Anonimo Mexicano
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Introduction
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Portraying the Here it is told and put forth how the ancient ones, those called and named Teochichimeca, people of Aztlan, Mexitin, Chicomoz- Aztec Past toca, as they sought and merited the land here, arrived and came into the great altepetl, the altepetl of Mexico Tenochtitlan, the place of renown, the sign, the site of the rock tuna cactus, in the midst of the waters; the place where the eagle rests, where the eagle screeches, where the eagle stretches, where the eagle eats; where the serpent hisses, where the fish fly, where the blue and yellow waters mingle—where the waters burn; where suffering came to be known among the sedges and reeds; the place of encountering and awaiting the various peoples of the four quarters; where the thirteen Teochichimeca arrived and settled, where in misery they settled when they arrived. Behold, here begins, here is to be seen, here lies written, the most excel- lent, most edifying account—the account of [Mexico’s] renown, pride, history, roots, basis, as what is known as the great altepetl began, as it commenced: the city of Mexico Tenochtitlan in the midst of the waters, among the sedges, among the reeds, also called and known as the place where sedges whisper, where reeds whisper. It was becoming the mother, the father, the head of all, of every altepetl everywhere in New Spain, as those who were the ancient ones, men and women, our grandmothers, grandfathers, great-grandfathers, great-great-grandparents, great- grandmothers, our forefathers, told and established in their accounts -
Popocátepetl Balisticos
Balísticos 2/6 Los nuevos mapas de peligros del volcán 115 Los Encinos Popocatépetl se elaboraron a partir de la Iztaccíhuatl Tlatenco La Cuenca reconstrucción de la historia geológica del Tianguizolco Tlaltenango volcán. A través de trabajo de campo y revisión Tenango Tlaltecahuacán Nepopualco Zentlalpan Chalma Tianguitenco Huejotzingo de archivos históricos se reconocieron los Cuauhtenco Pancoac estilos eruptivos, recurrencia y extensión de las Poxtla Parque Nacional Atexcac Iztaccíhuatl-Popocatépetl D. Arenas erupciones en tiempos geológicos e históricos Amecameca Ayapango Buenavista Santa María en el volcán. Con esta información se proyectaron Mihuacán Altzomoni Pueblo Chahuac escenarios de peligro a través de múltiples Atzala Nuevo Juchitepec Ozolco simulaciones por computadora basadas en la Pahuacán 115D magnitud de las erupciones y su probabilidad de Huehuecalco La Venta Buenavista Calpan Cuijingo ocurrencia Zoyatzingo Nexapa Paso de Cortés Xalitzintla S. P. Yancuitlalpan Coapa Las erupciones pequeñas con columnas Las Delicias San Nicolás Papaxtla eruptivas menores a 10 km (rojo) ocurren con 115D 115 Popo Park Nealtican mayor frecuencia y representan el escenario Tecalco Tlamacas Zacapechpan de mayor probabilidad, mientras que las Ozumba Tehuixtitlán Acuexcomac Tlanechicolpan erupciones medianas con columnas eruptivas Tepetlixpa Atlautla entre 10 y 20 km de altura (naranja) son menos Atzompa Chimalhuacán Tecuanipan frecuentes aunque más grandes y representan Popocatépetl el escenario de probabilidad intermedia. Las Cuecuecuautitla Santa Isabel erupciones grandes con columnas eruptivas Mamalhuazaca mayores a 20 km (amarillo) tienen una menor Atlimeyaya Nepantla Tepecoculco Tianguismanalco probabilidad de ocurrencia pero son altamente Tlacotitlán Salazar Tecomaxusco Ahuatempa destructivas Tlalamac San Pedro Tlamapa G. Hidalgo Ecatzingo Tlapala ¿Qué son? Tlaltetelco San Pedro B. J. -
"Comments on the Historicity of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan, and the Toltecs" by Michael E
