Tourists' Practices and Perceptions of the Arctic in Rovaniemi

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Nordia Geographical Publications

Volume 49:4

Rethinking Arctic tourism: tourists’ practices and perceptions of the Arctic in Rovaniemi

Alix Varnajot

ACADEMIC DISSERTATION to be presented with the permission of the Doctoral Training Committee for Human Sciences of the University of Oulu Graduate School (UniOGS), for public discussion in the lecture hall L10, on the 4th of September, 2020, at 15 afternoon.

Nordia Geographical Publications

Volume 49:4

Rethinking Arctic tourism: tourists’ practices and perceptions of the Arctic in Rovaniemi

Alix Varnajot Nordia Geographical Publications Publications of The Geographical Society of Northern Finland and Geography Research Unit, University of Oulu

Address: Geography Research Unit P.O. Box 3000 FIN-90014 University of Oulu FINLAND [email protected]

Editor: Teijo Klemettilä

Nordia Geographical Publications ISBN 978-952-62-2691-0 ISSN 1238-2086

PunaMusta Tampere 2020 Rethinking Arctic tourism: tourists’ practices and perceptions of the Arctic in Rovaniemi

Contents

Abstract vii

List of original articles x

Acknowledgements xi

1 Introduction 1

2 Purpose and structure of the research 5 2.1 Aim of the research 5 2.2 Structure of the thesis 6 2.3 Situating the thesis and the articles 8

3 The Arctic in tourism 11 3.1 A quest for defining the Arctic and Arctic tourism 11 3.2 The state of tourism in the Arctic 17

4 Research materials and methods 25 4.1 Case study: Rovaniemi 25 4.2 Research method inspired from multiple ethnographies 30 4.3 Data analysis 38

5 Framing Arctic tourist experiences: crossing the Arctic Circle 41 5.1 The tourist experience and the tourist gaze 41 5.2 The Arctic Circle as a border and an attraction 51 5.2.1 Borderwork and the Arctic Circle 52 5.2.2 The Arctic Circle: from a border to a symbolic tourist attraction 55

6 Examining the nature of Arctic tourism in Rovaniemi 65 6.1 Arctic tourism in the context of Rovaniemi 65 6.2 Reconceptualizing Arctic tourism 70

v 7 Implications and conclusions 79 7.1 ‘Post-Arctic’ regions and time: the future of tourism in Rovaniemi 79 7.2 Concluding remarks and future research on Arctic tourism 85

References 91

Original articles

vi Abstract

Rethinking Arctic tourism: tourists’ practices and perceptions of the Arctic in Rovaniemi

Varnajot, Alix, Geography Research Unit, University of Oulu, 2020

Keywords: Arctic tourism, Tourist experience, Tourist gaze, Borders, Arctic Circle, Ethnography, Cryospheric gaze

The Arctic is facing rapid and significant social, cultural, economic and environmental changes. In recent years, due to ongoing and forecasted climate change impacts, policy- makers’ and the research community’s interest in the region has increased dramatically within and outside of Arctic countries. This is reflected in increasing public visibility and in the amount of attention the Arctic region has gained in the media. In parallel, tourism in the Arctic has undergone considerable growth and the Arctic is emerging as a popular destination, although tourism in the Arctic has existed for over two centuries. Nevertheless, Arctic tourism is a concept that has been substantially used in academic literature, policy documents, and tourism promotion materials, although there is no current consensus on its definition. The term, often taken for granted, generally refers to tourism in and about the Arctic, wherein the Arctic is characterized by static and external views, overlooking its rich diversity in terms of cultures, landscapes, climates and environments. In this study, my interest is in the (re)conceptualization of Arctic tourism, based on studies about tourist experiences at the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, the capital of Finnish Lapland.

This thesis contributes to literature on tourist experiences in the Arctic, a topic that has not received a lot of attention in the past, but one that has significant relevance in terms of tourists’ decision-making in response to Arctic communities’ efforts to attract visitors and stimulate regional tourism development. By addressing tourist experiences and border literature, this study also contributes to conceptual discussions on Arctic tourism. This dissertation focuses on the Arctic Circle both as a tourist attraction and as a border for the Arctic region. It aims to shed light on tourists’ practices and experiences of the Arctic in Rovaniemi and to understand ‘how Arctic’ this important destination is. The chosen case study did not consist of a simple location, but of a specific ritual performed and reproduced by tourists: the crossing of the Arctic Circle. In the tourism industry, Arctic Circle landmarks are commonly represented as gateways to the Arctic, and crossing the line signifies entering the region. As such, this particular performance crystallizes tourists’ representations of the Arctic. This study aims to investigate these crystalized representations and is based on empirical materials consisting of qualitative data gathered from multiple ethnographies and secondary materials comprising academic literature, policy documents and promotional tourism materials. Traditional on-site ethnography was conducted through methods inspired by participant observation at different Arctic Circle landmarks located in Rovaniemi. Netnography was aimed at investigating post-trip experiences of crossing the Arctic Circle as reported on Instagram, and autoethnography was used for the purpose of self-reflection related to my Arctic experiences as a tourist. Qualitative data were analyzed from an interpretative approach, and especially using

vii hermeneutics, in order to understand the meanings behind Instagram posts and specific postures when crossing the Arctic Circle.

The results indicate that in Rovaniemi, from the tourist perspective, the Arctic is experienced as a nebulous region with no proper boundaries. Tourists do not perceive the Arctic Circle as an absolute border for the Arctic, despite heavy promotion and the performance of border-crossing postures. Rather, the magical line is considered as one of the many items encompassed by the vague representation of what the Arctic is. Other elements like the presence of snow, reindeer and northern lights are also all part of what a full Arctic experience is supposed to be. This suggests that, from the tourist perspective, proper Arctic experiences should be winter-based, which is the foundation for the ‘cryospheric gaze’ developed in this thesis as the definition for current Arctic tourism. The cryospheric gaze, grounded in Urry’s tourist gaze, is also supported by how the Santa Claus tourism industry, highly present in Rovaniemi, extracts and exploits winter-based elements of the Arctic for its own promotion and development. In order to acknowledge the diversity of the Arctic, I argue for a fluidity in space and time of the tourism segment called Arctic tourism. Toward the end of the thesis, the future of Arctic tourism is discussed in relation to climate change and the development of ‘post-Arctic regions’. It explores challenges in terms of equal access to snow, of stereotypical images of the Arctic becoming burdensome for local communities and how current forms of Arctic tourism can still be offered to tourists in ‘cryosphericless’ regions that have built themselves into Arctic tourism destinations.

viii Supervisor

Professor Jarkko Saarinen Geography Research Unit University of Oulu, Finland

Pre-examiners

Professor Emma J. Stewart Faculty of Environment, Society and Design Lincoln University, New Zealand

Professor Daniela Liggett Gateway Antarctica, Centre for Antarctic Studies and Research Canterbury University, New Zealand

Opponent

Professor Dallen Timothy School of Community Resources and Development Arizona State University, United States

ix List of original articles

Article 1I Saarinen, J. & A. Varnajot (2019). The Arctic in tourism: Complementing and contesting perspectives on tourism in the Arctic. Polar Geography 42: 1, 109–124.

Article 2II Varnajot, A. (2019). “Walk the line”: An ethnographic study of the ritual of crossing the Arctic Circle – Case Rovaniemi. Tourist Studies 19: 4, 434–452.

Article 3III Varnajot, A. (2019). Digital Rovaniemi: Contemporary and future arctic tourism experiences. The Journal of Tourism Futures 6: 1, 6–23.

Article 4IV Herva, V.-P., A. Varnajot & A. Pashkevich (in press). Bad Santa: Cultural heritage, mystification of the Arctic and tourism as an extractive industry. The Polar Journal.

I The article was written together with Prof. Jarkko Saarinen. Reprinted with the permission of Taylor & Francis Group. Originally published in Polar Geography, 12 Feb 2019. Available online: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1088937X.2019.1578287

II Reprinted with the permission of Sage Publications. Originally published in Tourist Studies, 20 March 2019. Available online: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/ pdf/10.1177/1468797619836546

III Reprinted with the permission of Emerald Publishing Limited, 14 Nov 2019. Available online: https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/JTF-01-2019-0009/ full/html

IV The author of the thesis was responsible for writing the contents on tourism in Rovaniemi and the Christmas tourism industry. Reprinted with the permission of Taylor and Francis Group.

x Acknowledgements

Sitting in a train, ripping through the French landscape, I’m heading home, and I dive back into these four years spent at the University of Oulu. What an adventure it has been! As far as I can remember geography has been my passion, although I did not know that one day it would give me such a hard time. It took four years to become the geographer I wanted to be, and this would not have been possible without a few persons supervising, supporting and helping during this PhD at the Geography Research Unit.

I am greatly thankful to my supervisor, Professor Jarkko Saarinen. Thank you for your valuable support from day 1, for your patience, for all the questions answered, all the helpful suggestions, critics, advices and the knowledge you shared with me. You introduced me to the world of academia, you taught me its rules and its tricks, and I’m proud to have my name next to yours on the first paper of this thesis.

I am grateful to both Professor Emma Stewart and Professor Daniela Liggett who accepted to pre-examine my thesis and who provided constructive comments in order to improve my work. I am also grateful to Professor Dallen Timothy who, despite the unusual conditions, still accepted to act as my opponent.

At the University of Oulu, I wish to thank those who helped me in one way or another in this PhD process. Thank you to the RELATE Centre of Excellence for funding this research, and particularly to Professor Anssi Paasi and Kaj Zimmerbauer who welcomed me at the Unit, back in 2016. I am also grateful to Professor Jarmo Rusanen, head of the Geography Research Unit at the time, for helping me with work-related practicalities. Thanks also to the members of my doctoral follow-up group, Professor Hannu Heikkinen as chair, Heikki Sirviö, and Élise Lépy, for backing me when I needed it. Special thanks to Élise, my French connection in Oulu, for countless refreshing discussions and the support you generously provided over these four years. In addition, I am grateful to those that are and were involved in the tourism geographies research group. Thank you Eva Kaján, Kaarina Tervo-Kankare, Vilhelmiina Vainikka, Outi Kulusjärvi, Roger Norum, Sini Kantola, Mari Partanen and Aapo Lunden for reading my work, answering my questions, and making me feel part of a team. Thank you also to past and current colleagues at the Unit who helped me when I needed it: Professor Eeva-Kaisa Prokkola, Professor Päivi Lujala, Juha Ridanpää, Joni Vainikka, Jonathan Burrow, Satu Kivelä, Cadey Korson, Marja Lindholm, Hidefumi Nishiyama, Katharina Koch, Fredriika Jakola, Miisa Pietilä, Jonne Hytönen, Tuomo Alhojärvi, Marika Kettunen, Ville Kellokumpa, Henriikka Salminen, Vesa Väätänen, Primi Suharmadhi Putri, Azmeary Ferdous and Eulàlia Pladevall Izard.

Over these four years, I also had the opportunity to join the REXSAC Nordic Centre of Excellence as a doctoral researcher and to participate in field trips and courses in Copenhagen, Gällivare, Alta and Ylläs that were beneficial for this thesis. Thank you to the organizers of these enriching trips and particularly to Professor Dag Avango and Professor Gunhild Rosqvist for including me

xi in this network. I am strongly grateful to Jasmiini Fransala as well. Jasmiini, thank you for the valuable advices you shared with me around coffees (and cakes) at the University and abroad. Thank you to Professor Vesa-Pekka Herva and Albina Pashkevich, to have played an invaluable role, by including me in an article that became the fourth paper of this thesis. Special mention to Albina for the good times shared in Rovaniemi, Tarfala, Jokkmokk or in the Yukon and I hope we will continue this way in many more locations.

I can offer a special mention to the International Polar Tourism Research Network and its members. Thank you to Pat Maher for introducing me to the IPTRN and for letting me join its board committee after the Yukon conference. I also would like to thank Professor Dieter Müller for his valuable advices and support since we first met, back in 2015. Special thanks to Patrick Brouder, Suzanne de la Barre and Joanne Schroeder for the opportunity you gave me to join you in Nanaimo, so I could conduct this valued research visit at Vancouver Island University. Also, Michelle Spinei and Elizabeth Cooper, I’m so thankful for all the good times we shared in Yukon and for bringing fresh enthusiasm into my world since we met there. With all of you, I hope for future fruitful collaborations.

Today I’m proud of myself and this would not have been possible with the three most important persons in my life: Mum, Dad, and my brother. I can’t thank you enough. You have been with me every single day of this PhD and there is no greater gift I could have received from you.

For Marie-Laure, Robert and Nicolas,

Somewhere in France, July 2020 Alix Varnajot

xii

1 Introduction

What is ‘Arctic’ in ‘Arctic tourism’? What makes the distinction between ‘Arctic tourism’ and ‘tourism in the Arctic’? Can we set and designate boundaries for Arctic tourism and can we (finally) find consensus for its definition? There seems to be something special about the Arctic in tourism, a form of exceptionalism that makes Arctic tourism different from other forms, segments or concepts of tourism (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019; Viken 2013). All this will be discussed and explored in this doctoral dissertation. The first time I crossed the Arctic Circle was in December 2012, on a night train from Trondheim to Bodø, Norway. On board, I was checking the map and geographic coordinates on my mobile phone in order to stay awake in the darkness of the polar night so I would not miss the special moment. I have always been passionate about geography, maps and borders, so I was experiencing something exciting, even if I did not know what to expect and how the crossing would be notified. I of course knew that we would not stop at a landmark to take pictures, but I was still waiting for some kind of announcement. At the very instant of crossing the 66°33’N parallel, used as a common border for the Arctic region, nothing happened, not even a single message on the screen announcing the next station. I felt a bit disappointed, yet I was ‘officially’ in the Arctic. It was only after the trip that I learned there was a landmark celebrating the Circle along the railway, located in the Helgeland district. Nevertheless, while on board a full-speed train, ripping through the polar night, I had no chance of spotting the sought-after landmark through the window. My experience is not an isolated case, as long before this day in December 2012, other tourists were disappointed by not encountering any Arctic Circle landmark. Cutcliffe Hyne (1898, p. 271), a British traveler reported the following in his expedition book, Through Arctic Lapland: “On this stage we were due to recross that imaginary boundary, the Arctic Circle, and come one more in that Temperate Zone which was our more native atmosphere, and [they] were on the keen lookout for some official recognition of its whereabouts. I do not quite know what we expected to see – a cairn or a wooden notice would have satisfied us – but the absence of any mark whatever jarred upon us. That a country which could mark off kilometers on its roads with fine red posts, should ignore a geographical acquisition like the Arctic Circle, seemed a piece of unappreciative barbarism”. On my way to Bodø, my excitement was rapidly mixed with a form of frustration. Indeed, although crossing the Arctic Circle provided a sensation of entering a different and new world, the landscape had not changed. Similarly, Kent Ryden, a professor of cultural geography, also shared this particular feeling when in his first book he reflected on his experience of crossing the border between Connecticut and Rhode Island. He wrote: “in a subtle and totally subjective way, each side of the border feels different; in the space of a few feet we pass from one geographical entity to another which looks

1 exactly the same but is unique, has a different name” (1993: 1). Both Hyne’s and my experiences reveal the expectation to find (or leave) a different world when crossing the Arctic Circle, where our respective imaginaries of the Arctic would be separated from our mundane life only by this magical line. These imaginaries usually pertain to a dual representation of the Arctic. This two-fold description evokes what Jules Verne called a ‘sinister beauty’, an oxymoron he used to describe northern environments in his novels taking place in the Arctic. This emphasizes a duality and reflects “all the anguish and fear that pervade the explorers and all the beauty that nevertheless fascinates them” (Rémy 2019: 1; see also Lépy 2020). Indeed, the Arctic is often portrayed as rough to endure. This resonates with the common representations of the wild North, conveyed by popular narratives, the media, myths and other films (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019; Fjellestad 2016; Wilson Rowe 2013). Explorers’ tales such as Nordenskiøld, Nansen or Amundsen and the names of Franklin, Albanov or DeLong associated with tragic expeditions also feed this imaginary of wild masculine remoteness, swept by rough climatic conditions (Amoamo & Boyd 2005; Hall & Johnston 1995a; Hall, Müller & Saarinen 2009; Hansson 2015; Sæþórsdóttir, Hall & Saarinen 2011), where one would need bravery to venture in these lands and seas (Varnajot 2019a). In another light, the Circumpolar North1 is also pictured as an untouched and pristine region. Further and more recently, the Arctic has also been represented as a vulnerable region. Growing economic, industrial and political interests (Arbo et al. 2013; Dittmer et al. 2011) and on-going climate change (Hall & Saarinen 2010a; Palma et al. 2019) are threatening and impacting some symbolic elements of what constitute the identity of the Arctic, such as indigenous populations and cultures (Martello 2008) or iconic wildlife like polar bears (Clark et al. 2008) or reindeer (Turunen et al. 2016). Due to increasing awareness of Arctic issues in the media and the Internet, the idea of the Arctic perceived as a robust and threatening obscure territory is transforming into a threatened and exposed region (Pincus & Ali 2016). The Arctic is therefore perceived as a land of contrasts, conveying intertwined romantic representations (Käpylä & Mikkola 2015), which have traditionally been forged by outsiders, and for outsiders (Pincus & Ali 2016). This dualistic imaginary is not a recent characteristic of the Arctic. Indeed, already in Ancient Greece, the North was a subject of contrasting depictions. In 325 BC, the Greek geographer Pytheas of Massilia, claimed to have reach the horizon of the unknown North, after a sailing journey north of the Orkneys in search for amber and tin (Jacobsen 2015). Back from his odyssey, Pytheas provided the first description of the Arctic and described the region as a strange place where the sun would never set in the summer and where the ocean was solidly frozen

1 The terms ‘Circumpolar North’ and ‘Arctic’ are used interchangeably, although in Nuttall’s (1998) view the Circumpolar North refers to Arctic and sub-Arctic regions. For more details on discussions about Arctic boundaries, see section 3.1 of the thesis (A quest for defining the Arctic and Arctic tourism) and Article 1 (A1) (Saarinen and Varnajot 2019).

2 3 (Harstrup 2007). Although his voyage is considered to be the first encounter between the Western World and the Arctic (McCannon 2012), his tales raised controversies among his contemporaries (Nuttall 2005) and therefore his expedition became a mythical story over time (Vaughan 1994). According to Riffenburgh (1994), this ambient skepticism came from the reason that the Arctic was already imagined as an inhospitable place that no one could be able to visit, resonating with the Arctic perceived as a threatening region. Nevertheless, Pytheas’ tales strengthened this dual perception of the Arctic among the Greeks and Romans. Indeed, as McCannon (2012) reminds us, beyond this realm of menacing wilderness supposedly laid a happier and more welcoming land, ‘Hyperborea’, named after the god of the cold ‘North Wind’, Boreas, who brings the winter season. It was thought that Hyperborea was inhabited by joyful people (Davidson 2005), “where the breezes were gentle, the waters warm and open and the land fertile” (McCannon 2012: 67). As a result, contemporary imaginaries of the Arctic find origins in historically conveyed complex intertwined imaginaries of both an enchanting and a threatening mystical North. In northern Finland too, the region is facing dual and ambivalent representations (Komu 2019; Herva, Varnajot & Pashkevich, in press). On the one hand, the region is pictured as a land full of resources (Naum 2016; Nordin 2015). Indeed, the European North had been providing southern regions with amber and tin in Ancient Greece, which was part of the reasons why Pytheas ventured to this unknown world in 330 BC, but the North also was the source of narwhal tusks, timber, gold and other metals, for example (Davidson 2005; Komu 2019). On the other hand, Finnish Lapland has been seen as a remote wilderness, wherein positive images such as freedom or naturalness are used for touristic marketing purposes (Saarinen 2005). Komu (2019: 113) further described Finnish Lapland as a land where “dreams of treasures and dreams of wilderness” are possible. Beyond such imaginaries, the Arctic is facing serious challenges, resulting in increasing media attention due to ongoing climate change impacts, as well as issues of sovereignty, pollution, species depletion or for its growing economic importance (de la Barre et al. 2016; Maher, Stewart & Lück 2011a). In the Circumpolar North, the effects of global warming on the cryosphere, such as shrinking sea ice or reduced snow cover, generally result in better access to the Arctic region, both by sea and land (Hovelsrud et al. 2011). The opening up of the Arctic Ocean generates rising expectations for commercial shipping across the Northwest and Northeast Passages (Buixadé Farré et al. 2014). Other industries are planning to capitalize on the economic benefits that the receding sea ice would bring. Examples include the fishing industry that could take advantage of warming waters (Shephard et al. 2016) or the offshore oil and gas industry that generally operates in ice-free zones (Harsem, Eide & Heen 2011). This growing accessibility to the Arctic facilitated by the ongoing changes in the cryosphere are also benefiting the tourism industry (Lamers et al. 2016; Stewart et al. 2007) to such an extent that tourism is now considered as one of the main reasons for human presence in the region (Bystrowska & Dawson 2017; Palma et al. 2019).

3 Nevertheless, in the southernmost areas of the Arctic like in Finnish Lapland, the shrinking cryosphere is expected to become a challenge for the tourism industry, impacting tourist destinations both directly and indirectly. Indeed, by the end of the century, several ski resorts such as Ruka, Levi or Ylläs might face a significant lack of snow and increasing temperatures, directly threatening skiing activities (Demiroglu et al. 2019; Tervo 2008). Climate change impacts are also expected to harm tourist destinations’ images. For example, Tervo-Kankare, Hall and Saarinen (2013: 311) analyzed Christmas tourists’ perceptions to climate change in Rovaniemi and concluded that “the branding and images promoted by a destination at one point in time may become less believable over time or may even become a marketing burden if the conditions behind the promoted landscapes and images change considerably”. In Rovaniemi, Arctic tourism is therefore facing a dual situation where changes in the cryosphere could be both understood as opportunities and challenges.

4 4 2 Purpose and structure of the research

2.1 Aim of the research

The research focuses on Arctic tourism, a concept and idea that sometimes overlaps and conflates with terms such as ‘Polar tourism’ or ‘Nordic tourism’ (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). The relevance of rethinking Arctic tourism has been growing for at least two reasons. Firstly, the rapid growth of tourism in the Arctic and the increasing public visibility of the region call for a better conceptual understanding of Arctic tourism, which is crucial for academics. Although Müller (2015: 148) argues that conceptualizing Arctic tourism is mainly an academic problem because “the tourist industry and tourists themselves create their own imaginations of the Arctic” (see also Müller 2013), Hall (2005), however, claims that this can also become important for policy-makers and tourism entrepreneurs, as well as for sustainability in tourism development (Saarinen 2014; Sæþórsdóttir & Saarinen 2016). Secondly, the lack of unanimity in defining Arctic tourism – due to highly debatable definitions for the Arctic – has been well discussed and it is time to go further. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to examine the interplays between tourists and the tourism industry’s perspective on representations and practices of the Arctic performed in Rovaniemi, Finland. This thesis aims at analyzing what the Arctic attributes of Rovaniemi are according to tourists and how they are extracted by the tourism industry. The following research questions (RQ) helped to develop the conceptual framework and served as a basis for the research articles as well as for the synopsis:

RQ1: How have the Arctic and Arctic tourism been defined in academic tourism literature and policy documents and what are the implications of these different definitions and approaches for the conceptual understanding of tourism in the Arctic?

