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REMARKS The Newsletter for the Section on Racial and Ethnic Minorities

This issue brings you: FROM THE CHAIR BY WENDY ROTH LETTER FROM THE CHAIR - 1 "SYSTEMIC ANTI-BLACK RACISM MUST BE DISMANTLED" - 3 SOCIOLOGISTS WEIGH IN ON THE RECENT MOVEMENT - 5 THE NATIVE PEOPLE ETHNOCIDE IN BRAZIL - 6 THE CHILDREN OF THE SUN - 8 US NATIONALISM AND COVID - 12 NEW PUBLICATIONS - 13 ANNOUNCEMENTS - 18 #SOCAF - 19 SECTION AWARDS - 20 ASA SCHEDULE - 21 Dear SREM Members, MESSAGE FROM THE EDITORS - 22

Here we are in summer, most of us with our lives still upended by Covid-19 and wondering or just beginning to learn what our fall terms might be like. In the midst of all this uncertainty, could this be an opportunity for meaningful social change? Protests and social activism against anti-Black racism are continuing and public opinion is changing. According to the Washington Post, more White Americans are recognizing that racism is a significant part of Blacks Americans’ lived experience, and two-thirds of Americans say they support . In this election year, the work of SREM and its members could not be more important!

Along these lines, the SREM Council has written a statement, “Systemic Anti-Black Racism Must Be Dismantled: Statement by the American Sociological Association Section on Racial and Ethnic Minorities.” This was published in the section’s journal, Sociology of Race & Ethnicity, and is reprinted below.

Important things are happening at Sociology of Race & Ethnicity. First, after its launch in 2014, the journal has received its first rankings from the InCites Journal Citations Reports – and what rankings they are! SRE is ranked ahead of Social Science Research, Social Forces, and Ethnic & Racial Studies. It ranks 44th out of 150 sociology journals and 4th out of 20 ethnic studies journals. I’d like to thank the editorial team that has done such incredible work to make the section’s journal – the newest of all ASA journals – such a great success: co-editors David Brunsma and David Embrick, as well as Kevin Zevallos, Maggie Nanney, Amy Ernstes, Whitney Hayes, and Kaitlyne Motl. You have all done a tremendous job! From the Chair (Continued from p. 1)

Second, as our journal co-editors’ term draws toward its end, the SREM Publications Committee has been hard at work to solicit and review proposals for a new editorial team. They received one application package, which has reviewed and approved by both the Publications Committee and the SREM Council. We are working with ASA and will soon have more details for you and will be asking you to vote on the new editorial team as well.

We have been working to turn our planned SREM sessions for the ASA meeting into virtual engagement sessions. One session had to be canceled, but the others will go ahead virtually -- some as live sessions and others pre-recorded for you to watch asynchronously. The details appear below in this newsletter. Weblinks to the sessions will be available through the ASA program to those who’ve registered (it’s free). The SREM Business Meeting will be held live on Monday, August 10, at 2:30-3:10pm PDT/5:30-6:10pm EDT. I hope all of you will attend. Not only will we present the SREM awards then, we will also discuss proposed changes to the SREM Bylaws and sessions for next year’s annual meeting.

We will not be holding a virtual reception. But we have decided to make use of the money we save from this year’s in-person reception being canceled. Half of those funds will be donated to the ASA Minority Fellows Program. The other half will be used as travel grants for student members of our section to attend future ASA meetings.

Summer is a time of transitions for SREM. Verna Keith will become the new SREM Chair after the annual meeting, and Nicolas Vargas will become Chair-Elect. Congratulations, Verna and Nicolas! I want to recognize and sincerely thank the members who will be rotating off the SREM Council: Catherine Lee and Sarah Mayorga-Gallo as well as our student representative, Hadi Khoshneviss. I also want to recognize those who will be continuing their work with SREM. Onoso Imoagene is our Secretary-Treasurer and will continue in that position for 2 more years. San Juanita Garcia, Victor E. Ray, Shantel Gabrieal Buggs, and Cassi Pittman Claytor are current Council members who will be continuing. You have all done a lot of work for the section this year – thank you! And soon they will be joined by our newly elected members of Council: Celeste Curington and Anthony Peguero as well as our new student representative, Jalia Joseph.

I’m very grateful to the SREM Publications Committee, which has done a tremendous job this year under the leadership of its Chair, W. Carson Byrd. Kasey Henricks, Wendy Leo Moore, Saher Selod, Jennifer Mueller, and Louise Seamster served on the committee. Thank you all for your service! Particular thanks to Carson and Kasey who are completing their terms on the committee. After the annual meeting, Jean Beaman and Brenda Gambol will join Publications.

There are many others who have served the section this year. I’d particularly like to thank Brenda Gambol and Matt Schneider who have done excellent work in editing and steering this newsletter. Sincere thanks to Jalia Joseph, our social media administrator; Watoii Rabii, our website administrator; and Angela Gonzales, our Public Engagement Liaison. Many thanks to those who served on our awards committees as well. And of course, congratulations to the award recipients (listed in this issue)!I also want to thank all of you for being SREM members. Even though we’re not able to meet in person this year, I value this community and the support it offers tremendously. It has been a great pleasure to work with so many of you this year. And I look forward to seeing you again in person when the world allows that to happen.

All the best, Wendy Roth Systemic Anti-Black Racism Must Be Dismantled Shantel Gabrieal Buggs, Cassi Pittman Claytor, San Juanita García, Onoso Imoagene, Verna Keith, Hadi Khoshneviss, Catherine Lee, Sarah Mayorga-gallo, Victor E. Ray, and Wendy D. Roth.

We are outraged at the police brutality that allows the state-sanctioned murder of Black people in the United States. Time and again we have seen Black lives cut short by the police. In addition to the actions of the police, we have repeatedly seen innocent Black people harassed or killed by their White neighbors simply because they were suspicious, were nervous, or gave in to their collective paranoia. This violence and the systemic anti-Black racism that fuels it must be dismantled.

George Floyd’s slow, drawn-out murder under the knee of a Minneapolis police officer, , while other officers looked on, is a national disgrace. The fact that his murder was precipitated by a store owner following standard procedure to report counterfeit money, which does not require arrest or physical abuse to get answers about where the counterfeit currency comes from, illustrates that even seemingly innocent “standard procedure” can result in Black people’s deaths. The fact that he survived the coronavirus only to be murdered a month later illustrates the many intersections of vulnerability Black people experience.

