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Scientific Misconduct and Theft: Case Report from 17Th Century

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Scientific Misconduct and Theft: Case Report from 17Th Century History of Medicine Scientific Misconduct and Theft: Case Report from 17th Century Stella Fatović-Ferenčić Department for the History and Gjuro Armen Baglivi was one of the most famous medical authorities of Philosophy of Sciences, Division the 17th century. Apart from his numerous books and publications, sev- for the History of Medicine, Croatian Academy of Sciences eral extensive collections of his correspondence have been preserved and and Arts, Zagreb, Croatia are available in libraries around the world. They provide new information about the 17th century scientific culture and place of Baglivi’s work in the scientific European context. Also, they shed light on his personal- ity more than other writings intended for the public eye. In this paper I will present the case of a theft of intellectual property, which Baglivi described in one of his letters to Jean Jacques Manget. History repeats itself; that’s one of the things that’s wrong with the history Clarence Darrow “All new discoveries are the property of the author; to as- sure the inventor the property and temporary enjoyment of > Correspondence to: Stella Fatović-Ferenčić his discovery, there shall be delivered to him a patent for five, Gundulićeva 24 ten or fifteen years” (1), states the French law of 1791, the 10000 Zagreb, Croatia [email protected] first written document acknowledging the authors’ right to their intellectual property. The very term “intellectual prop- erty” was used for the first time in 1845 Massachusetts Cir- cuit Court ruling in the patent case Davoll v. Brown (2). In 1893, the Bureau for Protection of Intellectual Property > Received: September 28, 2007. (BIRPI) was established, the forerunner of the later World > Accepted: December 5, 2007. Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO), which was set up in 1967 (1). Last year, thus, we marked WIPO’s 40th an- niversary. It was also the 300th anniversary of the death of > Croat Med J. 2007;48:87-90 Gjuro Armen Baglivi (1668-1707) (Figure 1). These two an- > doi:10.3325/cmj.2008.1.87 niversaries offer a good occasion to recall a three-century-old www.cmj.hr 87 Croat Med J 2008;49:87-90 lated into Italian, French, German, and Eng- lish. Moreover, Baglivi was among the most celebrated authorities of his time, a “membre d’honneur” of L’Académie française, and a member of the Royal Society in London and the Accademia dell’Arcadia (4,7). There are several extensive collections of Baglivi’s correspondence preserved and kept in different libraries around the world. They pro- vide new information about the 17th century Figure 1. Stamp issued on the occasion of 300th anniversary of scientific culture and Baglivi’s work in the sci- Baglivi’s death. entific European context. Baglivi’s letters shed case of intellectual property theft, described in light on his personality more than any other Gjuro Armen Baglivi’s correspondence kept in writings intended for the public eye. The col- Osler’s library of the McGill University, Mon- lection in the Osler’s library contains 23 let- treal, Canada (3). ters that Baglivi addressed to his contempo- Born in Dubrovnik as Đuro (Gjuro) Ar- raries: seven to Jean Jacques Manget, four to men, he received the name Baglivi when he was Lucas Schröck, one to Pierre Sylvain Regis, adopted at the age of fifteen by Italian physi- one to Jean Baptiste Gabriel Fressant, one to cian Pietro Angelo Baglivi. He worked in Italy Giovanni Domenico Putignani, one to An- as a doctor and medical researcher, anatomist, tonio Magliabechi, two to Johann Jacob Rau, and early pathologist (4). He also made impor- one to Pierre Chirac, one to Girolamo Baruf- tant contributions to clinical education based faldi, one to Lorenzo Bellini, one to Georg on his own practice and advanced the theory Bennis, one to Pierre Chauvin, and one to the that the solid parts of the organs are more im- Royal Society (3). It is evident that most of portant for their functioning than their fluids the letters from this collection were written to (5). Although Baglivi’s name is usually associ- his older colleague, Swiss physician and medi- ated with the iatromechanic approach (mech- cal writer, Jean Jacques Manget (1652-1742), anistic interpretations and mathematical lan- known for his treatise on the bubonic plague guage in science), he was deeply influenced by as well as for a large collection of alchemical Hippocratic tradition focused on the idea of works (8). His first letter to Manget confirms the inherent healing power in the body (5). some facts from Baglivi’s life, eg, that Salerno As a student of Marcello Malpighi and harbin- was his graduation place, but it is particularly ger of new scientific ideas, Baglivi