RQ2: How can the combination of border studies with the examination of the tourist gaze foster a new understanding of Arctic tourism?

RQ3: In what ways is the tourism industry shaping tourists’ perceptions and representations of the Arctic in the context of Rovaniemi?

The various ways in which the Arctic can be approached in tourism (RQ1) are firstly explored through Article 1 (A1). A1 aims at reviewing different perspectives on tourism in the Arctic. These analyzed perspectives are the spatial, the produced and the experienced Arctic (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019), and for each of them, the authors analyze their respective challenges, as well as their theoretical and practical gaps. In addition, the purpose of RQ1 is to examine the implications of the different approaches and definitions of

5 the Arctic in tourism in order to highlight the challenges for the conceptualization of Arctic tourism. RQ2 will examine tourists’ practices when they cross the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, as well as investigate how tourists perceive the Arctic when they cross the Arctic Circle. In addition, RQ2 also aims to scrutinize how tourists report this particular experience on social media. RQ2 is covered in both Article 2 (A2) and Article 3 (A3). They correspond to the main analysis of tourists’ experiences. A2 is dedicated to field observation. It reports tourists’ performances based on ethnographic methods (Varnajot 2019a), whereas A3 covers tourists’ representations of the Arctic in online communities. Using netnography, A3 explores posts on Instagram that have been posted by those who have visited the studied Arctic Circle landmarks (Varnajot 2019b). In addition, A3 highlights future challenges for Arctic tourism in regard to the development of new technologies in tourist experiences, such as virtual and augmented realities. RQ3 is explored in Article 4 (A4) and focuses on the tourism industry perspective. It is through the case of the Santa Claus and Christmas tourism industry, highly developed in Rovaniemi, that the extraction of Arctic attributes for tourism purposes is examined (Herva, Varnajot & Pashkevich, in press). The authors draw a comparison with the mining industry in order to understand how the industry turns local Arctic attributes into resources on the one hand (see Avango, Nilsson & Roberts 2013), and examine the processes of extraction on the other hand. The connection with Arctic tourist experiences is then made through this synopsis. By answering these RQs, and understanding what makes Rovaniemi an Arctic destination in terms of tourist experiences, we may be able to elaborate on a unique and sound conceptualization of Arctic tourism that adapts to the diversity of environmental, political and socio-cultural contexts across the Arctic, as well as to anticipate the future of Arctic tourism in Rovaniemi.

2.2 Structure of the thesis

The thesis consists of a synopsis that constitutes the main body and four articles included as attachments (Table 1). The synopsis aims to summarize the research papers, the methods used and the main findings and also to elaborate on further discussions regarding Arctic tourism. The synopsis is composed of six sections. The first one introduces the thesis, by outlining how the Arctic and Lapland have commonly been portrayed and represented. The second part serves as the presentation of the aims and the structure of the thesis. The third section begins with a review of how Arctic tourism has been defined in academic tourism literature in order to highlight the limits of current definitions and it continues with an overview of the state of tourism in the Arctic. Then, the methods used in this research are explained in section four. The synopsis continues with section five, which discusses the theoretical background, wherein the experience of crossing the Arctic Circle is conflated with the tourist gaze theory and tourist experience literature. In addition, both the making of the Arctic Circle as a border and as an attraction are explored in this

6 7 Table 1. Summary of the four research articles.

Neil Leiper framework Article RQ Aim of the study of tourism Geographical element Saarinen, J. & A.Varnajot RQ1 To discuss and outline (destination region) (2019). The Arctic in different potential tourism: Complementing and perspectives on the Arctic contesting perspectives on in tourism. tourism in the Arctic. Polar Geography 42(2), 109–124. Human element Varnajot, A. (2019). “Walk RQ2 To explore the range of the line”: An ethnographic practices performed by study of the ritual of crossing tourists at Arctic Circle the Arctic Circle - Case landmarks. Rovaniemi. Tourist Studies 19(4), 434–452. Varnajot, A. (2019). Digital RQ2 To investigate tourists’ Rovaniemi: Contemporary representations of the and future arctic tourist Arctic through the lens experiences. Journal of Tourism of Instagram and discuss Futures, 1–18. the future of Arctic experiences. Industry element Herva, V.-P., Varnajot, A. RQ3 To understand what the & A. Pashkevich (in press). Arctic resources for the Bad Santa: Cultural heritage, Santa Claus tourism mystification of the Arctic industry are and to and tourism as an extractive investigate how these industry. The Polar Journal. resources are extracted by the tourism industry. chapter. The results are presented in section six. The section begins with an investigation to identify the Arctic attributes of Rovaniemi and continues with a proposal for the reconceptualization of Arctic tourism. The seventh and last section discusses the future of Arctic tourism in Rovaniemi, as well as the robustness of the proposed concept in regard to the future Arctic tourist experience enhanced by new technologies, but also threatened by climate change. All in all, the research covers the basic elements of tourism as defined by Neil Leiper (1979), wherein the tourism phenomenon is divided into three elements: geographical, human and industry. A1 focuses on the geographical element, where the Arctic is understood under the scope of the tourist destination region. It is worth noting that Leiper’s geographical element is also composed of tourists generating and transit regions that were not taken into account in this study. The following A2 and A3 are dedicated to the human element, namely tourists, whereas A4 covers the tourism industry element. As such, although mainly taking the scope of the tourist experience, this research considers (Arctic) tourism from a holistic approach.

7 2.3 Situating the thesis and the articles

This thesis is a geographical work. According to Butler (2012), geography seeks to explain the location of phenomena, wherein place, space, location and environment are core elements of the discipline (see also Hall & Page 2012; Timothy 2018). Indeed, and as recognized by Che (2018: 164), “geography is the ideal discipline to study the global tourism industry given tourism’s distinct place, time, distance and activity patterns”. In addition, geographers were the first academics to undertake tourism studies and examine the tourism phenomenon (Timothy 2018). Terkenli (2018: 170) even went further by arguing that “there can be no tourism or study of tourism without geography”. With this research, I intend to understand what Arctic tourism is, but also to examine where it can potentially take place. More so, this thesis aims to contribute to tourism geography, as the concept for Arctic tourism proposed in this research brings together notions of place, location and environment, and because it is grounded in notions of tourist gaze and tourist experience. In other words, in this study, my goal is to focus on understanding places (see Lew 1999) that we consider Arctic in tourism, following Timothy’s analysis of the evolution of geography (2018), claiming that geographers nowadays have broadened their role in understanding subjects like behavioral patterns, sense of place or place-bound identities in tourism. In their review of tourism research in Polar tourism, Stewart, Draper and Johnston (2005) pinpointed global changes and the tourist experience as the two key themes requiring more research interest (see also Liggett and Stewart 2015), albeit the concept of experience has been widely studied in tourism in general (Seeler, Lück & Schänzel 2019). Although in the last decade these two themes have “become critical areas of scholarship, amassing significant and welcome research attention” (Stewart, Liggett & Dawson 2017: 67), they still remain far behind other major themes, such as tourism development and management issues, representing more than half of all publications in the field of Polar tourism studies (Stewart, Liggett & Dawson 2017). This thesis focuses on tourists’ experiences and practices in regard to the Arctic and its borders and therefore participates in the effort of bringing research attention to Arctic tourist experiences, and especially place-related experiences. The first article, The Arctic in tourism: Complementing and contesting perspectives on tourism in the Arctic, contributes to Polar, and especially Arctic tourism studies and geographies. It is directly in line with previous tourism publications – research articles, chapters or books – in advancing the understanding of Arctic tourism (see Hall & Saarinen 2010a, 2010c; Lee, Weaver & Prebensen 2017a; Lemelin, Maher & Liggett 2013; Maher, Stewart & Lück 2011b; Müller 2015; Müller, Lundmark & Lemelin 2012; Stonehouse & Snyder 2010; Viken 2013). The second article, “Walk the line”: An ethnographic study of the ritual of crossing the Arctic Circle – Case Rovaniemi, is based on ethnographic methods. It is based on the contributions of Edensor (2000, 2001), Urry (1990), Larsen (2005) and Haldrup and Larsen (2010)

8 9 among others, on tourists’ performances when visiting sights. The main result, the border- crossing postures developed in the article’s discussion brings together border studies and tourism studies, following the contributions of Timothy (1995, 2002) on tourism and boundaries. The third article, Digital Rovaniemi: Contemporary and future arctic tourist experiences, concentrates on social media and the tourist experience. The article is grounded in the work of Gretzel (2010, 2017) on the role of social media and growing technologies related to the tourist experience, as well as the netnographic methods developed by Robert Kozinets (1998, 2002) in the late 1990s and Kozinets, Scaroboto and Parmentier (2018). The fourth article, “Bad Santa”: Cultural heritage, mystification of the Arctic and tourism as an extractive industry, draws on resource extraction literature and resource geography (Avango, Nilsson & Roberts 2013; Bridge 2009). Using a comparison with the mining industry, the study introduces resource extraction notions into tourism studies in the context of the Santa Claus tourism industry in Rovaniemi and Finnish Lapland.

3 The Arctic in tourism

3.1 A quest for defining the Arctic and Arctic tourism

In tourism studies and publications, the Arctic has often been brought up through the lens of Polar tourism, and therefore was associated, and sometimes compared with the Antarctic (Lee, Weaver & Prebensen 2017b). In addition, with the creation of the International Polar Tourism Research Network (IPTRN) in 2008, tourism in both Polar regions has been broached under the same umbrella, where researchers seek “to support and develop tourism research across the Polar regions” (Liggett & Stewart 2015: 251). This resulted in flourishing productivity around the year 2010 (see Grenier & Müller 2011; Hall & Saarinen 2010b, 2010c; Lemelin, Maher & Liggett 2013; Maher, Stewart & Lück, 2011b; Müller, Lundmark & Lemelin 2012; Stonehouse & Snyder 2010). Several special issues in international academic journals have also been initiated by the IPTRN and have embraced both Polar regions. The most recent special issue, “The Future of Polar Tourism”, followed the 6th conference and community tour held in Whitehorse and Dawson City, Yukon Territory, Canada, and was published in the Journal of Tourism Futures in 2020. It is argued that polar tourism generally refers to tourism activities taking place around the North and South Poles (Enzenbacher, 2011; Saarinen & Varnajot 2019), with “shared environmental, developmental and policy characteristics […] including relatively high seasonality” and activities that are “based in high latitude cryospheric environments” (Hall & Saarinen 2010a: 454; see Hall 1992). However, within this definition, “Arctic tourism” has emerged as a concept on its own. Indeed, as Viken (2013: 41) mentioned, “there is no doubt that tourism in the Arctic is different from tourism in other areas”, and as Saarinen and Varnajot (2019: 111) added, “there seems to be something special or exceptional about the Arctic in tourism as very few other geographical regions are labelled as forms and concepts in tourism”. In line with this, it becomes relevant to examine the Arctic also separately when discussing the Polar regions in tourism. In addition, defining Arctic tourism has turned out to be a challenging, almost impossible, task (Maher, 2007; Saarinen & Varnajot 2019), contrary to Antarctic tourism. Indeed, the “Antarctic is relatively straightforward to delineate; it is everything south of 60°S (land and sea), as outlined in the Antarctic Treaty” (Maher, Stewart & Lück 2011a: 5; see also Hall & Saarinen 2010b; Lück, Maher & Stewart 2010). Accordingly, Antarctic tourism was already defined by Hall in 1992 and refers to “all existing human activities other than those directly involved in scientific research and normal operations of government bases” (p. 4), taking place south of 60°S (see also Enzenbacher 1992). However, due to its intrinsic intricacies and in its variety of climates, landscapes and societies (Viken 2013), tourism in the Arctic is a mature industry that provides a wide range of activities and experiences all year round (Johnston 2011). Additionally, compared to Antarctica,

11 there are about 4 million people living in the Arctic, including both indigenous and non- indigenous residents (Hall & Saarinen, 2010a; Dodds & Nuttall 2019). For the former, the Arctic has been a homeland for millennia (McCannon 2012). However, indigenous residents represent “diverse groups of (…) peoples, each having their own distinctive cultures and languages, histories and economies” (Nuttall, 1998: 2). Thus, Arctic tourism requires further thoughts, discussions and debates for its conceptualization, rather than simply considering it as ‘tourism that takes place in the Arctic’ (independent of the selected geographical border is), which led to a lack of consensus among academics. Many actors have developed their own definition for Arctic tourism, from international institutions and organizations to nation states. Some of these have been used by academics, while some others have direct implications for the industry.

Defining the Arctic in tourism

The main reason for this lack of consensus lies in the fact that the spatial definition of the Arctic region itself is already highly debatable (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). There are various potential geographical delimitations resulting in a nebulous vision of where the region really begins. Indeed, many disciplines use their own delimitations for the Arctic, based on their respective phytogeographic features (Figure 1). For example, in climatology, the Arctic is delineated by the +10°C isotherm in July; in astronomy, the Arctic Circle defines the border of the region; biogeographers use the tree line and geologists consider the melting permafrost in summer (see Grenier 2007; Hall & Saarinen 2010a; Lemelin, Maher & Liggett 2013). In tourism studies, several authors have used these heterogeneous borders. Hall and Johnston (1995b), for instance, referred to the Arctic Circle and the tree line as the main boundaries for the Arctic. Stonehouse and Snyder (2010: 7) also considered the tree line as the “main ecological border”, whereas Viken (2013) acknowledged that the polar circles are the most common parameters delineating the Polar regions, although using the Arctic Circle as a border for the Arctic seems to be a European perspective (Johnston 1995). Hall and Saarinen (2010a, 2010b) however, combined the Arctic Circle with political regions in order to be able to assess tourism in the Arctic from a statistical perspective. International cooperation institutions and organizations also have developed their own definitions, such as the Arctic Human Development Report (AHDR, 2004), the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP), the Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna (CAFF, 2013) Working Group or the Search and Rescue (SAR) Agreement (2011). Nevertheless, among them, the AHDR’s definition (2004) is the only one that has been widely used in tourism studies (see Grenier, 2011; Hull, 2011, Maher, 2007; Maher et al., 2014; Maher, Stewart & Lück, 2011a), combining geodetic, political and phytogeographic parameters and thus, considering the Arctic as:

12 13 Figure 1. A classical map of the various boundaries for the definition of the Arctic. Map: Johanna Roto, Nordregio. Data source: NSIs.

13 “Alaska, Canada north of 60°N together with northern Quebec and Labrador, all of Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and Iceland and the northernmost counties of Norway, Sweden and Finland. [In] Russia (…), the Murmansk Oblast, the Nenets, Yamalo-Nenets, Taimyr, and Chukotka autonomous okrugs, Vorkuta City in the Komi Republic, Norilsk and Igsrka in Krasnoyarsky Kray, and those parts of the Sakha Republic whose boundaries lie closest to the Arctic Circle”. In addition, the Nordic Council of Ministers published in 2018 a report entitled “Arctic Business Analysis: Creative and Cultural Industries”, wherein Arctic tourism is defined as “tourism based in high-latitude environments characterized by cold and extreme nature, involving nature-based, culture-based and sports-based activities” (p. 23). The Nordic Council of Ministers is the official body for Nordic intergovernmental co-operation, and its goal, through this report is to “to generate practical recommendations on how the Nordic co-operation can promote economic activities in the Nordic Arctic” (p. 11), including tourism. If this definition remains vague from the spatial perspective, it also neglects the dynamic nature of the Arctic in terms of seasonality, as it refers only to extreme and cold environments, and thus overlooks the summer season (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). Most of these delimitations are relevant only for tourism taking place on land. However, in the Arctic, tourism also occurs on the seas and seaborne tourism has even been analyzed as the fastest-growing segment of tourism in the Polar regions (Bystrowska & Dawson 2017; Dawson et al. 2018; Johnston, Dawson & Maher 2017; Palma et al. 2019). Therefore, in 2011, Maher, Stewart and Lück (2011b: 5–6) suggested a more detailed marine delineation and proposed the “convergence of the colder, less salty water of the Arctic Ocean with the warm, saltier waters of the Atlantic and Pacific”. Since then, the Search and Rescue Agreement (Arctic Council 2011) and the Polar Code (International Maritime Organization 2014), both having consequences for cruise tourism in the Arctic, respectively, delimited their own areas of application based on specific coordinates. These various definitions used in and for tourism studies, however, are all based on a spatial perspective and therefore present an issue in regard to the dynamic nature of the Arctic. Indeed, they are all supposed to firmly delimit the Arctic from ‘the rest of the world’, but the Arctic (its environments, cultures) seems to be ‘fluid’ as it can also be experienced outside these kinds of bounded spaces. The borders of the Arctic are porous, and the borders based on bounded spaces do not take into account the dynamic characteristics of Arctic environments, including the cryosphere on a seasonal timeframe. In defining the Arctic in tourism, there is an incompatibility in the use of a spatial perspective with the dynamic nature of the region. Even the AHDR’s definition (2004) that aims to be comprehensive and regionally inclusive, with large regions south of the Arctic Circle, still faces this issue. For example, the city of Churchill, in Manitoba, Canada, is the ‘polar bear capital of the world’ with many tourism operators engaged in polar bear tours (Dawson, Stewart & Scott 2010), and is however, often placed outside the Arctic (Maher 2007). In Finland, the same problem can be observed in Kemi, for example, where

14 15 visitors can take part in icebreaker tours in the frozen Bay of Bothnia before visiting an ice castle. Yet, Kemi is located south of most of these boundaries (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019; Varnajot 2019a). This illustrates the need for a definition of the Arctic, grounded in tourism perspectives, fulfilling tourism studies’ needs, where the boundaries are not taken for granted from other disciplines. In order to overcome this issue, some authors provided a different approach or did not stick to solely one predetermined delimitation. For example, in their book Arctic tourism experiences: production, consumption and sustainability, Lee, Weaver and Prebensen (2017a: 2) acknowledge the various parameters for delimiting where Arctic tourism begins. Interestingly, however, although they focus on Arctic tourist experiences, they still used a spatial perspective in order to delimit where these Arctic-related experiences take place. If this strategy does not limit the Arctic to a specific boundary, it, however, does not solve this problem found in tourism, and is only an attempt to overcome it. They define Arctic tourism as follows: “Any tourism-relevant activities that are associated with businesses, communities, organizations or other stakeholders in the Arctic region, defined to include the areas and regions as per the consideration of relevant phytogeographic, climatic, geomorphological, latitudinal and geopolitical criteria”. Grenier (2007, 2011) goes further and besides the spatial approach, proposes another perspective based on a sociological approach, where “[Arctic] tourism [is] defined in terms of a specific type of experience” (Grenier 2011: 73). According to Grenier (2007), the sociological approach considers Arctic tourism in relation to an extreme and unusual experience, opposed to the idea of normality. Therefore, the sociological approach defines Arctic tourism through the eyes of outsiders, unfamiliar with Arctic environments and societies, where the midnight sun, the polar night or northern lights are exotic phenomena and not part of tourists’ mundane life (see Grenier 2007). Accordingly, this approach is grounded in international tourists’ viewpoints and neglects tourists from the Arctic visiting another Arctic destination, as it is often the case (Johnston 2011). In line with this, Arctic tourism would be a form of tourism designed by outsiders, and for outsiders. However, Grenier’s approach of Arctic tourism solely considers tourism activities performed by tourists within the Circumpolar North. In his vision of Arctic tourism, Müller (2015: 148) widens the concept to Arctic-related events located outside the region. He considers Arctic tourism as: “Tourism to the Arctic; tourism to places outside the Arctic that interpret the history and environment of the Arctic, for example the Fram Museum in Oslo; and tourism for the sake of the Arctic, for example participation in scientific and industry meetings”. In his definition, Müller acknowledges three ways one can perform Arctic tourism. The first and most obvious is tourism taking place in the Arctic, with, however – and similarly to Grenier’s sociological approach – no specification of where the Arctic begins. The

15 second way refers to Arctic-related activities located outside the region like museums, festivals, exhibitions, etc. The third way designates any meeting activity designed for Arctic-related purposes, like the Arctic Encounter Symposium, organized every year in Seattle, for example. Nevertheless, Müller continues by pointing out that no matter how researchers define Arctic tourism, the tourism industry and tourists will develop their own representations of the Arctic, “sometimes far from insights gained in academic discourses” (2015: 148). For example, Varnajot (2019a) makes the distinction between tourism studies and the tourism industry when it comes to the Arctic Circle. Indeed, if among academics several boundaries have been used to delimit the region, it seems that the industry considers the Arctic Circle as the only and main delineation for the Arctic. This is especially the case in northern Europe, with heavy promotion of Arctic Circle- related activities, certificates and stamps. Similarly, in Alaska and the Yukon tourists can also take part in tours all the way up to a couple of Arctic Circle landmarks. This is also supported by the idea that the Arctic Circle is the only of these many potential boundaries that is celebrated by landmarks (Varnajot 2019a). Further, according to Varnajot (2019a), from the tourism industry perspective the Arctic Circle is not a continuous line, but a series of landmarks each representing a gateway to a local Arctic hinterland. Gateways are usually defined as singular entry points, serving as links or an entrance way to a hinterland and often refer to a port or a city (Hall, 2000 2015; Short et al. 2000), and sometimes to a territory or a country (Dodds 2012; Keil & Raspotnik 2014). However, in the tourism context, “the expression of a “gateway” is used more with respect to an “entrance” or “base” from which tourists can explore a region rather than being grounded in the literature with respect to transport and economic activities” (Hall, 2015: 269). In line with this, the City of Rovaniemi, and more precisely, the Arctic Circle landmarks are entrances to the northern Finnish wilderness and gateways for land-based tourism. It is also argued that the use of “gateway” is often the result of marketing strategies and promotional tools (Hall 2015), leading to places competing with each other (Hall 1997). For example, in Rovaniemi, the Santa Claus Village and SantaPark compete in providing the most memorable Arctic Circle crossing experience, as shown later on in this dissertation. The Arctic Council, through the Protection of the Arctic Marine Environment (PAME) Working Group, used another strategy. Indeed, in the “Arctic Marine Tourism Project: Best Practices Guidelines” report (2015), they did not use any specific definition for Arctic tourism nor geographical limits for the Arctic region, but instead “Arctic states [were] encouraged to determine their appropriate range of applicability within areas subject to their respective national jurisdictions” (p. 4). This reveals two realities. Although such approach provides challenges for a homogeneous application within the Circumpolar North, it also highlights the reality of the Arctic, with countries having their respective geographical delimitations for the region. As shown, defining the Arctic and by extension Arctic tourism is not a straightforward process and it raises controversies given the various environmental, political, cultural

16 17 and geographical perspectives that can be used. In addition, Dodds and Nuttall (2019: 3–4) recall how this is further complicated due to influences of climate change on phytogeographic parameters, “contributing to shifting many physical boundaries that had been drawn as fixed points and zones and marked ecosystems on maps and charts”. Thus, this is why a reconceptualization of the concept of Arctic tourism should take into account this dynamic characteristic of the Arctic. Therefore, in this doctoral dissertation, I argue that Arctic tourism should be a concept grounded both in a combination of the spatial perspective and tourist experiences, which will allow for overcoming the challenge of the dynamic nature of the Arctic.