This disgrace is repeated over and over. Like Eric Garner, Black people are murdered in police custody on suspicion of minor infractions, using tactics that have already been banned. Like Breonna Taylor, Atatiana Jefferson, and Botham Jean, Black people are murdered by police in their homes. Like Tony McDade and Kayla Moore, Black transgender people are murdered, misgendered by police and the media, and even blamed for their own deaths. Like Tamir Rice, they are murdered for appearing to be “adults.” Like Rekia Boyd, they are murdered even when police are “off duty.” And police are not the only ones who view Black lives as expendable. Like Ahmaud Arbery, Black people are murdered by their White neighbors for jogging. Like , they are murdered by self-appointed neighborhood watches for simply walking around. Like Renisha McBride, they are murdered for seeking help after a car accident.

These patterns continue because anti-Black racism is systemic in the United States, a society whose founding and economic success was based on the institution of Black slavery. Developing a view of Black people as less than human helped justify a system of slavery and the enormous profits made from it. Once slavery formally ended, Black people were excluded from economic opportunity. The wealth passed down over generations within White families and accumulated within institutions, which fuels inequalities that survive to this day, stems largely from these historical wrongs. Sociologists’ critical work has shown how these inequalities continue to disadvantage Black people in areas of education, health, law, and academia. The United States has not confronted this past.

We must dismantle the systemic anti-Black racism endemic to the United States. This demands long-term commitment and hard work in many institutions. We call for the following steps:

First, we call upon all state and city governments to demilitarize their police departments. Police departments must undergo reviews with community representation, charged with changing allowable tactics, making all practices and incidents visible to public scrutiny, and holding police officers and leadership accountable for violations and any unnecessary use of force. We call for strong legislation that will curtail the power of police unions, making it illegal to withhold body camera footage or prevent cops who kill from being identified. Noting that Derek Chauvin had received 18 complaints and committed two other murders of unarmed Native men before he murdered , we demand legislation making it illegal for any police department to hire officers with previous violations for excessive use of force. We call upon these governments to massively reduce the funding that is used to supply police departments with military-grade weapons and equipment that terrorize Black communities as if they are battlefields. Systemic Anti-Black Racism Must Be Dismantled (Continued fromp pg. 3)

Second, we call for criminal justice reform at the local, state, and federal levels. The United States imprisons far more people than any other nation, and Black people are more likely to be imprisoned than Whites for the same offenses. The overuse of imprisonment destroys families and communities. We call for an end to prison sentences for misdemeanors and low-level offenses and a drastic reduction of imprisonment as a criminal justice outcome. Our criminal justice systems should focus on rehabilitation rather than ending lives and disrupting family and community ties.

Third, we call for removing police presence from schools, particularly school resource officers and security guards, who serve as a funnel to the criminal justice system. These forms of police involvement in schools have created a school-to-prison pipeline through which students, especially Black students, end up behind bars. It fuels a carceral system whereby corporations profit from the trauma and pain of Black communities and their families.

Fourth, we call for a reinvestment in Black communities. The funding diverted away from the militarization of police departments and the prison industrial complex must be directed toward strengthening schools, facilities, housing, health care, and resources used by Black communities. We call on all levels of governments to end the funding of school systems through local property taxes and instead to commit to distributing funding to schools to equalize educational outcomes across school districts.

As academics, we also recognize the need to tackle systemic racism in our own disciplines, institutions, and workplaces. Universities say they want diversity and to include Black and indigenous scholars and scholars of color, but they have not done the work of transforming their institutional structures and policies to fully incorporate their needs and interests to recruit and retain them. These words remain empty in mission statements, unevenly pursued in practice. Universities need to recognize and compensate for the unequal expectations and demands on faculty members of color, from teaching evaluations that disproportionately criticize Black instructors, to extra service obligations so that every committee is “diverse,” to the additional mentoring required of faculty members of color as students of color confront the same systemic racism as themselves. Universities must also recognize that diversifying their faculties demands more fundamental changes to the expectations of faculty roles, scholarship, and engagement. Many people of color enter the academy not just to advance debates within the ivory tower but to support and lift up their communities. There must be multiple routes to success, tenure, and promotion, including the recognition of public engagement, community partnerships, and work that has outcomes beyond traditional measures of scholarship.

These are crucial first steps to begin to address the police brutality and systemic anti-Black racism in our society. We have an opportunity to make the United States a place that truly represents the ideals of equality and justice that so many have fought for throughout its history. These values must now extend to Black people, so many of whom were brought here against their will and are still owed a debt in this society. The U.S. experiment will not succeed until Black people too have the unalienable right to life and liberty and an equal opportunity to pursue happiness in a society with no one kneeling on their necks.

[Originally published in Race and Ethnicity. Please see original publication for recommended resources] Sociologists Weigh in on the Recent Racial Justice Movement Vânia Penha-Lopes, Ph.D. Professor of Sociology Bloomfield College

Black Lives Matter in Brazil

From my undergraduate years at Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, to my current position as a full professor of sociology at Bloomfield College, in New Jersey, I have devoted my entire academic life to the study of race and ethnic relations. Both the U.S. and Brazil are characterized by systemic racial discrimination. However, Brazilians are fond of saying that we are a “racial democracy” and that we are not racist; at best, they say, racial prejudice is veiled. It is amazing that so many have thought that way given that Brazil holds the world record of homicide of Black persons—especially young Black men between the ages of 15 and 29, and especially at the hands of the police.

As elsewhere, the lynching of George Floyd has spurred demonstrations in Brazil against police brutality which have also brought to the fore the recurrent murders of Black Brazilian children and adults. Like in the 1970s, when “Black Power” became a noticeable slogan in Brazil, Vidas Negras Importam (“Black Lives Matter” in Portuguese) is heard and read in every major city. Never had Brazilian TV stations gathered so many Black journalists and scholars to discuss the issue. Why now? I have yet to find an answer to this reaction in view of Eric Garner’s similar murder six years ago and the daily reports of murders throughout Brazil. In June, I participated as the sociology expert in two webinars organized by the Rev. Dr. Glenmore Bembry, a Baptist minister in Brooklyn, titled “Healing the Trauma of Racism.” I also write regularly on racism in Brazil and the U.S. on my website (www.vaniapenhalopes.com), on Facebook (@vaniapenhalopes.phd), and on Instagram (vaniapenhalopes_phd). It is gratifying to see that my readers, most of whom are Brazilian, vary so much in race, gender, sexual orientation, class, and educational level. That shows a widespread interest in learning more about racism and finding solutions for it.

