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ICRC ANNUAL REPORT 2016 DELEGATIONS Armenia Azerbaijan Georgia Ukraine
EUROPE AND CENTRAL ASIA KEY RESULTS/CONSTRAINTS IN 2016 X Conflict-affected people met their most pressing needs, learnt safe practices to mitigate the dangers they faced, and benefited from psychosocial support. ICRC-built walls helped reduce risks of injury for people in some areas. X Dialogue with high-level authorities and intergovernmental organizations helped build support for humanitarian principles and action within the region and around the world. X The authorities’ efforts to address the issue of missing persons led to the resolution of some cases, but many more remained unresolved. Missing persons’ families received psychosocial and other support. X Hospitals, clinics, blood banks and haemodialysis facilities in eastern Ukraine received ICRC assistance, increasing the availability of appropriate treatment for people with injuries or chronic illnesses. X Detainees restored or maintained family links with ICRC assistance. Penitentiary authorities received ICRC feedback on detainees’ living conditions, including access to health care, and support for improvements. X The region’s National Societies partnered with the ICRC on humanitarian activities, particularly assistance for conflict-affected people and migrants, including asylum seekers and refugees. PROTECTION Total ASSISTANCE 2016 Targets (up to) Achieved CIVILIANS (residents, IDPs, returnees, etc.) CIVILIANS (residents, IDPs, returnees, etc.) Restoring family links Economic security RCMs collected 466 (in some cases provided within a protection or cooperation programme) RCMs -
Asala & ARF 'Veterans' in Armenia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Region
Karabakh Christopher GUNN Coastal Carolina University ASALA & ARF ‘VETERANS’ IN ARMENIA AND THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH REGION OF AZERBAIJAN Conclusion. See the beginning in IRS- Heritage, 3 (35) 2018 Emblem of ASALA y 1990, Armenia or Nagorno-Karabakh were, arguably, the only two places in the world that Bformer ASALA terrorists could safely go, and not fear pursuit, in one form or another, and it seems that most of them did, indeed, eventually end up in Armenia (36). Not all of the ASALA veterans took up arms, how- ever. Some like, Alex Yenikomshian, former director of the Monte Melkonian Fund and the current Sardarapat Movement leader, who was permanently blinded in October 1980 when a bomb he was preparing explod- ed prematurely in his hotel room, were not capable of actually participating in the fighting (37). Others, like Varoujan Garabedian, the terrorist behind the attack on the Orly Airport in Paris in 1983, who emigrated to Armenia when he was pardoned by the French govern- ment in April 2001 and released from prison, arrived too late (38). Based on the documents and material avail- able today in English, there were at least eight ASALA 48 www.irs-az.com 4(36), AUTUMN 2018 Poster of the Armenian Legion in the troops of fascist Germany and photograph of Garegin Nzhdeh – terrorist and founder of Tseghakronism veterans who can be identified who were actively en- tia group of approximately 50 men, and played a major gaged in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh (39), but role in the assault and occupation of the Kelbajar region undoubtedly there were more. -
Meeting of States Parties Distr.: General 14 June 2017 English Original: English/French/Spanish
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea SPLOS /INF/31 Meeting of States Parties Distr.: General 14 June 2017 English Original: English/French/Spanish my anam r Twenty-seventh Meeting New York, 12 to 16 June 2017 List of Delegations Liste de Délégations Lista de Delegaciones SPLOS/INF/31 Albania Representatives H.E. Mrs. Besiana Kadare, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Permanent Representative to the United Nations ( Chair of the delegation ) Mr. Arben Idrizi, Minister Counsellor, Permanent Mission Mrs. Ingrid Prizreni, First Secretary, Permanent Mission Algeria Representatives H.E. Mr. Sabri Boukadoum, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Permanent Representative to the United Nations ( Chair of the delegation ) H.E. Mr. Mohammed Bessedik, Ambassador, Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations Mr. Mehdi Remaoun, First Secretary, Permanent Mission Angola Representatives H.E. Mr. Ismael Gaspar Martins, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Permanent Representative to the United Nations ( Chair of the delegation ) Vice-Admiral Martinho Francisco António, Technical Coordinator, Inter-Ministerial Commission of Delimitation and Maritime Demarcation of Angola Mrs. Anisabel Verissimo da Costa, Director of the International Exchange Directorate, Ministry of Justice and Human Rights Mrs. Claudete de Sousa, Director, Legal Office of the Ministry of Fisheries Mr. Marió Von Haff, Head, United Nations Department, Multilateral Affairs Directorate, Ministry of External Relations Col. Mário Simão, Military Counsellor, Permanent Mission Mr. Miguel Dialamicua, Counsellor, Permanent Mission Mrs. Vezua Paiva, Second Secretary, Permanent Mission Eng. José Januário da Conceição, Expert, Geographic and Cartographic Institute of Angola Eng. Lúmen Sebastião, Sonangol Expert Eng. Domingos de Carvalho Viana Moreira, Expert, Inter-Ministerial Commission of Delimitation and Maritime Demarcation Mr. -
