University of Oklahoma Graduate College

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

University of Oklahoma Graduate College View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by SHAREOK repository UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE PARASITIC WORMS IN EARLY MODERN SCIENCE AND MEDICINE, 1650-1810 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By JULIE HAYDEN GRISSOM Norman, Oklahoma 2014 PARASITIC WORMS IN EARLY MODERN SCIENCE AND MEDICINE, 1650-1810 A DISSERTATION APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY OF SCIENCE BY ______________________________ Dr. Kathleen Crowther, Chair ______________________________ Dr. Steven Livesey ______________________________ Dr. Kerry Magruder ______________________________ Dr. Sarah Tracy ______________________________ Dr. Katherine Hirschfeld © Copyright by JULIE HAYDEN GRISSOM 2014 All Rights Reserved. Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my committee, Dr. Kathleen Crowther, Dr. Steven Livesey, Dr. Kerry Magruder, Dr. Sarah Tracy, and Dr. Katherine Hirschfeld for their time, insight, and patience. I am especially grateful to my committee chair, Dr. Crowther, for spending countless hours commenting on drafts and offering much needed encouragement, motivation, and advice. Truly, this project would have never reached completion without her determined refusal to give up on me. Additionally, I would like to thank Dr. Peter Barker and Dr. Laura Gibbs for introducing me to the fascinating study of the history of science and medicine in the first place, as well as Dr. Stephen Weldon and Dr. JoAnn Palmeri for their ongoing encouragement throughout my graduate studies. I would also like to thank the staff of the History of Science Collections, all of whom were wonderful in helping me locate materials for this project, and my fellow students in the History of Science Department, who have been a constant source of support and inspiration, especially Dr. Cornelia Lambert. And last but not least, I want to profusely thank my lovely family, Lyal, Kira, and Lauren Grissom, for putting up with me all the way through this process and still loving me when I got to the end. iv Table of Contents Acknowledgments. iv List of Figures. vi Abstract. viii Introduction. 1 Chapter I: What a Worm Is. 24 I. Defining Worms. 28 II. Why Worms? . 47 III. Marvelous or Mundane? . 57 Chapter II: Worms and Disease. .68 I. Origins of Worms. .71 II. Worms and Disease. 88 III. Prevention and Remedy. .115 Chapter III: Worms as Scientific Objects. 140 I. Observing Worms. 144 II. Writing about Worms. .161 III. Exchanging Worms. .177 Conclusion: What a Worm Is Not. .196 Works Cited. 202 Appendix: Figures. .221 v List of Figures Figure 1.1 Ambroise Paré, Adriaan van de Spiegel, The Workes of the Famous Chirurgion Ambrose Parey (London, 1649), p. 596. Francis A. Countway Library of Medicine. <http://www.archive.org/details/workesofthatfamo00par>, accessed 3 April 2014. Figure 1.2 Andry de Bois-Regard, Nicolas, Giorgio Baglivi, Claude Berger, Claude Du Cerf, Guy-Crescent Fagon, Etienne-François Geoffroy, and Nicolaas Hartsoeker, De la des vers dans le corps de l'homme: de la nature et des especes de cette maladie; des moyens de (Paris, 1741), p. 282. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries. Figure 2.1 Andry de Bois-Regard, Nicolas, Giorgio Baglivi, Claude Berger, Claude Du Cerf, Guy-Crescent Fagon, Etienne-François Geoffroy, and Nicolaas Hartsoeker. De la des vers dans le corps de l'homme: de la nature et des especes de cette maladie; des moyens de (Paris, 1741), p. 73. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries. Figure 3.1 Daniel Le Clerc, Danielis Clerici, med. Doct. Historia naturalis et medica latorum lumbricorum, intra hominem & alia animalia, nascentium, ex variis auctoribus & propriis observationibus (Genevae, 1715), Table III, Figures 5-10. University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. <http://www.archive.org/details/danielisclericim00lecl>, accessed 3 April 2014. Figure 3.2 Andry de Bois-Regard, Nicolas, Giorgio Baglivi, Claude Berger, Claude Du Cerf, Guy-Crescent Fagon, Etienne-François Geoffroy, and Nicolaas Hartsoeker. De la des vers dans le corps de l'homme: de la nature et des especes de cette maladie; des moyens de (Paris, 1741), p. 126. