (The Colored Land) is a region below been sent to him to request help, because he intends the west side of Mount Tlaloc, north of Chalco, to come over you and wage a very beastly war, and from which the Chichimeca had been driven in the he begged our great lord, who has sent us, to favored Chichimeca War. The battle near Chalco took place him with a great crowd of people to come to his aid ca. ad 1376, under the command of Huitzilihuitzin, against you, which he has promised him and thinks during his father’s tenure as leader of the Tenochca to send. And he will do it so that it will not benefi t while the Tenochca were vassals of the Tepaneca ruler him in any way except to give a response that appears Tezozomoctli. to aid him, and not for making combat against you. 499. Torquemada recounted the speech to the Texcalticpac He sends us to give you this warning so that you will lords as follows: “To you the lords and possessors of know that neither he nor any of his people come to the high summit of Tlaxcala, you know that we are attack you. And therefore he requests you, mightily the messengers and ambassadors of the great lord, entreats you that you do nothing against his people; your nephew and relative Matlalihuitzin he who for they do not come to fi ght, but to make some rules and has in his care the waters of the great lake kind of commitment to Xiuhtlehuitecuhtli, lord of of Tenochtitlan. That one has sent us to warn you Huexotzinco. And for this we are sent in order that and to say that as the people of Huexotzinco and we should tell the Chichimeca, and that when you their captain who is called Xiutlehuitl has been sent cast your spells, you reserve them from the Mexica, to him to request his aid against you in the war that that you do not make any sorcery, as you did it during he does to you in the enmity that he has for you. And the great battle of Poyauhtlan on the shores of the he has begged—our great lord who is the one who lake” (1986, pp. 106–107). sent us to you—to send people and to favor him in 500. The ruler of the Chichimeca at Texcalticpac who in that request. And in response he has promised it and chapter 4 (see page 27) was called Colhuacateuctli intends to send it, but in such a way that its coming Cuanexcaye. is not of benefi t nor effect, but only to pretend to be 501. The verso of folio 14 begins with a lacuna in the delivering aid without intention to fi ght or to move top left corner of the page. The missing material is arms against you. He sends you this warning so that supplied from Gerste. It was likely visible when he his intent is certain and revealed to you: that neither made his transcription. This would be consistent he nor any of his people come to attack you. And with the same observation from the previous side therefore he requests you, and he mightily entreats of the leaf. Part of the last letter is still visible and you that you do nothing against his people, since appears to have been an I. they do not come to fi ght, nor to anger you, but just 502. The missing material is supplied from Gerste. It was to make an appearance of commitment towards the likely visible when he made his transcription. The fi rst Huexotzinca. And for this we are sent, to tell you three and last six letters are still suffi ciently visible to what we have said to you, the strong Chichimeca; make them secure. and also, that when you do your spellcasting, that 503. Literally, “he returned very great penitence for them.” you keep the Tepaneca safe in these, and you do not That is, he expressed regrets about any doubts he may make any sorcery against them, as you did, during have had concerning their motives. the great battle of Poyauhtlan at the borders of the 504. The scribe fi rst ended with quí, then added a fi nal a lake.” (Monarquía Indiana ([1615] 1943), 265). over the comma and added a new comma. He then Muñoz Camargo’s earlier version of the same speech crossed out the comma and added a colon in its is slightly different: “To you lords and possessors of place. the high summit of Tlaxcala, you know that we are 505. That is, warriors who, in this event, are serving as the messengers and ambassadors of the very great envoys. lord, our sovereign and relative, who has ruled over 506. The scribe began to write yntitiah, but fi nished only and who has in his care the waters of the great lake of the downstroke of the h, and overwrote this as a c. Tenochtitlan. He who is called Matlalihuitzin has sent 507. This war may have taken place ca. ad 1384. It was us to say and to warn you that with the people behind the last of a series of confl icts between Tlaxcala and Huexotzinco and their leader, Xiuhtlehuitecuhtli, has Huexotzinco. The Huexotzinco ruler sought support 92 Anónimo Mexicano

from the Valley of Mexico against Tlaxcala in this 514. The upper right corner of the page is missing. The battle. The Tlaxcalteca ruler, having been informed bracketed material is taken from Gerste. The page has that the Mexica will support him, begins to prepare likely deteriorated since he made his transcription. for war. 515. The missing material is supplied from Gerste’s 508. Literally, the “god site.” The temple of Camaxtli transcription. was at the top of Malinche, where the shrine of San 516. The missing letters are supplied from Gerste’s Bartolomé was established by Fray Martín de Valencia transcription. The lower half of both letters is still after he destroyed the temple during his tenure as visible, and their identifi cation is secure. guardian in Tlaxcala (ad 1527–1530). 517. The scribe wrote yniaya chihualhuan. We believe 509. The scribe wrote oqui mo, then overwrote the o as an i. the scribe intended in yaia ya:o:chihua:lhuan, based 510. The aid referred to is the magical intervention of on the parallel version in Loysaga’s Ramo Historia Camaxtli. Torquemada described the carnage that (1981), that the scribe omitted the yao- prefi x due to resulted from this magic: “and as many others were its similarity to the preceding word. without knowledge of who killed him; because they 518. The scribe also placed a mark, not shown here, shaped were neither informed nor had they seen him, but like a large comma above the C. they only felt the pain of the blows that occurred. 519. The scribe spelled this maci. They found themselves blind and more greatly 520. That is, to their mythic homeland. baffl ed and with this great confusion that overcame 521. The scribe fi rst began this word with Y, then overwrote them, some fell from cliffs, not knowing where they it as Z. were going, others ran into stones and were killed by 522. The ink ran and obscured most of the u, but its these and many other things—being schemes and identity is secure. tricks of the Devil. And it seems to be the case that 523. A notation in the left margin reads simply “236.” never had such a thing been heard nor seen in the This perhaps references a page in volume 3 of world, and in such great excess was this loss of life and Torquemada’s 1615 edition of Monarquia Indiana ridding of enemies, that it is recounted, in truth, that that deals with the same material, although in the the ravines and great gorges that were in the regions 1715 edition, the reference is to material on page 266 of the mountain range were full of dead bodies, and of that volume. that the wives of the Chichimeca, their sons and 524. The middle of the y is obscured by a drop of ink, but daughters, and all the disabled ones, who had been its identity is clear. excluded from the fi eld, not to be in the war, were left 525. According to Brundage (1972), the god spoke through to plundering the bloody reaches, and they captured his texiptla, or “impersonator,” a priest who wore the and took prisoner truly whatever people they wanted mask and clothing of the god, thereby becoming his who were left among the Huexotzinca, and all of the image or embodiment. According to Torquemada: other ensorcelled ones of this diabolical act from “with this he dispatched the Ambassadors, and which almost none escaped death or capture and ordered his people for the onset of the battle; but as the few who could fl ee, took the news, that they had all things have no good beginning, if fi rst they are to tell not just to the present generation but also to not entrusted to God, whence they are guided, by many other future generations and those to come so His divine hand, these idolaters, who acknowledged that on hearing what happened to them, they would being of their great Camaxtli, did not believe that he remain aghast and afraid” (1.3.268). was a false demon, and liar, but they came to pray to 511. A || symbol was written here by the editor, perhaps the altar where his image was and to ask to be favored merely to indicate a separation between the two against their enemies” (1.3.266). words which the scribe had written closely together. 526. The upper left corner of the page is missing. Without 512. Or perhaps better, the “Staff of Weakening,” that is to comment, Gerste simply transcribed nanquitzon. The say, a magical staff that is used to cast spells to weaken fi rst three letters were likely still present when Gerste someone. made his transcript. We assume a word division 513. The scribe began the word with ie, then overwrote between n and an. The fi rst visible writing on the these two letters with an m. verso side of manuscript folio 15 is quizon. Notes 93

527. The bracketed letters are now missing and have been fi ts meaningfully into the text. Chichihualayotl is also supplied from Gerste’s transcription. The onset and possible, but would not fi t the available space quite so upstroke of the left side of the n are visible, as are the readily. bottom portion of the tail of the q and the lower half 539. Torquemada described the event in this way: “The of the fi nal h, in the now-missing section. Gerste’s affl icted Chichimeca did this and the Demon, to transcription is probably correct. show that he had the power to free them, his infernal 528. Literally, “when they reached/arrived to her.” image responded to them by mouth that they should 529. The scribe wrote quetz, then crossed it out with not fear, and that they should take heart, that the end several strokes of the quill across it. would fi nd them well and that it was appropriate 530. The scribe wrote quí quilizqui, then overwrote li with that they make use of a superstition and trick which an x, crossed out zqu, and overwrote the i with ti, is that which follows. He commanded them to look yielding quiquixtilizquia. for a very beautiful girl whose chest had one large 531. There is an ink spill over the í that continues down breast but the other small, and to take her to his into the space between the lines, but the lower right house and temple. They looked for this girl with great of the foot of the í is visible, and that plus the accent earnestness and alacrity, and they found her and she mark make its identity clear. was taken to the temple of Camaxtli. There the idol 532. Either the ink ran slightly when forming the c, or commanded that they give her a potion of certain the scribe started to make the bar of a p and then medicinal herbs to drink, and that after having drunk overwrote it as a c. In either case, the identity of the c it, they should express her breast. And they removed is clearly recognizable. milk that was necessary for that act. Thus truly, they 533. The scribe omitted the fi nal l. squeezed her breast, and removed from it a single 534. The scribe fi rst wrote Ya, then overwrote the vowel as drop of milk, which was received in a cup, that was an e. called the Teocaxitl, which means, “Chalice of God” 535. The upper right corner of the page is missing. No which had the following form: The base was round fragments remain of the original line. Gerste’s and wide, and in the middle was a fi nial like a baton, transcription has the fi nal e of quename, which was and the bowl of it was like that of a chalice, and all the likely lost after he made his transcription. He failed to cup, from the bottom to the top measured eighteen comment on the missing material, but simply began inches high” (1.3.266). The term teocaxitl translates a new paragraph with the fi rst word from the next literally as “divine cup” or “sacred chalice.” line. 540. Only the top of the uppercase Y is missing, as well 536. The reconstruction is based on Muñoz Camargo’s as the top curve of the t. Enough of both letters description of the cup or “Vaso de Dios” as follows: remains so that there is no question about their “The base was round and wide and in the middle a identifi cation. round fi nial like a baton, at the top, which was the 541. Literally, ‘deer root.’ bowl of the goblet. It was like that of a chalice that had 542. We take tzopotl to be buzzard, although it possibly the height of eighteen inches. It was of very burnished could be taken as modifying hummingbird, to wood, of dark ebony color, although others say that indicate a specifi c type. it was of jet black stone that was very subtly worked, 543. The duplicate word is lightly stricken through with that in this native land they call Teotetl, which means three diagonal strikeouts (the last two being two ‘Stone of God’” (1986, p. 108). See also Torquemada’s quick strikes each), probably by the editor, since the description in note 539. quill used had very little ink at the time, while the 537. The entire teocaxitl. lettering throughout the page is much heavier. 538. Parts of the fi rst two letters are still present. The fi rst 544. As Torquemada had it: “They removed this milk, is most likely a c and the second, for which only the and placed it into the cup, and on the foot of the feet are present, could be either an h or an n, probably altar a bundle of reeds, staves, and harpoons, knives, the latter. Most of the fi nal letter of this line is present points, and deer tendons. They covered it all together and is clearly an l. The reconstruction fi ts the available with laurel branches, and they left it. With this they space, matches the remnant letters appropriately, and were offering many sacrifi ces, among others, of cut 94 Anónimo Mexicano