Appeasement and Autonomy | Armenian
APPEASEMENT AND AUTONOMY BRIEF / 2 Jan 2021 Armenian-Russian relations from revolution to war by GEOPOLITICALSERIES Narek Sukiasyan PhD candidate and teaching associate at Yerevan State University, Armenia Summary › Armenia’s 2018 Velvet Revolution did not INTRODUCTION change the country’s foreign and secu- rity policy priorities: a close security al- Armenia’s foreign policy and its role in the post-Soviet liance with Russia has been used to bal- space are often characterised as ‘pro-Russian’. While ance its regional adversaries Turkey and such a description is partially true, it is overly sim- Azerbaijan; however, the revolutionary plistic. This Brief analyses the main trends and evolu- prime minister Nikol Pashinyan has also at- tions in Armenia’s Russia policy after the 2018 Velvet tempted to increase Armenia’s autonomy Revolution: how the changes have influenced Russia’s vis-à-vis Russia. approach towards Armenia, how these dynamics af- › Pashinyan’s attempts to address the for- fect Armenia’s autonomy and what the consequences mer presidents’ abuses of power and cur- of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war are for Armenia’s tail Russian influence in Armenia, coupled regional security and alliances. with moves that could have been interpret- ed as anti-Russian, have created tensions After the revolution and up until the 2020 with Moscow. Nagorno-Karabakh war, no substantial strategic changes were made to Armenian foreign policy. The › The need to sustain the strategic alliance leadership has avoided framing its external affairs in circumstances in which the Kremlin has in geopolitical ‘pro or against’ terms, promoting a been deeply mistrustful of Armenia’s new ‘pro-Armenian’ policy that aims to maintain good re- leadership has forced Pashinyan’s govern- lations in all directions and prioritises sovereignty as ment to appease Russia. -
The Outcome of the Second Karabakh War: Confrontation Between the Diaspora and the Armenian Government
APRIL-2021 ANALYSIS THE OUTCOME OF THE SECOND KARABAKH WAR: CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE DIASPORA AND THE ARMENIAN GOVERNMENT The trilateral agreement signed by the heads of state of Azerbaijan, Russia and Armenia on November 10, 2020 caused a growing discontent both among the citizens of Armenia and among representatives of the diaspora. The Armenian people were divided into several camps: those accusing the West of inaction; those accusing Russia of betrayal; and, finally, those accusing the current government of both betrayal and unpreparedness for military action. It should be noted that diaspora organizations did not openly criticize Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in their statements at first, blaming Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey for everything. One of the first to speak out against the current administration was the Union of Armenians of Russia (UAR), led by its chairman Ara Abramyan. The situation was further aggravated by the spread of unfounded information about the government misappropriating the funds raised by the Hayastan Foundation during the war. As a result, representatives of the diaspora began to demand the resignation of the present administration. As noted above, one of the first large diaspora organizations to blame the current Armenian government was the Union of Armenians of Russia. Immediately after the signing of said agreement, the UAR held an online meeting of 50 heads of its regional offices, led by its chairman A. Abramyan[1], and on November 11, the organization issued a statement on behalf of the chairman, accusing Prime Minister Pashinyan of “incapacity and inability to run the country effectively.”[2] Russian businessman of Armenian origin Samvel Karapetyan, as well as entrepreneurs Artak Tovmasyan and Ruben Vardanyan, also joined these appeals. -
Proposal for EP Reaction to Armenian Draft Received by the EP on 19
EU-Armenia Parliamentary Cooperation Committee TWELFTH MEETING 2-3 November 2011 Yerevan Final Statement and Recommendations pursuant to Article 83 of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement Under the co-chairmanship of Mr Milan CABRNOCH (European Conservatives and Reformists Group) and Mrs Naira ZOHRABYAN (Prosperous Armenia Party), the twelfth meeting of the EU-Armenia Parliamentary Cooperation Committee was held in Yerevan on 2-3 November 2011. The Committee exchanged views with Deputy Foreign Minister, Mr Zohrab MNATSAKANYAN, representing the Government of the Republic of Armenia and Mr Onno SIMONS, Head of the Political, Economic, Press and Information Section of the EU Delegation to Armenia, representing the European Union. The Parliamentary Cooperation Committee 1. welcomes the intensification of Armenia-EU relations over the last years and the opening of ambitious perspectives for cooperation in the political, economic, cultural and other fields; 2. salutes President Sargsyan's declaration of 18 December 2010 on the need for persistent adaptation to European standards in all areas of Armenia's political, social and economic and social lives, with no exemptions or reservations; 3. recognises that this presupposes inter alia significant acceleration of Armenia's implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) Action Plan, in particular in relation to judicial independence, reform of the police and media pluralism, major concrete results in the fight against corruption, as well as parliamentary and presidential elections, -