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries. Figure 3.3 Cornelius Gemma, De natvræ divinis characterismis; sev, raris & admirandis spectaculis, causis, indiciis, proprietatibus rerum in partibus vi singulis vniuersi, libri II (Antverpiæ, 1575), p. 101. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries. Figure 3.4 Andry de Bois-Regard, Nicolas, Giorgio Baglivi, Claude Berger, Claude Du Cerf, Guy-Crescent Fagon, Etienne-François Geoffroy, and Nicolaas Hartsoeker. De la des vers dans le corps de l'homme: de la nature et des especes de cette maladie; des moyens de (Paris, 1741), p. xiv. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries. Figure 3.5 Daniel Le Clerc, Danielis Clerici, med. Doct. Historia naturalis et medica latorum lumbricorum, intra hominem & alia animalia, nascentium, ex variis auctoribus & propriis observationibus (Genevae, 1715), Table VI, Figures 1-2. University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. <http://www.archive.org/details/danielisclericim00lecl>, accessed 3 April 2014. Figure 3.6 Andry de Bois-Regard, Nicolas, Giorgio Baglivi, Claude Berger, Claude Du Cerf, Guy-Crescent Fagon, Etienne-François Geoffroy, and Nicolaas Hartsoeker. De la des vers dans le corps de l'homme: de la nature et des especes de cette maladie; des moyens de (Paris, 1741), p. 92, 73, 121-122. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries. Figure 3.7 Andry de Bois-Regard, Nicolas, Giorgio Baglivi, Claude Berger, Claude Du Cerf, Guy-Crescent Fagon, Etienne-François Geoffroy, and Nicolaas Hartsoeker. De la des vers dans le corps de l'homme: de la nature et des especes de cette maladie; des moyens de (Paris, 1741), p. 319. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries. vii Abstract From antiquity, parasites, and especially worms, were thought to be responsible for human suffering and disease. However, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, worms became the subject of extensive scientific investigations and began to be implicated in a much wider array of diseases. The advent of widespread use of the compound microscope for scientific investigation in the mid-seventeenth century contributed to a flourishing of research into parasitic organisms, particularly worms, and their role in disease. Although historians of medicine have written about the history of parasitology, almost all of these studies begin with the formal establishment of parasitology as a scientific discipline in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The preceding two centuries of parasitological research, however, remain relatively unexamined. In this project, I argue that parasites, especially worms, were important explanatory mechanisms for a wide range of diseases during the early modern period. Thus, the neglect of early modern parasitology by historians of medicine means that we have missed a crucial aspect of medical theory in this period. This project contributes to our understanding of early modern ideas about disease and disease causation by challenging existing historiographical categories. viii One of the vilest Animals in the World is examin’d here with such noble Erudition, as makes us forthwith lose the Idea of its baseness; and all the Disgust which the Matter might cause in us, must give way to the agreeable diversity of Matters of Fact, and the Elegance with which they are related… as important for the practice of Physic as curious for natural History. —M. Guy Crescent Fagon All these Observations, which we have hitherto recited, shew how easie and common a thing it is for Worms to breed in the Body of Man, and consequently how much it behoves the Physicians carefully to watch the Signs by which they may know when their Patients are infested with them. —Nicolas Andry de Bois-Regard ix INTRODUCTION In 1699, the famous Dutch physicist and microscopist Nicholas Hartsoeker (1656-1725) wrote a letter to the French physician Nicolas Andry (1658-1742) in which he commented on the role of worms in human disease: “To tell you my thoughts, Sir, I believe that Worms occasion most Diseases with which Mankind is attack’d, and likewise that those who have the Distempers that are called Venereal, nourish in their Bodies an infinite number