Shirley Jackson, Ph.D. Professor of Black Studies Portland State University

As a sociologist who specializes in race, social movements, and gender, I have had numerous news outlets contact me for explanations of not only the protests surrounding the and so many others named and unnamed who have faced similar violent deaths. I see the protests as a reckoning--a calling out of those institutions that have allowed for far too long ignored what so many have tried to say was clearly not only happening but happening with impunity. But let us not ignore the fact that the institutions are made up of people who live in a society that has not only condoned, but ignored the violence that many are protesting. In June, the protests also coincided with Juneteenth. This event commemorates the end of slavery in Texas in June 1865, some two and a half years after the Emancipation Proclamation. Many states declared June 19th a holiday but it, and police killings of unarmed African American civilians have "suddenly" gained support from mainstream society in ways that have had a positive impact. Nevertheless, it is also disturbing that African Americans who have attempted to bring awareness to both have summarily been ignored by the larger society up until this year. Also alarming is the number of institutions that have released statements affirming their commitment to racial justice, even when no evidence of such support was evident in the past and statements appear void of specific steps to be taken in the future. Op-Eds The Native People Ethnocide in Brazil Ethel V. Kosminsky São Paulo State University – Marilia (Retired). Adjunct at CUNY/Queens College (2008-2013)

The alarming ethnocide of Native people in Brazil started when Jair Bolsonaro – a former Army captain and member of Rio de Janeiro legislation - assumed the presidency in 2019 thanks to Trump and Bannon support, and the manipulation of the Internet media. He has been evicting Native people and quilombolas from their land. Quilombolas are groups of former African slaves who own their land as a group. Native people also own their land and both ethnic population are protected by law. Bolsonaro allowed part of the Amazon rain forest be set on fire in order to attend the agribusiness interests: more meat for exporting to McDonnell, American and Brazilian companies – including JBS Meat Plant, the biggest meat plant industry originally Brazilian, and also located in the U.S.A. - and more soya to export to China. When a huge part of the Amazon area was destroyed by fire, São Paulo city, which is situated in Southern Brazil became night at daytime due to the smoke.

The model of Bolsonaro and his sons, all of them members of legislation, is Trump and the United States. According to Brazilian mail press, Bolsonaro family is connected to Rio de Janeiro’s milícias, a group of paramilitary who exploit the favelas’ dwellers and are connected to drug distribution. There is also a strong possibility of Bolsonaro family’s involvement with the killing of Marielle Franco, a Brazilian Black and lesbian politician, feminist and human rights activist together with her driver in Rio de Janeiro 2018. Jair Bolsonaro also celebrates the anniversary of the coup d’état that installed the Brazilian dictatorship for 21 years. He also admires the military that tortured the political prisoners back then.

However, Jair Bolsonaro and his sons are a very useful weapon for Brazilian banks, Federação da Indústria de São Paulo (FIESP, São Paulo Industry Federation), agribusiness, Army, and most middle class – all of them against workers’ movements. All of these institutions and people financially supported Bolsonaro’s election. Most of Rio de Janeiro middle class supports Bolsonaro and his former Minister of Justice Moroas the only way of fighting violence with more violence. Brazil is one of the most violent countries in the world. Every day several young Black people are killed in Rio de Janeiro favelas.

Ernesto Londoño and Letícia Casado wrote that “Local leaders and Indigenous advocates direct their blame for this deteriorating situation toward one person: President Jair Bolsonaro.” As he promised during his run for presidency, when he assumed the office, he immediately opened up the Amazon region to mining, logging industry, and large-scale farming. Mining implies in the use of mercury, which poison rivers and land. That’s how he started the ethnocide of Indigenous communities.

His attitudes was followed by “dismantling a system of protection for Indigenous communities enshrined in Brazil’s Constitution, with his government last year slashing the funding of the National Indian Foundation (FUNAI), the federal agency responsible for upholding those Indigenous rights,” and also for providing them doctors, medicines, and schools (Londoño & Casado). In 2020 Bolsonaro closed the FUNAI completely, and replace it by a high –ranking military and 19 soldiers with the intention of open a new road crossing Indigenous land, following the example of the military dictatorship (1964-1985). He also removed fines against companies that violate environmental law in the Amazon, thus opening the region for exploitative practices. Among most of the military previals an opinion against multinational NGOs, and European Op-Eds (continued from pg. 6) countries that struggle to protect the rain forest and its inhabitants. The military accuse them of illegal interference in the Brazilian sovereignty.

Among some tribes living in the area, the Uru Eu Wau Wau have suffered a sharp rise in land invasions and “threats in the Bolsonaro era. Further north, the Yanomami and Munduruku tribes have been invaded by thousands of gold miners” (Londoño & Casado). Gold miners use mercury, which poison water and soil, and ultimately human beings. It also affects fetuses in the womb.

The current situation of several tribes, who are getting in contact with golden miner, loggers, and agribusiness’ workers, is their contamination by several diseases, among them the COVID-19. Antônio Eduardo Oliveira, secretary of the Conselho Indigenista Missionário (CIMI, Missionary Indigenous Council) criticized Bolsonaro government by his lack of measures to prevent the alarming increase of the COVID-19 among the indigenous populations besides his lack of concerning toward the Indigenous rights. CIMI is a division of the Conferência Nacional dos Bispos Brasileiros (CNBB, Brazilian Bishop National Conference), which is a very active defender of the Brazilian Native people.

On April 28, 2020 Oliveira took part in an Internet meeting with the Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil (APIB, Brazilian Indigenous Peoples Connection). Dozens of Indigenous leaders participated in the Internet meeting. They were in despair with Bolsonaro’s government, and very worried about the COVID-19. According to the Coordenação das Organizações Indígenas da Amazônia Brasileira (COIAB, Brazilian Amazonian Indigenous Organizations Council) and updated until May 3, 26 Indigenous died from COVID-19, besides 132 cases of infected Indigenous and other 67 cases suspected of being infected. Among the most affected peoples, is the Kokama from Amazonas (state) that already lost 9 leaders due to COVID-19. They wrote a public letter asking for help due to the “indifference of the public power” (Publica. June 5, 2020).