31 COMMENTARY "Comments on the Historicity of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan, and the Toltecs" by Michael E. Smith University at Albany, State University of New York Can we believe Aztec historical accounts about Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan, and other Toltec phenomena? The fascinating and important recent exchange in the Nahua Newsletter between H. B. Nicholson and Michel Graulich focused on this question. Stimulated partly by this debate and partly by a recent invitation to contribute an essay to an edited volume on Tula and Chichén Itzá (Smith n.d.), I have taken a new look at Aztec and Maya native historical traditions within the context of comparative oral histories from around the world. This exercise suggests that conquest-period native historical accounts are unlikely to preserve reliable information about events from the Early Postclassic period. Surviving accounts of the Toltecs, the Itzas (prior to Mayapan), Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tula, and Chichén Itzá all belong more to the realm of myth than history. In the spirit of encouraging discussion and debate, I offer a summary here of my views on early Aztec native history; a more complete version of which, including discussion of the Maya Chilam Balam accounts, will be published in Smith (n.d.). I have long thought that Mesoamericanists have been far too credulous in their acceptance of native historical sources; this is an example of what historian David Fischer (1970:58-61) calls "the fallacy of misplaced literalism." Aztec native history was an oral genre that employed painted books as mnemonic devices to aid the historian or scribe in their recitation (Calnek 1978; Nicholson 1971). -
Tepeticpac, Tizatlan Y Quiahuitzlan
ET,; NAHUATL EN EL ESTADO DE TLAXCAI"A YOLANDA LASTRA DE SUANEZ FbRNAND0 IIoRCASITAS L lntrod,u,cci&n El presente trabajo es el cuarto de una serie, Ilemos presentado un estudio sobre el náhu¿tl del Distrito Federal (Lastra, g Eorcasítas, 1976) y dos sobre el del Estado de Mé- xico (Lastra g Horcasi.tas, 1977 y 1978), Este cu¿rto trabajo trata del nráhuatl en el Estado de Tlaxcala, área de importantes culturas indlgenas tanto en Ia época prehispánica como en Ia colonial. El etnohistoriador no debe equiparar el áre¿ del estado moderro con el de la pequeña República de Tlaxcala que, como rival de Tenoch- titlan, se alió a Cortés en 1519. En esa fecha Tlaxcala, cuyo corazón er¿n sus cuatro cabeceras Ocotelolco, Tizatlan y Quiahuitzlan- era una pequeña-Tepeticpac, área cuyo centro gpoeráfico aparecería en un mapa en el punto que ocupa Atli- huetzia y cuyo territorio se extendería en un radio de unos 25 kilómetros ¿lrededor de dicho pneblo (übson, &10). La entidad política de Tlaxcal¿ en la época preeolombina abar- caúa 14 de los 44 municipios en que ahora está dividido el estado: Totolac, Tlaxcala, Panotla, Chiautempan, San Ber- nardino Contla, Cuaxomulco, Amaxac, Apizaco, Xaltocan, Santa Cruz Tlaxcala, Apetatitlan, Yauhquemecan, Tzompan- tepec y Tetla. Al oriente, norte y poniente de este núcleo, además de otr¿s comunidades nahuas, se hallaban pueblos otomíes y todo el conjunto estaba enclavado dentro del impe- rio azteca, aunque jamás fue tributario de Tenochtitlan (Véa- se mapa 1). Para Iograr este trabajo visitamos todas las cabeceras de los 44 municipios, además de otros pueblos: 74 comunida- des en total. -
·Mexican Trilogy, 1963
MEXICAN TRILOGY, 1963 • · MEXICAN TRILOGY, 1963 (Ixtaccihuatl, 5,286 m., Popocatepetl, 5,452 m., Citlaltepetl (Pico de Orizaba), 5,700 m.) BY MARIO FANTIN (Translated from the Italian by C. M. D. Eales) (Four illustrations: nos. IO- IJ) EXICO is a country of contrasts and also of surprises in the field of alpinism. Surprises of a very marked character, which re veal an unexpected enthusiasm for mountaineering in a country which because it is habitually wrongly described, is imagined by all of us to be inhabited by a quiet and fatalistic people, apparently quite un adapted to the difficulties of mountaineering. On the contrary, the Mexicans are very sporting; and a very large number of them climb mountains with a total and almost fanatical dedication. In this field · the Mexicans give us a lesson which should provide us with serious food for thought: their enthusiasm has brought about a programme of hut construction which in my opinion is quite without parallel in the mountaineering world. There are only twelve high mountain huts in Mexico, serving the three highest mountains: one on the Pico de Orizaba, two on Popocate petl, nine on Ixtaccihuatl. They have been built by a group of a hundred mountaineers, called the Group of One Hundred, who each year con tribute 100 pesos ( = s,ooo Lire) and supply materials and transporta tion, themselves doing all the construction work and all the carrying, either on their own shoulders or on mules. There are a hundred of them, from all the cities of Mexico, who have undertaken this work with admirable personal initiative a work which neither the Government nor any other public or private institution could have undertaken. -