of invisible Insects, who gnaw and devour every thing that comes in their way.”1 From antiquity, parasites, and especially worms, were thought to be responsible for human suffering and disease. However, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, worms became the subject of extensive scientific investigations and began to be implicated in a much wider array of diseases. The advent of widespread use of the compound microscope for scientific investigation in the mid-seventeenth century contributed to a flourishing of research into parasitic organisms, particularly worms, and their role in disease. Although historians of medicine have written about the history of parasitology, almost all of these studies begin with the formal establishment 1 A letter from Nicholas Hartsoeker to Nicolas Andry, June 11, 1699. Published in Nicolas Andry de Bois-Regard, An Account of the Breeding of Worms in Human Bodies; Their Nature, and Several Sorts; Their Effects,
Recommended publications
  • Notes to the Note on the Text and Introduction
    Notes Notes to the Note on the Text and Introduction i. Mandeville’s address is repeated at the end of the Preface: “From my House in Manchester-Court, Channel-Row, Westminster.” ii. A Treatise of the Hypochondriack and Hysterick Passions, vulgarly call’d the hypo in men and vapours in women; In which the Symptoms, Causes, and Cure of those Diseases are set forth after a Method intirely new. The whole interspers’d, with Instructive Discourses on the Real art of Physick it self; And Entertaining Remarks on the Modern Practice of Physicians and Apothecaries; Very useful to all, that have the Misfortune to stand in need of either. In three dialogues. By B. de Mandeville, M.D. (London, printed for and to be had of the author, at his house in Manchester-Court, in Channel- Row, Westminster; and D. Leach, in the Little-Old-Baily, and W. Taylor, at the Ship in Pater-Noster-­Row, and J. Woodward in Scalding-Alley, near Stocks-Market, 1711). The second 1711 issue bears the following publica- tion details: “London, printed and sold by Dryden Leach, in Elliot’s Court, in the Little-Old-Baily, and W. Taylor, at the Ship in Pater-Noster-Row, 1711”. The 1715 reprint bears the same title with different publication details (London, printed by Dryden Leach, in Elliot’s Court, in the Little Old-Baily, and sold by Charles Rivington, at the Bible and Crown, near the Chapter-House in St. Paul’s Church Yard, 1715). A Treatise of the Hypochondriack and Hysterick Diseases. In three dialogues.
    [Show full text]
  • Newton.Indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 16-11-12 / 14:45 | Pag
    omslag Newton.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 16-11-12 / 14:45 | Pag. 1 e Dutch Republic proved ‘A new light on several to be extremely receptive to major gures involved in the groundbreaking ideas of Newton Isaac Newton (–). the reception of Newton’s Dutch scholars such as Willem work.’ and the Netherlands Jacob ’s Gravesande and Petrus Prof. Bert Theunissen, Newton the Netherlands and van Musschenbroek played a Utrecht University crucial role in the adaption and How Isaac Newton was Fashioned dissemination of Newton’s work, ‘is book provides an in the Dutch Republic not only in the Netherlands important contribution to but also in the rest of Europe. EDITED BY ERIC JORINK In the course of the eighteenth the study of the European AND AD MAAS century, Newton’s ideas (in Enlightenment with new dierent guises and interpre- insights in the circulation tations) became a veritable hype in Dutch society. In Newton of knowledge.’ and the Netherlands Newton’s Prof. Frans van Lunteren, sudden success is analyzed in Leiden University great depth and put into a new perspective. Ad Maas is curator at the Museum Boerhaave, Leiden, the Netherlands. Eric Jorink is researcher at the Huygens Institute for Netherlands History (Royal Dutch Academy of Arts and Sciences). / www.lup.nl LUP Newton and the Netherlands.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 16-11-12 / 16:47 | Pag. 1 Newton and the Netherlands Newton and the Netherlands.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 16-11-12 / 16:47 | Pag. 2 Newton and the Netherlands.indd | Sander Pinkse Boekproductie | 16-11-12 / 16:47 | Pag.