3.2 The state of tourism in the Arctic

Tourism in the Arctic has existed for over two centuries and first consisted of wealthy adventurers, explorers and scientists (Hall & Johnston 1995b; Snyder 2007; Stonehouse & Snyder 2010). Probably one of the most famous of these pioneers was Louis-Philippe, Duke of Orléans, who travelled to northern Europe in 1795. Archives show that during his political exile the Duke visited several places such as Nordkapp, Alta or Kautokeino (Guissard & Lee 2017). Nevertheless, at that time, tourism was still a sporadic phenomenon and vast areas of the Arctic were still unexplored. In contrast, today’s tourism in the Arctic is a mature industry. It is highly diversified; it operates all year round, and literally spreads in all directions from the North Pole to the southernmost Arctic areas, both on land and by sea (Maher et al. 2014). The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 enabled the development of cruises aboard icebreakers, organized through Russian waters, and thus, even bringing tourists to the geographic North Pole (Palma et al. 2019; Stewart & Draper 2008). In a more recent project, the high-end travel company, Luxury Action, also proposes to offer stays in modern igloos at the North Pole for wealthy tourists. Open for only one month in April 2020, these igloos will provide all modern comforts in this frozen environment (Hardingham-Gill 2019; see North Pole Igloos 2019). Although only the wealthiest tourists can afford these exclusive cruises and experiences, tourism in the Arctic also consists of tourist hot spots often accessible by air and/or cruise ships (Müller 2015), with occasional mass tourism and overtourism practices. For example, Klein (2011) acknowledged the ‘pack behavior’ as a common practice when tourists disembark from cruise ships for day visits in most of the ports of Alaska, like Skagway, a 1,000-inhabitant community that can experience 10,000 or more passengers a day (Figure 2). Similarly, Longyearbyen in the Svalbard archipelago, can also face days where the number of cruise passengers is higher than the local population, as the city is the port of entry for most of the vessels sailing in the area (Bystrowska & Dawson 2017). In Longyearbyen, during these days, masses of tourists are channeled through areas within the famous polar bear signs marking a boundary they may not cross due to the hazard

17 posed by the island’s polar bear population. They also wander dangerously on the roads, run after the reindeer for photos, and sometimes intrude in non-tourist buildings such as the university or schoolyards (Figure 3). Nevertheless, these practices remain limited in time as they occur when cruise ships make day stopovers. Other examples, such as Iceland, experience mass tourism patterns over a much longer duration, leading to more profound environmental and social challenges. For example, Ólafsdóttir and Runnström (2013) have highlighted the link between growing numbers of tourists visiting the Icelandic Highlands and the damage to hiking trails; Mermet (2017) analyzed the growth of Airbnb as a factor of gentrification in Reykjavik. In Finland, the rapid development of tourism in Kilpisjärvi and Saariselkä areas led to conflicting situations with Sámi reindeer herders and with the residents regarding the growing use of motorized vehicles in tourism activities (Kaján 2014). In northern Norway, the Lofoten archipelago has rapidly emerged as a world- class nature destination, but this tremendous growth has led some residents to complain about irresponsible and disrespectful tourists’ practices (Kristoffersen & Midtgard 2016). In a last example, Hillmer-Pegram (2016) reveals how indigenous Iñupiaq populations of Barrow in northern Alaska struggle to maintain tourism growth under local control without affecting their ways of life. These few Arctic examples follow a global trend: more tourists are able to travel and destinations that were once off the beaten track are now emerging on the bucket lists of many travelers (Maher 2017; Oklevik et al. 2019). According to the United Nation World Tourism Organization (UNTWO 2018), in 2017 there were 1.232 million international tourist arrivals, punctuating an uninterrupted growth of eight consecutive years, which was a first since the 1960s. In addition, as shown by Vainikka (2015), the global tourism trend has been generally growing with 25 million tourist arrivals counted in 1950, 278 million in 1980 and 528 million in 1995. In the Arctic, tourism is also globally rising, on land and on the seas. Indeed, seaborne tourism has been regarded as the fastest growing segment of tourism in Polar regions (Dawson et al. 2018; Johnston, Dawson & Maher 2017; Johnston, Dawson and Stewart 2019; Palma et al. 2019). However, for much of the Arctic, accurate statistics (e.g. tourist numbers) are hard to provide (Johnston 2011) due to the lack of consistent and comparable data. Another issue raised by Johnston (2011) is that domestic or within-region travelers are often underrepresented because in many jurisdictions, such as in Yukon or Iceland, the counting is done at international points of entry. Nevertheless, Table 2 attempts to present an evolution of tourist numbers or overnight stays in a variety of Arctic and sub-Arctic regions. In addition, it aims to be as detailed as possible; therefore when data were available, statistics on cruise tourism were also added, as in the Arctic the “most current forms of tourism […] are generally marine based” (Maher, Stewart & Lück 2011b: 5). Briefly, in Arctic Finland, the two northernmost counties, namely Lapland and North Ostrobothnia, the trend in overnight stays shows a steady growth. Indeed, in Lapland, 2,399,486 overnight stays were registered in 2012 and 3,109,181 in 2019, while in

18 19 Figure 2. Crowded streets of Skagway, Alaska, on a summer day. Photo: Alix Varnajot, June 2018.

Figure 3. Tourists and vehicles have to share the road on crowded days in Longyearbyen, Svalbard, Norway. Photo: Alix Varnajot, August 2017.

19 North Ostrobothnia, they registered 1,569,320 in 2012 and 1,836,329 in 2019. In the two neighboring northern counties of Sweden, Norbotten and Västerbotten, the trend is similar. In Norbotten, there were 2,130,917 overnight stays registered in 2012 and 2,516,200 in 2018, and in Västerbotten, 1,539,624 and 1,843,533 in the same period. On the Norwegian mainland, between 2012 and 2019, overnight stays increased from 548,722 to 974,218 in Finnmark, from 965,325 to 1,693,142 in Troms, and from 1,533,076 to 1,754,748 in Nordland. Yet, statistics show a significant decrease of passenger numbers disembarking in Kirkenes from the Hurtigruten Express Coastal Liner, from 92,038 in 2012 to 43,744 in 2018, although passenger numbers started to increase again since 2015. In Svalbard, statistics show that the number of guest arrivals in Longyearbyen almost doubled from 37,153 in 2012 to 72,544 in 2018. In addition, between 2012 and 2018, cruise passenger numbers increased from 62,641 to 86,337. Similarly to the European Arctic, statistics show a constant global growth in the various regions of the North Atlantic, North America and Russia, although Russian data is sporadic. In Greenland, tourist numbers also have increased. Visitor arrivals by air went from 76,963 in 2014 to 93,743 in 2019, and cruise passenger numbers grew from 23,399 in 2012 to 45,739 in 2018. In the Faroe Islands, there is a clear distinction in the evolution of numbers between air arrivals and cruise passengers. Indeed, although the total number of tourists significantly increased from 134,846 in 2012 to 212,507 in 2018, the number of cruise passengers remained steady in the same period, ranging from 27,952 to 25,793. According to Visit Faroe Islands (2017), the number of cruise passenger arrivals was even higher around 2010 and significantly dropped after newly implemented and controversial whaling regulations. This shows the potential cultural clashes between Western tourists and local communities in regard to relationships between humans and nature (Einarsson, 2009). Conversely, Iceland has often been regarded as the example of tourism growth in the Arctic. Indeed, tourism on the island has observed a tremendous increase, from 676,773 visitors in 2012 to 1,995,972 in 2019, with a peak at 2,343,773 visitors in 2018. In Alaska, the number of tourists has continuously risen, growing from 1,586,600 in 2012 to 2,026,300 in 2019, with approximately 60% of them recorded as cruise passengers. Therefore, most of the visitors arrive during the summer months, when the cruise season is in operation (Hall and Saarinen 2010a). Other indicators can demonstrate the growth of Alaskan tourism. For example, the Department of Commerce, Community, and Economic Development of the State of Alaska (2017) established that commercial passengers vessels’ revenues shared with local municipalities grew from US$744,580 in 2007 to US$15,750,925 in 2016. In the three Canadian Territories, tourist numbers have globally increased since 2012, although the Yukon faced a slight decline in 2014–2015. The Yukon Territory remains the most commonly visited of the three, with 892,634 tourists in 2018, whereas the Northwest Territories reached 110,000 tourists in the same year, and Nunavut received 14,500 visitors in 2015. Nevertheless, the Canadian North also encompasses northern Manitoba and Ontario, Nunavik and Nunatsiavut, but statistics in these regions are not consistent enough in order to display an evolution. However, a

20 21 few figures exist and can give an idea of the dimension of tourism in these areas. For example, in 2014 northern Manitoba welcomed 530,000 visitors (Travel Manitoba 2017); Nunavik received 28,000 tourists in 2016 (Ministère du Tourisme du Québec 2018); and in Nunatsiavut, 9,250 rooms were sold in 2017 (Department of Tourism, Culture, Industry and Innovation of Newfoundland and Labrador 2018). Moreover, the number of cruises sailing through the Northwest Passage grew from 16 in 2012 to 29 in 2015. The growth of cruise tourism in the Canadian archipelago can also be analyzed through the number of kilometers sailed per year and per passenger vessel: 3,496 kilometers in 1990 and 68,384 in 2013 (Dawson et al. 2017, 2018). On the Russian side, the situation is more complicated due to the lack of consistent data. The most reliable data seems to be the number of cruise passengers visiting the Russian Arctic National Park and the Association of Arctic Expedition Cruise Operators (AECO) provide accurate statistics. In 2012, 1,003 cruise passengers visited the islands of Novaya Zemlya and the Franz Josef Land, whereas in 2015, 1,225 visitors were recorded. Although the global trend shows growth, it is worth noting that in 2013, the number of cruises dropped by half (Bystrowska & Dawson 2017). However, outside of the park, statistics remain sporadic and are often based on estimations, but they still give an idea. For example, Golubchikov, Kruzhalin and Nikanorova (2019) argued that, based on their estimations, the Murmansk region was the most visited area of the Russian Arctic in 2017, with 319,000 tourists. This was followed by Kamchatka (60,000 tourists), the Yamalo- Nenetsky region (40,000 tourists), Krasnoyarsk (30,000 tourists) and the Republic of Komi (28,000 tourists). According to the authors, among the least visited Russian Arctic regions were Arkhangelsk (1,000 tourists), the Nenets autonomous district (4,000 tourists), the Magadan region and Yakutia (each with 10,000 tourists), and Chukotka (25,000 tourists).

21 2019 3,109,181 1,836,329 674,218 1,693,142 1,754,748 93,743 1,995,972 2018 2.995.556 1.849.625 2,516,200 1,843,533 665,329 1,408,446 1,774,096 43,724 72,544 86,337 92,677 45,739 212,507 25,793 2,343,773 2017 2.909.073 1.800.102 2,410,053 1,841,763 669,071 1,403,267 1,807,632 43,774 67,403 83,871 89,892 27,425 193,974 25,243 2,224,074 2016 2.666.850 1.704.249 2,313,054 1,748,070 600,137 1,390,650 1,723,000 41,023 65,230 81,921 89,215 24,244 170,610 26,198 1,792,201 2015 2.356.847 1.585.274 2,290,434 1,648,562 609,389 1,207,610 1,603,672 38,110 60,016 60,182 80,862 25,049 160,809 24,166 1,289,140 2014 2,354,261 1,644,529 2,191,442 1,583,031 547,254 1,153,229 1,530,195 36,834 50,165 60,182 79,963 20,214 148,304 25,578 997,344 2013 2,403,104 1,603,915 2,152,202 1,563,891 542,457 1,006,623 1,224,251 37,424 44,645 35,523 21,496 141,647 24,843 807,349 2012 2,399,486 1,569,320 2,130,917 1,539,624 548,722 965,325 1,533,076 92,038 37,153 62,641 23,399 134,846 24,952 676,773 4 1 5 2 3 Region FINLAND Lapland Ostrobothnia North SWEDEN Norbotten Västerbotten NORWAY Finnmark Troms Nordland Coastal Express Hurtigruten Svalbard (cruise passengers) Svalbard DENMARK Greenland (cruise Greenland passengers) Islands Faroe (cruise Islands Faroe passengers) ICELAND Iceland Table 2. Tourism statistics in selected regions of the Arctic from 2012–2019. statistics in selected regions of the Tourism 2. Table

22 23 The

Source: https:// Source: Source: https:// Source: 2,026,300 1,169,000 892,634 110,000 (3), pp. 208-226. (3), pp. 40 , 1,926,300 1,089,700 802,981 108,48 Polar Geography Polar 1,857,500 1,025,900 760,272 93,910 For Nunavut, Maher, P. T. (2017). Tourism futures in the Arctic. In In in the Arctic. futures Tourism (2017). T. P. Maher, Nunavut, For 1,780,000 999,600 718,733 84,810 16,750 29 1,225 Source: https://www.commerce.alaska.gov/web/Portals/6/pub/TourismResearch/00%20 Source: 1,659,600 967,500 725,054 93,910 25 738 Source: https://www.stat.fi/til/matk/tau_en.html. Source: Source: http://www.statistikdatabasen.scb.se/pxweb/en/ssd/START__NV__NV1701__NV1701A/ Source: 1,693,800 999,600 727,700 77,200 23 636 , pp. 213-220. Springer. Cham. For the Northwest Passage, number of cruises. Source: Bystrowska, M., and Bystrowska, number of cruises. Source: Passage, the Northwest Cham. For 213-220. Springer. , pp. Source: http://www.mosj.no/no/pavirkning/ferdsel/cruiseturisme.html. http://www.mosj.no/no/pavirkning/ferdsel/cruiseturisme.html. Source: 1,586,600 937,000 16 1,003 7 8 6 USA Alaska Alaska (cruise passengers) CANADA Territory Yukon Territories Northwest Nunavut (Cruises) Passage Northwest RUSSIA Park National Arctic Number of passenger arrivals, both by air and sea included. Source: https://www.alaskatia.org/Research/Visitor%20Volume%20Summer%202018%20 air and sea included. Source: both by of passenger arrivals, Number Number of overnight stays in all establishments by region. region. stays in all establishments by of overnight Number https://www.ferdamalastofa.is/en/recearch-and-statistics/numbers-of-foreign-visitors. visitors. Source: of foreign Number https://www.aeco.no/resources-and-tools/. cruises. of visitors from Source: Number Number of international passengers departing from Greenland by air transportation. Source: http://www.tourismstat.gl/. Number of tourists traveling in traveling tourists of Number http://www.tourismstat.gl/. transportation. air by Source: departingpassengers Greenland international of from Number For Finnmark, Troms and Nordland, number of overnight stays in all establishments. Source: https://www.ssb.no/en/statbank/table/08401/. For Hurtigruten Hurtigruten For https://www.ssb.no/en/statbank/table/08401/. stays in all establishments. Source: number of overnight and Nordland, Troms Finnmark, For Number of overnight stays in all establishments by county. county. stays in all establishments by of overnight Number For the Yukon, number of arrivals to Erik Nielsen Whitehorse International Airport combined with number of international border-crossings. Source: Source: Airport combined with number of international border-crossings. Whitehorse International Nielsen to Erik number of arrivals Yukon, the For 1 2 NV1701T910Ar/?rxid=c13317a8-e288-436a-b5fb-fee6c0a33a11. 3 in guest arrivals Svalbard, For https://www.ssb.no/en/statbank/table/06207/. Source: in Kirkenes. passengers number disembarking Coastal Express, cruise passengers, number Svalbard For https://en.visitsvalbard.com/dbimgs/Statistikk%20gjester%20Svalbard%202007-2017.pdf. Source: Longyearbyen. in Isfjorden. of passengers disembarking 4 sea. air and by Islands to the Faroe arrivals of passenger Number http://www.tourismstat.gl/. via cruise transportation. Source: Greenland statbank.hagstova.fo/pxweb/en/H2/H2__SS__SS01/ferd_sjoloft.px/?rxid=a816a4a8-7c7c-4ee7-ac05-f27f3326eb96. 5 6 of cruise passenger arrivals. Number Report%202_15_19.pdf. FULL%20CPV%20RPT%2016%202017.pdf?ver=2017-03-23-160339-903. 7 Territories, total number of visitors. Northwest For the https://yukon.ca/sites/yukon.ca/files/tc/tc-tourism-yukon-2018-year-end-report.pdf. www.gov.nt.ca/newsroom/news/tourism-nwt-reaches-record-breaking-numbers. 2016 Congress – UArctic Arctic interconnected tourism destinations. ‘creating’ cruiserole of Arctic operators in places: The J. (2017). Making Dawson, 8

4 Research materials and methods

4.1 Case study: Rovaniemi

For several decades the city of Rovaniemi has been visibly promoted as the gateway to the Arctic (see Visit Rovaniemi 2019a). Therefore, it is a place where tourists can ‘officially’ enter the region through the various landmarks located in the near vicinity of the city center (Figure 4). This represents a great opportunity to assess tourists’ reactions and practices in this particular moment. This is why the case study is not only a specific place, but also corresponds to a specific tourist experience. Using Rovaniemi as a case study was motivated by a main pragmatic reason. The city has become an important tourism center within the Nordic countries and the Arctic (Grenier 2007; Hall, Müller & Saarinen 2009), receiving several thousands of tourists every month, ensuring a significant amount of data that accumulates rapidly. Therefore, it was selected as the unique case study, where ‘what makes Rovaniemi Arctic’ was investigated with fieldwork on site, but also on social media and in tourism brochures and websites. This section aims to present the geographical context in which the analyses of the Arctic Circle crossing experiences occurred. The studied Arctic Circle landmarks are located about 8 kilometers north of the city of Rovaniemi. This particular place in the outskirts of Rovaniemi has gained considerable popularity due to the presence of the Santa Claus Village and the relatively recent development of Santa Claus-related activities and infrastructure nearby (Falk & Vieru 2019; Hall 2008, 2009, 2014; Rusko, Mereiheimo & Haanpää 2013). However, the first tourist element to be developed was the Arctic Circle in 1929 with the erection of the first marker. This marks the first spatialization of the Arctic Circle in the area (Löytynoja 2008; Varnajot 2019a). Very soon, the first visitors passing by stopped and took photographs next to the tall white pole, fixed in stones, with ‘Arctic Circle’ written in Finnish, Swedish, German and English on a plate on its top. This marker was destroyed during the Second World War and a new one was rebuilt nearby, together with a wooden cabin that welcomed Eleanor Roosevelt, who during the summer of 1950 visited Rovaniemi in order to support the post-war reconstruction of Lapland. The cabin began to also attract tourists, and small-scale facilities opened like catering services and souvenir shops that started to sell official certificates of Arctic Circle crossing. The first stamps with a special Arctic Circle postmark could also be used to send postcards and letters. Nevertheless, it was not before the mid-1980s that Rovaniemi started to build up its image of the Santa Claus capital (see Tervo-Kankare, Hall & Saarinen 2013), with the promotion of Rovaniemi as the home of Santa Claus, the use of the ‘Santa Claus Land” slogan by Finnish tourism authorities, and the opening of the Santa Claus Village in 1985 (Pretes 1995; Tervo-Kankare, Hall & Saarinen 2013; Varnajot 2019a). The Santa Claus Village was built ‘exactly’ on the Arctic Circle, which has been, and still is, the red thread of the development of this tourism cluster, although meeting Santa Claus is now the top

25 Figure 4. Map of northern Finland showing Rovaniemi, the case study location, right on the Arctic Circle. Map: Henriikka Salminen, 2020.

26 27 activity, overtaking the experience of crossing the Arctic Circle. Later on, in 1998, another amusement park, SantaPark, opened in the very near vicinity of the Village, also supposedly located ‘right’ on the Arctic Circle. SantaPark is located in a large bomb shelter 50 meters below ground and is, according to their website (2019), “the only place in the world where you can cross the Arctic Circle underground”. Both parks offer various Christmas-related activities, including Husky dogs, reindeer sleighs and snowmobile rides (Herva, Varnajot & Pashkevich, in press; Tervo-Kankare, Hall & Saarinen 2013). Various similarities can be observed between the two parks, however they differ in terms of ‘space organization’. According to Edensor (2001), there are two types of tourist stages: ‘enclavic spaces’ and ‘heterogenous spaces’. The former refers to tourist stages “strongly circumscribed and framed wherein conformity to rules and adherence to centralized regulation hold sway” and where stages are “carefully planned and managed to provide specific standards of cleanliness, service, décor and ‘ambience’” (Edensor 2001: 63). This type of tourist stage resonates with SantaPark, as it is naturally circumscribed by the underground cave and as the perceived quality of the settings are superior to the Village. The latter, by contrast, “has blurred boundaries and is a multi-purpose space in which a wide range of activities and people co-exist” (Edensor, 2001: 64). The Santa Claus Village has no proper boundaries. Parking lots, accommodations, souvenir shops, restaurants and tourist activities are all intertwined in the space and it resembles an unplanned bricolage of structures and designs (for more details, see also Edensor 2000). The study focuses on three specific Arctic Circle landmarks. Two of them are located within the Santa Claus Village and the third within SantaPark. Ethnography and netnography were conducted on the Village’s markers, whereas autoethnography was applied to my experience of crossing the Arctic Circle inside SantaPark. The main marker of the ‘magical’ line is located outside, in the midst of the Santa Claus Village, and consists of five pillars with ‘Arctic Circle’ vertically written on each of them (Figure 5). On their tops, blue rope lights representing the magical borderline illuminate the sky of the Village. At the time of the fieldwork, the ground was covered by a large amount of snow. Usually a white painted line with ‘Arctic Circle’ written in several languages runs in between the pillars. In addition, for educational purposes there is also an informative board nearby with explanations in several languages about what the Arctic Circle really is (see Lück 2015). The second Arctic Circle landmark, also located in the Village, can be engaged with inside the entrance building, in front of the ‘Arctic Circle Tourist Information’ office (Figure 6). Contrary to the first landmark, this one has a clearly visible white line painted on the ground all year round. This major difference motivated the need to examine both of these markers. Next to the inside marker, a metallic pole is installed with ‘Napapiiri’ and ‘Arctic Circle’ written on a sign fixed on its top. Across from this, there is an automatic selfie machine is that visitors can use to take photos of themselves with the landmark and send them to a personal email address, free of charge.