La Marginación Y Exclusión Como Posibles Factores Socioeconómicos De La Violencia Urbana En El Estado De México
Papeles de Población ISSN: 1405-7425 [email protected] Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México México La marginación y exclusión como posibles factores socioeconómicos de la violencia urbana en el Estado de México López-Santiago, Marco Andrés; Hernández-Juárez, Martín; León-Merino, Aurelio La marginación y exclusión como posibles factores socioeconómicos de la violencia urbana en el Estado de México Papeles de Población, vol. 23, núm. 91, 2017 Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, México Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=11250327013 DOI: https://doi.org/10.22185/24487147.2017.91.008 PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Marco Andrés López-Santiago, et al. La marginación y exclusión como posibles factores socioeconómi... La marginación y exclusión como posibles factores socioeconómicos de la violencia urbana en el Estado de México Marginalization and exclusion as possible socio-economical factors of urban violence: e Valle de Chalco Solidaridad, State of México case Marco Andrés López-Santiago DOI: https://doi.org/10.22185/24487147.2017.91.008 Universidad Autónoma de Chapingo, México Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? [email protected] id=11250327013 Martín Hernández-Juárez Colegio de Postgraduados, México [email protected] Aurelio León-Merino Colegio de Postgraduados, México [email protected] Recepción: 03 Julio 2014 Aprobación: 20 Junio 2016 Resumen: En este artículo se muestran los resultados de la investigación relacionada con los factores socioeconómicos que influyen en la generación de las violencias en el municipio de Valle de Chalco Solidaridad, Estado de México. -
The Toro Historical Review
THE TORO HISTORICAL REVIEW Native Communities in Colonial Mexico Under Spanish Colonial Rule Vannessa Smith THE TORO HISTORICAL REVIEW Prior to World War II and the subsequent social rights movements, historical scholarship on colonial Mexico typically focused on primary sources left behind by Iberians, thus revealing primarily Iberian perspectives. By the 1950s, however, the approach to covering colonial Mexican history changed with the scholarship of Charles Gibson, who integrated Nahuatl cabildo records into his research on Tlaxcala.1 Nevertheless, in his subsequent book The Aztecs under Spanish Rule Gibson went back to predominantly Spanish sources and thus an Iberian lens to his research.2 It was not until the 1970s and 80s that U.S. scholars, under the leadership of James Lockhart, developed a methodology called the New Philology, which focuses on native- language driven research on colonial Mexican history.3 The New Philology has become an important research method in the examination of native communities and the ways in which they changed and adapted to Spanish rule while also holding on to some of their own social and cultural practices and traditions. This historiography focuses on continuities and changes in indigenous communities, particularly the evolution of indigenous socio-political structures and socio-economic relationships under Spanish rule, in three regions of Mexico: Central Mexico, Yucatan, and Oaxaca. Pre-Conquest Community Structure As previously mentioned, Lockhart provided the first scholarship following the New Philology methodology in the United States and applied it to Central Mexico. In his book, The Nahuas After the Conquest, Lockhart lays out the basic structure of Nahua communities in great detail.4 The Nahua, the prominent indigenous group in Central Mexico, organized into communities called altepetl. -
COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL NOT for DISTRIBUTION Figure 0.3