Identical Letters Dated 27 April 2016 from the Chargé D’Affaires A.I
United Nations A/70/849–S/2016/398 General Assembly Distr.: General 28 April 2016 Security Council Original: English General Assembly Security Council Seventieth session Seventy-first year Agenda items 35 and 40 Protracted conflicts in the GUAM area and their implications for international peace, security and development The situation in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan Identical letters dated 27 April 2016 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Azerbaijan to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General and the President of the Security Council Further to the letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Elmar Mammadyarov, dated 20 April 2016, on the recent escalation of the situation at the line of contact of the armed forces of Armenia and Azerbaijan and the border between the two States, I would like to draw your attention to the latest gross violation by the armed forces of the Republic of Armenia of the ceasefire agreement of 5 April 2016, reached in Moscow between the Chiefs of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia, with the assistance of the Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. The armed forces of Armenia, while concentrating additional forces and military equipment at the line of contact, starting from 23 April 2016, fired intensively on the positions of the armed forces of Azerbaijan and the civilian settlements near the confrontation line using large-calibre weapons, mortars, grenade launchers and heavy artillery. -
Nagorno-Karabakh's
Nagorno-Karabakh’s Gathering War Clouds Europe Report N°244 | 1 June 2017 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Ongoing Risks of War ....................................................................................................... 2 A. Military Tactics .......................................................................................................... 4 B. Potential Humanitarian Implications ....................................................................... 6 III. Shifts in Public Moods and Policies ................................................................................. 8 A. Azerbaijan’s Society ................................................................................................... 8 1. Popular pressure on the government ................................................................... 8 2. A tougher stance ................................................................................................... 10 B. Armenia’s Society ....................................................................................................... 12 1. Public mobilisation and anger -
Armenian Crimes
ARMENIAN CRIMES KHOJALY GENOCIDE Over the night of 25-26 February 1992, following massive artillery bombardment, the Armenian armed forces and paramilitary units, with the support of the former USSR’s 366th Motorized Infantry Regiment attacked an Azerbaijani town of Khojaly. Around 2,500 remaining inhabitants attempted to flee the town in order to reach Aghdam, the nearest city under Azerbaijani control. However, their hope was in vain. The Armenian forces and paramilitary units ambushed and slaughtered the fleeing civilians near the villages of Nakhchivanly and Pirjamal. Other civilians, including women and children were either captured by the Armenian soldiers or froze to death in the snowy forest. Only a few were able to reach Aghdam. 1 During the assault both former presidents of Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan and Robert Kocharian, as well as other high-ranking officials (Zori Balayan, Vitaly Balasanyan and etc) of Armenia, participated personally in the Khojaly Genocide. Speaking to foreign journalists, Armenia’s leaders have admitted their participation and shown no remorse. 2 THE VICTIMS OF THE KHOJALY GENOCIDE • 613 people killed, including 63 children; 106 women; 70 elderly; • 8 families completely annihilated; • 25 children lost both parents; • 130 children lost one parent; • 487 wounded; • 1275 taken hostage; • 150 still missing. 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 KHOJALY GENOCIDE IN INTERNATIONAL MEDIA The Khojaly tragedy was widely covered in the international media despite the information blockade and the large-scale Armenian propaganda effort. The world community could not close eyes to the gravity of this crime against humanity and cruelty of perpetrators. 12 13 14 15 16 17 THE JUSTICE FOR KHOJALY CAMPAIGN The Justice for Khojaly International Awareness Campaign was initiated in 2008 by Leyla Aliyeva, the Vice President of the Heydar Aliyev Foundation. -
Armed Forces As an Element of National Power, and Compulsory Military Service
