After the Defeat: What Does the Future Hold for Nikol Pashinyan?
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Armenian Presidential ELECTION Sept. 1996
104th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 2nd Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe Armenian Presidential election September 22, 1996 A Report Prepared by the Staff of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION (OSCE) The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the Helsinki process, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada. Since then, its membership has expanded to 55, reflecting the breakup of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. (The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro, has been suspended since 1992, leaving the number of countries fully participating at 54.) As of January 1, 1995, the formal name of the Helsinki process was changed to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE is engaged in standard setting in fields including military security, economic and envi- ronmental cooperation, and human rights and humanitarian concerns. In addition, it undertakes a variety of preventive diplomacy initiatives designed to prevent, manage and resolve conflict within and among the participating States. The OSCE has its main office in Vienna, Austria, where weekly meetings of permanent represen- tatives are held. In addition, specialized seminars and meetings are convened in various locations and periodic consultations among Senior Officials, Ministers and Heads of State or Government are held. ABOUT THE COMMISSION (CSCE) The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), also known as the Helsinki Commission, is a U.S. -
Appeasement and Autonomy | Armenian
APPEASEMENT AND AUTONOMY BRIEF / 2 Jan 2021 Armenian-Russian relations from revolution to war by GEOPOLITICALSERIES Narek Sukiasyan PhD candidate and teaching associate at Yerevan State University, Armenia Summary › Armenia’s 2018 Velvet Revolution did not INTRODUCTION change the country’s foreign and secu- rity policy priorities: a close security al- Armenia’s foreign policy and its role in the post-Soviet liance with Russia has been used to bal- space are often characterised as ‘pro-Russian’. While ance its regional adversaries Turkey and such a description is partially true, it is overly sim- Azerbaijan; however, the revolutionary plistic. This Brief analyses the main trends and evolu- prime minister Nikol Pashinyan has also at- tions in Armenia’s Russia policy after the 2018 Velvet tempted to increase Armenia’s autonomy Revolution: how the changes have influenced Russia’s vis-à-vis Russia. approach towards Armenia, how these dynamics af- › Pashinyan’s attempts to address the for- fect Armenia’s autonomy and what the consequences mer presidents’ abuses of power and cur- of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war are for Armenia’s tail Russian influence in Armenia, coupled regional security and alliances. with moves that could have been interpret- ed as anti-Russian, have created tensions After the revolution and up until the 2020 with Moscow. Nagorno-Karabakh war, no substantial strategic changes were made to Armenian foreign policy. The › The need to sustain the strategic alliance leadership has avoided framing its external affairs in circumstances in which the Kremlin has in geopolitical ‘pro or against’ terms, promoting a been deeply mistrustful of Armenia’s new ‘pro-Armenian’ policy that aims to maintain good re- leadership has forced Pashinyan’s govern- lations in all directions and prioritises sovereignty as ment to appease Russia. -
The Outcome of the Second Karabakh War: Confrontation Between the Diaspora and the Armenian Government
APRIL-2021 ANALYSIS THE OUTCOME OF THE SECOND KARABAKH WAR: CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE DIASPORA AND THE ARMENIAN GOVERNMENT The trilateral agreement signed by the heads of state of Azerbaijan, Russia and Armenia on November 10, 2020 caused a growing discontent both among the citizens of Armenia and among representatives of the diaspora. The Armenian people were divided into several camps: those accusing the West of inaction; those accusing Russia of betrayal; and, finally, those accusing the current government of both betrayal and unpreparedness for military action. It should be noted that diaspora organizations did not openly criticize Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in their statements at first, blaming Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey for everything. One of the first to speak out against the current administration was the Union of Armenians of Russia (UAR), led by its chairman Ara Abramyan. The situation was further aggravated by the spread of unfounded information about the government misappropriating the funds raised by the Hayastan Foundation during the war. As a result, representatives of the diaspora began to demand the resignation of the present administration. As noted above, one of the first large diaspora organizations to blame the current Armenian government was the Union of Armenians of Russia. Immediately after the signing of said agreement, the UAR held an online meeting of 50 heads of its regional offices, led by its chairman A. Abramyan[1], and on November 11, the organization issued a statement on behalf of the chairman, accusing Prime Minister Pashinyan of “incapacity and inability to run the country effectively.”[2] Russian businessman of Armenian origin Samvel Karapetyan, as well as entrepreneurs Artak Tovmasyan and Ruben Vardanyan, also joined these appeals. -