Bolsonaro’s Indigenous policies, especially those that allowed the golden miners and the Indigenous land invasions bring with them the increase of the pandemic. “The communities do not have strength to resist to the invaders who have the empowerment and authorization of the State” – said Don Roque Paloshi, the president of the Conselho Indigenista Missionário. Op-Eds The Children of the Sun: Celebrating the 100-Year Anniversary of The Brownies' Book Freeden Blume Oeur Tufts University

The Brownies’ Book: A Monthly Magazine for the Children of the Sun, the first major periodical for Black children, had a short but marvelous run between 1920 and 1921.[1] On the 100-year anniversary of its publication, The Brownies’ Book still has much to offer scholars of race and childhood. Through poems, images, games, and stories that were by, for, and including Black Americans, The Brownies’ Book wanted nothing less than to decolonize children’s literature. While W. E. B. Du Bois is often credited for being the magazine’s chief architect, The Brownies’ Book was led by a dedicated team.[2] Augustus Granville Dill was the business manager and had collaborated with Du Bois on a number of research studies. The artistic heart and soul of The Brownies’ was Jessie Redmon Fauset, a gifted writer who lent her talents to The Brownies’ Book and recruited Harlem Renaissance artists to contribute their work to the magazine. From its very first issue, Brownies’ was a fascinating universe all its own. The magazine captured Du Bois’s affection for mixing genres, as historical facts mingled with propaganda, racial melodrama, and stories of the occult.[3] Biographical portraits of influential Black Americans were nestled alongside little nuggets describing the achievements of ordinary young people. The March 1920 issue celebrated the achievements of William Cofield, an aspiring actor. “Some boy!” the magazine announced. Many young people contributed original work. A story in the January 1921 issue by 11-year-old Gwendolyn Robinson explained how an old couple’s bickering lives on today in the quarrelling between thunder and lightning.

W. E. B. Du Bois and Childhood

Du Bois wore many hats, but he is not typically viewed as an historian or theorist of childhood. Yet young people were a central concern of his and he wrote about “childhood” in capacious terms: children as a metaphor, as a discrete group with their own needs and desires, as playful, and as future race leaders. Du Bois fought to restore the possibility of “freedom’s child,” the first generations of children coming of age after the end of slavery, but whose potential had been diminished by Jim Crow.[4] While Du Bois dedicated Brownies’ to Black youth—the “children of the sun”—Du Bois spoke of African Americans as the “children of the moon.” In a poem of the same name from Darkwater (1920), the moon represents the Black Messiah: “Heaven and earth are wings / Wings veiling some vast / And veiled face / In blazing Blackness.” In Du Bois’s interpretation, “Heaven and earth” represented the hypocrisy and failures of white Christianity, whose gospel veiled the immortal youth of Black people. The white supremacy that buttressed white Christianity would ultimately stand in judgment before a Black God who represented “the limitless potential of African Americans.”[5] Op-Eds (continued from pg. 8) In his writings, Du Bois blurred the boundaries between adulthood and childhood. The Brownies’ Book made clear that Black youth should not be shielded from racial violence, just as the magazine created a world of fantasy and boundless imagination where children could simply play and live as children. In fact, the magazine spoke to an audience of both youth and adults. Here, Brownies’ employed the “cross-writing” that was an essential strategy of the New Negro literature movement: one that “draws on a construction of a sophisticated and militant Black childhood” where “the child thus becomes race leader.”[6] The cross-written nature of Brownies’ therefore exemplified Du Bois’s pragmatist sensibilities: affirming various dialectical tensions (adulthood and childhood, race leadership and protectionism) and proposing an action-oriented solution in adapting a children’s magazine for political purposes.

Race scholars have documented the systematic exclusion of Du Bois by mainstream sociology in the early 1900s. The field of psychology was also culpable. G. Stanley Hall’s enormously influential text Adolescence (1904) is now regarded as racist and paternalistic because it advanced the notion that the development of white children into adulthood recapitulates human evolution. Less well known is how Hall’s recapitulation theory implicates Du Bois. While Hall was aware of Du Bois and his work, he failed to cite Du Bois in Adolescence. Instead, Hall commends Booker T. Washington’s industrial training program in support of the idea that Blacks were members of an “adolescent race.” Yet Du Bois’s mission was to critique the very foundations of this “racialized modernity”—the contemporary period’s entanglements of racism and colonialism—which nurtured those racist recapitulation theories, and by extension, visions of desirable white futures.[7]

The Legacy of The Brownies’ Book

Brownies is noteworthy for being among the first children’s literature to address violence, trauma, and political activism. The Red Summer of 1919 was the final impetus Du Bois needed to start a children’s magazine, as children were among the many victims of that summer’s race massacre. The riots in Chicago began after 17-year-old Eugene Williams drowned after being pelted with rocks. A digital remake of Brownie’s rightfully points out that mass racial violence that harms Black youth continues today in the form of “Stand Your Ground” laws, school surveillance, and mass incarceration.[8] Youth have been central to mobilization efforts against police violence, and have organized and participated in the ongoing protests following the murder of George Floyd in May 2020.

The Brownies’ Book also helped introduced the fantastic—a genre encompassing the supernatural, the mystical, and the marvelous—to Black youth. In “The Gypsy’s Finger-Ring,” written by Willis Richardson in the March 1921 issue, a group of children meet a gypsy born in Egypt. The gypsy is wearing a ring that allows its holder to see the past, present, and future. One girl wishes to see slavery so that “will urge us on.” Viewed in this light, the magazine’s many fairy tales are deeply political. Through fairy tales and mini dramas, Brownies’ elaborated on Du Bois’s strong interest in the fantastical emerging from African epistemologies and spirituality. More recently, Ebony Elizabeth Thomas has identified these fantastical stories as a predecessor to Afrofuturism and other forms of Black speculation.[9] Black girls, according to Thomas, are trapped in a cycle of the “dark fantastic” that finds them perpetually endangered. Counter-narratives help to break this cycle and point the way to emancipatory futures. In its brief moment in the sun, The Brownies’ Book urged Black children to imagine these very possibilities. Op-Eds (continued from pg. 9) Notes [1] For access to each of the issues, see http://childlit.unl.edu/topics/edi.brownies.html. [2] Dianne Johnson-Feelings, ed., The Best of The Brownies’ Book (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). [3] Susan Gillman, Blood Talk: American Race Melodrama and the Culture of the Occult (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2003). [4] Mary Niall Mitchell, Raising Freedom’s Child: Black Children and Visions of the Future After Slavery (New York: NYU Press, 2008). [5] Edward Blum, “‘There Won’t Be Any Rich People in Heaven’: The Black Christ, White Hypocrisy, and the Gospel According to W. E. B. Du Bois,” The Journal of African American History, 90, no. 4 (Autumn 2005): 368- 386, 383. [6] Katharine Capshaw Smith, Children’s Literature of the Harlem Renaissance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), xix. [7] José Itzigsohn and Karida Brown, The Sociology of W. E. B. Du Bois: Racialized Modernity and the Global Color Line (New York: New York University Press, 2020). [8] https://www.thebrowniesbook.com/edudaily/2019/8/28/red-summer-of-1919. [9] Ebony Elizabeth Thomas, The Dark Fantastic: Race and the Imagination from Harry Potter to the Hunger Games (New York: NYU Press, 2019). Op-Eds US Nationalism and COVID-19 Ruikun (Hulda) Geng Kenyon College