paper, thorns and thistles, and an herb that resembles out this superstition, the priests of the temple and the henbane, which they call picietl, and other odiferous greatest one of them who was called the Achcauhtli perfumes, snakes, rabbits, and quails—which animals, teopixque tlamacazcuachcauhtli commenced to and birds they killed in great amount, and offered pray and to incense with great perfumes before the them before the image of Camaxtli” (3.12.266). tabernacle of Camaxtli and there where was found Muñoz Camargo’s description is: “They removed the vessel of milk which had been distilled from the this milk and put it in the cup, and a bundle of reeds, maiden. And they began from the morning to the harpoons, blades and points with the deer tendons, midday until sunset and at midnight to perfume and all together in the altar and shrine of Camaxtli, incense it, which they did for three days successively, covered with branch laurel and fi nding themselves in always examining the vessel of the arrows to see if this state, their sacrifi ce and diabolical superstition, something was happening in it. They did not see that they offered him, cut paper, thorns, thistles and picietl their sorceries had any effect. Rather, the drop of milk [tobacco] that is an herb that is similar to henbane. had dried up, wilted, and withered. The Chichimeca In that era, the Chichimeca did not draw blood, nor were very distressed, having committed themselves to sacrifi ce meats, but only offered cut white paper, give combat on the following day” (1966, p. 109). odoriferous perfumes, quails, snakes and rabbits that 549. Literally, “at some time thus someone’s alleviating.” they killed and sacrifi ced before their idol Camaxtli. 550. Torquemada reported this sacrifi ce of a captured And on some occasions they offered thistles and Huexotzinca soldier in greater detail: “At this time tobacco to him also” (1986, pp. 108–109). the Tepaneco aid arrived, that the Huexotzinca 545. Literally, “spread-out things.” awaited, and inspecting his troops, as his king had 546. The verso of folio 16 begins with a missing upper right commanded, he left the hill and ascended a very corner. The fi rst visible word is tlâco. The missing high mountain range, that is called Tlamcazcatzinco material is taken from Gerste. It was, perhaps, still Quauhticpac, trying neither to arrive with the aid present when he made his transcription. nor to wage war against the surrounded Chichimeca; 547. The lacuna continues into the second line. The and determining at that time to begin battle, the missing material is taken from Gerste. He transcribed Huexotzinca and all the other participating warriors the fi nal word as itlalten, although the last syllable is undertook with greatest energy and with very great still visible on the manuscript as tlein. shouts and howls to fi ght the Chichimeca and to 548. They were concerned that the drying of the milk drive them up the edge of the mountain range. The signifi ed failure. According to Torquemada, “after Chichimeca who were waiting, did not only wait in a all this, the infernal priests, and high priests made group for them in their kingdom and fi eld; but with their prayer. Once fi nished, the principle priest, greatest force and boldness they went out to receive who was called Achcauhtliteo Teopixqui, and also them, and in the fi rst blows and encounter of their by another name, Tlamacazcaachcauhtli, incensed combat the Texcalteca caught one of those of the all the offering with great perfumes and smudges, opposite fi eld, and as guarantee of their victory, they most especially the cup or chalice in which was the took him with great alacrity to offer and to sacrifi ce milk that they had distilled from the breast of the to the idol Camaxtli, before which they opened the girl. They made this ceremony of incensing in the chest and they removed the heart from him. And morning, at midday, and at sunset and midnight. they put it, as a gift and offering to the awful and They did this for a period of three days in a row and horrible idol Camaxtli. And skinning the miserable watched the cup and the arrows and cane bundle captive, one of them put on his skin and hide, and with great attention to see if something arose in it; fi tted with his own guts, dragging the feet and hands but seeing that nothing new nor of consequence of the sacrifi ced one on the ground. In this way they occurred as they desired and that the drop of milk truly presented it before the infernal god, Xipe (as he was almost dry and desiccated and very reduced was now called by those that did this ceremony and and shrunken, they showed affl iction and unease” diabolical spectacle)” (3.12.267). (3.12.266). Muñoz Camargo described the same 551. The scribe wrote yca, then inserted the e in superscript events in this way: “The Chichimeca having carried between the y and c. Notes 95

552. The scribe fi rst wrote quena, then inserted the mi in been intended to be an independent chapter (chapter superscript above the comma. 6 where it currently falls), then the jump from chapter 553. Or perhaps ‘boiled’ 5 to chapter 7 could be explained as a simple omission 554. The scribe wrote YnimacCh, then overwrote the C of the chapter number and introductory paragraph. with an e. This page also has two other notations in Spanish, in 555. The scribe wrote Yao quizcahuan. We assume an the hand of the marginal commentator. To the right initial i:- that he assimilated to the y. of the Spanish title is “8 o . . . . 17.” The missing word of 556. Or “spread themselves out in a single direction.” perhaps four letters has been lost, due to a small tear 557. “In several directions” is implied by the verb xexeloa. at the top of the page. The “17” is the manuscript’s 558. Literally, “his nephews.” folio number. The second notation is a note in the left 559. The Spanish title “Guerra Mexicana 8o/” was written margin that reads “Capitulo 12, libro 3o, salestando se across the top of the page, probably before the scribe gran pte przco dio fi n” (chapter 12, 3rd book, being began work on this page (and perhaps as a direction the greater part [parte, abbreviated pte] It seems to me to the scribe about what to write). Because it [paresco, abbreviated przco] it ends here). The material occupied the space in which the scribe usually wrote beginning here with Inic and continuing through the the number of the recto side of the leaf, he wrote the end of the verso of manuscript folio 17 also occurs as page number, 17, on the far right of the page and duplicated material by a second scribe (the “copyist”) slightly lower than this title. In fact, the “7” of the on the recto and verso of manuscript folio 31. The page number extends down into the fi rst line of text duplicated text has a slightly different heading, between mocatí and the page-end dash that follows it. “Comenzir de la guere de Mexico” (beginning of the There is a slight tear on the top of the page near the war of Mexico), a title that may have been added after right corner. It extends down far enough that the top the manuscript was acquired by the Bibliothèque right-hand quarter of the o that follows the “8” and Nationale de Paris. the top half of the slash that comes next are missing. 561. This battle occurred in ad 1384. According to Indeed, the upstroke might be something other Kirchhoff et al. (1976, p. 208), Historia Tolteca than the beginning of a forward slash, perhaps the Chichimeca records that in the year Nine Tecpatl (the beginning of the line with which the scribe normally date also given by Muñoz Camargo for this battle), “en underlined the page number, the top onset of which èl fueron fl echados los muros del tlaxcalteca cuando is also missing because of this small tear. The two los iban a destruir los uexotzinca y los acolhua. Los are, however, somewhat distant from one another, so tolteca, los totomiuaque y los quauhtinchantlaca los we have simply used a forward slash to portray the ayudaron, los fueron a salvar, por eso no fue destruido fi rst incomplete mark. A fi nal unusual feature of this el tlaxcaltecatl” (in him the arrows pierced the walls line is that the scribe wrote the page number to the of the Tlaxcalteca when the Huexotzinca and the right of, instead of above, the curve he usually used to Acolhua came to destroy them. The Tolteca, the underline the page number. Totomihuaca, and the Quauhtinchantlaca who helped 560. From this page on, the damage to the upper outside them went to save them, so the Tlaxcalteca were not corner of the leaf is minimal and does not obscure the destroyed), the Nahuatl being paragraph 336, folio Nahuatl text, except for the particulars noted in note 38v, MS 46–50, p. 34). The Anales de Quauhtitlan 559. That a Spanish title was written across the top of (Lehman 1938, p. 119; Velázquez 1945, p. 17) reports the page raises the possibility that this section on the the same battle, but with a different outcome: “En el war was intended to have been an independent chapter, Año 9 tecpatl asaltaron los muros de los tlaxcalteca; perhaps anticipated to be numbered as chapter 8 by ellos lo hicieron, los uexotzinca; cuando gobernaba whomever wrote the title in Spanish. Although no Miccacalcatl, y los acolhuaque cuando gobernaba chapter number or introductory paragraph is present, Acolmiztli” (in the year Nine Flint the walls of the the previous chapter was numbered as 5 by the scribe, Tlaxcalteca were assaulted. Those who did so were and the next chapter, which begins on the same page of the Huexotzinca, when Miccacalcatl ruled, and that this section ends (on the verso of folio 19), is the Acolhua when Acolmiztli ruled). Compare also identifi ed by the scribe as chapter 7. Had this material Muñoz Camargo (chapter 6), who also portrayed 96 Anónimo Mexicano