European Researcher. 2010
Propaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2020, 7(2) Propaganda in the World and Local Conflicts Has been issued since 2014. E-ISSN 2500-3712 2020. 7(2). Issued 2 times a year EDITORIAL BOARD Trut Vladimir – Southern Federal University, Rostov-on-Don, Russian Federation (Editor in Chief) Degtyarev Sergey – Sumy State University, Sumy, Ukraine (Deputy Editor-in- Chief) Eliseev Aleksei – Minsk branch Plekhanov Russian University of Economics, Minsk, Belarus Gogitidze Mamuka – Shota Rustaveli National University, Tbilisi, Georgia Johnson Matthew – School of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Taylor's University, Malaysia Fedorov Alexander – Rostov State University of Economics, Russian Federation Katorin Yurii – Admiral Makarov State University of Maritime and Inland Shipping, Saint-Petersburg, Russian Federation Kaftandjiev Christo – Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofia, Bulgaria Mitiukov Nicholas – International Network Center for Fundamental and Applied Research, Washington, USA Riabov Oleg – Saint Petersburg State University, Saint Petersburg, Russian Federation Smigel Michal – Matej Bel University, Banská Bystrica, Slovakia Journal is indexed by: CrossRef (UK), OAJI (USA), MIAR (Spain) All manuscripts are peer reviewed by experts in the respective field. Authors of the manuscripts bear responsibility for their content, credibility and reliability. Editorial board doesn’t expect the manuscripts’ authors to always agree with its opinion. Postal Address: 1367/4, Stara Vajnorska str., Release date 17.12.2020 Bratislava – Nove Mesto, Slovakia, 831 04 Format 21 29,7. the WorldPropaganda and Local Conflicts in Website: http://ejournal47.com/ Typeface Georgia. E-mail: [email protected] Founder and Editor: Academic Publishing Order № Prop 12 201 House Researcher s.r.o. 2020 № 0 © Propaganda in the World and Local Conflicts, 2020 Is. -
Mirrorc SPECTATOR Since 1932
THE ARMENIAN MIRRORc SPECTATOR Since 1932 Volume LXXXXI, NO. 34, Issue 4676 MARCH 13, 2021 $2.00 Boston City Council ‘Jeopardy!’ Show Supports Genocide Opposition Continues to Clue Calls Armenia Education, Including Irredentist towards Armenian Genocide Rally Against Pashinyan Karabakh BOSTON — As it stands, Boston YEREVAN (Armenpress, ‘Jeopardy!’ Expresses Regrets Public Schools currently do not require Panorama.) — The joint candi- their history or social science curricu- CULVER CITY, Calif. (gwwire. date of the Fatherland Salvation lum frameworks to include the topic of com, Twitter) — The game show Movement Vazgen Manukyan genocide when teaching United States “Jeopardy!” used the clue “This said during a demonstration at history or world history. country has been accused of irreden- Baghramyan Street that they At the Council meeting the first week tism, the reclaiming of old territory, will patiently move forward of March, the Council voted to adopt over the Nagorno-Karabakh area in their struggle, demanding the a resolution in support of passage of Azerbaijan” in an episode aired on resignation of Prime Minister House Docket (H.D.) 1167, “An Act March 4. The answer given as “What Nikol Pashinyan. Concerning Genocide Education” and is Armenia” by Jim Cooper was ac- Vazgen Manukyan empha- Senate Docket (S.D.) 1592, “An Act cepted as correct, but it led very sized that it is necessary to Advancing and Promotion Genocide quickly to a social media kerfuffle. organize elections, so as the Education” in the Massachusetts State Various individual Armenians, angry people could make a choice, legislature. that the clue, using the word “accused,” but that should be done not un- H.D. -
DECEMBER-2020 Table of Contents I. Liberation of Lachin and Rebuilding
DECEMBER-2020 BULLETIN H I GHL I GHT OF THE FORE I G N P O L I CY OF REPUBL I C OF AZERBA I JAN Table of contents I. Liberation of Lachin and rebuilding Karabakh 2 II. Restoration of a stable peace in the region requires a revision of approaches 3 III. Armenia-Azerbaijan Propaganda War and Western Media Bias 5 IV. Armenia plunges into political crisis after defeat in the Second Karabakh War 7 V. United Nations General Assembly convenes special session on the coronavirus pandemic 9 VI. The Southern Gas Corridor opens up gas supply to Europe 10 VII. Azerbaijan and Afghanistan discuss boosting bilateral ties 11 VIII. Year in Review 12 I. Liberation of Lachin and rebuilding have been entirely demolished and razed to Karabakh the ground during the period they were under Lachin became the last of three occupied the control of Armenia. Apart from residential districts due to be handed back by Armenia as and administrative buildings, according to the part of the Russian-brokered peace deal official sources, 700 historic and cultural following the six-week war. In a televised monuments damaged or destroyed; 927 address to the nation on December 1, libraries; 808 cultural centers; 85 music and art President Ilham Aliyev congratulated the schools; 22 museums with over 100,000 nation on the return of Lachin. “We, for our artefacts; 4 art galleries, 4 theatres, 2 concert part, have already restored justice. We have halls in these territories over the last thirty restored historical justice. Our goal is to years. -