In his book, Against Paranoid Nationalism: Searching for Hope in a Shrinking Society, Ghassan Hage (2003) contends that nation states’ incapability to decrease their function of “distributing hope” has created a culture of worrying and paranoia. While paranoid nationalism, as scholars such as Benedict Anderson (2006) and Anthony Marx (2003) have argued, is not a new development —indeed, it is at the core of nationalism— COVID-19 provides a new case and analytical opportunity to look into these dynamics. Hage holds that the expression of “worrying about one’s nation” relies on the notion of imagined communities and enemies (2003: 22). Hence, as a way to express one’s belonging and loyalty to one’s nation, this imagining involves and relies on the process of manufacturing enemies that constitute a potential “threat” towards the solidarity of the community that one belongs to. A pair of enemies that are still obvious today is democracy/Capitalism versus dictatorship/Communism. A related dichotomy associates methods of governance with geography rather than economic systems, finding its roots in classic works such as Montesquieu’s (1748) The Spirit of Laws, where he associates moderate forms of governance with the Christian West, as well as more contemporary works such as Hans Kohn’s work on Western civic nationalism vs. Eastern ethnic nationalism (Calhoun 2007). Based on such a tradition of othering, the United States associated itself with notions of democracy and Capitalism but, for example, labels China and North Korea with dictatorship and Communism. Even today, though we have moved on from the era of the Cold War, countries defined as dictatorships and/or Communist regimes are framed as enemies standing “on the opposite side of the US,” and were even considered an “axis of evil” by President Bush when he talked about Iraq, Iran, and North Korea (Pitzer 2017, 374). However, as Hage points out, “the threatening object in the discourse of worrying is intrinsic rather than extrinsic to the national subject-national society relation” (2003: 30). The worrying is a reflection of “us” projected onto the “other.” The worrying, or paranoid nationalism, as Hage explains, is the anxiety of being abandoned by one’s country. In other words, paranoid nationalism is the craving for the nurturing and caring of one’s country which could perfect the fantasy of one’s imagined community. Worrying, be it about an attack by the “evil countries,” a foreign virus, “barbaric eating habits,” or those “others” from within, is a means employed by the political establishment and its citizens aimed at constructing the United States as a country whose democratic history and civic principles are threatened. The rhetoric of the COVID-19 and China defends the nation from potential threats and enemies in order to cover the anxiety of defects in the government’s coping of the crisis.

Hage further explains that the paranoia is the consequence of the distribution of hope from nation-states. Hope is somewhat similar to imagination: it is not equally distributed, it is racialized and gendered, and it also combines members together to form a community. Hage explores the gendered aspects of the distribution of hope in the notions of motherland and fatherland. While the motherland plays the role of nurturing and caring for her citizens, the fatherland regulates the nation as well as othering what lies outside the nation (Hage 2003, 33-35). During this global pandemic era, it is both the nation’s responsibility to “maintain public sanitation and disease-free communities” as well as curb and respond citizens’ anxiety about the contagious virus, both executing the role of fatherland and motherland (Pitzer 2017, 12). However, once the government failed to act effectively in either role, the paranoid nationalism took charge. Citizens either blaming China for COVID-19 and being racist against Asians or craving for more financial and medical assistance from the government.

Most of the countries in the world have limited international travel and will only let their citizens enter the country because of the pandemic. As Hage indicates, the distribution of hope and the sense of security also Op-Eds (continued from pg. 11) has “the form of immobility as well as in the form of an enclosure” (2003: 28). A community can never share their symbolic father and mother with enemies, and the border functions as the protection of hope and sometimes even violence against those outsiders who dare to challenge it. Although letting people enter the country from overseas would carry the risk of bringing the virus inside the physical order, governments cannot stop their citizens from coming back to their own countries, and some even chose to evacuate their nationals from Wuhan, China in January. Citizenship here also functions as a boundary separating those whom a state protects from those whom it does not, even though all humans in Wuhan, despite their citizenships, were dying from the COVID-19. Nations made the distinction between who to evacuate and who to leave behind purely based on citizenship. As Hage notices, the imagined nationalism is also about defending hope through othering (2003, 32). Besides the rising xenophobic tendency in society, paranoid nationalism impels “defending hope” by excluding the “other” within the country. Other than the already obvious furious anti-Asian racism, people of color in general and those who are from lower socioeconomic status pay the price and suffer the most during the COVID-19 pandemic; these people are facing the risk of having even less access to public medical resources and have the highest death rate in New York City (McPhearson et al., 2020). Hope is not equally distributed to these “undesirable exogenous” others as Evelyn Glenn (2015) in her article Settler Colonialism as Structure: A Framework for Comparative Studies of U.S. Race and Gender Formation used to describe Native Americans, Mexicans, and Chinese Americans. Although all three groups were exploited for labor demands in the US, they are considered as others within the country and removed from the imagination as well as locked in reservations and their neighborhoods (Glenn, 2015). Besides excluding people of color from already hard-to-get medical resources, declining income and employment opportunities further marginalize people of color. People of color are involved mostly in manual labor without sufficient protection from infection and adequate socioeconomic resources to help them get through the economic hardship during the pandemic (Das, 2020). In today’s circumstance, the marginalization and exclusion of people of color are no longer through physical removal, but excluding people of color from the symbolic motherland and fatherland as well as hope.Above all, both country and citizens manufacture the distribution of hope within the exclusive imagined community through worrying, paranoia, and othering. In the new case and analytical opportunity of the COVID-19 pandemic, we are able to look into these psychological dynamics in US nationalism. This pandemic creates more challenges and further marginalizes people of color in the US as well as enhances the exclusiveness of nationalism.