    [Show full text]
  • The Frog in Taffeta Pants
    Evolutionary Anthropology 13:5–10 (2004) CROTCHETS & QUIDDITIES The Frog in Taffeta Pants KENNETH WEISS What is the magic that makes dead flesh fly? himself gave up on the preformation view). These various intuitions arise natu- Where does a new life come from? manded explanation. There was no rally, if sometimes fancifully. The nat- Before there were microscopes, and compelling reason to think that what uralist Henry Bates observed that the before the cell theory, this was not a one needed to find was too small to natives in the village of Aveyros, up trivial question. Centuries of answers see. Aristotle hypothesized epigenesis, the Tapajos tributary to the Amazon, were pure guesswork by today’s stan- a kind of spontaneous generation of believed the fire ants, that plagued dards, but they had deep implications life from the required materials (pro- them horribly, sprang up from the for the understanding of life. The vided in the egg), that systematic ob- blood of slaughtered victims of the re- 5 phrase spontaneous generation has servation suggested coalesced into a bellion of 1835–1836 in Brazil. In gone out of our vocabulary except as chick. Such notions persisted for cen- fact, Greek mythology is full of beings an historical relic, reflecting a total turies into what we will see was the spontaneously arising—snakes from success of two centuries of biological critical 17th century, when the follow- Medusa’s blood, Aphrodite from sea- research.1 The realization that a new ing alchemist’s recipe was offered for foam, and others. Even when the organism is always generated from the production of mice:3,4 mix sweaty truth is known, we can be similarly one or more cells shed by parents ex- underwear and wheat husks; store in impressed with the phenomena of plained how something could arise open-mouthed jar for 21 days; the generation.
    [Show full text]
  • A Saint in the History of Cardiology
    Arch Cardiol Mex. 2014;84(1):47---50 www.elsevier.com.mx SPECIAL ARTICLE A saint in the history of Cardiology Alfredo de Micheli ∗, Raúl Izaguirre Ávila National Institute of Cardiology Ignacio Chavez, Tlalpan, DF, Mexico Received 19 December 2012; accepted 22 January 2013 KEYWORDS Abstract Niels Stensen (1638---1686) was born in Copenhagen. He took courses in medicine Niels Stensen; at the local university under the guidance of Professor Thomas Bartholin and later at Leiden Anatomy; under the tutelage of Franz de la Boë (Sylvius). While in Holland, he discovered the existence of Physiology; the parotid duct, which was named Stensen’s duct or stenonian duct (after his Latinized name Muscular fibers; Nicolaus Stenon). He also described the structural and functional characteristics of peripheral Heart muscles and myocardium. He demonstrated that muscular contraction could be elicited by appropriate nerve stimulation and by direct stimulation of the muscle itself and that during contraction the latter does not increase in volume. Toward the end of 1664, the Academic Senate of the University of Leiden awarded him the doctor in medicine title. Later, in Florence, he was admitted as a corresponding member in the Academia del Cimento (Experimental Academy) and collaborated with the Tuscan physician Francesco Redi in studies relating to viviparous development. In the Tuscan capital, he converted from Lutheranism to Catholicism and was shortly afterwards ordained in the clergy. After a few years, he was appointed apostolic vicar in northern Germany and died in the small town of Schwerin, capital of the Duchy of Mecklenburg- Schwerin on November 25, 1686.
    [Show full text]
  • The Development of the Spa in Seventeenth-Century France
    Medical History, Supplement No. 10, 1990, 23-47. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SPA IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE L. W. B. Brockliss THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SPA In the Anglo-Saxon world the enthusiasm of the twentieth-century Frenchman for imbibing his country's mineral waters is proverbial. It is surprising, therefore, to discover that the French contribution to the resuscitation of the spa in the era of the Renaissance was minimal. For most ofthe sixteenth century, the nation that has given mankind the waters of Vichy and Evian (to name but two) was largely unmoved by the fad for the hot-spring and the mineral bath that swept the Italian peninsula, crossed the Alps into the territory of the Holy Roman Empire, and penetrated even our own shores. It was not that France's future spas were undiscovered, for many had a Romano-Gallic provenance. It was rather that the therapeutic potential of mineral waters remained unrecognized by the Galenic medical establishment and hence by the large majority of the court, aristocracy, and urban elite who formed their clients. Significantly, when Andreas Baccius published the first general guide to the spas of Europe in 1571 he had little to say about France. Passing reference was made to several Roman foundations but only the virtues of Bourbon-Lancy were described in detail.1 Significantly, too, the only member of the French royal family who definitely did take the waters in the first three-quarters of the sixteenth century was united by marriage to the house of Navarre and patronized, as did her daughter later, the springs of Beam, not those of France.2 The situation first began to change in the 1 580s when a number of local physicians started to promote the waters adjacent to the towns in which they plied their profession.