27 The third marker of the Arctic Circle is situated at SantaPark (Figure 7). It is composed of an arch with ‘Arctic Circle’ and ‘Napapiiri’ carved on it, including some coordinates. As Varnajot (2019a) described it, this arch clearly marks the border between the Arctic, where everything is white and frozen, and the rest of the world. Here, crossing the Arctic Circle is also emphasized by augmented reality effects. Indeed, when one walks under the arch, cold wind and a ‘scary’ rumble are triggered. Today, the city has become the leading center for Santa Claus and Christmas tourism due to the “greatest concentration of Santa Claus and Christmas-related infrastructure in terms of theme parks and activities as well as the most overt use of Santa in branding” (Hall 2008: 61). In 2018, a total of 664,000 overnight stays were registered, including about 440,000 of those by foreign visitors and 220,000 by domestic visitors (Visit Rovaniemi 2019b). December was by far the time of the year when tourism is at its highest. Indeed, approximately 126,000 overnight stays were registered, including both domestic and foreign visitors. Far behind was January (76,600), February (76,200) and March (73,200). This makes Rovaniemi the place in Finland with the second most overnight stays in December, behind Helsinki (Visit Rovaniemi 2019b). The predominance of the month of December can also be seen in air passenger arrivals. Indeed, still in 2018, about 79,000 passengers arrived at Rovaniemi airport in December, which is more than twice the amount for the month of February, which is the second highest amount, with almost 35,000 passengers (Visit Rovaniemi 2019b). Given its tourist seasonality peak in winter and especially in December, Rovaniemi distinguishes itself from other destinations in Finland (Tervo-Kankare, Hall & Saarinen 2013) and the Arctic, such as Iceland (Sæþórsdóttir, Hall & Stefánsson 2019), that usually experience their tourism peak in summer. In addition, there is a relative diversity in foreign visitors’ countries of origin. In 2018, Chinese tourists ranked at the top with 49,100 overnight stays registered, followed by British (39,400), French (33,100) and Israeli (28,900) tourists. Russians (19,600), Singaporeans (16,000), Japanese (15,500), Australians (15,300) and Americans (13,900) were also relatively well represented (Visit Rovaniemi, 2019b). Finally, in terms of visitor numbers, the Santa Claus Village received 225,000 visitors during its first year of operation in 1985 (Pretes, 1995), whereas nowadays around 400,000 visitors visit the Village annually (Rusko, Merenheimo & Haanpää 2013; Tervo-Kankare, Hall & Saarinen 2013).

28 29 Figure 5. The main Arctic Circle landmark located in the midst of the Santa Claus Village. Photo: Alix Varnajot, November 2017.

Figure 6. The inside Arctic Circle landmark. Photo: Alix Varnajot, November 2017.

29 Figure 7. The Arctic Circle landmark inside SantaPark. Photo: Alix Varnajot, November 2017.

4.2 Research method inspired from multiple ethnographies

The fieldwork aimed to examine tourists’ perceptions of the Arctic at the moment they were crossing the Arctic Circle, and thus ‘officially’ entering the Arctic region. In order to delve into tourists’ representations and experiences, I used three types of ethnographies (see Kulusjärvi 2019) – traditional on-site ethnography, netnography and autoethnography, leading to a triangulation of data. Triangulation in research has been broadly defined by Denzin (2017: 291) as “the combination of methodologies in the study of the same phenomenon”. Such a method allows improvement in the accuracy of researchers’ judgments by collecting different kinds of data bearing on the same phenomenon (Fetterman 2010; Jick 1979). According to Flick (2004), triangulation combines data drawn from different sources, at different times, in different places and from different people. In addition, triangulation may be useful to “[uncover] something that could be neglected by relying on a single method only” (Tervo-Kankare 2012: 31). Hereafter, more details on the different types of ethnography conducted for this thesis are presented.

30 31 Traditional on-site ethnography

According to some anthropologists, including Tim Ingold (2014), ethnography has become a term so overused, that is has lost much of its meaning. As a result, ‘ethnographicness’ has been assigned to too many disciplines and associated with too many terms such as ‘ethnographic encounter’, ‘ethnographic fieldwork’, ‘ethnographic method’, ‘ethnographic knowledge’, ‘ethnographic monographs’ or ‘ethnographic films’, and even ‘ethnographic theory’, etc. (Ingold 2014). This also includes autoethnography and netnography, as discussed later on. In parallel, ethnography has been conflated with fundamental disciplinary terms like anthropology and participant observation. Indeed, as Hockey and Forsey recall (2012: 72), “anthropology, ethnography and participant observation slip and slop around contemporary anthropological discourse as interchangeable terms” as well as in other social science disciplines. Yet, ethnography is not participant observation (Hockey & Forsey, 2012) and anthropology is not ethnography (Ingold 2008). Ingold (2014) even considers these situations as threatening the discipline of anthropology, compared to other fields of study that are surging forward due to this extensive use of ‘ethnographicness’, hence his provocative statement: “that’s enough about ethnography!” (Ingold 2014:383; see Shah 2017). In addition, Hockey and Forsey (2012) explain that ethnography can be understood both as a methodology and as a descriptive and analytical piece of writing. In the latter, the ethnography is the result produced by the researcher via a number of different methods. In this thesis, I used participant observation-oriented methods, although some authors like Angrosino (2007: 18) have argued that participant observation is more “a personal style adopted by field-based researchers” rather than a method in itself. DeWalt and DeWalt (2002: 1) defined participant observation as “a method in which a researcher takes part in the daily activities, rituals, interactions, and events of a group of people as one of the means of learning the explicit and tacit aspects of their life routines and their culture”. Nevertheless, as a group of people, tourists are an amorphous social group. They have different backgrounds, experience, national identities, socioeconomic class position, etc. (Frohlick & Harrison 2008). So rather than looking at tourists’ respective cultures and routines on a long timeframe, participant observation methods were applied to a relatively short timespan in the time they spend as tourists, which is the time they spent at the fieldwork location. During this participant observation fieldwork, I followed the basic principles of ethnography pointed out by Hammerslay and Aktinson, (1983), where the researcher is watching what is happening, listening to what is being said and is asking questions. In the end, my time in the field was divided into observations of tourists crossing the Arctic Circle and interactions with them through informal discussions. A pilot fieldwork project was conducted in February 2017 at two tourist destinations in Lapland, namely Kemi’s SnowCastle, and at the Santa Claus Village in Rovaniemi. There were two goals in conducting this pilot. Firstly, I aimed to learn about research conditions with tourists, and especially to gain practical information about tourists’ practices

31 (Kulusjärvi 2019; Sampson 2004). Secondly, the purpose was also to test questions with tourists about their representations of the Arctic and their knowledge about the Arctic Circle. During the pilot, I became less and less confident about the benefits of conducting semi-structured interviews with tourists. Indeed, interviews aiming at testing the questions lasted about 15 minutes per tourist, but a majority of them started to show signs of impatience after about 10 minutes of discussion. I figured that some of them were visiting these tourist attractions with children or as part of organized tours via companies like Safartica or Lapland Safaris, which might present challenges in terms of time availability. Hence, it was decided that the solution would be to engage in informal discussions with tourists directly on site. Nevertheless, a major limitation in conducting a pilot has often been raised by anthropologists, claiming that the experience of entering a research setting as a total stranger may allow the researcher to remain objective and distant, and therefore keep a clearer lens (Sampson 2004; Siskind 1973). The main fieldwork campaign was conducted in November and December 2017, for a period of two weeks. My main tasks during the fieldwork consisted of observations of tourists engaging with the Arctic Circle landmarks described above and informal discussions with them. Firstly, the goal of these observations was to produce qualitative descriptions of tourists’ practices when they ‘officially’ enter the Arctic. I was visiting the selected landmarks, without taking into account weather conditions, and immediately started to record the practices of those present in the scene. Then, during the observation, I focused my attention on a particular individual, in a relatively small group of friends or a family. This was coupled with instantaneous recording, a technique that presents two main advantages. On the one hand, it allows to quickly gather observations on a large number of individuals (Hames & Paolisso 2015), and on the other hand, it produced reasonably accurate measures (Martin & Bateson 1993). Records consisted of details about tourists’ physical movements when interacting with the landmark. So, details such as which part of the landmark they interacted with (the line, the pillars, the pole), as well as the specific actions they were performing (for example if they were jumping over or lying down along the line, sitting in the snow, standing still, taking selfies, etc.). In addition, since their performances and movements around the landmarks were also connected to photography, the use of electronic devices such as smartphones, cameras or selfie sticks was also recorded. Details about who took photos and which people were jumping, lying, standing and sitting were included as well. Finally, the time spent at the landmark for each of the tourists was also noted. In practice, I was sitting discreetly in the vicinity of the selected markers and taking notes and photographs, far enough away so I would not disturb the scene with my presence and thus potentially bias tourists’ practices (see Varnajot 2019a). In total, 212 photos of tourists engaging with Arctic Circle landmarks were taken and 88 individuals or groups were observed. The challenge, however, was to remain in the front region, to use Erving Goffman’s words (1959, see also MacCannell 1976; Wang 1999), that is, close enough to not miss any details in their practices, but also in the surrounding context.

32 33 Therefore, several times I found myself sitting behind a bunch of wrapped gifts or standing under a porch. The field notes constituted the raw data (Fetterman 2010), and mostly were written in the form of symbols as a mnemonic technique. For example, in order to depict a particular border-crossing posture when taking photographs was not possible for whatever reason, the Arctic Circle was represented by a line and tourists’ practices were symbolized by circles for their feet and arrows showing how they were moving around the line. Keywords like ‘jumps’, ‘stands’, ‘selfie’, etc., were also added on the side in order to combine some details. Then, in between two rounds of observations, I wrote down the complete scene, before letting the memory fade away. Nevertheless, observations alone do not explain tourists’ practices or actions. Rather, they describe physical movements of people in temporal and spatial sequences (Holy & Stuchlik 1983). Therefore, “in order to make sense of what people do [researchers] have to interview them, either formally or informally” (Hockey & Forsey 2012). Thus, inspired from Moeller et al. (1980), informal discussions were engaged with tourists wandering within the Santa Claus Village, although they were not used as the primary source of information, but more as a way to support the observations and better understand the observed practices. Informal discussions were chosen, based on the pilot fieldwork experience, wherein some informants (people with children or people taking part in an organized tour for example) seemed more prone to respond to short interviews rather than long and structured interviews (Moeller et al. 1980). According to Lafortune et al. (2017), informal discussions allow researchers to access knowledge that might not be shared by informants under standardized assessments and more formal procedures. In addition, it is argued that informal discussions can avoid some sources of bias associated with formal interviews since they take place in a more “relaxed atmosphere [which] may elicit responses that more loosely approximate people’s private feelings, as opposed to “public” sentiments that they might report on a questionnaire” (Moeller et al. 1980:180). All informants were met only once, as opposed to ethnographic interviews that require duration and frequency of contact with interviewees (Heyl 2007). Instead, they were unsolicited discussions taking place at a strategic time and place. Typically, I would talk and ask the visitors questions when they were waiting for the bus or waiting in lobbies. In other words, this means that the people I engaged in discussions were not necessarily the ones I observed crossing the Arctic Circle. In total, I engaged in discussions with 42 persons, including 33 in English and 9 in French. Some discussions were as short as 3 minutes, whereas some others lasted up to about 25 minutes when informants were keen to extensively share their experiences. However, informal discussions bring several limitations (Christensen 1980). Firstly, they raise ethical challenges due to the use of deception to retrieve information from informants. Indeed, Kelman (1967: 11) argued that the use of deception by researchers “violates norms of respect for the subjects”. Smith (1975: 6) further commented and claimed the use of deception is an invasion of informants’ privacy which are “threats to the dignity of participants”. Therefore, in order to avoid such a situation, I always

33 presented myself as a researcher from the University of Oulu, I briefly explained the topic of my studies, and I was always wearing a badge with my name and affiliation on it. In addition, based on the pilot experience, it appears that a main reason for people to refuse to participate is that they don’t want to be asked about purchasing something or to provide any contact details. Thus, I was also prompt in mentioning that the participation would be anonymous and that I was not there to ask for money on behalf of any association. Secondly, how the interviewer recalls informants’ responses might lead to errors when reporting answers (Groves, 1989). In order to avoid this problem, notes were taken immediately after leaving the discussions, similarly to the observations. In addition, since these informal discussions were not recorded, data consisted of brief sentences summarizing participants’ thoughts and answers, which would help me to corroborate observations of tourists crossing Arctic Circle landmarks. Thirdly, the variance in question wording from one discussion to another may result in variance in informants’ answers too (Christensen, 1980; Schuman & Presser, 1977). In the end, although informal discussions present several limitations, they appeared to be a useful and practical technique to approach tourists on site. In addition, various additional sources of information were gathered on site such as tourism statistics, travel magazines and promotion brochures and flyers. These were used throughout the thesis and particularly for A1, A2 and A4.

Autoethnography

Although autoethnography has been qualified as “oxymoronic” by Ingold (2014: 385), it has recently emerged as a popular form for conducting qualitative research (Anderson, 2006). According to Ellis, Adams and Bochner (2011: 273), “autoethnography is an approach to research and writing that seeks to describe and systematically analyze (graphy) personal experience (auto) in order to understand cultural experience (ethno)” (see also Ellis 2004; Holman Jones 2005). The process of doing autoethnography combines techniques of autobiography and ethnography and as a result, “as a method, autoethnography is both a process and a product” (Ellis, Adams & Bochner 2011: 273). With this method, the researcher becomes the focus of inquiry as he/she reflects on his/ her personal experiences (Haynes 2018). Nevertheless, in order to become valid from an academic perspective, autoethnographers have to analyze their experiences, otherwise it remains simply storytelling. Therefore, the research must conflate her/his own experience in relation to a social and cultural context. This also means that autoethnographers do not live through these experiences, but usually reflect retrospectively on past events. This resonates with what the French critic Philippe Lejeune (1989: 4) referred to as the ‘autobiographical pact’ that he defined as a “retrospective prose narrative written by a real person concerning his own existence, where the focus is his individual life, in particular the story of his own personality” (see also Bruner 1993).

34 35 Thus, in this thesis, I retrospectively reflect on my past experiences, mostly as a tourist, from my first trips to the Arctic in 2012 to more recent Arctic tourism experiences in early 2019. Although not all the thesis and articles are written in an autoethnographic style, two extracts are voluntarily written as such so I could bring the reader into the scene, through thoughts, emotions and actions, in order for the reader to experience my experiences (Ellis 1993, 2004; Ellis & Bochner 2006). Both of these extracts refer to an experience of crossing the Arctic Circle. The first one, in A2, reflects on engaging with the landmark at SantaPark in order to demonstrate the socially constructed visions of the Arctic region. It was inspired from Medvedev’s (1999) prologue on his experience of crossing the Finnish-Russian border. The second extract can be found in the introduction of this synopsis, wherein it aims at revealing the intricacies of the Arctic Circle as a border as well as a tourist attraction. In addition, in both cases, my own experiences were used to be conflated with and inscribed in social and cultural contexts. The former was confronted to common representations of the Arctic, whereas the latter was examined in contrast to existing tales of Arctic Circle crossing. Furthermore, autoethnographers “must also consider ways others may experience similar epiphanies” (Ellis, Adams & Bochner 2011: 276). In other words, they must also understand and examine how others have experienced the same experience or environment. Scarles (2010: 910) suggests combining the researcher and respondents’ experiences, where they “reflect upon their experiences within the same, or similar contexts”, allows a better appraisal of the studied phenomenon (see Marvasti 2005). In A2, autoethnography was thus used through informal discussions with tourists, where we reflected on our common experiences of crossing the Arctic Circle. Nevertheless, this approach was mostly used to support the ethnographic data collection described above.

Netnography

According to Whalen (2018: 3423), “netnography is the use of adapted ethnographic techniques to study online consumer-based communities”. More precisely, the core purpose of netnography “lies in valuing a cultural approach to understanding the social interaction that transpires through interactive media (Kozinets 2018: 386). This relatively recent way of doing ethnography was largely developed by Robert Kozinets in the late 1990s and early 2000s (see Kozinets 1997, 1998, 2001, 2002), in order to investigate, at the time, the growing virtual communities, wherein users can express their desires, expectations, experiences and beliefs (Bartl, Kannan & Stockinger, 2016). This led to the need to analyze this available online information and consequently, to the development of various online qualitative methods, including netnography (Tavakoli & Mura 2018). There has been an ambivalent position regarding netnography and research in tourism. On the one hand, as revealed by Bartl, Kannan and Stockinger (2016), almost a quarter of the netnographic studies have focused on tourism or leisure-related topics, but on the

35 other hand, only a few of them have been published in tourism journals (see Tavakoli & Mura 2018; Tavakoli & Wijesinghe 2019). Likewise, netnography has generated limited interests among the tourism academy and it has not been fully legitimized and used by tourism scholars (Mkono & Markwell 2014). Netnography was chosen as a method for two main reasons. The first reason was to collect complementary data regarding tourists crossing the Arctic Circle. The purpose was to compare tourists’ experiences on site with the transliteration on social media, and especially Instagram. The second reason was to include social media in the study as social media platforms have become increasingly influential in tourists’ experiences (see Leung et al. 2013) and because they also virtually (re)shape the tourist gaze (see Urry & Larsen 2011, Gretzel 2017). Therefore, the goal of this netnographic study was to identify themes expressed in Instagram posts relating to tourists’ experience of crossing the Arctic Circle in the Santa Claus Village, north of Rovaniemi. Similarly to other photo-sharing social media platforms like Flickr or Facebook, Instagram allows the study of how users document their everyday lives (Highfield & Leaver 2015), but also the time they spend as tourists. Nevertheless, Instagram was chosen because of its relatively recent increased success as a photo-sharing social media application, which offers researcher a considerable amount of data. Indeed, in 2016, 95 million photos and videos were posted each day on Instagram (Gretzel 2017), and the application reached a billion active users in the summer 2018 (Varnajot 2019b). In addition, Instagram became of interests due to “its particular focus on visual content” (Gretzel 2017: 119). An Instagram post usually contains three or four elements (Figure 8). The first and main one is the photo. Then comes a description, including a short sentence, a series of hashtags and sometimes a tagged geographic location. Although there is always a photo in a post, other elements are optional. Finally, as noted by Gretzel (2017) and Miller (2015), contrary to other platforms, selfie-heavy profiles have become the norm on Instagram, which has turned out to be a relevant factor when studying and documenting peoples’ performances at Arctic Circle landmarks. The study of hashtags on Instagram offers immediate comparative opportunities allowing qualitative analyses of socially and collectively produced datasets (Highfield & Leaver 2015). This refers to what Mathes (2004) terms a ‘folksonomy’ – a combination of the words folk and taxonomy – defining a set of data arising from users’ tags (Sinclair & Cardew-Hall 2008). Since a folksonomy is generated by users, it is always updated with new contributions and in the end can provide narratives regarding any phenomenon or location. As a result, these narratives can be harnessed through the study of hashtags (and tagged geographic locations) provided by the Instagram application (Kennedy et al. 2007). However, a major limitation in using Instagram is the lack of diversity in terms of users’ ages. Indeed, according to Gretzel (2017), 90% of users are less than 35, which is not fully representative of all visitors taking photos at Arctic Circle landmarks. The methodology was inspired from Gretzel’s study of travel selfies (2017) and consisted of lurking around at specific hashtags and locations on the Instagram social

36 37 Figure 8. An example of an Instagram post consisting of a photograph during a snowmobile ride on the outskirts of Rovaniemi, and a description with some hashtags on the right side. Photo: screenshot from author’s Instagram account (other users’ names have been blocked out). media platform. During this observational part, the following hashtags were scrutinized: #arcticcircle, #santaclausvillage and #rovaniemi. Whereas for the location, I looked at posts indicating ‘Rovaniemi’, ‘Santa Claus Village’ and ‘Arctic Circle – Lapland’. These hashtags and tagged geographic locations were selected in order to analyze the narratives found in their associated folksonomies. Nevertheless, this represented an expansive amount of information, including posts that were irrelevant to the study, hence there was a need to narrow the search down to particular posts (see Kozinets 2018). Several criteria were then used to scale down the amount of posts to analyze. Firstly, I focused my research only on posts showing the previously described Arctic Circle markers of the Santa Claus Village. Typically, these photographs were simply displaying the landmarks and sometimes persons posing next to them. As the goal of this netnographic study is to look at tourists’ experiences through the descriptions) and because these descriptions are not directly accessible (one needs to first select and click on a photo to access the description), selecting the photographs therefore also aimed at finding the descriptions to analyze. However, some posts consisted only of a photograph, without any description or hashtags. So, secondly, I also left out posts without descriptions. Thirdly, the few videos encountered during the process were not considered. Fourthly, I focused my research on posts with descriptions written only in English, French or

37 Spanish. Lastly, I limited the research to posts posted between 1 June 2018 and 31 December 2018. This strategy allowed the study of a timeframe encompassing both summer and winter conditions and thus the possibility to examine potential differences in how tourists perceived their surrounding environment when they crossed the Arctic Circle. In the end, after scrolling back to photos posted as far back as 1 June 2018, 121 posts were screenshotted, and therefore, data collected using netnographic methods comprised photographs with their respective descriptions.

4.3 Data analysis

The data collected during the phases of ethnography and netnography consisting of field notes, screenshots from Instagram as well as tourism brochures and travel magazines – themselves composed of texts and images – were then analyzed using interpretative methodology, and especially hermeneutics. The goal of interpretivism is to understand particular social actions, and to do so, “the inquirer must grasp the meanings that constitute that action” (Schwandt 2000: 191). As a result, this approach aims at ‘understanding’ rather than ‘explaining’. From the interpretivist philosophy point of view, this is what differentiates the social sciences from the natural sciences (Schwandt 2000). Therefore, interpretivism becomes relevant in understanding the meanings behind tourists’ Arctic Circle crossings. Nevertheless, the meanings of an action depend on a specific context and on the intentions of the actor (Fay 1996; Outhwaite 1975). For example, Geertz (1973: 6) differentiates a wink from a twitch, although “the two movements are, as movements, identical” (this example was first used by British philosopher Gilbert Ryle). The former is a communication, carrying a massage after an already understood code, whereas the latter is a symptom that was not intended to be witnessed by anybody (Sidnell & Endfield 2017). Schwandt (2000) also illustrates this challenge of interpretation with the example of a smile that can be interpreted as wry or loving, depending on the actor’s intentions. Interpretivism, therefore, requires the researcher to also grasp the context in which the studied actions take place. The goal of this phase of the study was not to interpret all meanings behind each of the screenshots or border-crossing postures reported, rather it aimed to emphasize the most prominent trends in border-crossing practices and representations of the Arctic (see Gretzel 2017). “Experience is something singular that happens to an individual and which researchers cannot directly access” (Rageh, Melewar & Woodside 2013: 131; see also Carù & Cova 2008). It is not possible to enter the minds of those we want to understand, as argued by the two German philosophers, Martin Heidegger and Hans Georg Gadamer (Schnegg 2014). Accordingly, researchers can only interpret what the informants expressed orally, in writing or through their behavior (Rageh, Melewar & Woodside 2013). Since this research investigates tourists’ experiences, a hermeneutical approach was chosen as an appropriate method of analysis.