Contents Acknowledgments ix A Brief Note on Usage xiii Introduction: History and Tlaxilacalli 3 Chapter 1: The Rise of Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1272–1454 40 Chapter 2: Acolhua Imperialisms, ca. 1420s–1583 75 Chapter 3: Community and Change in Cuauhtepoztlan Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1544–1575 97 Chapter 4: Tlaxilacalli Religions, 1537–1587 123 COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL Chapter 5: TlaxilacalliNOT FOR Ascendant, DISTRIBUTION 1562–1613 151 Chapter 6: Communities Reborn, 1581–1692 174 Conclusion: Tlaxilacalli and Barrio 203 List of Acronyms Used Frequently in This Book 208 Bibliography 209 Index 247 vii introduction History and Tlaxilacalli This is the story of how poor, everyday central Mexicans built and rebuilt autono- mous communities over the course of four centuries and two empires. It is also the story of how these self-same commoners constructed the unequal bonds of compul- sion and difference that anchored these vigorous and often beloved communities. It is a story about certain face-to-face human networks, called tlaxilacalli in both singular and plural,1 and about how such networks molded the shape of both the Aztec and Spanish rule.2 Despite this influence, however, tlaxilacalli remain ignored, subordinated as they often were to wider political configurations and most often appearing unmarked—that is, noted by proper name only—in the sources. With care, however, COPYRIGHTEDthe deeper stories of tlaxilacalli canMATERIAL be uncovered. This, in turn, lays bare a root-level history of autonomy and colonialism in central Mexico, told through the powerfulNOT and transformative FOR DISTRIBUTION tlaxilacalli. The robustness of tlaxilacalli over thelongue durée casts new and surprising light on the structures of empire in central Mexico, revealing a counterpoint of weakness and fragmentation in the canonical histories of centralizing power in the region. -
God of the Month: Tlaloc
God of the Month: Tlaloc Tlaloc, lord of celestial waters, lightning flashes and hail, patron of land workers, was one of the oldest and most important deities in the Aztec pantheon. Archaeological evidence indicates that he was worshipped in Mesoamerica before the Aztecs even settled in Mexico's central highlands in the 13th century AD. Ceramics depicting a water deity accompanied by serpentine lightning bolts date back to the 1st Tlaloc shown with a jaguar helm. Codex Vaticanus B. century BC in Veracruz, Eastern Mexico. Tlaloc's antiquity as a god is only rivalled by Xiuhtecuhtli the fire lord (also Huehueteotl, old god) whose appearance in history is marked around the last few centuries BC. Tlaloc's main purpose was to send rain to nourish the growing corn and crops. He was able to delay rains or send forth harmful hail, therefore it was very important for the Aztecs to pray to him, and secure his favour for the following agricultural cycle. Read on and discover how crying children, lepers, drowned people, moun- taintops and caves were all important parts of the symbolism surrounding this powerful ancient god... Starting at the very beginning: Tlaloc in Watery Deaths Tamoanchan. Right at the beginning of the world, before the gods were sent down to live on Earth as mortal beings, they Aztecs who died from one of a list of the fol- lived in Tamoanchan, a paradise created by the divine lowing illnesses or incidents were thought to Tlaloc vase. being Ometeotl for his deity children. be sent to the 'earthly paradise' of Tlalocan. -
©2018 Travis Jeffres ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
©2018 Travis Jeffres ALL RIGHTS RESERVED “WE MEXICAS WENT EVERYWHERE IN THAT LAND”: THE MEXICAN INDIAN DIASPORA IN THE GREATER SOUTHWEST, 1540-1680 By TRAVIS JEFFRES A dissertation submitted to the School of Graduate Studies Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in History Written under the direction of Camilla ToWnsend And approVed by _____________________________________ _____________________________________ _____________________________________ _____________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION “We Mexicas Went Everywhere in That Land:” The Mexican Indian Diaspora in the Greater Southwest, 1540-1680 by TRAVIS JEFFRES Dissertation Director: Camilla ToWnsend Beginning With Hernando Cortés’s capture of Aztec Tenochtitlan in 1521, legions of “Indian conquistadors” from Mexico joined Spanish military campaigns throughout Mesoamerica