Online Journal of Communication and Media Technologies Volume: 3 – Issue: 4 – October - 2013 Armed Forces as an Element of National Power, and Compulsory Military Service Suat Begeç, Turkey Abstract Whether military service should be done as a national duty or left to the professionals has been discussed for a long time both in Turkey and across the world. In order to answer this question and make relevant suggestions, this paper begins with the recruitment system in the Turkish Armed Forces during the history. Subsequently, armed forces of neighbor countries, their communication strategies and of those politically linked with Turkey as well as the world armies carrying weight for the scope of this study are all analyzed. Thirdly, current military service and its flawed aspects are explained. Finally come suggestions on how the military service should be. Keywords: Armed forces, compulsory military service, national army, recruitment © Online Journal of Communication and Media Technologies 179 Online Journal of Communication and Media Technologies Volume: 3 – Issue: 4 – October - 2013 Introduction Neither numbers nor technology wins in a war… The winner is always the heart. There is no might that can stand against a unit banded together. Soldiers believe that if they lose their life in a war, they will die a martyr and be worthy of heaven; and that if they survive they will be a veteran and leave unforgettable memories to his children. This belief renders them fearless. This bestows on their commanders a power that few leaders have. Power is the ability to influence people and events. Power is the ability that leaders and managers gain and enjoy through their personalities, activities and situations within the organizational structure [Newstrom & Davis, 2002:272]. -
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security and human rights 27 (2016) 273-288 brill.com/shrs osce Mediation in an Eroding International Order Philip Remler retired u.s. diplomat Abstract The feeling is widespread in the West that the post wwii normative international or- der has been under severe challenge since Russia’s seizure of Crimea, now exacerbated by statements from the American president casting doubt on the institutions that un- derpin that order. Is there a future role for osce mediation as this order erodes? Study of the Ukraine crisis in light of other protracted conflicts on the territory of the former Soviet Union shows that the same challenges have existed for a generation. Because the conflicts were small, however, the international community chose to accept a fic- tion of convenience to isolate them from an otherwise functioning international order: the narrative that the separatists sought independence, not (as in reality) a re-drawing of post-Soviet borders. This isolation is under pressure both from the new experience in Ukraine and from the extension of ever-greater Russian control over the separatists, amounting to crypto-annexation, despite a backlash from Moscow’s clients, including in Armenia. There is little likelihood of a resolution to the Ukraine crisis, including Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and prospects for mediation to resolve the conflicts remain dim. However, continued talks may resolve some humanitarian issues and pro- vide a release valve to prevent pressures boiling over into renewed open warfare. In 2015 the present author published an article outlining some effects of the Ukraine crisis on protracted conflicts in the osce area and on osce mediation in those conflicts.1 He has been asked to revisit his assessment of that time in * Philip Remler is a retired u.s. -
Human Rights and Women in the Armed Forces of Armenia Phase Ii
HUMAN RIGHTS AND WOMEN IN THE ARMED FORCES OF ARMENIA PHASE II The Project is implemented by the Council of Europe within the framework of the Council of Europe Action Plan for Armenia 2019-2022. Action Plan level funding is provided by Germany, Ireland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Sweden. he Project is a part of the continuous endeavour by T the Council of Europe to support Armenia to fulfil its obligations as a member state of the Organisation. After having successfully assisted Armenia in incorporating im- portant actions related to the protection and promotion of human rights in the armed forces into the 2020-2022 National Strategy for Human Rights Protection and the re- spective Action Plan through the phase I Project funded by the United Kingdom and considering the political will of Armenia to enhance the protection of human rights in the armed forces and promotion of women servicepersons in the military, the Council of Europe further supports the im- plementation of the reforms defined by the Strategy in line with the objectives of phase II of the Project “Human Rights and Women in the Armed Forces of Armenia’’. HUMAN RIGHTS AND WOMEN IN THE ARMED FORCES IN ARMENIA PHASE II Under the Action Plan Council of Europe for Armenia 2019- 2022 the Council of Europe and Armenia have agreed to co-operate on the reforms aiming to enhance the protec- tion of human rights in the armed forces. To contribute to this aim the Council of Europe is continuing the implemen- tation of the Phase II of its Project on “Human rights and wom- en in the armed forces in Armenia”, under the framework of the Council of Europe Action Plan for Armenia 2019-2022 funded by Germany, Ireland, Liechtenstein and Norway, Sweden.