38 39 The idea behind the use of hermeneutics, here, was to seek an understanding of “what is Arctic” from the lens of tourists’ posts on Instagram, from the tourists’ representations of the Arctic at the moment of entering the region and from the tourism industry via promotional materials, rather than attempting to find explanations in what is observed (see Gretzel 2017; Laing & Moules 2014). Nevertheless, there are no universal principles of hermeneutics and this methodology of interpretation includes several schools of through and processes (Dowling 2004; Eatough & Smit, 2017; Koch 1999). Among the various approaches of hermeneutics methods, I undertook the classic hermeneutic circle for analyzing data related to A2, A3 and A4. Such an analyzing method encourages researchers to take into account a general context (the whole) in order to understand the meaning of some of its parts (a specific sentence, utterance or act) (Schnegg 2014; Schwandt 2000). In other words, through the hermeneutical circle, the researcher “[examines] the whole in light of its parts, the parts in light of the whole” (Eatough & Smith, 2017). In the context of ethnographical research, Clifford Geertz (1979: 239), founder of interpretative anthropology, considers the hermeneutic circle as follows: “A continuous dialectical tacking between the most local of local detail and the most global of global structure in such a way as to bring both into view simultaneously (…). Hopping back and forth between the whole conceived through the parts that actualize it and the parts conceived through the whole which motivates them, we seek to turn them, by a sort of intellectual perpetual motion, into explications of one another”. Thus, for A2, the meaning of tourists’ practices was analyzed in light of the whole context in which they were taking place (and vice-versa), namely the location within the Santa Claus Village, other sights situated in the near vicinity of the landmarks (such as a Christmas tree and a digital thermometer, see Varnajot 2019a). Also taken into account were other tourists wandering around, performing and reproducing practices, following a collective global sense that certain and specific practices must be performed at certain sights. In addition, collected screenshots and tourism promotion materials were examined in light of the common Western representations of the Arctic and the Arctic Circle. As a result, this interpretative strategy led to the identification of trends in tourists’ practices and representations that are discussed in A2, A3 and A4, as well as in section 5 of this synopsis.

5 Framing Arctic tourist experiences: crossing the Arctic Circle1

5.1 The tourist experience and the tourist gaze

Gazing at the Arctic Circle

Usually, Arctic tourism is defined or conceptualized using environmental, developmental and policy characteristics of the region, including specific features such as high seasonality of activities and tourism flows (Hall & Saarinen, 2010b). Nevertheless, in this thesis, this reconceptualization of Arctic tourism is grounded in the tourist experience and in the tourist gaze. The concepts of the tourist experience and the tourist gaze are intertwining. As John Urry recalled in 1992 (p. 172), “in The Tourist Gaze, [he] endeavored to bring out the fundamentally visual nature of the tourist experience”. Urry (1992: 177) elaborated on the role of the visual in the tourist experience: “Generally, we are well aware that most tourism involves, at least in part, the activity of sightseeing. In most discourses surrounding travel, there is an emphasis on the centrality of the seeing and collecting of sights. Sometimes, tourism indeed appears to be understood as little more than a collection of a range of often disparate and relatively unconnected sights, which are given an objectified form in photographs, postcards, models, and so on. In some cases, the process of collection comes to dominate the process of travel”. This advocates for a reconceptualization of Arctic tourism grounded in the tourist gaze, and based on visual consumption of the Circumpolar North, as well as on images and representations tourists have about the region and how the Arctic is promoted in tourism materials. In addition, according to Urry (1992), the tourist gaze enhances the tourist experience. When a tourist goes to the beach, the sight of palm trees adds to the uniqueness; when one tries new food, the appeal might come from a sea view or from a nicely presented plate in a ‘gastronomic Michelin Guide’ style. In the case of the Arctic Circle, there is no point, there is no fun in crossing it when there is no marker, or sight. The experience of crossing the Arctic Circle is enhanced and becomes almost sacred when one walks across a line or under an arch. Nevertheless, the tourist gaze is not as straightforward and pragmatic, but an object might be perceived as symbols, as signs (Culler 1981; Urry 1992). In For a critique of the political economy of the Sign (1981: 29) Jean Baudrillard wrote that “far from the primary status of an object being a pragmatic one, it is the sign exchange value which is fundamental”. In line with this, if crossing the Arctic Circle is, pragmatically, a simple walk across a line painted on

1 This section draws on the theoretical discussions of A2 and A3.

41 the ground (Varnajot 2019a), from a tourism perspective, it represents the entry to the Arctic; for some tourists, the crossing might be the symbol of reaching the end of the world or the Earth’s northernmost region (Varnajot 2019b), etc. Arches, lines on the ground, but also road signs and globes are signs of gateways to the Arctic, the land of polar bears, frozen landscapes, where adventurers heroically explored these vast lands and seas. Therefore, Arctic Circle landmarks become gateways to all the representations commonly referring to the Arctic region. Following this idea, people are seeking extraordinariness through historical, natural or cultural attractions, during their time as a tourist (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019; Urry 1990). The tourist gaze is thus driven by “the dichotomy drawn between the ordinary and the extraordinary” (Urry 1992: 182), where the visual is committed to “delineating travel experiences from everyday life by seeking the exotic” (Gretzel 2017: 115). This idea of distinction between the time spent as a tourist and daily life is also supported by MacCannell (1973: 159). He argued that everyday life is perceived as inauthentic, and on the contrary that “authentic experiences are believed to be available only to those moderns who try to break the bonds of their everyday experiences and begin to live”. In line with this, Turner and Ash (1975) argued that spending time as a tourist, away from home, allows anyone to abandon the norms and values that rule their daily routine. In addition, Cohen (1972, 1979) refers to the quest of strangeness and novelty as a key element of the tourist experience (see Uriely 2005). Therefore, on the one hand, the various landmarks of the Arctic Circle, visible on the ground, turn into markers of the border between the ordinary and mundane routine – ‘the South’, the temperate zone, where tourists come from, the every-day-life – and the extraordinary Arctic (Varnajot 2019a). On the other hand, on a strictly theoretical level, they become the tipping point of the dichotomy: on one side is the usual, on the other is the unusual. It is worth noting that this approach supports a vision of the Arctic represented by outsiders and for outsiders. Nevertheless, some scholars (see Edensor 2001; Munt, 1994; Lash & Urry 1994) have argued that the distinction between the daily routine and the exotic has been challenged by what Lash (1990) terms the ‘de-differentiation’ in tourist experiences. Basically, it means that “experiences that were once confined to tourism – including the enjoyment of gazing at distant sights and the pleasure of engaging in aspects of other cultures – are currently accessible in various contexts of everyday life” (Uriely 2005: 203). For example, Edensor (2001: 61) argues that “tourism is never entirely separate from the habits of everyday life, since they are unreflexive and embodied in the tourist”. In other words, people can be tourists on a daily basis, as Munt emphasizes in a provocative manner: “tourism is everything and everything is tourism” (1994: 104). A factor contributing to this change seems to be the development of new technologies such as virtual reality (VR) displays, as discussed by Varnajot (2019b). For example, Bogicevic et al. (2019) examined how VR could be used to deliver integrated tourist experiences prior to their stay at hotels, so visitors could picture themselves in the

42 43 establishment before booking (see also tom Dieck & Han 2019). In this context, the tourist experience has no proper beginning and end, given the inherent psychological dimension. As Scarles argues (2009: 466), the tourist experience emerges as “a series of rhythms, and fluxes, in between points and stages that tourists move in and around”. In other words, as suggested by Albers and James (1984) and Scarles (2009), due to the personal and reflective character of the tourist experience, tourists do not exist in a hermeneutic cycle. Rather, tourism arises through a multiplicity of subjectivities (Coleman & Crang 2002). In spite of these advancements in the tourist experience discussions, the tourist gaze still remains relevant. Indeed, the visual consumption has not moved from the core of the tourist experience and still is a driving force in collecting, discovering, and engaging with new sights.

Performances at the Arctic Circle in the tourist gaze

Varnajot (2019a: 446) developed the idea of border-crossing postures and defined them as “recognizable postures, practices or actions that are performed individually or in groups around borders’ landmarks, typically a line, that clearly suggest the crossing of a borderline or the fact of being in two different places at once”. According to the author, the concept of border-crossing postures is the meeting point between border studies and the tourist experience. These specific practices performed around borderlines such as the Arctic Circle are entirely part of the tourist gaze. Indeed, the essence of these postures is precisely to convey images, while being photographed. Border-crossing postures are therefore grounded in two forms of ‘visuality’, a sort of double-gaze. Firstly, these postures aim at conveying images, to transmit visual information with one’s body engaging with the landmark. Secondly, the performing of these specific practices is solely done for being photographed, as investigated by Varnajot (2019a). Indeed, when tourists were crossing the Arctic Circle without being photographed, they were not executing these border-crossing postures (Varnajot 2019a). These photographs are then used to visually reminisce this particular experience, or are shared with family and relatives or with a wider public audience on social media and blogs (Gretzel 2017; Lo et al. 2011; Pan, MacLaurin & Crotts 2007; Varnajot 2019b). Sometimes, these photographs are even used to prove one has been there and impress others because of the uniqueness of the place that they have just visited (Timothy 1998). The action of posing, performing these border-crossing postures in front of a camera and taking a photo is another connection between the tourist gaze and the tourist experience. As Varnajot (2019a) analyzed, the intrinsic aspect of the borderline – a painted line on the ground – naturally invites tourists to perform these specific performances. Similarly, in a second Arctic Circle landmark the author focused on, located indoors, the line “clearly suggests the crossing of a border as it is the first thing tourists see and do when entering the building’s main entrance” (Varnajot 2019: 7). In these examples, the

43 landmarks can be considered as stages (see Edensor 2000, 2001) and the physical aspect of these stages contextualize the performance. In other words, “the organization, the materiality and aesthetic and sensual qualities of the tourist space influence – but do not determine – the kinds of performances that tourists undertake” (Edensor 2001: 63). To go further, in postmodernism tourism, tourist attractions and amusement parks such as Disneyland, the Santa Claus Village or SantaPark (Pretes 1995), the goal of these artificial installations is also to appeal, to be extraordinary for tourists, just like any attraction. Therefore, these Arctic Circle markers can be considered as the gaze as well. In line with this, it can be said that the fabricated gaze influences tourists’ performances when they are approaching an Arctic Circle landmark. Nevertheless, the organized stages are not the only factor that can influence the performances of tourists in the gaze. Adler (1989: 1367) recognizes that “travel literature have served as a means of preparation, aid, documentation, and vicarious participation” for European travelers, as early as the 15th century. Similarly, today’s tourists look at travel programs, guidebooks, marketing materials such as brochures and websites, but also blogs and social media posts to prepare psychologically and in practice (planning and decision-making phases) for their future trip (Buhalis 2000; Cox et al. 2009; Edensor 2001; Kim & Fesenmaier 2017; Lo et al. 2011; Varnajot 2019b; Yoo & Gretzel 2011). These various forms of travel literature help in visualizing the future sites, or stages tourists will visit, and tourists will develop a set of expectations, which will create predispositions to reproduce performances (Buhalis 2000; Narangajavara et al. 2017; Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). For example, Visit Rovaniemi (2019a), the official website in charge of promoting tourism in Rovaniemi, suggests recommendations about ‘how to cross the Arctic Circle’: “In general, crossing the Arctic Circle can be done in any way you choose – walk, jump, roll, cycle, drive… the possibilities are endless! Ceremonial crossings can be arranged on request, especially for groups”. The website continues by: “As far as we know, Rovaniemi is the only place in the world where you can cross the Arctic Circle underground. In SantaPark, Santa’s home grotto, the Arctic can be entered 50 metres below the surface of the earth – now there’s something you don’t do every day! Yes, certificates that prove the unique event actually took place are available”. The whole discourse is accompanied by photos of people jumping or walking across borderline representing the Arctic Circle, located in the midst of the Santa Claus Village. Not surprisingly, tourists reproduce very similar performances when visiting the Village (Figure 9). These visual and textual instructions imply that tourists should cross the Arctic Circle in particular ways. This is what Edensor (2001) called ‘directed performances’. In Figure 9, tourists reproduce a popular photo promoting the Arctic Circle on the Visit Rovaniemi website, on which Santa Claus and one of his elves are showing what is a

44 45 good move. This gives some sort of argument of authority as, according to the legend and heavy marketing campaigns, the official office of Santa Claus is at the Village, so he necessarily knows how to cross it. Edensor goes further and argues that if tourists do not follow these recommendations, they will not appreciate the experience and their performance will be “deficient, incompetent” (2001, p. 74). Therefore, the way tourists engage with the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi is insidiously guided by the tourist gaze – the markers that are attractions, the photos on websites, brochures and other forms of travel literature, the images conveyed in texts that lead future tourists to picture themselves. The connection with photography is the second form of visuality embedded in border-crossing postures. Indeed, these specific practices were only performed when photographed. As Haldrup and Larsen (2010: 122) argue, “technologies cannot be separated from embodied practices, from doings, but nor can performances be separated from issues of materiality”. Varnajot (2019a) observed that when visitors to the Santa Claus Village were not put into the frame of a camera, they were not completing these postures. Therefore, tourists can be considered as actors (Edensor 2000, 2001), and the tourist stage can also be understood as a multitude of temporary ‘sub-stages’, all of them framed by the lens of the camera and by the photographer aiming at a scene. Thus, as soon as the photo is taken, this temporary sub-stage disappears. As Larsen (2005) wrote, photography has a theatrical and choreographed nature, wherein tourists enact imaginative geographies. However, this smaller substage becomes temporary in the time people are

Figure 9. Tourists ‘officially’ entering the Arctic in Rovaniemi. Photo: Alix Varnajot, December 2017.

45 tourists, as it appears as soon as one is taking photos of someone else, and conversely, disappears as soon as the camera is turned off. Also, the frame of the camera delineates this temporary stage. To use Goffman’s concepts (1959), when the camera is turned on, it automatically creates a front stage region, where the photographee attempts to convey particular meaning such as the idea of being in two places at once. Whereas when the camera is turned off, the front stage turns back to a back stage region, where the photographee can drop his or her mask (see Edensor 2000). When putting on the mask of photographees, tourists become improvising performers in the front stage regions. As Barthes (1981: 10) related when he feels observed by the lens of a camera, “[he constitutes himself] in the process of ‘posing’, [he] instantly [makes] another body for [himself]”. In that context, this, however, goes against Goffman’s idea that the performance would be “intentional, calculating, and strategic, existing prior to the ‘show’” (Larsen 2005: 419; see also Gregson & Rose 2000; Schieffelin 1998). The idea of putting a mask on in front of a camera goes against Wang’s notion of existential authenticity (1999: 358), which “denotes a special state of Being in which one is true to oneself, and acts as a counterdose to the loss of “true self ” in public roles and public spheres in modern Western society” (see Berger 1973). Indeed, tourists cannot be their true selves when their actions are mannered and when they put a mask on. In addition, as Grenier (2007) mentioned, crossing the Arctic Circle when first visiting Rovaniemi is an inescapable ritual. This resonates with Butler’s performativity (1993), where performances are naturally reproduced due to prior speeches and actions and therefore become ritualized practices. Border-crossing postures are ritualized “stereotyped [sequences] of activities involving gestures, words and objects” (Turner 1973: 1100) performed and reproduced by tourists. In line with this, the ritual of border-crossing postures is not seen as a periodic practice, but as “a collective sense that certain sights must be seen” (MacCannell 1976: 42) and certain practices must be performed (see Varnajot 2019a). Theses specific postures are “constantly recycled performances” finding their origins in a “forced repetition of norms” (Larsen 2005: 419). In the end, border- crossing postures are dual performances. Firstly, they are preformed due to pre-existing norms, a collective sense, that led these postures to become rituals. Secondly, they are afterwards performed by tourists when they enter the front stage region, when they are being photographed.

Digital photography, social media and the tourist gaze

As Urry and Larsen (2011: 180) recalled, “the tourist gaze has been inseparably tied up with the development and popularization of cameras and photographs” until today and what they called the “digitization and internetization”, which is considered as the latest moment in the history of tourist photography. Photography has been crucial in developing the tourist gaze and tourism more generally. Together, photography and tourism are not

46 47 separate phenomena, but they jointly evolved and grew as an ensemble (Urry & Larsen 2011; see also Osborne 2000). Photography also facilitates the touristic construction and consumption of places as claimed by Sontag (1979) (see also Human 1999; Scarles 2013; Sather-Wagstaff 2008). The tourist gaze is intrinsically linked to photography (Dinhopl & Gretzel 2016; Larsen 2006). Indeed, there is a collective sense that makes people take photos when they are facing a compelling landscape or object like the Mona Lisa in the Louvre Museum. “The ritual act of photography [seems] paramount – one must take a picture when confronted with such an important event” (Schroeder 2002: 72). Although these must-photographed attractions are still drawing tourists’ attention, other forms of sites have more recently faced the stampede of amateur photographers (and photo-sharing social media). These are ordinary, almost unremarkable sites. Two examples have recently been reported in the media. The first one is a simple one-way street in Paris – la rue Crémieux – (Coffey 2019) and the second one is a blooming poppies field in Lake Elsinore, southern California (Stone 2019). Both locations are everyday sites – a field and a street – and the presence of these photographers, now called influencers on social media have led to environmental and social issues. In the Parisian street, for example, this has led to backlashes among residents complaining about amateur photographers’ intrusive practices but also about increasing noise disturbing locals’ mundane life. In Lake Elsinore, the stampede of ‘instagrammers’ have had environmental impacts by creating unofficial trails amid the flowers, encouraging visitors to further explore the area and to inadvertently trample even more on the blooming poppies. Nevertheless, instead of discussing the history of the connections between photography and the tourist gaze, this section will develop new technologies implications for tourist photography. The latest version of Urry’s tourist gaze, The tourist gaze 3.0, was published in 2011 and coincided with the launch of some of today’s most used photo- sharing applications and social media platforms. Indeed, Instagram was created in 2010 and Snapchat in 2011. Today, photo-sharing applications are widely used in the tourism industry and have even been considered as a ‘mega-trend’ that has significantly affected the tourism industry (Leung et al. 2013), as they “[have] proved to be a valuable tool for both customers and providers in the tourism industry” (Tavakoli & Wijesinghe 2019: 49). Indeed, these social media platforms “add to the mediation and mediatization of tourism experiences (Gretzel 2010: 41; see also Gretzel 2017; Munar 2010; Sigala 2019; Varnajot 2019b) on the one hand, and have become marketing tools for destination promotions on the other hand (Chan & Denizci Guillet 2011; Huang 2012; Munar 2010; Thelander & Cassinger 2017). These changes in the tourist industry are allowed by the relatively recent development of digital photography, characterized by new technologies, by mobile applications and instantaneous, mobile and consumable images (Gretzel 2017; Larsen 2008; Murray 2008; Rubinstein & Sluis 2008; Urry & Larsen 2011; Varnajot 2019b). Mobile phones have become ‘smart phones’, incorporating a variety of input capabilities such as high-resolution

47 cameras, large screens, access to reliable and unlimited internet, location functions, etc. (Wang, Park & Fesenmaier 2012). The functionality of these smartphones is also extended by the use of mobile applications, allowing editing, using filters and sharing images on dedicated platforms. More recently, photo- and video-sharing applications like Instagram added the possibility for users to broadcast themselves live as a new function. In other words, tourists can even share their experiences live with their followers (Varnajot 2019b). The rapid growth of the use of social media has many implications for the tourism industry and for the tourist experience (Sotiriadis 2017). Indeed, several studies have shown the increasing influences of social media in the pre-trip phase, when tourists are anticipating and preparing their trip (see Amaro & Duarte 2017; Cox et al. 2009; Kim & Fesenmaier 2017; Lo et al. 2011; Yoo & Gretzel 2011). Xiang and Gretzel (2010: 179) confirm that “social media are playing an increasingly important role as information sources for travelers”. The growing use of social media by tourists in the planning of the trip, however, led to a form of competition between social media users and the professionals of the tourism industry such as destination management organizations and private businesses (DMO) (Lo et al. 2011). Consequently, in order to cope with this issue, managers became actively involved in social media (Gössling et al. 2019) and platforms like Instagram became marketing tools (Thelander & Cassinger 2017). In Rovaniemi, for example, there are several companies and DMOs using Instagram as a tool for promoting their activities. On Instagram, DMOs usually work with reposting users’ photos and videos. On its official account’s introduction, Visit Rovaniemi indicates to users that with #visitrovaniemi, they can “get reposted”, and then viewed by a bigger audience. It is said that reposting users posts with their own stories provides “a stronger effect on the intention to visit a destination if the audiences can identify themselves with the story characters” (Tussyadiah, Park & Fesenmaier 2011: 64). In contrast, SantaPark, the Santa Claus Village or Arctic Circle Snowmobile Park (2019), a company offering snowmobile tours and a range of outdoor adventures, only specify their contact details (postal and email address, website) and use their gallery to promote the different activities they propose. Such strategy allows the entrepreneurs to control their online reputation (Gössling et al. 2019, Phillips et al. 2015). Similarly to tourists that spend growing amounts of time on social media, Djikmans, Kerhof and Beukeboom (2015) analyzed that managers too, given the growing importance of online reviews and ratings, are spending more and more time on these platforms in order to improve customer relations, brand relationships and online reputation (see also Gössling et al. 2019). As already mentioned, tourists are also increasingly engaging with social media, whether it is prior to their trip (Xiang & Gretzel 2010), during their trip (Gretzel 2017) or after their trip (Kim & Fesenmaier 2017). During the pre-trip or anticipatory phase, tourists are preparing, planning, making decisions, expecting, anticipating, looking at blogs and Instagram posts regarding their up-coming journey (Amaro & Duarte 2017; Cox et al. 2009; Larsen 2014). This phase of the tourist experience can also be referred to as the ‘web gaze’ (Schroeder 2015: 88), wherein future tourists are “picturing possibilities of every site