Huexotzinca as the aggressor and the Tlaxcalteca as 584. The duplicate material on the verso of folio 31 of the the victors. manuscript has inyollo, “their hearts.” 562. The word is divided after the last t, with the rest 585. The scribe misspelled this as theû. beginning the next line. The scribe omitted the i, which 586. The scribe misspelled this as omecuep. The copyist should come next, but it was later written on the left corrected the spelling in the duplicated section on margin as an underlined addition before the a. the verso of manuscript folio 31. 563. The copyist omitted ca in the duplicate section on the 587. The fi rst duplicate section (folio 31 recto and verso of recto of folio 31 of the manuscript. the manuscript) ends with iuquin. 564. They did not confer with the Mexica, whom they 588. The scribe placed the folio number “18” on the upper assumed would help them. right corner of the page, without underlining. The 565. That is, the Mexica’s aid. third duplicate section (manuscript folio 33 recto 566. That is, the Tepaneca and the Tlaxcalteca fi nished. and verso) begins here and continues to the end of 567. Literally, “someone’s city.” the verso of manuscript folio 18. 568. The Huexotzinca and the Tepaneca departed. Gerste’s 589. The scribe spelled cuauhcoyolin with a fi nal m. The transcription ends here. copyist used a fi nal n on the recto of page 33 of the 569. Or “fi elds” or “savannas.” manuscript. 570. The scribe fi rst wrote Totolan, then changed this to 590. The scribe fi rst wrote mimiztl, then overwrote the l as Totolâ. an í and added the fi nal n. 571. The settlement of San Nicolás received that name in 591. Literally, “would be aided.” ad 1503. The Spanish name was underlined by the 592. The verb comonia:, “become enraged, enfl amed,” is scribe, and there is no accompanying notation. typically said of a group of people. 572. The scribe wrote a large comma in the left-hand 593. The scribe followed with oquitlazaya with an margin just to the left of que, then crossed it out. insertion mark and, in superscript, wrote “^.” The 573. In the left-hand margin is an oval library manuscript copyist simply has a comma after the word. catalog stamp. Around the top half are the words 594. The scribe appears to have written quítõa. The tilde “Collection E. Eug. GOUPIL à Paris.” Around the could also be a poorly drawn circumfl ex, his more bottom edge are the words “Ancienne Collection J. usual mark above an o. The copyist spelled this quítoa M. A. AUBIN.” In the center the entry, “No 254.” has on the recto of folio 33. been written. The stamp occupies the margin next to 595. The scribe wrote quimo tlatlavh ti li liticatca. We the last four lines of the page. amend this to quimotlatlauhtiliatia. The fi nal three 574. Literally, “clothing.” letters were obscured by an ink splatter, but are 575. Literally, “guarded it.” reconstructable from parts of the letters that are 576. Literally, “towards on front.” still visible. They are also present in the copyist’s 577. The place name literally means, “revered place of duplicated section on the recto of folio 33. young priests of the path among the trees.” 596. The scribe began writing yh, then overwrote the h as 578. Literally, “thus.” an n. 579. The Tlaxcalan Chichimeca. 597. The scribe fi rst wrote mi, then overwrote the i as an a. 580. On the verso of folio 31 of the manuscript, the copyist 598. Literally, “come out beyond, go right through.” followed chichimeca with the dittography, ica mochí, The root, quiza, means “emerge, come out, fi nish, from the line below it in the manuscript, then crossed conclude.” The prefi x nal- is used with verbs that out these two words. indicate crossing, traveling through, or being at a 581. The scribe fi rst wrote chimeca, then inserted the distance. Thus, the sense would seem to be asking second chi in superscript, with an insert mark after that they conclude the war successfully, without the fi rst chi. hindrance. 582. The Huexotzinca war leader. 599. The scribe fi rst ended with a comma, then overwrote 583. The duplicate material on the verso of folio 31 this as a semicolon. has oquitizquique. We take the word to be o:quitzi: 600. The scribe fi rst wrote theû, then overwrote the u as tzquiqueh, “they took him captive.” o and added a fi nal û. There is also a dot under the Notes 97

u, perhaps the beginning of a comma the scribe had misspelling (or dialect variant) of huayo:lcahuan, begun before he recognized the need to correct the “relatives.” spelling. 614. Literally, “taken hold of by hand” or “gripped.” 601. Both the scribe and the duplicate section used the 615. Literally, “forgotten ones.” spelling ê. 616. Literally, “carried him.” 602. The scribe wrote ina followed by the top half of an 617. The scribe began with ie, then overwrote these two l, then stopped forming that letter and wrote an n letters as n. beneath it, since the half-letter did not intrude into 618. A note in the left margin reads “Concuerda con el the space where the n belonged. capitulo 13, libro 3o.— aungo omitias de muchas 603. The duplicate material on manuscript folio 33 has Palabras” (corresponds with chapter 13 of book 3, icnoyohuâ. although it omits many words). 604. Literally, “gathering people together.” 619. The introductory paragraph is set off from the 605. The scribe fi rst wrote Yni, then overwrote the i as a t following text with a line composed of a series of and continued. hyphens, which become equal signs after about a 606. The scribe wrote quimá. The duplicate page has quarter of the length of the line. quinian. 620. Literally, “guarded.” 607. The scribe wrote nimá. The copyist wrote niman. 621. We take this to be the negative prefi x ah-, the t being 608. Torquemada’s description of the priest’s ritual and in anticipation of the fi rst letter of theotlatlaca. its effects is instructive: “Being, then, in this fury, 622. We interpret ahteo:tlatla:ca as “demons” by analogy fi ghting together, and all wounding one another, with ahtla:catl, “bad, inhumane person.” the damned Priest was praying to his false god and 623. The scribe spelled this iteyayecancahuan. petitioning him with great sighs for the victory of his 624. We take Ymic nihuan to be a misspelling of i: people. After having made his enthusiastic oration, nicnihuan. he departed, moved by the Demon, with the cup of 625. The scribe extended the bottom curl of the c to the milk in hand, and said to them: ‘You valiant warriors, edge of the margin, then wrote the a somewhat invincible Chichimeca, do not think to fear, for it is smaller than normal and above that extension. the time of victory, and the victory has arrived. And 626. The scribe wrote âyoctle. our great god Camaxtli, has pity on us.’ And saying 627. The scribe spelled this cuahutlaltin. these and other exhortational reasons, he spilled the 628. In this context, the location is likely Zempoala on the cup of milk that he carried in his hands, on him who Gulf Coast. was dressed, with the skin and hide of the sacrifi ced 629. The scribe wrote oc, then overwrote the c with h, and captive. Then he immediately took an arrow, which continued with ualaque. they had forged by diabolical art and, putting it on a 630. Literally, “entered its distant home.” hook and a poorly formed bow, he threw it towards 631. The scribe ended the previous chapter with a long the enemies. And then at the same time, the arrows dash to the end of the line, then continued the next which were at the foot of the altar of the idol began chapter on the same manuscript page on the next line. to move and to leave the temple with great fury and The chapter heading does not occupy a separate line to wound them. On this same occasion, there arose a above the introductory paragraph, but is simply left- very thick and dark fog” (1.3.267–268). justifi ed, with the introductory paragraph beginning 609. The scribe wrote the number 19 above the fi rst line on the same line that it occupies. To the left of the on the right side of the page. fi rst word of the chapter title, a note in the left margin 610. That is, they weren’t able to perceive the entire battle reads “concuerda con el capitulo 14 del libro 3o asta as a coordinated action. su fi n” (corresponds with aforesaid with chapter 14 611. The scribe wrote incihuahuahuan. We have dropped of the 3rd book to the end). the reduplicated syllable. 632. The introductory paragraph ends with a long dash to 612. The cedilla is actually under the e instead of the c, the end of the line, and the text of the chapter begins perhaps because the scribe was writing in haste. on the next line. 613. The scribe wrote huailcahuá. We take this to be a 633. In front of all his nobles. 98 Anónimo Mexicano