took to ex- interesting because in one of its passages, Ba- perimental observations (5). One of the most glivi provided a detailed report on a theft of prominent researchers of Baglivi’s work, Dr intellectual property that happened to him. Grmek insisted on the validation of Baglivi’s work in accordance with his genuine merits Case report (6). Grmek pointed out that by “formulating the living fibers theory, Baglivi places himself The letter opening the case of the theft is dat- as the bridge between classical medicine and ed August 1, 1693, and communicates Ba- the reductionist method of natural sciences.” glivi’s intention to publish a book Specimen His collected works written in Latin language chirurgiae fundamentalis restitutae based on had more than 20 editions and were trans- his observations of the patients (8). Fortune, 88 Scientific Misconduct and Theft: Case Report from 17th Century however, he writes, had bitter endeavors in- In his reply dated September 17/27, 1693, stead. At the end of April, Johann Gottfried Manget promised as asked and proposed to von Berger (1659-1736), professor of medi- describe the theft in the preface of the first cine at Wittenberg, visited Rome to discuss volume of his Bibliotheca medico-practica (10). some publications with Baglivi in Malpighi’s Baglivi expressed his gratitude to Manget in a home. As it is the case nowadays, scientists in letter and, regarding the theft Berger had com- the 17th century wanted some feedback from mitted, responeded that “he does not care to their colleagues. So, it was not surprising that enter into any controversy with that shame- Baglivi gave Berger for evaluation 15 sheets less man, and can send few lines to be includ- of manuscript on ulcers and 4 sheets on ed in Manget Bibliotheca.” He further sug- wounds. Unfortunately, Berger suddenly left gested Manget to feel free to add whatever he Rome, taking the sheets and leaving Baglivi thought appropriate about Berger, but also unaware of his departure (“…ei commodas- shared his fears about inciting hostility in sem tractatum integrum de Ulceribus 15 inte- Berger’s German colleagues, concluding that gris papyri folijs comprehensum, cum quattuor it might be better to wait and in case Berger alijs folijs de vulneribus, ille me inscio et inscio printed anything related to the stolen pieces Malpighio ab Urbe discessit, meaque de ulceri- “let him feel the Italian whip to show him how bus et vulneribus manuscripta cum nonillis au- caustic the Apulian tongue can be” (11). rium et nasi praeparationibus impudentissime Historiography has not revealed any proof et insigni meo, et amicorum maerore suffuratus that Berger published the stolen manuscript in est”) (9). any form. Moreover, in the introduction of his This was not an easy situation for a young Physiologia medica, published in Wittenberg and inexperienced author, such as Baglivi, to in 1702, Berger expressed his admiration for prove the theft and react suitably. It was the Baglivi’s work (12). period when no regulations for prevention of such situations existed. The idea of copyright Discussion only appeared with the birth of moveable type printing press, invented by Gutenberg. The Every author who completes writing a manu- first copyright act, “Statute of Anne,” followed script is advised to ask him/herself the follow- in 1709 (1), two years after Baglivi died. Con- ing three little questions (14-15): Is this what sequently, Baglivi did not have any legal possi- I intend to submit true?; Is it fair?; and Is it bility to prove the theft and get his tracts back. wise? Did Berger ask himself similar questions What did he do? when he was keeping the stolen manuscripts? He first turned to his colleagues Bellini Was he embarrassed for what he did? We can and Redi, as well as to his other friends in Ita- only speculate that Baglivi’s prestige and glo- ly. They advised him to publish parts of stolen rious career (after all, he was a personal physi- tracts as soon as possible, with an additional cian of two popes) might have diverted Berger explanatory comment of what had happened. from his initial intention to publish the sto- He also decided to ask his correspondent len material. Maybe Berger feared that this act Manget to relate this matter to his associates could cast a stigma on him within the academ- in Germany and tell them about the theft. ic community. On the other hand, why did Moreover, he asked Manget to notify him if not Baglivi write to Berger and simply ask for anything related to the subject was published the manuscript to be returned? Is there a pos- in Germany under Berger’s name (9). sibility that Baglivi was wrong about the whole 89 Croat Med J 2008;49:87-90 case? Perhaps he lost the manuscript or some- models. Let us learn from them rather than one else had taken it. How can we be sure that from personal experience.
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