    [Show full text]
  • In Retrospect: Fernel's Physiologia
    OPINION NATURE|Vol 456|27 November 2008 in part from viewing our own world through Imprisoned by intelligence the distorted fairground mirror that Stephen- son establishes. The language is English with a Anathem harbour dangerous levels of intelligence. twist: the word devout morphs to avout, friar by Neal Stephenson Rather, they repopulate their numbers with to fraa, sister to suur. Euphemistic manage- Atlantic Books/William Morrow: 2008. unwanted orphans and those with abilities. ment speak is bullshyte and a caste of scathing 800 pp/960 pp. £18.99/$29.95 As the avout go about their rituals, the Sæcu- computer technicians is known as the Ita. The lar world might as well be another planet: its distortions are reflected in scientific concepts The divide between science and society is inhabitants chatter on ‘jeejahs’ (mobile phones) as well: Occam’s razor becomes Gardan’s Steel- extrapolated to the extreme in Neal Stephenson’s and surf the ‘Reticulum’ (Internet) when not yard. And the great scientific figures of Earth novel Anathem. The author, who is well cheering on sports teams and growing obese get their Arbre avatars: Plato appears as Protas, regarded for his vision of science in contempo- on sugary drinks. The two worlds mingle only Socrates as Thelenes and Archimedes as Carta. rary and historical settings, creates in his latest in strictly controlled circumstances, such as at As with any decent distortion, the author leaves work the fictional planet Arbre, which parallels an annual goodwill festival and in avout-run unexplained many areas of Arbrean society and Earth in the very far future.
    [Show full text]
  • Nicolaas Hartsoeker (1656-1725) [1]
    Published on The Embryo Project Encyclopedia (https://embryo.asu.edu) Nicolaas Hartsoeker (1656-1725) [1] By: Lawrence, Cera R. Keywords: Biography [2] Sperm [3] Homunculus [4] Preformationism [5] Nicolaas Hartsoeker [6], a Dutch astronomer, optics manufacturer, and naturalist, was born 26 March 1656 in Gouda, Netherlands, and died 10 December 1725. His mother was Anna van der Mey and his father was Christiaan Hartsoeker, a prominent evangelical minister. His major contribution to embryology [7] was his observations of human sperm [8] cells, which he claimed to be the first to see under a microscope [9]. His sketch of the homunculus, a tiny preformed human he believed to exist in the head of spermatazoa, is his lasting scientific legacy in the field of embryology [7]. This sketch was only a minor part of his first publication, Essai de Dioptrique (1694), which dealt primarily with the use of optical lenses in science. In subsequent years the sketch became iconic of the theory of embryological development known now as preformationism. Hartsoeker himself was a vocal adherent of spermist preformationism and is often cited as the originator of the idea. Hartsoeker’s father wanted his son to follow in his theological footsteps, but Nicolaas was interested in astronomy and physics. According to most accounts of his life, the younger Hartsoeker secretly studied mathematics, physics, and astronomy, paying for lessons from a local tutor out of the small allowance granted him by his father. Hartsoeker also taught himself the skill of forming and grinding glass for optical lenses. He claimed to invent a technique for making superior magnifying lens for microscopy [10], a technique also attributed to Johann Hudde, which consisted of forming glass filaments into spherical globules by exposing them to open flame.