634. The scribe fi rst wrote y nte, then overwrote the t as 650. The material beginning here with yahua:lotaqueh a capital letter. The rest of the name begins the next and continuing through the end of the verso of line. manuscript folio 23 also appears as duplicate folio 32 635. The ô has a small tail similar to a comma in shape, (recto and verso) of the manuscript. perhaps simply an unintentional mark. 651. On the recto of page 23 of the duplicated material, 636. Teoculhuacan was the mythological ancestral home the copyist inserted the dittography auh zan ic from of the Tlaxcala in Aztlan. The scribe divided the the line above this one and then crossed it out. word after theo- and the verso of folio 21 begins with 652. The ink ran in the l, but the letter is clearly Culhuacan. The prefi x teo- before a place name refers recognizable. The scribe spelled the name with a fi nal to the group (in this case, the Culhuateca) before m here and in ensuing occurrences. they settled permanently and established an altepetl. 653. The scribe failed to bar the t in the tz. The prefi x may refer to the teotl bundle that the god- 654. The scribe wrote quin noxtiliz, then overwrote the o carrier carried as they migrated. as an e. 637. Literally, “because then he thereby encouraged his 655. Both the scribe and the copyist spelled this aíc, and vassals by means of his being held in respect, rather added a superscripted a above the c. We take this to than much holiday.” In other words, he required mean that aya:c, rather than ai:c, was intended. them to work to produce wealth for him rather than 656. Literally, “made full.” to enjoy days of leisure. 657. The copyist spelled this oquinyocuitia on the verso of 638. The scribe fi rst wrote yn, then overwrote the n as a folio 32, omitting the scribe’s semi-fi nal a. C. 658. The copyist haplographically omitted the entire line, 639. The scribe began with a lowercase t, then added the O:quicauh i:tic in i:cha:nyo:, in i:callo ce: i:piltzin, superior bar to make it uppercase. following Teuctotolim. 640. The scribe ended the word with hual, then overwrote 659. We take ame to be a misspelling of ahmo:. the last letter as n. 660. The scribe wrote maca tz, then overwrote the last two 641. The staff of the h descends vertically below the line letters as tí. as far as one would expect the tail of a p to descend, 661. The scribe divided the word and ended the verso of although the line is more vertical than the one the folio 23 with ynana-. The copyist ended the verso of scribe typically used for that letter, so that may not folio 32 at the same point, in the middle of the word, have been his intent. This vertical line also has a even though there was remaining space on the line crossbar at the level of the base of the foot of the h. to have fi nished the word. This indicates that he was None of this matches any other letter, but the scribe copying from folio 23 itself, and not some other copy. clearly had a false start at this point and corrected it 662. Literally, “speech hurried.” to an h. 663. The scribe wrote tlâ, then changed the l to an h. 642. The scribe did not bar the t. 664. The scribe began with hu, then overwrote these as na 643. Either the accent over the a was poorly formed because and continued with huac. the ink ran, or the scribe intentionally covered it. 665. We take this to be a misspelling, in which the scribe 644. The scribe fi rst wrote tlatlí, then rewrote the lí as tq. omitted the fi nal h. 645. The scribe wrote yntl, then changed the l to an e. 666. The scribe fi rst wrote q, then overwrote it as C. 646. A note in the left margin reads “Concuer- da con el 667. The scribe wrote mo, then overwrote the o as an í. cpitu- lo 15// asta su fi n libro 3o//” (corresponds to 668. The scribe wrote yao Yecancaúh. We take this to be ya: chapter 15// to the end of the 3rd book//). o:yaca:ncauh. 647. The introductory paragraph is set off from the ensuing 669. The scribe omitted the fi nal û, then added it in text with an extended dash to the right margin, and superscript. underlining of the text by two rows of hyphens. We 670. The scribe ended the previous page with o qui n. have used italics for this material. When he began the next side of the leaf, he repeated 648. The scribe wrote ypili, then overwrote the second i as these two syllables an l and added a fi nal o. The quill dot is under the o 671. Literally, “enfl amed at heart.” rather than after it. 672. The scribe began with a lowercase letter, possibly a u 649. Literally, “guarded.” or an a, then overwrote it with an uppercase C. Notes 99

673. The ink ran between the a and the n, but their 688. The scribe wrote ocalaquí, then placed a coma shaped identities are not obscured by that. insertion mark between the fi rst two letters and added 674. The scribe wrote yet, inked out the t, and continued. the mo in superscript. 675. The scribe wrote te, then overwrote the vowel as an l. 689. A note in the left margin reads “dic/Lib fi n con dho 676. A marginal note in the left column reads “fn fi naliso capitulo combiene con la fundacion el a cabecera y con dho capitulo—con cuerda con el capitulo 16 señorio e Guiahiuztlan llama pn o la Tlapitzzahuayan asta su fi n. Libro 3o” (fi nishing with the aforesaid asta su fi n Libro 3o” (said/book ends with the chapter—corresponds with chapter 16 to the end. aforesaid chapter combined with the founding of 3rd book). the capital and dominion of Cuiahuiztlan currently 677. The end of the chapter is marked by dashed lines to called Tlapitzahuacan to the end. 3rd book). The note separate it from the next chapter, which begins on the laps over into the section of the margin occupied by same manuscript page. the beginning of chapter 11, which deals with the 678. Bishop Garcés took possession of the see at Tlaxcala founding of the cabecera of Guiahistla. in February of 1529. 690. DnHernando is all written together, with no space 679. The episcopal cathedral of Santa María de la between the title and the name. In fact, the scribe Concepción was established and named by Bishop did not lift the quill between the superscripted n Julián Garcés at the palace of Maxixcatzin, the and the H. The superscripted n has a comma-shaped location of the fi rst Franciscan monastery, after he insertion mark beneath it, at the level of the bottom took up residence there in 1527, when the three friars of the preceding and following letters. left that location for their new monastery in the barrio 691. Cortés arrived in Tlaxcala in ad 1519. of Cuitlixco in Tlaxcala. The cathedral was located 692. The underlining separates the end of chapter 10 from north of modern Tlaxcala, across the Rio Zahuapac chapter 11, which begins on the next line of the same and beyond the marketplace, in the cabecera of manuscript page. Ocotelulco. Mendieta ([ca. 1596] 1858) says that 693. We take this to be a misspelling of Ynic. the name was still in use in the second half of the 694. The scribe fi rst wrote tepa, then overwrote the a as an sixteenth century, although it was then transferred to e. the principal cathedral of Tlaxcala, which at that time 695. Literally, “guarded his [own] breechclout.” was at the monastery called Asunción de Nuestra 696. Literally, “It happened that they were confronted by Señora—the third Franciscan monastery that had Colhuacateuctli Cuanex.” been completed in 1540, and that was also known as 697. The scribe fi rst wrote a lowercase c, then overwrote it San Francisco Tlaxcala. as an uppercase C. 680. The chapter title does not occupy a separate line. 698. The ink ran in the t and o, but not enough to obscure Rather, the text of the introductory paragraph simply the identity of these two letters. follows the title on the same line. 699. The scribe began with o, then overwrote it as C. 681. The introductory paragraph ends near the bottom 700. The scribe ended with qui, then overwrote the fi nal i of the manuscript page, with mínquí;——— being as an e. centered on the bottom of the page, with fl ourishes 701. Literally, “they took care of him.” to its left and right and underlining beneath. 702. The underlining separates the end of the text of 682. The scribe fi rst wrote omi, then overwrote the m as chapter 10 from the title of chapter 11, which begins qu. on the next line of the same page. 683. The scribe fi rst wrote yu, then overwrote the u as an 703. The history ends here. A note written below, in the n. hand of the later commentator, reads “V. Pagia 18 dch 684. The scribe wrote what appears to have been a y, then Aqd aqui redi . . . , dcho po, fr 18” (go to page 18, scratched it out with several strokes. aforesaid, here . . . aforesaid page 18). The recto of o 685. The scribe wrote teq, then overwrote the q as a p. folio 30 is blank, but the verso has the words “enl tf o o o 686. The scribe wrote tlacay, then overwrote the y as a z, os n 22 ynb tt 5 ” (bundled together as number 22 continued with a second z, and fi nished with cali. in inventory 5). According to Rosa y Saldívar ([1847] 687. The scribe wrote tlatocai, then overwrote the i as a 1947) and, later, Gómez de Orozco (1927), this gloss t. is in the hand of Mariano Fernández de Echeverría 100 Anónimo Mexicano

y Veytia, who made the fi rst important collection of Some of these differences suggest that the copyist Indian manuscripts in Mexico between the years 1718 may have been a more mature or practiced writer, and 1780. This description corresponds to Boturini’s since he was more consistent in spelling than was the July 1743 characterization of the manuscript (see scribe, introduced fewer word-internal spaces, and Introduction) as consisting of two notebooks with made fewer spelling corrections. The ensuing notes thirty folio pages. The recto of folio 30 also bears a will note changes that the copyist introduced when stamp that reads “Collection E. Eug. GOUPIL à Paris he reproduced the scribe’s pages, with the exception ancienne Collection J. M. A. AUBIN”; the manuscript of the use of lowercase initial letters where the scribe number “254” has been written in the center of the used uppercase letters, spelling differences of the stamp. Folios 31 through 33 of the manuscript kind noted above, and differences in spacing within contain a copy, in a different scribal hand, of parts of words. These may be found by a simple comparison chapter 5. The few differences that do occur are noted of the two texts by researchers who may be interested in the footnoting of the primary text. in such differences. 704. The recto of manuscript folio 31 is a copy of the recto 705. The copyist omitted the i in huelitiliz. of manuscript folio 17. Both pages have a Spanish 706. The copyist changed ixtlahuacan to intlahuacan. We notation at the top. The folio number “32” occupies take this to be an error. the upper right corner of the page, and the copyist 707. The copyist added a tin suffi x that is not in the wrote the page number “17” that is centered at the original manuscript. top of the page. This makes it clear that manuscript 708. The copyist began the name with an uppercase letter, folio 31 is the copy, not the original. On folio 17, while the scribe did not, and omitted the scribe’s fi nal n. it reads “Principio de la Guerra Mexicana 8[o /]” 709. The copyist omitted the underlining and changed (“Beginning of the Mexican War”). Here, the Spanish San to Sn. notation reads, “Commencir ’ de la Guere de Mexico” 710. The copyist began the name with a lowercase c, then (beginning of the war of Mexico). To the right of this, overwrote it with an uppercase C. the manuscript has an oval, inked acquisition stamp 711. The copyist substituted c for the scribe’s z. that reads “Collection E. Eug. GOUPIL à Paris” on the 712. The copyist omitted the scribe’s ne prefi x. top half and “Ancienne Collection J. M. A. AUBIN” on 713. The copyist began the word with a lowercase n, which the bottom. The writing on the page is double spaced, was likely just the fi rst part of an m, then overwrote and enough space was left blank between the Spanish this letter with an uppercase M. notation at the top and the fi rst line of text for another 714. The copyist ended the page with the fi rst word on the double-spaced line to have occupied the blank space. scribe’s ensuing page. In the left margin, beginning in the center of this 715. The copyist wrote oin mau, then overwrote the u as blank space before the body of the text, the marginal li. commentator wrote “Capitulo 12. Lib. 3. Saltandos 716. The words stricken out by the copyist are a dittography, gran parte pero dio fi n” (chapter 12, book 3, skipping in which the copyist mistakenly copied two words in over for the most part but giving the end). The the next line of the scribe’s text, noticed his error, and copyist’s handwriting differs from that of the scribe. crossed them out. The underline after the strikeout is He wrote with a lighter press of the quill, leaving fi ner merely a resting of the quill. lines, usually wrote vowels without any diacritical 717. The copyist frequently uses long dashes to right- marks (e.g., with simply dotted i’s), used i where the justify end of lines. scribe preferred y in words such as in and inin, and m 718. The copyist omitted the scribe’s z after the fi rst t. We where the scribe preferred n before p in words such as take the word to be o:quitzi:tzquiqueh, “they took him ipanpa. He was also more consistent than the scribe captive.” in using an initial uppercase letter in place names. 719. The copyist wrote iyaoy, then overwrote the y as an h Where the scribe uses spellings such as hic, the copyist and fi nished with uan. omits the initial h. Similarly, the copyist frequently 720. The copyist wrote quihualelu, then overwrote the omits the scribe’s h in words such as theotl. Finally, fi nal vowel as a c and then completed the word. the copyist almost always leaves a full space between 721. The copyist has added a fi nal n that is not in the a word and an ensuing comma, semicolon, or period. original manuscript. We take this to be an error for a Notes 101