Bibliographies 1. Anderson, Benedict R. O. G. 2016. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. 2. Calhoun, Craig J. 2011. Nations Matter: Culture, History, and the Cosmopolitan Dream. London: Routledge. 3. Das, Raju J. 2020. “Human Suffering during the Pandemic and the Need for a New Society: Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal.” Human Suffering during the Pandemic and the Need for a New Society | Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal. Retrieved May 21, 2020 (http://links.org.au/human-suffering-during-pandemic-need-new-society). 4. Glenn, Evelyn Nakano. 2015. “Settler Colonialism as Structure: A Framework for Comparative Studies of U.S. Race and Gender Formation.” Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 1 (1): 54–74. 5. Hage, Ghassan. 2003. Against Paranoid Nationalism: Searching for Hope in a Shrinking Society. London, UK: Pluto Press. 6. Marx, Anthony W. 2005. Faith in Nation: Exclusionary Origins of Nationalism. New York: Oxford University Press. 7. McPhearson, Timon et al. 2020. “5 Charts That Explain COVID-19 Impacts in NYC.” Public Seminar. Retrieved May 21, 2020 (https://publicseminar.org/essays/5-charts-that-explain-covid-19-impacts-in-nyc/). 8. Montesquieu and Jean Jacques Rousseau. 1952. The Spirit of Law. Chicago: Encyclopædia Britannica. 9. Pitzer, Andrea. 2017. One Long Night: A Global History of Concentration Camps. New York, NY: Little, Brown and Company. Books by SREM Members

Anna Branch and Christina Jackson. Black in America: The Paradox of the Color Line. It is a historical and contemporary sociological overview of Blacks in America.

Cedric de Leon. 2019. Crisis! When Political Parties Lose the Consent to Rule.

Fred L. Pincus. 2020. Confessions of a Radical Academic.

Jan Doering. Us versus Them: Race, Crime, and Gentrification in Chicago Neighborhoods.

Jeff Denis. Canada at a Crossroads: Boundaries, Bridges, and Laissez-Faire Racism in Indigenous- Settler Relations. (https://utorontopress.com/us/canada-at-a-crossroads-4).

Jennifer Patrice Sims and Chinelo L. Njaka. Mixed-Race in the US and UK: Comparing the Past, Present, and Future.

Kathleen J. Fitzgerald. Recognizing Race and Ethnicity: Power, Privilege, and Inequality, 3rd Edition. https://www.routledge.com/Recognizing-Race-and-Ethnicity-Power-Privilege-and- Inequality/Fitzgerald/p/book/9780367182243

Kathleen J. Fitzgerald and Kandice L. Grossman. Sociology of Sexualities, 2nd Edition. https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/sociology-of-sexualities/book267539

Margaret L. Andersen. Getting Smart about Race: An American Conversation.

Margaret M. Chin. Stuck: Why Asian Americans Don't Reach the Top of the Corporate Ladder.

María G. Rendón. Stagnant Dreamers: How the Inner City Shapes the Integration of Second Generation Latinos.

Thomas Pettigrew. Contextual Social Psychology: Reanalyzing Prejudice, Voting and Intergroup Contact. This book argues for bringing social psychology in psychology closer together with social psychology in sociology and shows how through contextual methods.

Thomas Janoski, Cedric de Leon, Joya Misra and Isaac Martin (eds). 2020. The New Handbook of Political Sociology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Tobie S. Stein. Racial and Ethnic Diversity in the Performing Arts Workforce. https://www.routledge.com/Racial-and-Ethnic-Diversity-in-the-Performing-Arts- Workforce/Stein/p/book/9781138188457 Discount code: SOC20 Journal Articles and Book Chapters by SREM Members

Aarón Arredondo and Juan Jose Bustamante. 2019. “White Space, Brown Place: Racialized Experiences Accessing Public Space in an Arkansas Immigrant Community” Sociological Inquiry, Early View Online, doi: 10.1111/soin.12273

Annie Isabel Fukushima. 2020. “Witnessing in a Time of Homeland Futurities.” Anti-Trafficking Review 14: 67-81. https://doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220145

Carla M. Dhillon. 2020. “Indigenous Feminisms: Disturbing Colonialism in Environmental Science Partnerships.” Sociology of Race and Ethnicity. https://doi.org/10.1177/2332649220908608

Chase M. Billingham, Shelley M. Kimelberg, Sarah Faude & Matthew O. Hunt. 2020. “In Search of a safe school: Racialized perceptions of security and the school choice process.” The Sociological Quarterly. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00380253.2019.1711257.

Cynthia Feliciano. 2020. "Immigrant Selectivity Effects on Health, Labor Market, and Educational Outcomes." Annual Review of Sociology 46(1):null. doi: 10.1146/annurev-soc-121919-054639.

Cynthia Feliciano and Rubén G. Rumbaut. 2020. "Coming of Age before the Great Expulsion: The Story of the Cils-San Diego Sample 25 Years Later." Ethnic and Racial Studies 43(1):199-217. doi: 10.1080/01419870.2019.1667507.

Daeshin Hayden Ju, Amaka Okigbo, Sejung Sage Yim, and Jessica Halliday Hardie. 2020. “Ethnic and Generational Differences in Partnership Patterns among Asians in the United States.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. DOI: 10.1080/1369183X.2020.1770582

Daniel E. Martínez and Kelsey E. Gonzalez. 2020. “Panethnicity as a Reactive Identity: Primary Panethnic Identification among Latino-Hispanics in the United States.” Ethnic and Racial Studies. Online First April 18, 2020.

Jane H. Yamashiro. 2019. "Japanese American Millennials in Japan." Pp. 231-54 in Japanese American Millennials: Rethinking Generation, Community, and Diversity edited by M. Omi, D. Y. Nakano and J. T. Yamashita. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Jean Beaman and Amy Petts. 2020. “Towards a Global Theory of Colorblindness: Comparing Colorblind Racial Ideology in France and the United States.” Sociology Compass 14(4): e12774

Jennifer C. Mueller. 2020. “Racial Ideology or Racial Ignorance? An Alternative Theory of Racial Cognition.” Sociological Theory. DOI: 10.1177/0735275120926197. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0735275120926197?journalCode=stxa

Joe R. Feagin and Sean Elias. "Theories of Race, Ethnicity, and the Racial State." New Handbook of Political Sociology. Edited by Thomas Janoski, Cedric de Leon, Joya Misra, and Isaac William Martin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Jonathan M.Cox. 2020. “On Shaky Ground: Black Authenticity at Predominantly White Institutions.” Social Currents 7(2):173-189. Available here

Juan Jose Bustamante. 2019. “U.S. Immigration Enforcement by Proxy: The Making of a New South to South Border Between Mexico and Central America.” In Imagined Borders/Lived Ambiguity: Intersections of Repression and Resistance. B. Garrick Harden (Ed.). Lanham: Lexington Books, Pp. 143-164

Kiera Coulter, Samantha Sabo, Daniel E. Martínez, Katelyn Chisholm, Kelsey E. Gonzalez, Sonia Bass Zavala, Edrick Villalobos, Diego Garcia, Taylor Levy, and Jeremy Slack. 2020. “A Study and Analysis of the Treatment of Mexican Unaccompanied Minors by Customs and Border Protection.” Journal on Migration and Human Security. (Online First April 22, 2020)

Maria D. Duenas. 2020. "Naming Racisms: Identifying and Responding to Biological and Colorblind Racisms." Class Activity published in TRAILS: Teaching Resources and Innovations Library for Sociology. Washington DC: American Sociological Association.