in the sixteenth century. Scholarship appearing in the last decade has revealed the aWesome scope of this participation—involving hundreds of thousands of Indian allies—and cast critical light on their motiVations and experiences. NeVertheless this Work has remained restricted to central Mexico and areas south, while the region known as the Greater SouthWest, encompassing northern Mexico and the U.S. Southwest, has been largely ignored. This dissertation traces the moVements of Indians from central Mexico, especially Nahuas, into this region during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and charts their experiences as diasporic peoples under colonialism using sources they Wrote in their oWn language (Nahuatl). Their activities as laborers, soldiers, settlers, and agents of acculturation largely enabled colonial expansion in the region. However their exploits are too frequently cast as contributions to an overarching Spanish colonial project. -
Chichimecas of War.Pdf
Chichimecas of War Edit Regresión Magazine Winter 2017 EDITORIAL This compilation is a study concerning the fiercest and most savage natives of Northern Mesoamerica. The ancient hunter-gatherer nomads, called “Chichimecas,” resisted and defended with great daring their simple ways of life, their beliefs, and their environment,. They decided to kill or die for that which they considered part of themselves, in a war declared against all that was alien to them. We remember them in this modern epoch not only in order to have a historical reference of their conflict, but also as evidence of how, due to the simple fact of our criticism of technology, sharpening our claws to attack this system and willing to return to our roots, we are reliving this war. Just like our ancestors, we are reviving this internal fire that compels us to defend ourselves and defend all that is Wild. Many conclusions can be taken from this study. The most important of these is to continue the war against the artificiality of this civilization, a war against the technological system that rejects its values and vices. Above all, it is a war for the extremist defense of wild nature. Axkan kema tehuatl nehuatl! Between Chichimecas and Teochichimecas According to the official history, in 1519, the Spanish arrived in what is now known as “Mexico”. It only took three years for the great Aztec (or Mexica) empire and its emblematic city, Tenochtitlán, to fall under the European yoke. During the consolidation of peoples and cities in Mexica territory, the conquistadors’ influence increasingly extended from the center of the country to Michoacán and Jalisco. -
“Enclosures with Inclusion” Vis-À-Vis “Boundaries” in Ancient Mexico
Ancient Mesoamerica, page 1 of 16, 2021 Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0956536121000043 “ENCLOSURES WITH INCLUSION” VIS-À-VIS “BOUNDARIES” IN ANCIENT MEXICO Amos Megged Department of General History, University of Haifa, Mount Carmel, Haifa 31990, Israel Abstract Recent in-depth research on the Nahua Corpus Xolotl, as well as on a large variety of compatible sources, has led to new insights on what were “boundaries” in preconquest Nahua thought. The present article proposes that our modern Western concept of borders and political boundaries was foreign to ancient Mexican societies and to Aztec-era polities in general. Consequently, the article aims to add a novel angle to our understanding of the notions of space, territoriality, and limits in the indigenous worldview in central Mexico during preconquest times, and their repercussions for the internal social and political relations that evolved within the Nahua-Acolhua ethnic states (altepetl). Furthermore, taking its cue from the Corpus Xolotl, the article reconsiders the validity of ethnic entities and polities in ancient Mexico and claims that many of these polities were ethnic and territorial amalgams, in which components of ethnic outsiders formed internal enclaves and powerbases. I argue that in ancient Mexico one is able to observe yet another kind of conceptualization of borders/ frontiers: “enclosures with inclusion,” which served as the indigenous concept of porous and inclusive boundaries, well up to the era of the formation of the so-called Triple Alliance, and beyond.