singular pronominal prefi x and, in keeping with the the recto of manuscript folio 33, in the upper right context, do not translate it as plural. corner. The material corresponds to the scribe’s text 722. The copyist wrote tla, then overwrote the last two on manuscript folio 18, and the copyist placed this letters as an h. number, centered, atop the page. The material in this 723. By ending the line with a long dash, the copyist was fi nal copied material actually continues the copied able to end the page on the same word as the fi nal material on manuscript folio 31, even though the word that the scribe did, even though there was room intervening copied material on the recto and verso of for another word or two. manuscript folio 32 comes after this material, though 724. The recto of manuscript folio 32, which reproduces the the material here does not match that copied on recto of manuscript folio 23, was badly torn before the manuscript folio 33. copy was made. A relatively large section of the upper 736. The copyist wrote omocepan, then overwrote the c as right corner was missing—from more than a third of a z, so that the spelling corresponded with that of the the way from the right edge of the page at the top down scribe. through the right edge of the eighth line of writing— 737. The copyist added the absolutive suffi x to the noun, more than a third of the height of the page. That this despite the presence of the possessive pronoun prefi x damage was present before the copyist used the page is and even though it is not present in the scribe’s text. clear from the fact that there is no missing material in This might suggest that the copyist was not a native the copy. Each line simply ends at the tear. The purpose speaker of Nahuatl. of making the copy is unclear. For instance, the use of 738. The dash after mo marks the end of a line. The copyist a torn page indicates that the copyist was not likely to began the next line with an equal sign, to indicate have intended this to be a fi nished product, or even that he was continuing the same word. to be used to replace the corresponding page by the 739. The copyist wrote tziuh, then overwrote the h as a C, scribe. Nor does the copyist’s practiced penmanship and then fi nished the word. suggest the copy was simply done as practice. 740. The copyist wrote cuetla, plus a following incorrect 725. The copyist changed the scribe’s fi nal m to an n. letter or possibly two letters, the identity of which 726. The two words that the copyist wrote, and then struck cannot be determined, because he inked out the error out, are another dittography, this time of words that completely and overwrote it as an X. are in the line above in the scribe’s text. 741. The copyist wrote inecentlalia, then overwrote the 727. The copyist wrote tlaxicalli, then inserted the la last vowel with an l and continued with tlatol. in superscript, using two insertion marks, a carat 742. The copyist ended the previous line with an equal beneath the word, and a superscripted carat with a sign, and repeated the sign at the beginning of the dot under it, followed by the la. next line, to indicate a word division. 728. The copyist wrote aíc, then inserted the a in 743. The copyist miscopied the fi rst vowel as an i. superscript. 744. The ink ran and fi lled the eye of the e. To clarify the 729. The scribe ended the verb with taya, while the copyist letter, the copyist wrote (ce) in superscript. wrote tia. 745. Again, the copyist ended the page on the same word 730. The copyist omitted the entire line following this as did the scribe, even though there was room on name. The scribe gave this line as “oqui cauh y ti c yni the copyist’s page for one or two more words. An chanyo, y ni ca llo cey piltzin.” ensuing, unnumbered leaf follows this last page 731. We take the initial ame to be a misspelling of amo. of the manuscript. It is blank, except for a circular 732. The scribe wrote qui mo cuitla huíti cca. The copyist stamp from the Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris. The changed this to quim o cui tlahuitica. reproduction is very faint, but the writing around 733. The copyist wrote pahuic, then inserted the vertical the circumference of the stamp appears to read line. “BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONAL” clockwise around 734. Again, the copyist ends the page at the same point as the top two-thirds of the stamp, and “MANUSCRITS” the scribe’s page of text, despite the available room counterclockwise across the bottom third. The for more material. center of the stamp has the two large letters, R. F. for 735. The copyist cleaned his quill in the left margin, and “République Française.” The same stamp occurs on crossed out the marks. The copy is paginated, as the recto of folio 1 of the manuscript. REFERENCES CITED

Berlin-Neubart, Heinrich, and Robert H. Barlow. 1948. Anales de Lockhart, James. 1992. The Nahuas After the Conquest: A Social Tlatelolco, unos Annales Históricos de la Nación Mexicana y and Cultural History of the Indians of Central Mexico, Códice de Tlatelolco. Fuentas para la Historia de México 2. Sixteenth through Eighteenth Centuries. Stanford, CA: México: Antigua Librería Robredo de J. Porrúa. Stanford University Press. Bierhorst, John, trans. 1992. History and Mythology of the Aztecs: The López, Patricio Ana (Antonio). [1745–6] 1925. Inventario de Codex Chimalpopoca. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press. los documentos recogidos a Don Lorenzo Boturini por Brundage, Burr Cartwright. 1972. A Rain of Darts: The Mexica Aztecs. orden, del gobierno virreinal. Anales del Museo Nacional de Texas Pan American Series. Austin: University of Texas Press. Arqueología, Historia y Ethnografía 3:1–55. Chavero, Alfredo. 1903. Anonimo Mexicano, [trans. Padre Aquiles Loysaga, Francisco Antonio. 1981. Ramo Historia, ed. Celia Gerste]. Anales del Museo Nacional de México, 7:115–32. Medina Mondragón. Serie Guía y Catálogos 28. México: Díaz del Castillo, Bernal. 1552. Crónica de la Conquista de Nueva Archivo General de la Nación. España. Saragossa, Spain. Published in English as The Mendieta, Gerónimo de. [ca. 1596] 1870. Historia Eclesiástica Conquest of New Spain, translated by J. M. Cohen. New Indiana. Ed. J. Garcia Icazbalceta. Mexico: Antigua Liberia. York: Penguin, 1963. Molina, Fray Alonso de. [1571] 1966. Vocabulario en Lengua ———. [1568] 1942. Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Castellana y Mexicana. Repr., Mexico, D. F.: Ediciones Nueva España. 2nd ed. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe. Colofon, S. A. Dibble, Charles E. 1955. Códice Xolotl. México: Universidad Nacional Muñoz Camargo, Diego. [1585, 1892] 1966. Historia de Tlaxcala: de México, Publicaciones del Instituto de Historia 22. Publicada y Anotada por Alfredo Chavero. Facsimile of Gibson, Charles. 1952. Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century. Yale the 1892 ed., facsimile ed. by Edmundo Aviña Levy. Historical Publications, Miscellany 56. New Haven, CT: [Guadalajara,] México: Ofi cina Tip. De la Secretaria de Yale University Press. Fomento [for the 1892 ed.]. Gómez de Orozco, Federico, ed. 1927. Catálogo de la Colección Rosa y Saldívar, Vincente de la. [1847] 1947. Juicio que sobre los de Manuscritos [de Joaquín García Icazbalceta] Relativos papeles excritos en ydioma mexicano que se hallan en el a la Historia de América. Monografías Bibliográfi cas museo del caballero Boturini, expuso don Vincente de la Mexicanas 9. México: [Impr. de la Secretaria de Relaciones Rosa Saldívar, yntérprete general de esta Real audiencia en Exteriores]. virtud de orden del excmo. Señor conde de Revilla Gigedo García Granados, Rafael. 1955. Diccionario Biografi co de Historia Antigua por el año de 1791. In vol. 5 of Colección de Documentos de Mejico. México: Universidad Nacional Autonimo de Mexico. Inéditos para la Historia de España, 93–143. Madrid. Hasler, John A. 1958. Anónimo Mexicano: Paleographia. Archivos Sandoval, Rafael Tiburcio. 1810. Arte de la lengua mexicana. Nahuas 1(2):303–23. Mexico: Alejandro Valdés. Ixtlilxóchitl, Fernando de Alva. 1840. Histoire des Chichimèques et Sahagún, Bernardino de. 1963. Florentine Codex: General History des Anciens Rois de Tezcuco. 2 vols. Paris: A. Bertrand. of the Things of New Spain. Trans. with notes and illus. by Jiménez Moreno, Wigberto. 1938. Appendice III. In Zavala 1938, Charles E. Dibble and Arthur J.O. Anderson. Santa Fe, NM: 555–799. School of American Research. Kingsborough, Edward King, viscount. 1830–48. Antiquities of Simèon, Rémi. 1963. Dictionaire de la Langue Nahuatl ou Mexicaine. Mexico. London: A. Aglio. Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck-U. Verlagsanstalt. Kirchhoff, Paul, Lina Odena Güemes, and Luis Reyes García. 1976. Torquemada, Fray Juan de. [1615] 1943. Monarquía Indiana. 3rd Historia Tolteca Chichimeca. México, DF: Instituto Nacional ed., facsimile of 1723 2nd ed. México DF: Salvador Chávez de Antropología e Historia. Hayhoe. Lehmann, Walter, trans. and ed. 1938. Anales de Quauhtitlan. Velázquez, Primo Feliciano, trans. 1945. Códice Chimalpopoca: In Die Geshichte der Königreiche von Colhuacan und Anales de Cuauhtitlan y Leyenda de los Soles. México, Mexico. Quellenwerke zur Alten Geschichte Amerikas, DF: Universidad Nacional de México, Publicaciones del Aufgezeichnet in den Sprachen der Eingebornen. Stuttgart Instituto de Historia 1. und Berlin: W. Kohlhammer. Závala, Silvio Arturo. 1938. Franciso del Paso y Troncoso, su León-Portilla, Miguel. 2000. Los Aztecas, disquisiciones sobre un Misión en Europa, 1892–1916. Mexico City: Departamento gentílico. Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl 3:1307–313. Autónomo de Prensa y Publicidad.