The Great Expectations of the Armenian Revolution: Democracy V
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2019, Baden-Baden 2020, pp. 65-80. Ekaterina Dorodnova The Great Expectations of the Armenian Revolution: Democracy v. Stability? Introduction The purpose of this contribution is to explore and discuss one of the most re- markable developments in Armenia over the course of the past two years. Un- like many other incidents that shattered stability in the country following inde- pendence, the non-violent yet revolutionary events of April 2018 reverberated positively not only in Armenia, but far beyond its borders too. One and a half years later, the peaceful transition of power in Armenia is still largely regarded as an undeniable achievement in democracy-building. In many ways, it did exceed the most optimistic expectations of domestic and international observers. However, deeply-rooted and systemic challenges in ensuring the country’s security and resilience are mounting, and many remain unresolved despite the high expectations placed on the new authorities. Given the rapid pace, complexity, and uncertainty of these developments, this contribution reviews the most relevant events that unfolded during and after the revolution, and the most likely further scenarios. Mobilization and Non-Violence Beyond Expectation The world applauded the Armenians for the non-violent transfer of power in April-May 2018, known as the “Velvet Revolution” or “the Revolution of Love and Solidarity”.1 Without a single shot being fired, on 23 April 2018, former president-turned-prime minister Serzh Sargsyan handed the reins of power to Nikol Pashinyan after a decade in power. Pashinyan was a former journalist and political prisoner-turned-opposition MP, and an exceptionally charismatic and talented revolutionary leader. -
Bgr
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 09/28/2020 4:52:04 PM From: Tavlarides, Mark <mtavlarides(a)bgrdc.com> Sent: Monday, September 28, 2020 4:39 PM To: Tavlarides, Mark <mtavlarides(q>bgrdc.com> Subject: Azerbaijan Update Good afternoon, I wanted to bring to your attention a press release from the Embassy of the Republic of Azerbaijan on the recent attacks by Armenia on Azerbaijani civilians. It can be found here. Since yesterday, September 27, Armenia has launched a large-scale provocation against Azerbaijan, targeting residential areas and the armed forces of Azerbaijan. As a result of massive shelling of Azerbaijani villages, 8 civilians were killed and many more injured. The Azerbaijani Army, using the right of self-defense and in order to protect civilians, reacted through counter-offensive measures. Azerbaijan's operations are conducted within its internationally recognized sovereign territories, and Azerbaijan is abiding by its commitments under international humanitarian law. Azerbaijan has long expressed warnings that it expects larger military provocations by Armenia at any time. Open provocations by the Armenian leadership, especially by Prime Minister Pashinyan; recent intensified reconnaissance; and sabotage activities by Armenia, including using tactical drones against Azerbaijani positions, demonstrate that Armenia was preparing to launch another attack. Armenia has violated all the norms and principles of international law by occupying internationally recognized territories of Azerbaijan, which was condemned by four UN Security Council Resolutions. Against this background, please see attached for relevant information on the latest developments, including the list of Armenian provocations for the last 2 years. Please let me know if you have any questions. -
Karabakh-Discourses-In-Armenia
Caucasus Edition Journal of Conflict Transformation POLITICAL TRANSITIONS AND CONFLICTS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS Caucasus Edition Volume 3, Issue 2 2018 In This Issue From the Editorial Team 1 PART 1 4 Engagement with the South Caucasus de facto states: A viable strategy for conflict transformation? Nina Caspersen 5 Russia and the conflicts in the South Caucasus: main approaches, problems, and prospects Sergey Markedonov 24 Two Modalities of Foreign and Domestic Policies in Turkey: From Soft Power to War Rhetoric Ömer Turan 48 PART 2 66 Nationalism and Hegemony in Post-Communist Georgia Bakar Berekashvili 67 Russia and Georgia 2008-2018 – Escapism for the Sake of Peace? Dmitry Dubrovskiy 80 Recommendations Dmitry Dubrovskiy 92 The Poverty of Militarism: The ‘Velvet Revolution’ and the Defeat of Militarist Quasi-Ideology in Armenia Mikayel Zolyan 95 Discourses of War and Peace within the Context of the Nagorno- Karabakh Conflict: The Case of Azerbaijan Lala Jumayeva 105 Recommendations Lala Jumayeva, Mikayel Zolyan 117 Perceptions in Azerbaijan of the Impact of Revolutionary Changes in Armenia on the Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Process Zaur Shiriyev 119 Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Anahit Shirinyan 140 Recommendations Anahit Shirinyan, Zaur Shiriyev 155 Authors 158 Editors 161 Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Anahit Shirinyan The question as to what changes Armenia’s Velvet Revolution may be bearing for the peace process around Nagorno-Karabakh is trending among the South Caucasus watchers. The new Armenian government is ready to discuss mutual compromises, but suggests that Azerbaijan shelf its war rhetoric first. -