Maria R. Lowe, Reginald A. Byron, Holly O’Hara, and Dakota Cortez. 2020. "Neutralized Hegemonic Banter: The Persistence of Sexist and Racist Joking Among Undergraduate Students." Sociological Inquiry.

Marisela Martinez-Cola. 2020. "Nightlights, Collectors, and Allies, Oh My! White Mentors in the Academy." Understanding and Dismantling Privilege 10(1):25-57. https://www.wpcjournal.com/article/view/20275

Ryan Smith and Matthew Hunt. 2020. “White Supervisor and Subordinate Beliefs about Black/White Inequality. Social Problems. https://academic.oup.com/socpro/advance-article- abstract/doi/10.1093/socpro/spaa014/5827864?redirectedFrom=fulltext Add a little bit of body text Sean Elias and Joe R. Feagin. 2020. "Systemic Racism and the White Racial Frame." Routledge International Handbook of Contemporary Racisms. Edited by John Solomos. Oxon and New York: Routledge.

Şule Yaylaci, Wendy D. Roth, and Kaitlyn Jaffe. 2019. “Measuring Racial Essentialism in the Genomic Era: The Genetic Essentialism Scale for Race (GESR).” Current Psychology: Online first. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-019-00311-z

Tiffany D. Joseph. 2020. “Whitening Citizenship: Race, Ethnicity, and Documentation Status as Brightened Boundaries of Exclusion in the U.S. and Europe.” Chapter 4 in International Handbook of Contemporary Racisms. (Editor John Solomos). New York: Routledge Press.

Vanessa Gonlin. 2020. "Colorful Reflections: Skin Tone, Reflected Race, and Perceived Discrimination among Blacks, Latinxs, and Whites." Race and Social Problems. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs12552-020-09290-4

Victor Rios, Greg Prieto, and Jonathan M. Ibarra. 2020. “Mano Suave–Mano Dura: Legitimacy Policing and Latino Stop-and-Frisk.” American Sociological Review. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0003122419897348

Wendy D. Roth, Şule Yaylacı, Kaitlin Jaffe, Lindsey Richardson. 2020. “Do Genetic Ancestry Tests Increase Racial Essentialism? Findings from a Randomized Controlled Trial.” PLoS ONE 15(1): e0227399. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0227399

Zawadi Rucks-Ahidiana, David J. Harding and Heather Harris. 2020. "Race and the Geography of Opportunity in the Post-Prison Labor Market." Social Problems. https://academic.oup.com/socpro/advance-article- abstract/doi/10.1093/socpro/spaa018/5850629

Add a little bit of body text Other Scholarly Contributions

Bedelia Richards. No Jargon Podcast. “Creating racially inclusive campuses.” https://scholars.org/podcast/creating-inclusive-campuses

Jonathan M.Cox. 2019. “When What You See Means More Than How I See Myself: How Forced Minoritized Identities for Millennials of Color Serves Whiteness.” Spark

Louise Cainkar. 2020. “The Muslim Ban and Trump’s War on Immigration.” Middle East Report 294 (Spring).

María G. Rendón. 2020. Blog: “Amidst Rising Inequality, Second-Generation Latinos in the Inner City Sustain the American Dream.” Center for the Study of Immigrant Integration (CSII), University of Southern California.

María G. Rendón. 2020. Op-Ed: “For Latinos, a college degree doesn’tguarantee entrance to the middle class.” OC Register, Daily News, LongBeach Press Telegram.

Nancy Wang Yuen appeared in a PBS documentary, "Asian Americans,” which aired on 5/11 on local PBS stations and streaming. The documentary can be accessed here: https://www.pbs.org/show/asian-americans/

Tiffany D. Joseph. 2020. “Trump’s Immigration Policies are Making the Coronavirus Pandemic Worse.” Op-ed, Newsweek, April 24, available at https://www.newsweek.com/trumps-immigration-policies-are-making-coronavirus-pandemic- worse-opinion-1500129.

Tiffany D. Joseph. 2020. “Unpacking the Invisible Citizenship Knapsack.” Contexts Blog Post, April 16, 2020, available at https://contexts.org/blog/unpacking-the-invisible- citizenship-knapsack/.

Cheryl Townsend Gilkes. https://religionnews.com/2020/05/27/kneeling-to-venerate-hate- the-meaning-of-a-police-murder-in-minnesota/

Add a little bit of body text Promotions, Awards, and Other News

Billy R. Brocato has accepted a tenure-track assistant professor position in sociology at the University of Maryland-Eastern Shore, Princess Anne, MD, beginning August 2020.

Brenda Gambol successfully defended her dissertation, “A Re-evaluation of the Hyper- Selectivity Perspective: The Case of Second Generation Filipinos.”

Bruce D. Haynes from the University of California-Davis won the 2019 Albert J. Raboteau Prize for Best Book in Africana Religions for his book, The Soul of Judaism: Jews of African Descent in America. It was also blurbed by Howard Winant for its contribution to sociology. https://www.facebook.com/JAfricanaRelig/posts/2260231320748633

Cassaundra Rodriguez was awarded the Woodrow Wilson Career Enhancement Fellowship for the 2020-2021 academic year.

Christina Jackson was recently promoted to Associate Professor of Sociology at Stockton University.

Dialika Sall successfully defended her dissertation, “(Re)Defining Blackness: Race, Ethnicity and the Children of African Immigrant” this May at Columbia University and will become an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Lehman College-CUNY, after a postdoctoral fellowship at Rice University.

Jane H. Yamashiro is a Research Justice at the Intersections Fellow at Mills College for 2019- 2020. She is currently researching Okinawan identity construction on the US continent.

Matthew Jerome Schneider successfully defended his dissertation, “Touring Homelessness: The reproduction of race, class, and urban space through grassroots homeless services in St. Louis, MO.”