102 INDEX

Acamapichtli, 90n482 Azcapotzalco, 16, 25, 78n215, 84n350, 85n360, Chalco, Lake, 15, 33, 69n73, 88n420 Acatentehua, 47, 49, 50, 52, 53, 63 87n413, 89n462 chalice. See Teocasitl Acatitechcochi, 77n204 Azcat’xochitl. See Azcaxochitl Chalmeca, 22, 83n326 Acatlan, 47 Azcaxochitl, 18, 78n221 Chaltitlan, 10 Acatlxochitzin, 78n218 Azteca, 21, 81n309, 82n320, 83n326, 87n397 Champoton, 44 Acatomatl, 15, 75n184 Aztecs. See Azteca Chapultepec, 13, 19, 73n147, 74n150, 80n269 Acatonale. See Acatonalli Aztlan, 21, 22, 28, 86n378, 98n636 Chavero, Alfredo, 3, 66n3, 77n203 Acatonalli, 18, 78n227 Chichimec. See Chichimeca Acatzinca, 44 Balbueno, Bernardo de, 2 Chichimeca, 11, 20, 29, 30, 32, 34, 36, 39, 40, Achcauhtli teopixque tlamacazcuachcauhtli, Berlin-Neubart, Heinrich, 84n350 41, 43, 44, 49, 58, 62, 64, 71n98, 71n103, 94n548 Bernardino, Juan Diego, 2 72n113, 74n150, 75n167, 77n208, 78n215, Achcauhtliteo Teopixqui. See Achcauhtli Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris, 2, 101n745 78n227, 82n319, 83n326, 83n331, 84n350, teopixque tlamacazcuachcauhtli Bibliothèque Nationale Manuscrits, 6, 66n2, 86n368, 87n417, 88n423, 88n431, 90n467, Achcautzin, 11, 12, 71n101, 72n113, 72n122 101n745 91n498–500, 92n510, 93n539, 94n544, Achcauhtzin. See Achcautzin Bierhorst, John, 70n86 94n548, 94n550, 96n580–81, 97n608 Acolhua, 16, 20, 25, 26, 29, 42, 43, 44, 49, 66n6, Borgia, 1 Chichimeca (Tlaxcalteca), 22 70n86, 77n214, 78n215, 79n239, 84n342, Boturini (Lorenzo Boturini Benaducci), 2, 3 Chichimeca War, 38, 61, 88n423, 91n498, 84n346, 85n360, 87n413, 95n561 Brundage, Burr Cartwright, 71n103, 86n368, 95n559–60, 100n704 Acolhua Huetinteuhtli, 85n360 86n386, 92n525 Chichimecatlalpan, 15 Acolhuaca Teuctli, 25 Chichimecayaoyotl. See Chichimeca War Acolmiztli, 95n561 cabaseras, 45, 86n368, 99n679 Chicome, 44 Acolnauacatzin, 84n350 cabecera. See cabaseras Chicomoztoc, 22, 83n329 Aculhuatecuhtli, 85n360 Calpitzca, 22, 82n315 Chicomoztoc Tlaxcalteca, 28 Acxocuahuitl, 76n184 Calpitzco, 30, 82n315 Chiconquauhtli, 16, 77n213–14, 78n215 Acxoquauh. See Acxocuahuitl Camargo, Muñoz Diego de, 89n462, 91n499, Chiconquiauhtzin, 84n350 Ahuelhuacan, 9 93n536, 94n544, 94n548, 95n561 Chihuahua, 72n113 Amacui (Xolotl), 71n103 Camaxtli, 29, 30, 32, 35, 36, 37, 40, 62, 64, Chimalhuacan, 30, 88n420, 88n423 Amaqueme. See Amecameca 87n396–97, 89n442, 92n508, 92n510, Chocoayan, 12 Amecameca, 3, 31 (map), 71n98, 71n103, 92n525, 93n539, 94n544, 94n550, 97n608 Chocayan, 73n150 73n150, 88n433–34, 89n438 Camaxtli Mixcoatl, 29. See also Camaxtli Cholollan, 15, 49, 50, 62, 63, 76n184, 88n431 Amecamecan. See Amecameca Campeche, 10, 44, 70n86 Chololteca, 44, 62 Anahuac, 21 Capilco, 83n326 Cholula. See Cholollan, 76n184 Anales de Quauhtitlan, 95n561 Castilianos, 2 Cihuatetzin, 77n214 Anales de Tlatelolco, 84n350 Castilians, 53 Cihuatzin. See Cihuatetzin Anales del Museo Nacional de México, 3 Catedral de la Asunción, 1 Cihuacxoch, 78n215. See also Cihuaxochitl Ancienne Collection J. M. A. AUBIN. See Ce Acaxitl Yztac, 27 Cihuaxochitl, 16, 26, 77n214 Aubin-Goupil collection Cempoala. See Zempoala Citlalpopocatzin, 59–60 Anónimo Mexicano: paleographia, 3 Cempohuala. See Zempoala Citzin, 16 Asunción de Nuestra Señora (San Francisco Cempohualtecatl, 74n150 Ciudad de México, 69n62 Tlaxcala), 99n679 Chachaintla-Meztitlan, 44 Coatepec, 18, 73n129 Atitlan, Mexica, 85n358 Chalca, 22, 83n326 Coatepec, Rio, 88n423 Atlapaltzintzin Huitlitzcatl, 53 Chalcatzin (Tzacatl), 7, 68n41 Coatetl, 77n214, 78n215 Atlixco, 30 Chalchihuitl, stones of. See Chalchiuhteme Coatlicamac, 12, 73n129, 73n150 Atocpa, 74n150 Chalchiuhteme, 15, 75n183 Coatlican, 16, 74n150, 78n215, 88n420, 88n423 Atotonilco, 15 Chalchiuhtlanetzin, 8, 68n41, 77n214 Coatlichan. See Coatlican Aubin-Goupil collection, 2, 5, 67n22, 96n573, Chalchiuhtlatonac. See Chalchiuhtlanetzin Coatlinchan. See Coatlican 100n703–4 Chalco, 15, 29, 31 (map), 34, 49, 77n214, Coauhtli, 75n184 Avenidas de Pachuco, 73n138 78n215, 88n423, 88n434, 91n498 Cocohtzin, 56 Axochhuamemeloc, 50, 63 Chalco Atenco, 42 Codex Chimalpopoca. See Códice Axochiatl, 15, 75n184 Chalco Atitlan, 69n70 Chimalpopoca