    [Show full text]
  • Leeuwenhoek's Letters and the Circulation of Knowledge:Individual
    The Global and the Local: The History of Science and the Cultural Integration of Europe. nd Proceedings of the 2 ICESHS (Cracow, Poland, September 6–9, 2006) / Ed. by M. Kokowski. Lodewijk C. Palm * Leeuwenhoek’s letters and the circulation of knowledge: Individual preferences THE DUTCH MICROSCOPIST Antoni van Leeuwenhoek (1632–1723) described his microscopical observations in more than 350 letters. The greater part, more than 190, were written to the Royal Society in London. The others were addressed to friends, scientists and politicians in the Dutch Republic and abroad. The letters were often accompanied with drawings, mostly in red chalk. Leeuwenhoek did not draw these illustrations himself but asked various draughtsmen, whose names we do not know, to depict his observations. The secretaries of the Royal Society in London had 116 letters published in fragmentary or complete translation in the Philosophical Transactions. Since Leeuwenhoek only wrote in Dutch, more particular the Delft vernacular, his letters had to be translated by Fellows who were able to do so. Apart from these publications, 174 letters were published in Dutch and in Latin during Leeuwenhoek’s lifetime, between 1684 and 1719. Only 49 letters have been published contemporary both in Dutch, Latin and English. Leeuwenhoek never wrote a book or monograph, so that his letters are the only key to his works and thoughts. However, not every correspondent or reader received Leeuwenhoek’s work enthusiastically. I will claim that individual preferences and personal commitments were an important factor with regard to the circulation of Leeuwenhoek’s observations and ideas. I will discuss the attitudes of the various secretaries and editors of the Royal Society and some individual natural philosophers like Christiaan Huygens, Nicolaas Hartsoeker, and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz.
    [Show full text]
  • Peter Kolb's Description of the Khoikhoi at the Cape
    JEMH 10,1-2_2030_60-94 5/12/06 1:48 PM Page 61 THE CONSTRUCTION OF AN AUTHORITATIVE TEXT: PETER KOLB’S DESCRIPTION OF THE KHOIKHOI AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ANNE GOOD Reinhardt College Abstract Peter Kolb (1675-1726), a German astronomer and mathematician, was an unlikely can- didate to write the book that became the most well-known source of the Cape of Good Hope and the Khoikhoi in the eighteenth century. This essay uses Kolb’s work as a case study for the transformation of one man’s personal observations into a variety of works that were quite different from the originals in scope and intention. First, the essay discusses the genesis of Kolb’s book, Caput Bonae Spei Hodiernum, and focuses on the Khoikhoi. I argue that Kolb’s genius lies in emphasizing communalities among Europeans and Khoikhoi, as well as the rationality of Khoikhoi customs. The second part of the essay establishes that Kolb’s book did indeed become the most authoritative source of the Cape in the eighteenth century. Over the course of that century, the book was rad- ically modified in translations and abridgements to cover only certain essential topics, and increasingly to emphasize the otherness of the Khoikhois. I. Introduction: Interpreting Accounts of the Khoikhoi In 1746, 27 years after the publication of Peter Kolb’s Caput Bonae Spei Hodiernum, a dramatically abridged version of it appeared in a popular collection of travel narratives compiled by Thomas Astley in London, titled, A New General Collection of Voyages and Travels.