Combatting and Preventing Corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia How Anti-Corruption Measures Can Promote Democracy and the Rule of Law
Combatting and preventing corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia How anti-corruption measures can promote democracy and the rule of law Combatting and preventing corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia How anti-corruption measures can promote democracy and the rule of law Silvia Stöber Combatting and preventing corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia 4 Contents Contents 1. Instead of a preface: Why (read) this study? 9 2. Introduction 11 2.1 Methodology 11 2.2 Corruption 11 2.2.1 Consequences of corruption 12 2.2.2 Forms of corruption 13 2.3 Combatting corruption 13 2.4 References 14 3. Executive Summaries 15 3.1 Armenia – A promising change of power 15 3.2 Azerbaijan – Retaining power and preventing petty corruption 16 3.3 Georgia – An anti-corruption role model with dents 18 4. Armenia 22 4.1 Introduction to the current situation 22 4.2 Historical background 24 4.2.1 Consolidation of the oligarchic system 25 4.2.2 Lack of trust in the government 25 4.3 The Pashinyan government’s anti-corruption measures 27 4.3.1 Background conditions 27 4.3.2 Measures to combat grand corruption 28 4.3.3 Judiciary 30 4.3.4 Monopoly structures in the economy 31 4.4 Petty corruption 33 4.4.1 Higher education 33 4.4.2 Health-care sector 34 4.4.3 Law enforcement 35 4.5 International implications 36 4.5.1 Organized crime and money laundering 36 4.5.2 Migration and asylum 36 4.6 References 37 5 Combatting and preventing corruption in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia 5. -
Report Armenia Elections 2008 IDEA
International IDEA Office in Armenia Update on Presidential Elections in Armenia Date: 21.02.08 The views expressed in this document are those of independent researcher- analysts, and do not represent the official position of International IDEA. The information, analyses and conclusions are based on the articles of Armenian and international media (printed and broadcast), announcements of the political forces, consultations with various experts and analysts. On 19 February 2007, the Presidential Elections were held in Armenia. The polls were open from 8AM until 8PM. Turnout: According to the Central Electoral Commission (CEC) 1.642.057 voters, or 69.26% of the eligible voters participated in the elections. The highest turnout - 74.81% - was in the region of Gegharkunik. The lowest turnout was in the region of Shirak - 63.70%. Preliminary Results: According to the Election Code, the CEC should publish preliminary results no later than 24 hours after elections, i.e. 20.02.08 8PM. However, CEC summed up the results much earlier and published them on 20.02.08, at 12 PM. 1. Serge Sargssyan (Prime Minister): 52.8% 2. Levon Ter-Petrossyan (First President): 21.5% 3. Arthur Baghdasaryan (Country of Law, ex-parliamentary Chairman): 11.6% 4. Vahan Hovanessyan (ARF, Parliament Deputy-Chairman): 6.12% 5. Vazgen Manukyan (National Democratic Union): 1.28% 6. Tigran Karapetyan (Popular Party): 0.6% 7. Artashes Geghamyan (National Unity): 0.46% 8. Arman Melikyan (ex-foreign Minister of N.Karabagh): 0.27 9. Aram Harutunyan (naitonal Concord): 0.19% Among eight members of the CEC, two members did not sign the protocol of preliminary election results. -
Social Movements and Social Media: the Case of the Armenian 'Velvet
Social Movements and Social Media: the case of the Armenian ‘velvet’ revolution Eliza Khurshudyan Stockholm University Department of Media Studies Master’s Programme in Media and Communication Studies Master Thesis Supervisor: Miyase Christensen Submission date: 24/05/2019 Abstract Depending on the political environment, economic, cultural and social factors, the digital era provides new opportunities and constraints for mobilization of social movements. The current research was focused on exploring how protest leaders and activists used and perceived social media as a tool for communication and organization during the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh”; a series of peaceful, anti-governmental protests which led to a shift of governmental power in Armenia. Prior work dedicated to unpacking the relationship between social movements and social media have focused on a few empirical cases. Hence, a case study of a yet underexplored social movement can add to this strand of literature. The methodological approach displayed in this study follows a mixed-method model. Interviews with activists of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” and content analysis of official social media accounts of leaders of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” were expected to provide a diverse perspective on social media tactics during the movement. The results implied that social media were perceived as one of the main contributors to the fulfilment of objectives of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” in multiple ways: social media allowed for fast communication, decentralized organization, testimony of the non-violent nature of the movement, as well as validation of the movement through transparency of action (most importantly, in real-time).