103 104 Anónimo Mexicano

Codex Mexicanus, 1 Culhuacateuctli Cuanex. See Culhuacateuctli Huexotla, 80n260 Codex of Ixtlilxochitl, 1 Cuanexcaye Huexotzinca, 34, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 50, Codex Xolotl. See Códice Xolotl Culhuacateuctli Cuanexcaye, 27, 45, 56, 58, 61, 62, 90n467, 90n470, 92n510, 94n550, Códice Chimalpopoca, 70n86 86n368, 89n457, 91n500, 99n696 95–96n561, 96n568, 96n582 Códice Xolotl, 77n214, 78n218, 80n276, Culhuateca, 98n636 Huexotzinco, 32, 33, 37, 43, 88n423, 90n483, 84n342, 84n350 Culhuatlapal, 78n227 91n499, 91n507 Cohuatepec. See Coatepec Huihuatzin, 77n204 Cohuatlapal. See Coatlapal Dessicating Staff. See Staff of Weakening Huitzilihuitl, 32, 33, 89n462, 90n488, 91n498 Cohuatzin. See Cohuatzon Díaz del Castillo, Bernal, 1, 78n226 Huitzilihuitzin. See Huitzilihuitl Cohuatzon, 7, 68n41 Dibble, Charles E., 80n265, 84n342, 84n350 Huitzilpopoca, 70n86 Colhuacateuctli Quanez, 86n368. See also Diego, Juan, 2 Huitziltzilin, 18, 78n221 Culhuacateuctli Cuanexcaye Documents en nahuatl relatifs aux Toltèques, Huitzinton, 21, 22, 83n326 Collection E. Eug. GOUPIL à Paris. See etc., 2 Aubin-Goupil collection Dried Staff, 35 Ilhuicamina, 26, 85n360 Colored Land, 91n498. See also Poyauhtlan Durango, 72n113 Inquisition (Primitive), 69n75 Conquest, 84n348 Instituto Nacional de Antropologìa, 3 Contlantzinco, 38, 59, 61 Echeverría y Veytia, Mariano Fernández de, 2, Itzcacmacuetzli, Benito, 3, 86n374 Cortés, Don Hernando, 1, 53, 57, 60, 78n226, 99–100n703 Itzcamitl, 78n227 99n690–91 Ecitin, 75n184 Itzcuincua. See Itzcuincuani Cortés, Pass of, 88n434 Ehecatzin, 7, 68n41 Itzcuincuani, 16, 77n204 Coyohuacan, 13, 73n147, 74n150 Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl, 81n309 Itzoca, 44 Coyotl, 15, 76n184 Ezetzin, 15 Itzocan, 70n86 Cozapan, 44 Franciscan, 69n75, 99n679 Ixtlilcuechahuac, 8, 68n41 Cozauhtli, 15 Franciscanos, 2, 86n375. See also Franciscans Ixtlilxochitl, 25 Cozcacuauhtli, 18, 78n227 Franciscans, 1, 2, 28, 86n375 Ixtlilxóchitl, Fernando de Alva, 3 Cozcaquauhtli. See Cozcacuauhtli frog god, 68n41 Iyactzintehuahteuctli, 59 Cozumel, 44 Iztaccihuatl, 88n434 Cuanexpilli, 86n368. See also Culhuacateuctli Garcés, Bishop Fray Julían, 2, 55, 99n678–79 Iztac-Cuauhtli, 18 Cuanexcaye García Granados, Rafael, 89n462 Iztacmitl, 18, 78n227 Cuapanco, 38, 61 Genealogie de los Reyes de Azcapotzalco, 84n350 Cuatlapal, 18 General History of the Things of New Spain, 1 Kirchhoff, Paul, 95n561 Cuatzinteuctli, 59 Gerste, Padre Aquiles, 3, 66n3, 69n53, 71n108, Cuauhchinanca, 44 71n111, 74n154–55, 75n176, 77n209, Lehman, Walter, 95n561 Cuauhchinanco, 15 78n222–23, 79n242, 80n263, 81n282, León-Portilla, Miguel, 81n309 Cuauhquecholteca, 44 81n299, 82n316, 83n331, 83n334, 84n345, Loaysa, Francisco de, 2 Cuauhtitlan, 30 84n356, 87n389, 87n392–93, 90n491–92, Lockhart, James, 2 Cuauhtzacualco, 44 91n501–2, 92n514–16, 92n526, 93n527, López, Patricio Ana (Antonio), 3 Cuauhtzinteuctli, 26 93n535, 94n546–47 Loysaga, Francisco Antonio, 92n517 Cuecuex, 25, 84n346, 85n360 Gibson, Charles, 2, 3 Cuernavaca, 2 Guatemala, 10, 70n86 Malinalca, 22, 83n326 Cuetlaxochitl, 16, 77n214, 78n215, 84n342 Guerra Mexicana, 95n559–60, 100n704. See Malinche, 92n508 Cuextecatl, 73n150 also Chichimeca War Mamalguazco. See Mamalhuazco Cuicuitzcatl Teochichimecatl Gulf Coast, 97n628 Mamalhuazco, 18, 78n227 (=Teyohualminqui Chichimecteuctli), manuscrits. See Bibliothèque National de Paris 45, 47 Hasler, John A., 3 Mapiltzalan, 89n446 Cuitlahuaca, 22, 82n319, 83n326 Helzacatitechcochi, 16 Maquechtli, Benito Itzcac, 28 Cuitlahuacan, 82n319 Hidalgo, 76n195 mass, 87n402 Cuitlixco, 50, 63, 99n679 Historia de los Indios de la Nueva España, 3 Matlaccoatl, 26, 84n350, 85n360, 89n462 Culhua, 20, 78n215 Historia de Tlaxcala, 2, 3 Matlaccóatl. See Matlaccoatl Culhua Quanez. See Culhuacateuctli Historia y fundación de la ciudad de Tlaxcala y Matlalihuitzin, 89n462, 91n499 Cuanexcaye sus cuatro cabeceras, 3 Matlatzinca, 22 Culhua Tecpannecatl Quanezteyaolminqui. Huadalupetzin, 18. See also Tepeyecac Maxixcatzin, 53, 99n679 See Culhuacateuctli Cuanexcaye Huahuantzin, 16 Mazahuacan, 18, 78n227 Culhua Teyohualminqui, 47 Huaxtec, 44 Mendieta, Gerónimo de, 3 Culhuacan, 15, 46, 47, 68n41, 73n150, 75n184, Huehuetlapalan, 68n41 Mendoza Codex, 1 78n218, 98n636 Huehuetlapatl, 7 Metzotzin. See Mezotzin Culhuacanteuctli Cuanexpilli, 34 Hueitzin Teuctli, 25 Metztecazca, 20 Culhuacatecuhtliquanez. See Culhuacateuctli Huemac, 70n86 Mexica, 1, 7, 19, 22, 23, 26, 28, 30, 32, 38, 44, Cuanexcaye Huepalcalco, 30 57, 62, 80n267, 82n320, 83n326, 83n331, Culhuacateuctli. See Culhuacateuctli Huetintecuhtli. See Huetzinteuctli 89n462, 90n488–89, 92n507, 96n564–65 Cuanexcaye Huetzin, 8, 68n41, 70n86 Mexica Atitlan, 85n358 Culhuacateuctli. See Culhuacateuctli Huetzintecuhtli. See Huetzinteuctli Mexica Azteca. See Azteca Cuanexcaye Huetzinteuctli, 84n341 Mexica Aztecs. See Azteca Index 105

Mexican War. See Chichimeca War Pachxochitl, 80n265 Staff of Weakening, 35, 92n512 Mexico, 9, 11, 21, 28, 49, 68n41, 70n86, 71n92, Panoco, 44 stinking corpse, 70n86 100n703 Pantzinteuctli, 56 Stone of God. See Teocaxitl Mexico City, 73n138, 74n150, 75n167, Papalotl, 47. See also Tlaylotlac Tetzpantzin 78n221. See also Cuidad de México Papalotl Tlacateuctli Tecalco, 30 Mexico, Valley of, 1, 73n150, 76n195, 83n331, Papantlan, 44 Tecamachalca, 44 87n397, 88n423, 90n497 Paso y Troncoso, Francisco, 2, 3 Techoltlalatzin. See Tecoatlalatzin Mezotzin (Metzotzin), 7, 68n41 Pinome, 44 Tecoatlalatzin, 20, 80n276 Mezquital, 71n103 Pochotl. See Tlotzin-Pochotl Tecpa, 78n227 Miccacalcatl, 95n561 Popocatepetl, Mount, 13, 15, 30, 31 (map), 49, Tecpan, 18, 47 Mitl, 8, 68n41 58, 62, 73n145, 74n150, 88n431 Tecpancalli, 46 mitxa, 87n402 Popoloca, 16 Tecpancaltzin. See Topiltzin Tecpancaltzin Mitzco, 30 Poponoc, 79n232 Tecpantzin, 21, 22, 83n326 Mixcoatl, 87n399. See also Camaxtli Popozoc, 19 Tecpatzin. See Tecpantzin Mizquica, 22, 83n326 Poyauhtla. See Poyauhtlan Tecuantzin, 16, 42, 77n204 Mizquitzin, 59 Poyauhtlan, 28, 34, 49, 87n394, 87n411, Tehuacanecan Cozcateca, 44 Mizquiyahualan, 13, 74n150 89n461, 91n498–99. See also Teitztlacuatzin, 56 Mizteca, 16 Teopoyauhtlan Telleriano-Remensis, 1 Moceloquichtli, 72n113 Poyauhtlan, plains of, 88n420 Tenamihtic, 19 Molina, Fray Alonso de, 2, 3 Precious Rocks. See Chalchiuhteme Tenancaltzin, 3, 19, 80n265, 80n276 Monarchía Indiana, 2, 3, 66n1, 91n499, 92n523 priests, 87n403 Tenanyôcan. See Tenayuca monastery, 99n679 Puebla, 76n195, 88n423 Tenayuca, 4, 13, 73n150, 74n152, 74n153, Moreno, Jiménez, 3 Puebla Valley, 88n434 75n167, 76n195, 77n204, 80n260 Mount Teopoyauhtlan, 29. See also Poyauhtlan Tenayucan. See Tenayuca Mount Xoloc, 13, 14 Quauhcihuatzin, 80n260 Tenochca, 22, 90n482, 91n498 Muñoz Camargo, Diego, 2, 3, 86n366 Quauhtequihuale, 18. See also Tenochtitlan, 1, 7, 33, 69n62, 82n320, 89n462, Quauhtequihuale-Tochintecuhtli 91n499 Nacazcayotl, 8, 68n41 Quauhtequihuale-Tochintecuhtli, 79n232, Teoatitlan, 44 Nahuatl, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 67n17, 72n117, 73n138, 79n241 Teocaxitl, 36, 37, 93n536–37, 93n539 74n162, 75n177, 81n309, 88n434, 95n560, Quauhtinchantlaca, 95n561 Teochichimeca, 42, 43, 88n420. See also 95n561, 101n737 Quauhtintecuhtli, 84n360 Chichimeca Náhuatl. See Nahuatl Quautequihua. See Quauhtequihuale- Teoculhuacan, 46, 98n636 Nauhtlan, 44 Tochintecuhtli Teopoyauhtlan, 32, 42, 58, 88n423, 89n461. Nauhyotl, 78n218 Quetzalxiuhtzin, 59 See also Poyauhtlan Necuametl, 70n86 Quiahuiztlan, 58 Teoteca, 44 Nepoalco, 4, 14, 74n161, 74n163 Quinantzin. See Quinatzin-Tlaltecatzin teotl bundle, 98n636 Nine Flint (ad 1384). See Nine Tecpatl Quinatzin. See Quinatzin-Tlaltecatzin Teotlalpan, 38, 61 Nine Tecpatl (ad 1384), 95n561 Quinatzin-Tlaltecatzin, 19, 79n252, 80n260, Teotlehuac, 26, 85n360 Nonoalco, 70n86 80n265, 80n276 Teotlixco, 29, 30, 88n420, 88n434 Nopaltzin, 4, 13, 15, 16, 18, 73n150, 74n162, Tepaneca, 20, 22, 25, 28, 29, 32, 33, 34, 38, 75n167, 75n184, 76n200, 77n211–12, R. F. See République Française 42, 43, 49, 62, 81n279, 83n326, 87n413, 78n227, 79n232, 79n247 Ramo Historia, 92n517 88n423, 91n498–99, 96n568 Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe. See Our Lady République Française, 101n745 Tepanecâ. See Tepaneca of Guadalupe Rio Coatepec, 88n423 Tepcapulco, 71n88 Nueva Viscaya, 12, 72n112, 72n113 Rojas, Mariano J., 3 Tepeaca, 78n227 Rosa y Saldívar, Vincente de la, 3, 72n117, Tepeapulco, 13, 73n138, 74n150 Oceloxoch. See Oceloxochitl 86n374, 99n703 Tepeaquilla, 78n226 Oceloxochitl, 15, 76n184 Tepenenetl, 13, 73n150 Ocopetlayocan, 30 Sahagún, Fray Bernardino, 1, 88n420 Tepeticpac, 46, 56, 86n366, 86n368 Ocotelulco, 46, 47, 50, 52, 53, 59, 63 San Bartolomé, shrine of, 92n508 Tepetlaoztoc, 58 Ocotelulco Texcalticpac, 57 San Bernardino, Rio, 88n423 Tepexoxoma, 15, 76n184 Ocotelulco Catlacuitlapan, 49 San Francisco Tlaxcala. See Asunción de Tepeya, Mount, 74n152 Olmeca Xicalanca, 44 Nuestra Señora Tepeyecac (Huadalupetzin), 18, 44, 78n226 Omeacatzin (person), 56 San Jose de los Naturales, 1 Tepotzotecuali. See Tepozotecua One Flint (ad 1064). See One Tecpatl San Nicolás Panotlan, 38, 61 Tepozotecua, 16, 77n204 One Tecpatl (ad 1064), 7, 28, 68n41 Sandoval, Rafael Turbicio, 78n226 Tetenyocan, 30 Orozco, Gómez de, 2, 99n703 Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco, 1 Tetetlaca, 44 Otomi, 16, 28, 77n201, 77n213 Santa María Concepción, 55 Tetzcoco, 13, 16, 17 (map), 19, 20, 27, 58, Otomites. See Otomi Santa María de la Concepción, 99n679 73n142, 76n200, 79n232, 79n239, 80n260, Our Lady of Guadalupe, 78n226 Seven Reed, 8, 68n41 87n413 Our Lady of Ocotlán, 2 Simèon, Rémi, 3, 87n399 Tetzpantzin. See Tlaylotolac Tetzpantzin Oyome, 71n103 Smoking Mountain. See Popocatepetl Papalotl Tlacateuctli Oztoticpac, 30 Spaniards, 26, 85n360 Teuctotolin, 50, 63 106 Anónimo Mexicano