Reuben A. Buford May has been named the Florian Znaniecki Professorial Scholar and Professor of Sociology in the Department of Sociology at the University of Illinois in Urbana- Champaign beginning Fall 2020.

Vanessa Gonlin has accepted a tenure-track assistant professor position at the University of Georgia, where I will be teaching and researching race and quantitative methods. She also sucessfully defended her dissertation, "Linking Identity: Discrimination, Linked Fate, and Spouse's Race among Adults with Mixed Race Ancestry," at Texas A&M. #SocAF

#SocAF is a Twitter based movement that is using self and communal love to challenge the idea of impostor syndrome within the discipline. #SocAF has two meanings: “Soc as fuck,” and “Sociology Affirmations.” Every Wednesday from 1-3pm ET, a community of scholars use the hashtag to post about their accomplishments from the week prior. We emphasize that no “win” is too small. Colleagues post anything from typing a paragraph to winning a national fellowship—all of the wins are shown the same love through likes, retweets, and words of affirmations. Through this community effort, we affirm others that their person is great, and not defined by unrealistic standards. Our goal is to change the culture of the discipline—and academia overall—to be caring, constructive, communal, and move with a “love ethic” expressed by bell hooks in all about love. We believe this change in culture will foster a community of scholars who are truly invested in each other, promote scholarship from the margins, and transform the ivory to prevent another “scholar denied.”

The #SocAF Collective @koreytillman_ @SocScholarCR @BlkSocWithQTNA @SocForbes @Aya__Marie @Staying_Sasha @1solbro @thememoryworker @snojans@mylesmoodyit of body text Congratulations to the Winners of the 2020 SREM Awards

2020 Oliver Cromwell Cox Book Award Committee: San Juanita Garcia (Chair), Marcelle Medford, Derron Wallace, Rory Kramer, Freeden Blume Oeur, Ferzana Havewala, Sharon Aneta Bryant Winner: Ruha Benjamin: "Race After Technology: Abolitionist Tools for the New Jim Code" Honorable Mention: Jennifer Jones: "The Browning of the New South."

2020 Oliver Cromwell Cox ARTICLE Award Committee: Shantel Gabrieal Buggs (Chair), Glenn Bracey, Alfredo Huante, Atiya Husain, Junia Howell, Celia Lacayo Winner: Gurusami, Susila. 2019. "Motherwork Under the State: The Maternal Labor of Formerly Incarcerated Black Women." Social Problems, 66; 128-143. Honorable Mention: Ray, Victor. 2019. "A Theory of Racialized Organizations." American Sociological Review, 1-19. Online First. 2020

James E. Blackwell Graduate Student Paper Award Committee: Victor Ray (Chair), Elizabeth Korver-Glenn, SunAh Laybourn, Maryann Erigha, Paula Miller, Tracie Q. Gilbert, Louise Cainkar Co-winner: Bento, Asia. "When and Where Residential Racial Segregation Matters for the Black Self-Employment Rate” Co-winner: Cross, Christina. "Beyond the Binary: Intraracial Diversity in Family Organization and Black Adolescents’ Educational Performance”

2020 Distinguished Early Career Award Committee: Cassi Pittman Claytor (Chair), Lydia Hou, Kathleen Fitzgerald, Steven Tuch, Darren Wheelock Winner: Victor Ray Honorable Mention: S. Michael Gaddis

Founder's Award for Scholarship & Service Committee: Catherine Lee (Chair), Sarah Mayorga-Gallo, Chip Gallagher, Hephzibah Strmic-Pawh, Jean Beaman Winner: David Brunsma SREM Roundtables at Virtual Meeting

Tabl/Presider/Format 1. Religious Practices among Racial and Ethnic Groups Shaonta' Allen (Live)

2. New Approaches in Theorizing Race Chloe Dunston (Live)

3. Racialized Outcomes of Policing & Protests Theresa Rocha Beardall (TBC)

4. Racial & Ethnic Classification/Categorization Christina Alicia Sue (Pre-recorded)

5. Racial and Ethnic Trends in the Labor Market Chandra Reyna (Live)

6. Racialized Performances in Educational Spaces Neli Demireva (Pre-recorded)

7. Racialized Experiences in Higher Education Frederick T. Tucker (Live)

8. Inter/Multi-Raciality in Educational Spaces Marcelo Bohrt (Live)

9. The Social Construction and Implications of Whiteness N/A (Canceled)

10. The Race, Place, and Space of Whiteness Ryan Talbert (TBC)

11. MENA and Racial Classification Natalia Cornelia Malancu (TBC)

12. Race and Mental Health Jeanne E. Kimpel (Live)

13. Race, Health, and Institutions Ynesse Abdul-Malak (TBC)

14. Latinos in America Angie N. Ocampo (Live)

15. Immigrant Incorporation and Integration Kevin T. Smiley (Live)

16. Examining Inequality: Race, Class, and Work Yurong Zhang (TBC)

17. Muslims and Racial Discrimination (TBD TBC)

18. Race and Ethnicity in Asian America Zobayer Ahmmad (Live)

19. Identity and Belonging Brin Xu (Pre-recorded)

20. Race, Media, & Representation Minjeong Kim (Live)

[For more details, please see the ASA Annual Meeting Program] Parting Message from the Editors

Generally, we try to keep our newsletter message positive. However, we think you will forgive us for saying that 2020 has been incredibly taxing -- emotionally, psychologically, and physically. We’ve all felt it. Given that the trials of 2020 are so present in our everyday work, we don’t wish to dwell on it (at least not in this exact moment). We only bring it up to highlight what an absolute joy and inspiration it has been to serve as your newsletter editors this past year. We’ve been impressed by your scholarship, your public outreach, and your determination. Even in these most trying times, you all have not only shown us how to “be productive” but also how scholars and activists should engage with an unjust world. As junior scholars, systematically putting together a list of your accomplishments for each newsletter has been both uplifting and motivating. We hope that by putting these newsletters together, readers have been equally inspired.

Thank you to all of the people who have contributed to this newsletter and to our past newsletters. Special thanks goes to those who have contributed op-ed style essays. Our greatest thanks goes to the SREM Chair, Wendy Roth, who has been a supportive and guiding voice throughout our term of service.

When we are finally able to meet in person again, we hope that you won’t be strangers. When you see us at conferences, please pull us aside. It’d be great to put a face to your tremendous work!

In solidarity,

Matthew Jerome Schneider University of North Carolina at Pembroke [email protected]

Brenda Gambol Mount Saint Mary College [email protected]