48 49 visited”. This phase of the tourist experience involves personal and reflective intricacies as well as emotional and mental expectations (Botterill & Crampton 1996; Urry 1990). To support the notion of the importance of the psychological dimension in the pre- trip phase of the tourist experience, the French philosopher Henri Bergson ([1889] 2001: 11) wrote that “the idea of the future, pregnant with an infinity of possibilities, is thus more fruitful than the future itself, and this is why we find more charm in hope than in possession, in dreams than in reality”. In other words, anticipations, apprehensions, representations, hopes and fears about a future (tourist) experience are more decisive, and significant than the future itself. Indeed, when preparing the journey, tourists elaborate several scenarios and might expect to experience a wide range of landscapes, weather, food, etc., but often, all the expectations and desires felt before the trip are not met when visiting the destination, which therefore, can lead to disappointment and feelings of frustration. These expectations developed during the pre-trip phase can therefore, affect positively or negatively the experience on site. Indeed, Larsen (2007: 9) analyzed that expectations are fashioned by several elements “such as motivation, value systems and attitudes, personality traits, self-esteem and states of affect (mood and emotions)”, that will all have significant influence on the tourist experience. In the context of the growing use of social media, more images, often edited in order to catch attention, can provide biased expectations and representations. A typical example from the Arctic is tourists traveling in northern latitudes with the expectations to be able to observe magnificent shining northern lights, but cannot experience them due to unfavorable weather conditions or they will only spot a faint green aurora. Because they will not see northern lights as big and intense as the one they saw on Instagram or in brochures, the experience itself is not as compelling as the expectation (Mathisen 2017). I have a similar personal anecdote. In August 2016, I was driving with my parents and brother to Nordkapp. The weather was absolutely perfect: 25°C outside and almost not a single cloud in the sky. At some point, my father expressed some feelings and said with stupefaction, and almost with some disappointment in his voice “it feels weird to have such summery weather up here; I would have imagined colder and cloudier weather”. These two examples also illustrate a shift between the expected gaze, what is expected to be seen, and the actual gaze, what is really experienced during the journey. Digital photography and social media are also influencing how tourists consume attractions, landmarks, spots, and places during the trip. Urry and Larsen (2011: 187) argue that the use of digital photography reduced the tourist experience only “to seeing, seeing reduced to glancing and picture-making and clicking”. Photographic visualization has become the dominant mode of the tourist experience (Bruner 1995; Varnajot 2019b). This is illustrated by Bruner (1995: 233–234) when he relates to a past experience in Indonesia wherein he had the opportunity to observe a rare Hindu ceremony: “This is a rare opportunity, I said, because such Hindu rituals were only performed in Bali, and an odolan is performed at each temple only once a year. Stay, I said, to see this dazzling ceremony. ‘But

49 we have seen it’, replied one tourist as the group followed the tour leader back to the air-conditioned bus. ‘But we have seen it’. These words still haunt me. The touristic mode of experiencing is primarily visual, and to have been there, to have ‘seen’ it, only requires presence. The tourist ‘sees’ enough of the Balinese ritual to confirm his prior images derived from the media, from brochures and from National Geographic. To ‘see’ a ritual is comparable to collecting a souvenir to be placed in the centerpiece of a buffet table, a twentieth-century wonder-cabinet. The tourist has ‘seen’ a strange thing, a token of the exotic, and there is no necessity to go further, to penetrate to any deeper level. To have captured the ceremony in photographs is to have domesticated the exotic, so that it can be brought back home, and the aura of pleasurable mystification remains”. Varnajot (2019a) observed similar practices at the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi. Indeed, tourists do not tend to spend excessive amounts of time at the Arctic Circle landmarks. According to his study, tourists stay around five minutes at a landmark to only take photos of themselves crossing the line before leaving to consume another site. The main reason for that, whether in the Santa Claus Village or in SantaPark, is that the Arctic Circle markers are surrounded by Christmas-related attractions, which are often the main motivations for tourists to visit these sites, and thus neglecting the Arctic Circle. As Urry (1995) claimed, the visual consumption of sites led to places to become consumption sites. Indeed, “tourists collect images, look at sights and consume them with their eyes” (Dinhopl & Gretzel 2016: 128). More recently, tourism and the tourist experience has been introduced to the “selfie era” (see Mostafanezhad & Norum 2018; Souza et al. 2015) or the “selfie gaze” (see Magasic 2016). According to Dinhopl and Gretzel (2016), the selfie phenomenon is another consequence of the development of technology and especially due to the emergence of front-facing cameras installed on smartphones. Selfies can be considered both as a photographic object, an image and as a social practice (Larsen & Sandbye 2014; Senft & Baym 2015). Taking selfies has becomes a common practice performed by tourists while visiting sites (Figure 10). In addition, as Wendt (2014) argues, taking selfies is encouraged by social media and draws users (tourists) to build infinite versions of themselves. In other words, selfies posted on social media have become “important in relation to communicating the essence of one’s identity” (Gretzel 2017: 116). Users of Instagram, for example, by posting selfies and other types of photos, creates a portfolio which construct narratives and are presentations of the user, the traveler (Bosangit, Hibbert & McCabe 2015; Gretzel 2017; Kim & Tussyadiah 2013; Lo & McKercher 2015). Digital photography is therefore an essential element of online self-presentation. In line with this, the influence of the use of social media and digital photography in tourism led to the redirecting of the tourist gaze onto the tourists themselves (Dinhopl & Gretzel 2016). Indeed, as Gretzel (2017) investigated in her study of travel selfies, the destination only serves as a background, whereas the main message of the photo is redirected on the self.

50 51 Figure 10. Taking selfies at the Arctic Circle. Photo: Alix Varnajot, December 2017.

5.2 The Arctic Circle as a border and an attraction

In tourism, the Arctic Circle can exist only if an accessible and visible landmark celebrates its presence, as shown by Hyne’s and my experience both narrated in the introduction. Indeed, as Gunn (1988: 48) explained, “even the most compelling places do not become tourist attractions until they are provided with access” (see Löytynoja 2008). Without any notification, the Arctic Circle remains invisible in the landscape and consequently, tourism development is not possible. The tourism development of the Arctic Circle also includes various promotions. In Finland, for example, crossing the Arctic Circle is promoted as a magical line, whereas in Canada, the same crossing might be seen as a great achievement. In winter 2018, in Finnish Lapland, a tourist brochure promoted the Arctic Circle as follows: “here on the Arctic Circle, Santa had long ago decided to build his Office. Some say this is because the Arctic Circle is a gateway to the world of fairytales and stories. Others claim that crossing the Arctic Circle might make you younger, and this is the secret to [Santa Claus’] old age” (All About Lapland 2018: 30). Meanwhile, the Travel Yukon (2019) website promotes the crossing as an adventure and an exploit where you have to “break out the champagne and pose for the proof-you-did-it photo”. In other words, on the one hand, the Arctic Circle is portrayed as a magical, almost mythical line, family-oriented with parents ‘getting younger’ and kids being amazed by the enchanted

51 surroundings. And on the other hand, it is the last frontier opening to the Arctic, only accessible by brave adventurers and explorers. Despite this schizophrenic vision, whether as a magical line or as a last frontier, the Arctic Circle still acts as a common border for the Arctic (Viken 2013), especially in the tourism industry (Varnajot, 2019a).

5.2.1 Borderwork and the Arctic Circle

The Arctic Circle: a natural and social border

The Arctic Circle can refer to either a natural astronomical phenomenon or to one of the various borders for the Arctic, socially and economically fixed at the approximate latitude of 66°33’N, by various practices, events and monuments (Varnajot 2019a). The natural Arctic Circle finds its origins in an astronomical phenomenon called the obliquity of the ecliptic. This results in a 16,000-kilometer-long and continuous line that crosses eight countries (Nuttall 2005). It delimits the southern latitude where the sun does not set on the summer solstice and does not rise on the winter solstice. In other words, it is the southernmost limit where the midnight sun and the polar night can be observed, without taking into account the sunrays’ refraction into the atmosphere (Karttunen et al. 1987). From a tourism perspective, the midnight sun and the polar night provide two distinct opportunities for tourism entrepreneurs to develop different types of tourist activities and experiences. However, as they cannot be experienced during the same trip, one has to visit the Arctic several times in order to fully discover the region (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019; Viken 2013). As a typical natural phenomenon, the Arctic Circle is not fixed in space and in time. In fact, this is due to a shifting of about two degrees of the Earth’s axial tilt over a period of 40,000 years (Berger 1976; Varnajot 2019a). As a consequence, the Arctic Circle is not locked to the socially fixed 66°33’N latitude, but is capable of ranging over a distance of approximately 200 kilometers (Löytynoja 2008) at a speed of 15 meters per year. It is worth noting that the same happens in the southern hemisphere with the Antarctic Circle. Nevertheless, the natural Arctic Circle remains invisible, and thus is non-material (see Ingold 2007; Wastl-Walter 2011) and does not interest the tourism industry. The socially and economically fixed Arctic Circle is derived from the natural phenomenon itself. While it is fixed to the landmarks on the ground and to the dotted line on maps representing the 66°33’N latitude, the natural Arctic Circle might be located several kilometers away. As Varnajot (2019a) noted, all around the Circumpolar North, landmarks have been erected for the celebration of the Arctic Circle, and these markers have become gateways to the Arctic region (see Timothy 1998). In Finland, both at Juoksenki and at the Santa Claus Village of Rovaniemi, the Arctic Circle is marked by lines painted on the ground, which clearly suggest the crossing of a border (Varnajot 2019a). Also in Rovaniemi, at SantaPark, the Arctic Circle landmark is an arch designed

52 53 to separate two distinct worlds: the Arctic with white walls and frozen-like decoration from the warm and cozy rest of the world. In addition, when one walks under that arch, some cold wind and rumbling sounds are triggered, adding to the mystic and the idea that the Arctic is cold and dangerous (Varnajot 2019a). The Arctic Circle is also fixed by various tourist practices. Indeed, quite often, one can purchase certificates proving the crossing that are usually sold nearby the landmarks, as is the case both at the Santa Claus Village and at SantaPark. In these places, tourists can also get stamps on their passports, just like if they were entering a new country through customs, pertaining the idea of crossing a border – the border between the Arctic and the rest of the world, often where the tourists come from. Crossing the Arctic Circle is also celebrated by all sorts of rituals and ceremonies. In Rovaniemi’s Santa Claus Village, for example, tourists can take part in ‘Arctic Circle Crossing Ceremonies’ wherein a shaman tells stories about Lapland around the fireplace under a ‘traditional’ tent (see Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). Off Norway, on the Hurtigruten Coastal Express, tourists celebrate the crossing of the magical line with on-deck baptisms such as putting ice cubes down their backs while the ship turns on its whistle signals (Hurtigruten 2018). Another example of practices that fix the Arctic Circle has been analyzed by Varnajot (2019a) as ‘border-crossing postures’. It refers to specific practices, actions and postures performed by tourists that suggest the crossing of a boundary or the idea of being at two places at once. His case study took place at a few Arctic Circle landmarks in Rovaniemi, Finland. By performing these specific postures at the Arctic Circle, tourists consciously or unconsciously convey the image of entering the Arctic, pertaining to the idea that the Arctic Circle is the border of the Arctic. This supports the idea developed by Rumford (2012: 887) that bordering processes are not always the project of a political entity – a state, an administrative region, a municipality – but businesses and people can also actively construct borders and boundaries (see Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). Although inspired from a natural phenomenon, the ‘social’ Arctic Circle has been fixed by these various tourist practices. Indeed, materializing the invisible line using a road sign or a painted borderline on the ground is “an opportunity for product development” (Timothy, Saarinen & Viken 2016) and thus, also contributes to the social construction of an Arctic region starting north of the Arctic Circle (Varnajot 2019a; see Shields 1991). Additionally, the purpose of these markers is to appeal and encourage tourists to stop, sightsee and potentially shop and use catering services (Zelinsky 1988), thus bringing in revenue for the locals (Timothy 2002). This ability for ordinary people – tourists, tourism entrepreneurs, etc. – to construct borders like the Arctic Circle in tourism is what Rumford called ‘borderwork’ (2012: 895).

Borderwork: the making of the Arctic Circle as a border in tourism

There have been many studies investigating the connections between tourism and borders. They include borders as attractions when the landmarks but also the various buildings,

53 fences, guard towers and signs representing the border become the attraction (see Blasco Guia & Prats 2014; Gelbman & Timothy 2010; Prokkola 2010; Timothy 1995; Timothy & Gelbman 2015; Varnajot 2019a). Other studies have examined border regions as destinations due to socio-economic implications (see, Timothy, Saarinen & Viken 2016). This is where tourism of vices such as cross-border shopping for alcohol and tobacco, gambling, and prostitution attract tourists (Adams 1995; Askew & Cohen 2004; Leiper 1989; Martilla 2008; Timothy 1999), but also where lower healthcare costs stimulate medical tourism, for example (Cuevas Contreras 2016). Another widely studied connection between borders and tourism is when borderlines become barriers for tourists (Canally & Timothy 2007; Díaz-Sauceda et al. 2015; Webster & Timothy 2006) and even for local non-tourist populations (Saarinen 2017; Saarinen & Wall-Reinius 2019), in the case of all-inclusive resorts for example. Nevertheless, the role that ordinary people play in the construction of borders, as well as the processes that lead tourism to create borders has been under-analyzed in border studies literature (see Rumford 2008, 2012). Additionally, according to Rumford (2012: 887), “[borders] can exist for some (but not all)”. Similarly, Newman (2003: 22) raised the following basic question: “borders for whom?”. This is a characteristic of borderwork processes, as the bordering, debordering or rebordering can have different meanings. In line with this, a border might be invisible or at least insignificant for some, but extremely pertinent to some others. Therefore, borders are experienced differently by different groups and individuals (Rumford 2008: 9). For example: “Passing from England to Scotland may be marked by nothing more substantial than a tourist signpost and souvenir shop and does not represent a meaningful international border to most travellers. For others, however, the borders of Scotland have important discriminatory effects as they demarcate a region within residents are not required to pay prescription charges or student fees”. On a general level, the Arctic Circle is no exception and its meaning can differ from one person to another. Indeed, in Rovaniemi, the Arctic Circle is made by the tourism industry and is marketed as a magical border between the world of fairytales and the rational world where tourists come from. Locals (unless tourist entrepreneurs) do not actively partake in the Arctic Circle borderwork. Everyday locals might cross the Arctic Circle several times, but they will most probably never stop for taking photographs and performing border-crossing postures. Indeed, “the understanding of a place is always different for those who live there as opposed to those who visit” that same place (Hall & Saarinen 2010b: 10). In addition, even among tourists, the Arctic Circle can be insignificant, especially within the Santa Claus Village and SantaPark. Indeed, some tourists do not even pay attention to the Arctic Circle markers as they are only there for Christmas-related activities and they are often steered by the kids that have very little, or otherwise absolutely no interests in non-Christmassy tourist items (see Varnajot 2019a). Another example of the lack of

54 55 consensus in the Arctic Circle borderwork is found in the boundaries used to delimit the Arctic. Indeed, as Viken (2013) noted, the Arctic Circle is essentially a European delineation for the Arctic region. Indeed, according to Johnston (1995: 29), “in Canada, the most usual way of delineating the Arctic is to distinguish it from the sub-Arctic or boreal north” corresponding to the tree line (see Bone 1992), although the Arctic Circle is still celebrated with landmarks along the few roads reaching the northern parts of Canada and Alaska. Nevertheless, it seems that the Arctic Circle as a tourism attraction is not such “a big thing” in North America, compared to Europe where it has been heavily marketed and economically utilized (Johnston 1995), especially in Finland. According to Johnston (1995), this is due to the differences in road access between North America and the European Arctic. Indeed, in the American Arctic, only two roads reach the northernmost part of the continent: the Dempster and Dalton Highways, in the Yukon and Alaska, respectively, whereas northern Fennoscandia has a well-developed road network allowing several opportunities to cross the Arctic Circle, and thus to develop related attractions. Therefore, this inequality in road access is at the origin of the difference between an active Arctic Circle borderwork in the European Arctic and an ineffective Arctic Circle borderwork in the American Arctic. According to Rumford (2012: 897), an effective borderwork refers to when “ordinary people (…) are active in constructing, shifting, or even erasing borders”. Here ‘ordinary people’ designate citizens, entrepreneurs and civil society actors and therefore, “borders are not always the project of the state” (Rumford 2012: 887; see Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). In addition, an effective borderwork provide economic opportunities for local residents (Rumford 2012; Timothy, Saarinen & Viken 2016; Varnajot 2019a; Zelinsky 1988).

5.2.2 The Arctic Circle: from a border to a symbolic tourist attraction

These demarcation lines, like the Arctic Circle, also called ghost lines by Tim Ingold (2007), remain invisible in the landscape until they are provided with landmarks. It is through the creation of these markers that the Arctic Circle has become an attraction. Tourists are stopping by, visiting, sightseeing or photographing a landmark or a reproduction of the Arctic Circle, not the Arctic Circle itself (that might be located several kilometers away). MacCannell (1976) defines an attraction as a relation between a tourist, a sight and a marker. Nevertheless, in the case of the Arctic Circle, the sight is also the marker. MacCannell (1976) argues that a tourist object or sight requires five stages in order to become an attraction: naming, framing and elevation, enshrinement, mechanical reproduction and social reproduction. All combined, this is what MacCannell calls ‘sight sacralization’, although these phases can follow each other in a different order (Jacobsen 1997; Löytynoja 2008; Cooper, Spinei & Varnajot 2019). Following his theory, the five stages of sight sacralization will be applied to the Arctic Circle.

55 Naming phase

In MacCannell’s words, the sight sacralization process begins with the naming phase and refers to the marking of a given sight as worthy of preservation. This particular status cannot be established without “a great deal of work [that] goes into the authentication of the candidate for sacralization. (…) Reports are filled testifying to the object’s aesthetic, historical, monetary, recreational and social values” (MacCannell 1976: 44). In the context of the Arctic Circle, this first phase is tightly connected to the Arctic and its history. Etymologically, the word Arctic comes from the Greek árktos, meaning bear, referring to the two constellations of Ursa Major and Ursa Minor circling around the North Star, Polaris, indicating the North direction. It is believed that the first European to have cross the Arctic Circle was Pytheas, in about 325 BC, although this is still debatable. Nevertheless, contacts between the European South and the European Arctic were still uncommon at this time. There is evidence that the Vikings, in the 9th and 10th centuries, were exploring the areas such as Greenland, Iceland, Norway and the Kola Peninsula (McCannon 2012). Since then and continuously, the Arctic has been the scene of tragic and heroic explorations. This refers to MacCannell’s authentication, with the need for validation as genuine. Those expeditions were also galvanized by the motivations of scientists and geographers to better know the Arctic, its geography, how far it goes, discovering new routes, new lands and new seas. Among many others, explorers such as Willem Barents (1550–1597), Vitus Bering (1681–1741), Sir John Franklin (1786–1847), Robert Peary (1856–1920), Adolf Erik Nordenskiöld (1832–1901) and Roald Amundsen (1872–1928) have built-up the history of Arctic exploration (see Lück, Maher & Stewart 2010). In parallel to these polar expeditions, the contribution of the astronomer Milutin Milankovitch (Dimitrijević 2002) helped to better understand the nature of the Arctic Circle with his work about the cycles named after him, especially the obliquity of the ecliptic. As a consistent phenomenon existing across the Circumpolar North, the Arctic Circle has become an easy and convenient parameter in order to delimit the Arctic region. It is now, from a tourism perspective, used as a common border for entering the Arctic.

Framing and elevation phase

In MacCannell’s words, “elevation is the putting on display of an object – placement in a case, on a pedestal or opened up for visitation. Framing is the placement of an official boundary around the object” (1976: 44). The framing function is either done in order to protect or to enhance the given object. According to MacCannell, a popular example of protection was the placing of the Mona Lisa behind glass in the Louvre museum. However, the Arctic Circle is a particular touristic object. Besides being invisible, its size makes it peculiar. Indeed, it is a worldwide-scale object, a 16,000-kilometer-long continuous

56 57 line that crosses eight countries (Nuttall 2005). Although the Arctic Circle is a singular, unique object, it is split in many attractions across the circumpolar North. This can be directly associated with its global scale: all the landmarks celebrate the same continuous line (Timothy, 2002) but are located on different points of the circle. This also differentiates the Arctic Circle from other regular objects such as Nordkapp, Norway, where there is only one attraction for one object (see Jacobsen 1997) (Figure 11). Therefore, the framing of the Arctic Circle comes naturally with the creation of the landmarks that are there to enhance a feature that cannot be seen. Moreover, in the case of the Arctic Circle, the framing is tightly connected to the elevation, as the markers naturally invite people to at least stop by and sometimes in the presence of services, to sightsee, visit and shop (Zelinsky 1988). Moreover, Leiper (1979: 401) noted the importance of markers, as “it is often the characteristics of the marker which constitute the industrialized component of the attraction” (see Hall & Page 2010). All across the Circumpolar North, countries, regions and municipalities crossed by the Arctic Circle have seized the opportunity to develop Arctic Circle tourism with the creation of landmarks, especially in northern Europe (Timothy, Saarinen & Viken 2016). Various types of markers celebrate the Arctic Circle from globes (Vikingen, Norway) and painted lines on the ground (Juoksenki, Finland) to imposing monuments (Salekhard, Russia). In addition, numerous road signs along the roads signify the crossing of the Arctic Circle like on the Dempster and Dalton Highways in the Yukon and Alaska, respectively, Grímsey, Iceland, or north of Loukhi in Russian Karelia. In Sweden, most of the Arctic Circle road signs are accompanied with picnic tables, parking areas, catering services and explanations about the borderline, like around Överkalix and Jokkmokk.

Figure 11. Attraction model adapted to Nordkapp and the Arctic Circle, inspired from MacCannell (1976), Leiper (1990) and Gunn (1988) contributions. Alix Varnajot, 2019.

57 In some cases, the Arctic Circle has led to the development of interpretive centers, like the Polarsirkelsenteret, in Norway, located along the E6 highway, within the Saltfjellet- Svartisen National Park. It was opened in 1990 and is entirely dedicated to the magical line. Today, it gathers various markers of the Arctic Circle (lines, signs, globes, cairns) as well as a cinema, a cafeteria and a souvenir shop. Lastly, Rovaniemi, Finland, is the flagship of Arctic Circle landmarks with the development of the renowned Santa Claus tourism cluster since the mid-1980s, ‘right’ on the Arctic Circle and attracting several thousands of tourists every year (Varnajot 2019a). There, visitors are surrounded by signposts or boards reminding the presence of the magical line (Figure 12). However, for tourists, these various markers of the Arctic Circle are rarely the ultimate destination or the first reason for having taken a trip to the Arctic. Crossing the Arctic Circle is mostly a secondary attraction, goal or experience. For example, the main motivation for tourists to visit Rovaniemi might be meeting Santa Claus or experiencing the wilderness of Lapland and they will cross the Arctic Circle mostly because ‘it’s there’, because that is one ritual to do when visiting Rovaniemi for the first time (Grenier 2007). Nevertheless, Rovaniemi being an important tourism cluster located on the Arctic Circle with accommodations and various tourist activities, this does not necessarily reflect the global reality. Indeed, most of the time crossing the Arctic Circle occurs during transit, between the place of departure and the final destination. This is what Lundgren (1995:

Figure 12. One of the many Arctic Circle signs at the Santa Claus Village of Rovaniemi. Photo: Alix Varnajot, December 2017.