Texcala, 88n423 Tlaximayola, 18, 78n221 Tzihuac Tlatonac, 26, 86n374 Texcala Chichimeca, 88n423 Tlaximayolan. See Tlaximayola Tzontecomatl, 16, 77n214, 78n215 Texcallan, 27, 86n366 Tlaylotlac Tetzpantzin. See Tlaylotlac Tzontehua, 16, 77n204 Texcallihuehue, 56 Tetzpantzin Papalotl Tlacateuctli Tzontehuayel. See Tzontehua Texcalticpac, 30, 32, 86n366, 86n368, 88n431, Tlaylotlac Tetzpantzin Papalotl Tlacateuctli, 89n438, 91n499, 91n500 47 Uexotzinca. See Huexotzinca Texcalticpac Chichimeca, 32, 34. See also Tlepapalotzin, 53 Upantzin, 84n350 Chichimeca Tlotzin. See Tlotzin-Pochotl Texcalticpac Tlaxcala, 33 Tlotzin-Pochotl, 9, 18, 19, 68n41, 78n218, Valencia, Fray Martin de, 1, 92n508 Texcoco. See Tetzcoco 78n221, 79n239, 79n252, 80n260 Vaso de Dios. See teocaxitl Texcoco, Lake, 73n135, 73n147, 76n197, 88n423 Tochintecuhtli. See Quauhtequihuale- Velázquez, Primo Feliciano, 95n561 texiptla, 92n525 Tochintecuhtli Teyohualminqui. See Teyohualminqui Tochochipantzin. See Toxochipantzin Xaltocan, 16, 78n215, 84n350 Teochichimecatl Tolantzinco, 7, 19, 68n41, 73n138 Xicomóyaula, 84n350 Teyohualminqui Chichimecteuctli, 45 Tollan (Tula), 8, 13, 67n21, 68n41, 69n81, Xicotencatl, 61 Teyohualminqui Teochichimecatl, 56 70n85–86, 71n103, 73n138, 74n150, Xicotencatl, 2. See also Tizatlan Tezcacoatl, 26, 84n350, 85n360 84n339 Xilotzin, 8, 68n41 Tezcapoctli, 26, 84n350, 85n360 Toltec. See Toltecs Xipe, 39, 62, 94n550 Tezcapoctzin. See Tezcapoctli Tolteca. See Toltecs Xipincoltzintliitzcatl, 53 Tezozomoctli, 25, 26, 84n337, 84n350, Toltecs, 7, 8, 11, 18, 21, 66n6, 68n41, 70n86, Xiuhtematl, 15 85n360–61, 89n462, 91n498 75n184, 78n215, 78n221, 95n561 Xiuhthematl. See Xiuhtematl Tihuactlatonac, 85n360 Toltzin. See Tlotzin-Pochotl Xiuhtlalpile, 68n41 Timalteuctli, 59 Topiltzin. See Topiltzin Tecpancaltzin Xiuhtlehui. See Xiuhtlehuitecuhtli Tizatlan, 61. See also Xicotencatl Topiltzin Tecpancaltzin, 8, 18, 68n39, 68n41, Xiuhtlehuitecuhtli, 32, 33, 91n499 Tlacateuctli, 47. See also Tlaylotlac Tetzpantzin 70n86, 78n218–19 Xiuhtzaltzin, 8, 68n41 Papalotl Tlacateuctli Toquiliztli-Quintlazotlac, 53 Xochimilca, 22, 83n326 Tlacatzin, 7 Torquemada, Fray Juan de, 2, 3, 4, 66n1, Xochimilco, Lake, 73n147 Tlacazcaliteuctli, 57 67n12, 68n39, 68n41, 70n86, 71n98, Xochitecatitlan, 30 Tlacochalca, 22, 83n326 71n108, 72n113, 72n117, 73n138, Xoloc, 75n167 Tlacomanalco, 77n214 73–74n150, 74n162, 75n167, 75n184, Xoloc, Mount, 13, 14, 73n135, 73n138, Tlacomihua, 49, 50, 51, 52, 63 76n200, 77n204, 77n207, 77n208, 77n212, 73n142, 74n150 Tlahuexolotzin, 57 77n214, 77n215, 78n221, 78n227, 79n232, Xoloteopan, 38, 61 Tlaloc, Mount, 90n497, 91n498 79n239, 79n241, 79n246, 79n256, 80n260, Xolotl, 4, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 25, 71n101, Tlaltecatzin, 70n86. See also Quinatzin- 80n265, 84n341, 84n350, 85n358, 86n368, 71n103, 71n107, 72n113, 73n150, 74n150, Tlaltecatzin 86n374, 88n434, 89n462, 91n499, 92n510, 75n167, 75n184, 76n184, 76n197, 76n200, Tlamacatzin, 11, 71n100, 72n113 92n523, 92n525, 93n536, 93n539, 93n544, 76–77n201, 77n203, 77n204, 77n208, Tlamacazcaachcauhtli, 94n548 94n550, 97n608 77n212, 77n214, 78n215, 78–79n229, Tlamacazcatzinco Cuauhtzalan, 39, 62 Totepeuh, 8, 68n41 79n232, 84n342, 85n360 Tlamcazcatzinco Quauhticpac, 94n550 Totolâ. See Totolan Xolotl Codex. See Códice Xolotl Tlapalmetzotzin, 7, 68n41 Totolan (Xoloteopan), 38, 61, 96n570 Tlapatzco, 44 Totomihuaca, 44, 95n561 Yhioxochitl, 15, 76n184 Tlapitzahuacan (Quiahuiztlan), 58 Totomihuacan, 30 Yhuixoch. See Yhioxochitl Tlatlauhqui Tepecayztaca (province), 44 Totonaca, 28 Tlatzalan, 74n150 Totopec, 15, 76n193 Zacatepeca, 44 Tlaxcala, 1, 2, 3, 4, 33, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46 (map), tototzintli. See totoltzintli Zacatlan, 15, 18, 73n138 47, 50, 53, 57, 58, 60, 63, 72n113, 86n366, totoltzintli, 81n306, 82n311 Zacatzin, 59 86n368, 87n397, 88n423, 88n434, 89n464, totzotzintli. See totoltzintli Zahuapac, Rio, 99n679 90n468, 90n488, 91n499, 91n507, 92n508, Toxochipantzin, 78n218 Závala, Silvio Arturo, 2 98n636, 99n678, 99n679, 99n691 Tozcopilli, 54 Zempoala, 13, 44, 71n88, 73n138, 74n150, Tlaxcalan Chichimeca, 86n368, 96n579 Tozcoyohuateuctli, 59 97n628 Tlaxcallan. See Tlaxcala Tula Hidalgo. See Tollan Zitzin, 77n208 Tlaxcalteca, 1, 16, 22, 27, 28, 32, 43, 46, 50, Two Rabbit (ad 1194), 22, 82n326 Zumarraga, Don Juan de, 85n360 55, 63, 77n205, 82n319, 83n331, 85n360, Tzacatl (Chalcatzin), 7, 68n41 89n438, 92n507, 95–96n561, 96n566 Tzihuac Cohuatl, 7, 68n41