    [Show full text]
  • Music Migration in the Early Modern Age
    Music Migration in the Early Modern Age Centres and Peripheries – People, Works, Styles, Paths of Dissemination and Influence Advisory Board Barbara Przybyszewska-Jarmińska, Alina Żórawska-Witkowska Published within the Project HERA (Humanities in the European Research Area) – JRP (Joint Research Programme) Music Migrations in the Early Modern Age: The Meeting of the European East, West, and South (MusMig) Music Migration in the Early Modern Age Centres and Peripheries – People, Works, Styles, Paths of Dissemination and Influence Jolanta Guzy-Pasiak, Aneta Markuszewska, Eds. Warsaw 2016 Liber Pro Arte English Language Editor Shane McMahon Cover and Layout Design Wojciech Markiewicz Typesetting Katarzyna Płońska Studio Perfectsoft ISBN 978-83-65631-06-0 Copyright by Liber Pro Arte Editor Liber Pro Arte ul. Długa 26/28 00-950 Warsaw CONTENTS Jolanta Guzy-Pasiak, Aneta Markuszewska Preface 7 Reinhard Strohm The Wanderings of Music through Space and Time 17 Alina Żórawska-Witkowska Eighteenth-Century Warsaw: Periphery, Keystone, (and) Centre of European Musical Culture 33 Harry White ‘Attending His Majesty’s State in Ireland’: English, German and Italian Musicians in Dublin, 1700–1762 53 Berthold Over Düsseldorf – Zweibrücken – Munich. Musicians’ Migrations in the Wittelsbach Dynasty 65 Gesa zur Nieden Music and the Establishment of French Huguenots in Northern Germany during the Eighteenth Century 87 Szymon Paczkowski Christoph August von Wackerbarth (1662–1734) and His ‘Cammer-Musique’ 109 Vjera Katalinić Giovanni Giornovichi / Ivan Jarnović in Stockholm: A Centre or a Periphery? 127 Katarina Trček Marušič Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Migration Flows in the Territory of Today’s Slovenia 139 Maja Milošević From the Periphery to the Centre and Back: The Case of Giuseppe Raffaelli (1767–1843) from Hvar 151 Barbara Przybyszewska-Jarmińska Music Repertory in the Seventeenth-Century Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania.
    [Show full text]
  • The Original Documents Are Located in Box 16, Folder “6/3/75 - Rome” of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R
    The original documents are located in Box 16, folder “6/3/75 - Rome” of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 16 of the Sheila Weidenfeld Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library 792 F TO C TATE WA HOC 1233 1 °"'I:::: N ,, I 0 II N ' I . ... ROME 7 480 PA S Ml TE HOUSE l'O, MS • · !? ENFELD E. • lt6~2: AO • E ~4SSIFY 11111~ TA, : ~ IP CFO D, GERALD R~) SJ 1 C I P E 10 NTIA~ VISIT REF& BRU SE 4532 UI INAl.E PAL.ACE U I A PA' ACE, TME FFtCIA~ RESIDENCE OF THE PR!S%D~NT !TA y, T ND 0 1 TH HIGHEST OF THE SEVEN HtL.~S OF ~OME, A CTENT OMA TtM , TH TEMPLES OF QUIRl US AND TME s E E ~oc T 0 ON THIS SITE. I THE CE TER OF THE PR!SENT QU?RINA~ IAZZA OR QUARE A~E ROMAN STATUES OF C~STOR ....
    [Show full text]
  • Hippocrates the Iatromechanist
    Medical History, 1981, 25: 113-150. HIPPOCRATES THE IATROMECHANIST by IAIN M. LONIE* INTRODUCTION THE TITLE of this essay correctly indicates that it is about Hippocrates. Yet the content is largely concerned with the writings of Friedrich Hoffmann (1660-1742), Professor of Medicine and Physics at Halle from 1693 to 1742, and the author of an influential system of medicine. This requires some explanation. It is about Hippocrates, or the Hippocratic writings, in the sense that it seeks to identify the pre- sence of certain features in them. It approaches this question, however, through the work of Hoffmann, whom it also seeks to understand in certain features of his thought. Hoffmann looked for, and found, characteristics in the Hippocratic corpus which matched those of his own medicine, a medicine which he called "mechanical". This suggests the main question with which the essay is concerned: to what extent are mechanistic features present in the Hippocratic corpus, and in what sense or senses of the word "mechanism"? Hoffmann both prompts this enquiry and maintains it in focus because, just as he is sensitive to some features, so he disregards others, curiously to my mind. In this way, he acts as a useful control upon our prejudices. So Hoffmann also becomes a subject of the essay, since we need to understand what he meant by mechanism, and why he found Hippocratic medicine congenial to it. K. E. Rothschuh has recently pointed out that Hoffmann's position in the history of medical thought has always been difficult to locate.' Historians have described him equally as a mechanist, an animist, or even as a vitalist.
    [Show full text]