58 59 49) called the “middle function” of a tourism system. In Europe, for example, reaching Nordkapp, Norway from mainland Europe is a typical road trip in the summertime. Thus, the main reason for crossing the Arctic Circle is to attain the northernmost point of Europe (Johnston 1995). Similarly, in Alaska and in the Yukon, two roads cross the Arctic Circle, respectively the Dalton and Dempster Highways. Although both of them are provided with a marker for the Arctic Circle, the main reason for visitors to drive these iconic roads is to complete them and respectively reach Prudhoe Bay and Tuktoyaktuk, on the shores of the Arctic Ocean. These examples from Europe and North America reveal that the Arctic Circle needs accessibility to exist in tourism (see Gunn 1988). To go further, we can argue that in tourism, the Arctic Circle ‘exists’ only along thoroughfares like roads, but also railways and ferry lines like in Norway.

Enshrinement phase

The enshrinement phase starts “when the framing material that is used has itself entered the first stage of sacralization” (MacCannell 1976: 45). This first definition does not really apply to the Arctic Circle, mostly represented with single markers. However, Fine and Speer (1985: 82) widened the idea of enshrinement to tourist attractions that “contains within [their] boundaries an even more valuable attraction”. If most of Arctic Circle markers consist of single signs, in Rovaniemi, the borderline has been at the origin of the creation of one of the top tourist destinations in the Nordic countries, namely the Santa Claus tourism cluster. The main attraction, the Santa Claus Village has been built around the biggest marker of the Arctic Circle. Also in Rovaniemi and in the vicinity of the Santa Claus Village is SantaPark, a theme park also dedicated to Christmas, wherein an arch celebrating the Arctic Circle has been erected, although it represents a minor attraction within the park. Meeting Santa is one of the main reasons for tourists to travel to Rovaniemi (Hall 2014) and interests in the Christmas industry have overtaken the interests in the Arctic Circle. A similar example can also be found in the Yukon, Canada, with the Dempster Highway, although tourism there is not as developed as in Rovaniemi. The 747-kilometer-long gravel road is the only one open year round that crosses the Arctic Circle in Canada, as well as the only one that connects southern parts of Canada to the Arctic Ocean, in Tuktoyaktuk, Northwest Territories. The Highway and the Arctic Circle meet north of Eagle Plains, on kilometer 405. The first to mark the Arctic Circle was Harry Waldron in 1983, a former worker on the highway and self-proclaimed ‘Keeper of the Arctic Circle’ (Marushko, 1988). As the keeper of the Arctic Circle, he welcomed tourists following a specific ritual, fixing the Line at this particular site. Wearing a tuxedo, drinking champagne and sitting on a rocking chair by the road, he shared stories with tourists and posed for

59 photographs (Yukon Info 2018). Since then, a road sign with interpretive displays has been erected and signifies to tourists they are about to cross the Arctic Circle. However, crossing the Arctic Circle on the Dempster Highway is not promoted as an achievement compared to in northern Europe where reaching the Arctic Circle is pictured as a heroic deed. In the Canadian context, what is significant is to complete the drive up to the Arctic Ocean. In other words, the Arctic Circle as an attraction is contained in a more prestigious framing material. Indeed, while the Highway was gaining popularity among adventurers for its remoteness, length and harsh environment in spectacular landscapes, the Arctic Circle became a simple stage of the journey. The Dempster Highway became a symbol of the Canadian North, while the Circle was ‘only’ an item of that symbol, like the Tombstone Territorial Park or the ferry crossings of the Peel and Mackenzie Rivers. Thus, the Arctic Circle can be seen solely as a pretext for stopping by and taking a short break from the long drive.

Mechanical reproduction phase

The fourth stage of MacCannell’s sight sacralization process is called the mechanical reproduction and refers to the “creation of prints, photographs, models or effigies of the object which are themselves valued and displayed” (1976: 45). In other words, the mechanical reproduction refers to the creation of souvenirs. Regarding the Arctic Circle, these souvenirs might take several forms, from material objects to photographs and special events such as Arctic Circle crossing ceremonies. This fourth phase starts already with the creation of the landmarks as they naturally invite visitors to stop and take pictures. The mechanical reproductions come hand in hand with the framing phase, making photographs the first reproductions of a given Arctic Circle marker. This phase also refers to the creation of souvenirs representing the Arctic Circle. Today, all sorts of souvenirs are sold to visitors and they can be categorized in two groups. On the one hand, there are souvenirs that are replicas of the actual Arctic Circle marker, such as figures or magnets. On the other hand, there are various types of objects like t-shirts, hats, mugs, stickers or postcards with prints evoking the Arctic Circle (Figure 13), for example with the 66°33’N coordinates or the words ‘Arctic Circle’ written in several languages (see Löytynoja 2008). The mechanical reproduction also includes certificates and stamps on the passport used both as a souvenir and as a proof of having crossed the Arctic Circle. In addition, tourists can purchase these certificates way north of the Arctic Circle, such as at the Tromsø tourist office, although they might have flown directly to northern Norway. Although most Arctic Circle nuclei consist of only one marker by the side of a road, some places have highly marketed themselves in relation with the Arctic Circle, such as Rovaniemi. There, the first souvenirs related to the Arctic Circle were already sold in the

60 61 1950s with the creation of the first services and shops around the landmark, as well as the first certificates (Figure 13). While the first certificates were simply acknowledging the fact that one crossed the Arctic Circle, today these certificates often portray the crossing as a formidable exploit such as those sold at SantaPark that are ‘certificates of achievement’ where the visitor showed courage and great determination for this heroic accomplishment (Varnajot 2019a). In addition, the first Arctic Circle stamps were commissioned on June 11, 1950, the day of E. Roosevelt’s visit to Rovaniemi and could be used for sending letters and postcards. At the Santa Claus Village Arctic Circle crossing ceremonies are also organized. These ‘authentic’ ceremonies take tourists under ‘Sami tents’ and a ‘shaman’ tells stories about Lapland around a bonfire. Berry juice and certificates are offered to the attendees (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). In Rovaniemi, the Arctic Circle is associated

Figure 13. Examples of Arctic Circle souvenirs sold in Rovaniemi: a t-shirt, a stamp on a passport and a certificate sold in 1959. Photos: Alix Varnajot, December 2017.

61 with the indigenous Sami populations and raises ethical issues in tourism regarding commoditization of cultures.

Social reproduction phase

In MacCannell’s words, the social reproduction “occurs when groups, cities, and regions begin to name themselves after famous attractions” (1976: 45). All across the circumpolar North, places, companies, both tourism and non-tourism related, or international events have used the Arctic Circle in their names in English or in their own local language. In the tourism industry, the Arctic Circle gave its name to numerous companies and hotels. Hereafter are few examples: ‘Arctic Circle Snowmobile’ (Rovaniemi, Finland), ‘Stafjellet Hotell Polarsirkelen’ (Storjord, Norway) or ‘Arctic Circle Bed & Breakfast (Repulse Bay, Nunavut). In Fairbanks, Alaska, ‘Trans Arctic Circle Treks’ offers various guided tours across Alaska on Jeeps or on planes. In Iceland as well, ‘Circle Air’, based in Reykjavik and Akureyri, provides air tours and reminds the magical line with its name. Still related to tourism, in Greenland, a famous outdoor activity is to complete the ‘Arctic Circle Trail’, a 200-kilometer-long hike from the ice cap from Kangerlussuaq to Sisimiut on the west coast. The total hike takes about 7 to 12 days to complete. Furthermore, the Arctic Circle also has been used by non-tourist companies and a lot can be found in Rovaniemi, Finland, such as ‘Arctic Circle Building Service Ltd’ (Napapiirin Rakennuspalvelu Oy), ‘Arctic Circle Hair and Beauty’ (Napapiirin Hius and Kauneus), ‘Arctic Circle Cement Ltd’ (Napapiirin Betoni Oy) or Arctic Circle Energy and Water (Napapiirin Energia and Vesi). Other business or services can be found in Norway such as the ‘Arctic Circle High School’ (Polarsirkelen Videregående Skole), the ‘Arctic Circle School Driving’ (Trafikkskole AS) or the ‘Arctic Circle Data Center’, the three of them located in Mo i Rana. In the same Helgeland region, the Polarsikelen Lufthavnutviking is a project of a new major airport in southern Nordland in order to bring bigger airline companies such as Norwegian and SAS (see the project’s website). The Arctic Circle has also given its name to some administrative units like in Alaska. The village of Circle, on the Yukon River, also known as Circle City, was named after the Arctic Circle in 1893 when gold was found in Birch Creek. Miners thought they settled right on the Arctic Circle, but the magical line was actually located about 80 kilometers north. Circle was then used as an unloading point for supplies shipped through the Yukon River and rapidly grew up to 700 inhabitants in 1896. However, new gold fields were discovered in the Klondike region in 1897 and the subsequent famous Klondike Gold Rush upstream in the Yukon contributed to the depopulation of Circle, which today has approximately 100 inhabitants (Haycox 2002). Another example can be found in Karelian Russia, where the city of Polyarnyi Krug was named after the “Polar Circle” marked nearby. Moreover, the Arctic Circle has inspired annual events and international brands. It also has entered the popular culture via movies. In 2013, the former President of

62 63 Iceland, Ólafur Ragnar Grímson among other representatives, founded the Arctic Circle organization, a network of international dialogue, with the goal to facilitate cooperation between various types of stakeholders interested in the development of the Arctic and its future. Its annual assembly is held in Reykjavik and gathers hundreds of politicians, scientists, business leaders, students, indigenous communities, experts, environmentalists and activists (Arctic Circle Organization 2018). In Rovaniemi, the ‘Arctic Circle Jukola – international orienteering festival in nightless night’ will take place in summer 2020 and will gather about 18,000 competitors and orienteering enthusiasts from all over the world. In addition, the social reproduction of the Arctic Circle goes as far as into the clothing industry. The Italian brand ‘Napapijri’, created in 1987 and specialized in outdoor apparel, was greatly inspired from the Finnish word ‘Napapiiri’, meaning Arctic Circle. Finally, the Arctic Circle has also entered popular culture with movies and TV series that use it in their titles, especially in the Finnish cinematographic industry: Napapiirin Rakastavaiset, (Arctic Circle Lovers 1998), Napapiirin Sankarit (Lapland Odyssey 2010) or Arctic Circle (2018).

The Arctic Circle as a symbolic place

The application of MacCannell’s sight sacralization framework better reveals the experience of crossing the Arctic Circle as a mise-en-scène, where the borderline, symbolized by the various markers is a simulacrum (see Baudrillard 1983), for which there is no original, due to the intrinsic invisibility of the Arctic Circle. Therefore, the line on the ground or the arches representing gateways do not depict the ‘real reality’, but are simple man-made creations. In order to exist, the Arctic Circle necessarily needs markers. In line with this, from a tourism perspective, the Circle is inevitably a ‘contrived’ attraction. According to Cohen (1995), ‘contrived’ attractions are opposed to ‘natural’ ones. The latter refers to “sites and sights which have not yet undergone any intervention – physical or symbolic – to make them more appealing, accessible, or even more easily noticed by tourists” (p. 15). Conversely, ‘contrived’ attractions have been “specifically created for touristic purposes and are wholly artificial” (1995: 15). A typical example of a contrived attraction is Disneyland (see Eco 1986; Wang 1999). Similarly, all Arctic Circle landmarks fall under the contrived category. Indeed, as noted in the framing and elevation phase of the sight sacralization process, signs are designed to appeal to tourists (see Timothy, Saarinen & Viken 2016; Zelinsky 1988). Then in practice, tourists are not taking pictures of the actual Arctic Circle, but of a marker, in other words, of a simulacrum. Tourists are physically and technically unable to experience the reality of the Arctic Circle (see Boorstin 1992; Pretes 1995), but instead, they experience reproductions that were born out of fantasy and imagination. This is what Eco called “hyperreality” (1986). Nevertheless, the application of MacCannell’s sight sacralization framework also revealed how the Arctic Circle became a symbolic place from the tourism perspective. Paasi (1996: 208) defines ‘place’ as “an abstraction referring to the cumulative archive of

63 personal experiences and meanings”. This means that places are made and remade, and are continuously modified in individuals’ representations (Cresswell 2004; Paasi 1996). In the case of the Arctic Circle, the landmarks and the imaginary they convey have become symbolic places. Following Tuan’s (1974) conceptualization of place, the Arctic Circle can be perceived both as a public or a personal symbol. Firstly, in Tuan’s view, a public symbol is experienced in similar ways by a specific group of people. For example, in the UK, the Houses of Parliament symbolize British national identity. Similarly, in the 1950–1960s Cuba became a symbol of a communist ‘threat’ for the USA, and Yale and Harvard in the USA and Oxford and Cambridge in the UK have become public symbols of ‘learning’ (see Holloway & Hubbard 2002). Conversely, other groups might not perceive these symbolic views in these same places (Holloway & Hubbard 2002). In line with this, Arctic Circle landmarks as well as the vague idea of where the Arctic Circle is located have become public symbols of entering the Arctic. As developed earlier, this is particularly true in the European Arctic, whereas in North America the Arctic Circle has not develop such symbolism (Varnajot 2019a). Furthermore, the Arctic Circle is particularly symbolic for those who cross it for the first time (see Grenier 2007). However, for tourists used to traveling North of the Arctic Circle, the symbolic value might fade away over the course of their life-history since what seems to be important according to tourism promotion materials is the first crossing ever. Interestingly, the symbolic value of the Arctic Circle seems to be emphasized when one is crossing the magical line from South to North, rather than from North to South (see Varnajot 2019a). What is relevant in the tourist experience is entering the Arctic, rather than leaving. In other words, the symbolic value ascribed to places called the Arctic Circle has been given and developed by outsiders coming from southern regions. Secondly, Tuan (1974) argued that places also have personal symbolic meanings, as opposed to the public symbol. This personal symbolic meaning is developed through the concept of ‘sense of place’. Sense of place is a multidimensional construct including “beliefs about the relationship between self and place”, “feelings toward the place” and “the behavioral exclusivity of the place in relation to alternatives” (Jorgensen & Stedman 2001: 233). As a result, it requires that one knows the place intimately (Holloway & Hubbard 2002), which means that in the case of the Arctic Circle, one needs to have traveled there and to have crossed it. Although it is argued that this intimate knowledge is usually gained over long periods of time (Holloway & Hubbard 2002; Tuan 1974), the symbolic meanings individuals ascribe to the Arctic Circle can be explored when they report their personal experience on social media, for example. Varnajot (2019b) showed that on Instagram three main trends among tourists’ symbolic views can be identified: the first one relates to the Arctic Circle perceived as a magic symbol; the second one refers to the symbolic achievement that crossing the line represents; the third one is related to symbols of cold temperatures and snowy landscapes. Therefore, the personal symbolic meanings we ascribe to a specific place are constructed by our respective experiences (Tuan 1975).

64 64 6 Examining the nature of Arctic tourism in Rovaniemi

6.1 Arctic tourism in the context of Rovaniemi

It could be easy to consider Rovaniemi as a destination for Arctic tourism only with the argument of the spatial perspective. Accordingly, being located ‘right’ on the Arctic Circle, the location of the hometown of Santa Claus, would be characterized as Arctic because it is located in the Arctic. Nevertheless, such an approach does not reflect the natural dynamic of the Arctic. Therefore, can tourism taking place in Rovaniemi in the summer season also be associated with Arctic tourism? Indeed, in the summer, Rovaniemi and vast areas of Lapland are covered by lush green vegetation and temperatures can reach +30°C (Figures 14 and 15) (see Herva, Varnajot & Pashkevich, in press). In A1, a brief descriptive analysis of activities offered all-year round by tourism businesses with the word ‘Arctic’ in their names was conducted for several touristic locations across the Circumpolar North, including Rovaniemi. The study shows that behind the word ‘Arctic’, in Rovaniemi, snowmobiling, reindeer-based activities (visiting reindeer farms or reindeer sledding rides), and viewing northern lights are the three most represented activities and experiences on offer. They all involve an interaction with the cryosphere, either directly and indirectly. Obviously, snowmobiling and reindeer sledding require snow on the ground. This is a direct interaction with the cryosphere. Northern lights, however, are not directly related to snow and ice. Indeed, in Rovaniemi northern lights can be observed as early as late August, in relatively warm and summery conditions. In addition, they are an atmospheric phenomenon independent of the cryosphere. Nevertheless, in tourism promotion materials, images of northern lights almost always represent winter conditions and snowy environments. Also, tourism businesses tend to start offering their northern lights chasing tours when the winter season begins. For example, Safartica (2019), a major tourism company in Lapland, does not start its ‘northern lights’ safaris before mid-November. Besides, a majority of companies offer their northern lights tours combined with cryospheric-based activities such as snowmobiling or reindeer sleigh rides. This combination of activities becomes “necessary in case the lights are not visible, as well as to enhance or broaden the primary experience of the northern lights” (Mathisen 2017: 68). Although some exceptions exist like ‘aurora borealis cruise with outdoor dinner’ (Lapland Safaris 2019) or ‘northern lights safari by minibus’ (Arctic Circle Snowmobile Park 2019), northern lights are often associated with wintery environments, and thus, indirectly linked to the cryosphere. In the same analysis by Saarinen & Varnajot (2019), other activities such as husky safaris or ice fishing were also well represented among the experiences offered under the name ‘Arctic’ by tourist companies. This shows that in Rovaniemi, in the wide range of activities and experiences offered by these businesses, a majority of them are associated with the cryosphere. These activities are ‘produced’ by the industry (see Saarinen & Varnajot 2019);

65 Figure 14. Panoramic view of the suburbs of Rovaniemi from the Ounasvaara ski jump. Photo: Alix Varnajot, June 2014.

Figure 15. A marina in Inari, in northern Lapland. Photo: Alix Varnajot, August 2016.

66 67 therefore, the connection between the tourist experience and the cryosphere is also created by the industry. More so, the tourism industry shapes the Arctic tourist experience via a form of cryospheric gaze (see Figure 16). The cryospheric gaze is grounded in John Urry’s tourist gaze and refers to winter-based experiences embedded in images of cold, white and extreme nature. As already widely discussed throughout this synopsis, Santa Claus and Christmas tourism represent a large part of the tourism industry in Rovaniemi. The connections between Santa Claus and the Arctic were investigated in A4 and were considered in A2 and A3, given the close geographical links between the studied Arctic Circle landmarks and the Santa Claus installations. In Rovaniemi, it can be argued that Christmas-related activities fall under the umbrella of Arctic tourism for two main reasons, although objectively speaking, Santa Claus has nothing to do with Arctic cultures.

Figure 16. The typical cryospheric gaze in the outskirts of Rovaniemi. Photo: Alix Varnajot, February 2019.

67 Firstly, Rovaniemi is the only place around the Circumpolar North where this industry has developed a prominent influence (Pretes 1995; Hall 2008, 2009, 2014) to such an extent that it is now commonly considered as the world’s capital for Santa Claus experiences, and Rovaniemi, as well as Finnish Lapland, have become a notorious destination for Christmas-related activities in the Arctic. The long intertwined history between northern Finland and Santa Claus led to the assimilation of Santa Claus and Christmas-related activities within Arctic tourism in the context of Rovaniemi. Secondly, the Santa Claus and Christmas tourism industries have been exploiting the cryospheric gaze for its own sake, turning natural elements of the Arctic into magical features in the eyes of tourists (see Herva, Varnajot & Pashkevich, in press). Indeed, Santa Claus is usually associated with snowy and cold environments, hence the large presence of Arctic elements in its promotion like snow, northern lights, reindeer, indigenous Sami populations or the Arctic Circle. These various elements can thus be considered as resources exploited by the Santa Claus industry (see Bridge 2009; Avango, Nilsson & Roberts 2013). These resources are not extracted by digging in the ground as is done for ore, oil or gas, but through processes of mystification and/or commoditization of local cultures, and especially of indigenous Sami folklore. Although commodification of indigenous cultures has been substantially examined (see Cohen 1988; Kunasekaran et al. 2017; Medina 2003; Swanson & Timothy 2012) and particularly with the Sami community (see Müller & Pettersson 2001; Pettersson 2006; Saarinen 1999, 2001; Viken 1997), the way the Christmas tourism industry uses mystification as a process of resource extraction has been an under-analyzed topic so far in tourism literature. Some examples of the commodification of the Sami culture in the Santa Claus Village or in SantaPark can be found in souvenirs for sale such as dolls dressed in the gákti, a traditional piece of Sami clothing (see Herva, Varnajot & Pashkevich, in press), or in fake shamanistic ceremonies celebrating the crossing of the Arctic Circle (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). The mystification of the Arctic is realized using the semantic of ‘the magic’ or ‘the mysterious’ on tourism websites, in brochures, flyers and travel magazines. For example, the Arctic Circle, a natural well understood phenomenon that has nothing to do with magical Christmases, is depicted as a magical line in these tourism materials. In a brochure widely available in Rovaniemi and Finnish Lapland, it is portrayed as the “gateway to the world of fairytales and stories” and that “crossing the Arctic Circle might make you younger, and this is the secret to [Santa’s] old age” (All About Lapland, winter 2018: 30). The permanent conflation of Arctic elements available in Rovaniemi and Lapland with the semantic of magic has led to the trend of tourists considering Santa Claus as a symbol of the Arctic (Hall 2014). This close connection between the Santa Claus tourism industry and Arctic elements, and especially the Arctic Circle can also be interpreted in tourists’ practices on site (see A2) or when they report their experiences on social media (see A3). Indeed, as observed by Varnajot (2019a) when crossing the Arctic Circle in the midst of the Santa Claus

68 69 Village, tourists’ interests are steered towards Christmas-related items and especially a monumental Christmas tree. They even pose for photographs on the Arctic Circle landmark, but the camera is directed towards the tree, which demonstrates no interests in the Arctic borderline. In his other study, Varnajot (2019b) analyzed how Santa Claus Village visitors shared their experiences of crossing the Arctic Circle and he showed how visitors find the crossing of the Arctic Circle to be magical and enchanting. Additionally, as explored in A2, tourists do not necessarily perceive the Arctic Circle as a border for the Arctic. Rather, from their perspective the Arctic Circle is simply one of the many symbols of northern Finland encompassed or embedded within the cryospheric gaze. This perception of the Arctic Circle also reveals that from the tourists’ perspective, the Arctic and by extension, the opportunity to take part in Arctic tourism activities, do not start at the Arctic Circle but potentially in more southern regions. For them, the border of the Arctic remains a blurry and vague notion, and where the Arctic region begins is not a primary concern. More so, Rovaniemi is not necessarily perceived as being the gateway to the Arctic, but fully incorporated in a broad idea of what the Arctic should look like – a white and cold area covered by snow and ice. Nevertheless, this vision seems to be valid only during the winter season. Indeed, in the summer it seems that high temperatures and bright sunny days do not conform to their representations of the Arctic in Rovaniemi (Varnajot 2019b). In summer, the only references to the cryosphere are through signs of Arctic elements used by the Christmas tourism industry. Therefore, Arctic tourism in Rovaniemi happens to be highly dependent on seasonality. The obvious presence of the cryosphere in the winter provides support for a whole range of activities where tourists can directly engage with cryospheric elements. Among the most popular activities are snowmobiling, reindeer-based activities (visits to farms or sledding), chasing and viewing the northern lights and ice fishing. Visiting the Santa Claus Village or SantaPark and taking part in Christmas-related activities also falls under the umbrella of Arctic tourism in Rovaniemi due to the close connection between Santa Claus and the use of Arctic elements. In summer, Arctic tourism refers to activities using and conveying signs of the cryosphere, such as engaging with the Sami culture, visiting the Artikum museum or one of the Christmas theme parks. Conversely, although activities like hiking, berry picking, fatbiking or fishing can take place in and around Rovaniemi, they do not refer to Arctic tourism. Instead, they can be understood as ‘tourism in the Arctic’. In addition, this analysis is specific to Rovaniemi and thus, what makes Rovaniemi a destination for Arctic tourism is not the same as in another Arctic destination. This suggests a reconceptualization of Arctic tourism understood as a concept rather than based on a spatial perspective.

69 6.2 Reconceptualizing Arctic tourism

The cryospheric gaze

This reconceptualization of Arctic tourism is grounded in John Urry’s tourist gaze (1990, 1992, 2002; Urry & Larsen 2011). Based on the study of Rovaniemi, I suggest that the current form of Arctic tourism is based on a cryospheric gaze, wherein Arctic experiences refer to images of cold, white and extreme nature (see Hall & Saarinen 2010a; Slaymaker & Kelly 2007). The cryosphere is “the subsystem of the Earth characterized by the presence of snow, ice and permafrost” (Slaymaker & Kelly 2007: 1) vastly predominant in the Polar regions. In the cryospheric gaze, tourist experiences are located within a distinctive cryospheric visual environment. The cryosphere is fundamental in the visual nature of the experience. In addition, this is also supported by previous literature claiming that tourist experiences in the Arctic were largely based on the natural environment (see Grenier 2004; Jóhannesson, Huijbens & Sharpley 2010; Saarinen 2005; Saarinen & Varnajot 2019; Sæþórsdóttir 2010; Viken 2013). Similarly to the tourist gaze, the visual consumption of the cryosphere is more than a straightforward process (see Urry 1992). Indeed, views, objects and sights involve a collection of various signs conveying the cryospheric gaze. For example, a typical stopover for cruises going to the geographical North Pole is Tikhaya Bukta, an abandoned meteorological station on Hooker Island in the Franz Josef Land; in Svalbard, a classic summer day-trip is a boat tour to the abandoned Russian settlement of Pyramiden (Figure 17). Both Tikhaya Bukta and Pyramiden are mostly visited in summer, however wandering around on these abandoned streets leads tourists to imagine what life was like in these remote locations, especially with the tales told by the guides. In other words, even if visited in summer, when the cryosphere might be at its lowest level, images of harsh Arctic conditions and environments are captured through these signs. In line with this, Müller’s definition of Arctic tourism (2015) implies that this cryospheric gaze can also be found in museums, as well as in scientific and industry meetings for the sake of the Arctic. The cryospheric gaze can also be perceived through indigenous tourism. Indeed, the Arctic is home to several indigenous populations that have been associated with tourism, either for tourism promotion or directly involving their culture, heritage, food, traditions, etc., in tourism products and activities (Butler & Hinch 2007; de la Barre & Brouder 2013; Müller & Pettersson 2001; Notzke 1999). Among the most iconic indigenous populations of the Arctic are the Sami, in northern Europe, and the Inuit, mostly in Greenland and North America. Both of them carry images of the cryospheric gaze. The Sami are often associated in tourism promotion materials with reindeer herding (Müller & Huuva 2009; Müller & Pettersson 2001), an iconic semi-domesticated Arctic animal. However, today only about 10% of the Sami are reindeer herders and only a few are occupied in traditional Sami handicraft, hunting and fishing (Pettersson &Viken 2007). Similarly, the Inuit might convey representations of hunters on sea ice, people wearing hand-made fur

70 71 Figure 17. The abandoned settlement of Pyramiden, Svalbard, and the Nordenskiöld glacier in the background. Photo: Alix Varnajot, August 2015. clothes in order to fight against the cold, etc. (see David 2001), although today the Inuit live in modern facilities (see Lemelin et al. 2012). These various stereotypes pertaining to romantic perceptions of Arctic indigenous peoples, that tourists might want to engage with, also support this cryospheric gaze.

Reconceptualizing current Arctic tourism

Therefore, the cryospheric gaze becomes the central element of this reconceptualization of Arctic tourism, which is defined as follows: A tourism segment involving any tourist experiences engaging directly or indirectly with the cryospheric gaze, taking place in high latitudes of continuous cryosphere; or in places outside the Arctic, through cryospheric signs found in museums, festivals, exhibitions or conferences. Accordingly, activities such as cruising in an icebreaker towards the geographic North Pole, hiking on a glacier in Iceland, riding a snowmobile, a reindeer or a dog sleigh in Ivalo, Finland or polar bear trophy hunting in Nunavut can all be considered as Arctic

71 tourism due to their obvious connection with the cryospheric gaze. However, other types of activities like participating in the International Congress of Arctic Social Sciences, visiting an abandoned settlement in Svalbard, engaging with indigenous Sámi culture in Finland or with the North Atlantic culture at the North Atlantic House of Copenhagen also fall under the cryospheric gaze. In other words, this view of Arctic tourism does not refer to specific tourist activities, but instead allows the overlapping of different types of tourism. As such, a given tourist activity can therefore be both Arctic tourism and cultural tourism, nature-based tourism, business tourism, etc. Many other tourist activities and experiences exist in the contemporary and modern Arctic. However, their essence might not be associated with the cryospheric gaze. They can therefore be labelled as ‘tourism in the Arctic’, but not as ‘Arctic tourism’. In this approach, the spatial aspect that was thus far so crucial in defining Arctic tourism becomes secondary. Indeed, with this reconceptualization, the cryospheric factor in tourist experiences is the essential and primordial element in order to consider an experience as Arctic tourism. However, other destinations such as Antarctica or the Himalayas (often referred to as the Third Pole) also have a cryosphere attracting tourists motivated by images of cold, white and extreme nature. This is why the sociological approach based on particular experiences outlined by Grenier (2007, 2011) is not entirely satisfying, since these cryospheric-based experiences can be reproduced in any cryospheric destination. For example, one can take part in dog-sledding activities in Andorra or in Tierra del Fuego, but due to their geographical locations these examples do not fall within the context of Arctic tourism. As a result, the geographical context is also critical in considering Arctic tourism. Therefore, a combination of types of experiences with a spatial perspective is necessary. Both approaches should not be considered separately, but as joined components shaping what Arctic tourism is. Nevertheless, one main challenge remains regarding the spatial perspective. At what latitude is a tourist experience no longer considered an Arctic experience? I suggest sticking with cryospheric environments and considering the continuous Arctic cryosphere as spreading southward all around the geographic North Pole. Therefore, there is no proper and fixed spatial delineation for Arctic tourism, as the cryosphere is dynamic. In other words, Arctic tourism could be experienced in places as far south as Saint-Pierre- et-Miquelon, off Newfoundland, or Geilo, in Norway, for example. The National Snow and Ice Data Center (NSIDC) of the University of Colorado, in Boulder, tracks the Arctic sea ice extent and reports that “in the Northern Hemisphere, it can currently exist as far south as Bohai Bay, China (approximately 38 degrees north latitude), which is actually about 700 kilometers (435 miles) closer to the Equator than it is to the North Pole” (NSIDC, 2019). Although this example is relatively extreme, the Sea of Okhotsk or the Tatar Strait, both north of Japan, are regularly covered by sea ice, which means that Arctic tourism can potentially be directly experienced in relatively southern areas, far outside the conventional spatial definitions of the Arctic. Indeed, in Abashiri, for example, in the

72 73 northern part of the Japanese island of Hokkaido, every winter tourists can embark on an icebreaker named ‘Aurora’ and participate in drift ice sightseeing. In summer, however, Arctic tourism is less straightforward compared to winter when tourists can directly engage with snow, ice, frozen and white landscapes. In the summer months, Arctic tourism is ‘indirect’, which means that one can mostly experience Arctic tourism only through signs of cryosphere. These signs can be found through tourist activities such as engaging with indigenous cultures, visiting museums or visiting the Santa Claus Village in Rovaniemi, for example. In summer, only the high Arctic and glacier areas can maintain direct contact with the permanent cryosphere for Arctic tourism. Although this reconceptualization of Arctic tourism is based on the cryospheric gaze, it differs from Hamelin’s idea of “Nordicity” developed in the 1960s (1968, 1979). The goal of Hamelin was to assess the degree of northernness of given places, using natural and cultural measurable features (latitude, summer heat, annual cold, types of ice, total precipitation, natural vegetation cover, accessibility by means other than air, air service, population, degree of economic activity). In the end, Hamelin developed an index based on these elements that allowed him to give a polar value or VAPO (valeur polaire) for a given location (see Hall & Saarinen 2010b). By doing so, Hamelin could bypass usual Arctic borders, excluding some areas that could be associated with the Arctic (see Newman 2003, 2006; Varnajot 2019a). Contrary to Hamelin’s nordicity, Arctic tourism cannot be measurable with values and indexes because it is grounded in individual experiences. As referenced previously, latitude, for example, does not influence the possibility of having Arctic experiences, whereas in Hamelin’s view, the more northern, the more Arctic. The geographic North Pole brings a VAPO of 100 and a place located at 50°N latitude, according to his criteria, brings a VAPO of only 11. Nevertheless, Hamelin’s work “has undoubtedly proven influential with respect to issues of northern peripherality and accessibility” (Hall & Saarinen 2010b: 10). However, this current vision of Arctic tourism, grounded in the cryospheric gaze, promotes stereotypical images of an Arctic necessarily based on snow, ice and the winter season. This is problematic because it “reflects a product meeting the demand of a global tourism market rather than showing the realities of life and the environment in the Arctic North” (Rantala et al. 2019: 50). It is thus outsiders (the tourists) that have steered Arctic tourism towards the cryospheric gaze and the tourism industry has only reacted to the demand for stereotypical winter activities (Rantala et al. 2019). For example, in recent years in several locations like Helsinki, Kemi or Jukkasjärvi, tourists can engage with winter products all year round. Therefore, for a smarter and more responsible Arctic tourism, it is critical to develop experiences representing the Arctic in all seasons. This requires rethinking Arctic tourism at the conceptual level where Arctic tourism should be understood as fluid in space and in time, according to the local environmental and cultural contexts.

73 Future Arctic tourism is fluid in space

This fluidity over space indicates that what makes a destination ‘Arctic’ is different from one given location to another. For example, the attributes that make Rovaniemi ‘Arctic’ are different than those in Longyearbyen, Sisimiut, Nome or Yakutsk. Arctic tourism is not based on the same attributes whether it takes place in Tromsø, Salekhard, Iqaluit or onboard an icebreaker on the way to the geographic North Pole. To go further, these elements can be unique or iconic landscapes or wildlife, the Arctic Circle, some indigenous communities, or some specific climate conditions, etc., upon which the tourism industry inscribed values, thus locating and identifying them as resources (see Avango, Nilsson & Roberts 2013). In other words, these resources are constructed in the sense that “they constitute cultural appraisals of utility and value” (Bridge 2009: 1219). Bridge illustrates his thought by using the example of diamonds – relatively common nuggets of carbon – that have been associated with “a complex set of social understandings about wealth, beauty, love, commitment and power” (2009: 1219). Similarly, the tourism industry ascribes values of exoticism, adventure, exploration, coldness, rough conditions, wilderness, etc., to local elements. Therefore, resources are culturally made. In addition, as Saarinen and Varnajot (2019) highlighted, the tourism industry adapts to local contexts and environments, and thus, the elements to which Arctic values are ascribed differ from one place to another, although they also recognize common core tourism activities and products available all across the Arctic such as northern lights viewing or snowmobile tours. In line with this, the tourism industry exploits local resources and thus can be considered as an extractive industry. Such a perspective goes against the publication of Sisneros-Kidd et al. (2019) on the potential dependence of Arctic communities on nature-based tourism, wherein they draw a clear distinction between conventional extractive industries (oil, gas, forestry, mining) and the tourism industry, considered as non-extractive. Although the tourism industry does not literally dig in the ground for ore or oil (see Heikkinen et al. 2016), it still ascribes values to local elements and objects, thus becoming resources for the industry that will still use and extract these elements from their local geographical contexts. For example, in their study, Herva, Varnajot and Pashkevich (in press) claim that in Finnish Lapland, the Santa Claus tourism industry acts in a similar way as the mining industry when it comes to resource use and consumption. Nevertheless, contrary to traditional extractive industries, tourism resources generally remain in the region where they are exploited by the tourism industry and consumed by tourists. In addition, it can also be argued that tourism resources can be enjoyed without diminishing, which is not the case of mining ores, for example. However, as discussed in the following section, some cultural and heritage tourism resources can disappear due to factors like over-visitation (Dawson, Stewart & Lemelin 2012; Olsen, Koster & Youroukos,2012), which also support this comparison between mining and tourism.

74 75 Another popular example within Arctic tourism literature is how wilderness is “made” for tourism purposes (see Müller et al. 2019; Sæþórsdóttir, Hall & Saarinen 2011). This touristic wilderness is, according to Saarinen (2019: 6), “constructed through direct and indirect impacts based on consumption, marketing and visualizing natural environments and staging wilderness settings for touristic purposes, creating and using global imaginaries of wildernesses as commercialized wild spaces where a consumer is a visitor who does not remain” (see also Saarinen 2005). Although the role of these wilderness areas might be nature conservation and preserving untouched and pristine values, behind this idea of ‘protected wilderness’ also lies tourism purposes, with the associated potential to contribute to local economies (Puhakka & Saarinen 2013). This reveals “a long symbiotic relationship between tourism and conservation” (Saarinen 2019: 2; see also Hall & Frost 2009). Nevertheless, these values – wild, pristine, untouched, unspoiled – have a dual meaning. On the one hand, these values might be associated with set goals like preserving a given area from anthropogenic impacts. On the other hand, however, they also have turned into resources for tourism and recreation purposes, leading to the commoditization of nature (Duffy 2015; Saarinen 2019), wherein ‘what is worth preserving’ is ‘extracted’ via the creation of national parks, natural reserves, etc. Furthermore, the Arctic is not a unique destination (Viken 2013). Indeed, there are significant socio-cultural, political and environmental differences across the Arctic (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019; Viken & Müller 2017). Considering Arctic tourism as a form of tourism, fluid in space, means it also acknowledges this variety, since it adapts to local contexts. As a result, with this reconceptualization, Arctic tourism is not grounded in a unique vision of what the Arctic really should be and how it should be produced through similar attractions and activities. On the contrary, this reconceptualization can even be understood as a tool to provide positive outcomes for local communities, since it recognizes local perspectives and supports diverse images representing a diversity of Arctic meanings and experiences. This has been analyzed as a main recommendation in Rantala et al. (2019) in the production of smart, sustainable and responsible Arctic tourism practices.

Future Arctic tourism is fluid in time

The concept of fluidity over time refers to changing landscapes from a seasonal perspective. What is meant here is that, in a given destination, one’s feeling of participating in Arctic tourism activities can be affected by the high seasonality of the Arctic. Although that feeling has probably been shaped by common imaginaries of the Arctic (see Arbo et al. 2013; Fjellestad 2016), media discourses (see Wilson Rowe 2013) and marketing materials when potentially preparing a trip (see Danciu 2014). It can be argued that this approach is another way to support an Arctic region shaped by outsiders’ perspectives,

75 however Sæþórsdóttir, Hall and Stefánsson (2019: 14) claimed that “it is vital to know how visitors perceive the characteristics of a destination in order to determine its competitive position”. Therefore taking visitors’ feelings, representations and imaginaries into account becomes central for destinations for strategic purposes, especially in the production of desirable customer impressions (Kirillova et al. 2014; see also Duro & Turríon-Prats 2019). Such a strategy is directly useful for tourism businesses and entrepreneurs, as aesthetic characteristics affect tourists’ experience and satisfaction and thus contribute to their loyalty towards a destination and their potential to return (Baloglu et al. 2004; Kirillova et al. 2014; Lee, Jeon & Kim 2011). The environmental qualities of a destination can affect tourist experiences, and in their recent study on tourists’ perceptions depending on seasonality in Iceland, Sæþórsdóttir, Hall & Stefánsson (2019) observed that tourists generally experience environmental qualities often associated with the Arctic (naturalness, cleanliness and quietness) less positively in the summer than in winter. In line with this, although the authors did not directly refer to it, it can be deduced that tourists “feel” the Arctic more in winter than summer. In other words, seasons affect tourist numbers, tourist consumption, expenditure, transport flows, tourist sector employment, accommodation availability, and resource use (Sæþórsdóttir, Hall & Stefánsson 2019; see also Amelung, Nicholls & Viner 2007). However, seasons also affect tourists’ perceptions of the Arctic cryospheric gaze, hence the fluidity of Arctic tourism over time in a given destination. Nevertheless, in the case of the Arctic, as seen earlier, this predominance of winter products and experiences in Arctic tourism has been considered as negative since it overlooks the summer season. The development of Arctic tourism in summer, producing a different vision of the Arctic, also needs to be addressed by local communities and tourism industries (Rantala et al. 2019). In addition, the seasonal cryospheric gaze is affected and enhanced by climate change impacts, with changes in sea ice, snow cover, lake and river ice and permafrost (Arctic Climate Impact Assessment [ACIA] 2004; Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme [AMAP] 2019; Anisimov et al. 2007; Hovelsrud et al. 2011; Slaymaker & Kelly 2007). In a nutshell, according to these various studies, some of the most noticeable changes in the cryosphere are reduced sea-ice surface and quality, as well as a longer and larger open- water season at the coasts; the retreat of glaciers; a reduction in ice duration and thickness in rivers and lakes; increased runoff and coastal erosion due to thawing permafrost; and shorter and milder winters generally resulting in a shortening of the winter season, although climate change is also expected to increase the snowfall amounts (see Hovelsrud et al. 2011 for more details). From a tourism perspective, this is a challenge to attractions that are based on a cryospheric environment. Therefore, climate change will have considerable impacts on the Arctic elements or resources used by the tourism industry, which will consequently be reflected on tourist activities and experiences (Rantala et al. 2019). In the long run, the changing climate will lead to the shrinking of the cryospheric gaze, and as a result, will also lead to the shrinking of Arctic tourism. However, last chance tourism literature suggests that on the short and medium term, the disappearing of Arctic

76 77 wildlife, cultures and landscapes is becoming a major incentive among tourists, resulting in increasing economic growth and opportunities for some destinations like Churchill, Canada (Stewart, Dawson & Lemelin 2012). Last chance tourism refers to “the desire for tourists to witness vanishing landscapes or seascapes and disappearing species” (Lemelin et al. 2010: 477; see also Dawson et al. 2011; Hall & Saarinen 2010d; Lemelin & Whipp; Miller et al. 2020; Palma et al. 2019). Dawson, Stewart and Lemelin (2012) further explain that last chance tourism can also be applied to disappearing cultures and heritage. For example, Olsen, Koster and Youroukos (2012) showed how some sites such as the Forbidden City, China, the Taj Mahal, India or the Pyramids of Giza, Egypt, can be considered as “disappearing”, or at least threatened due to increasing urbanization, over-visitation by tourists and pollution. Other terms like climate change, doom, endangered, dying, “see it before it’s gone”, disappearing or vanishing tourism can refer to this tourism market (Lemelin et al. 2010; Palma et al. 2019; Piggott-McKellar & McNamara 2017). This last chance tourism trend has been analyzed as paradoxical, since tourists seeking vanishing animals, landscapes or seascapes are participating and accelerating the decline of those very attractions (Denley et al. 2020). Indeed, experiencing these vanishing attractions often requires air travel which produces substantial greenhouse gas emissions, and as a consequence threatens these sought-after landscapes and wildlife (Denley et al. 2020; Gössling & Scott 2018; Lenzen et al. 2018).

7 Implications and conclusions

7.1 ‘Post-Arctic’ regions and time: the future of tourism in Rovaniemi

Climate change and the idea of post-Arctic regions

Arctic tourism is highly connected to and dependent on the cryospheric gaze. As a result, Arctic tourism is also highly vulnerable to the consequences of climate change. The recently published IPCC Special report on the ocean and cryosphere in a changing climate (2019) presented some of the latest research and knowledge on the cryosphere in the Polar Regions, including snow cover in Arctic regions, which is the main cryospheric component of Rovaniemi. In addition, frozen lakes play an important role for the development of Arctic tourism activities such as snowmobiling, ice floating experiences (floating on one’s back in an ice hole wearing waterproof overalls, often combined with northern lights watching), as well as for the aesthetics of the cryospheric gaze. According to Estilow, Young and Robinson (2015), since the beginning of satellite charting in 1967, trends of dramatic reductions in Arctic snow cover have generally been observed. These reductions include shorter snow extent duration (Bulygina et al. 2011), both in spring and autumn (Brown et al. 2017). In future projections, “there is high confidence that projected snow cover declines are proportional to the mount of future warming in each model realisation” (IPCC 2019: 251; see also Mudryk et al. 2017; Thackeray et al. 2016). In the latest IPCC report, two projections were based on two different scenarios. Under the RCP4,53 scenario, Arctic snow cover should stabilize at a 5–10% reduction by the end of the century, compared to the 1986–2005 reference period. Under the RCP8,5 scenario, however, projections show that snow cover duration should reach -15 to -25% by 2100 (AMAP 2017). Although these are general trends for the entire Arctic region, projections for the context of Rovaniemi seem to follow the same direction. Indeed, it is expected that by 2100, the number of days with snow will decrease by 40 to 60 days and forecasts regarding the snow season predict a reduction of a week every 15 years. In addition, snowless Christmases are expected to occur one every four years by the end of the twenty-first century, whereas between 1961 and 1990 snowless Christmases occurred only once (Moore, 2009; Tervo-Kankare, Hall & Saarinen, 2013). In parallel, a more moist-rich Arctic atmosphere, coupled with winter temperatures that should remain sufficiently low 3 RCP stands for Representation Concentration Pathways. RCPs are based on greenhouse gas concentration trajectories. Four pathways models have been elaborated, depending on how much greenhouse gases are emitted in the years to come: RCP2,6, RCP4,5, RCP6 and RCP8,5. These four pathways were defined in terms of radiative forcing. These different radiative forcing levels were determined as ±5% of the stated level in W/m2 (2,6, 4,5, 6 and 8,5 W/m2, respectively) and their values include the net effect of all anthropogenic greenhouse gases, as well as other forcing agents. For more information, see Moss et al. 2008.

79 for precipitation to fall as snow, should lead to increasing and enhanced snowfalls (IPCC, 2019; Krasting et al. 2013; Tervo-Kankare, Hall & Saarinen 2013). Lake ice phenology has been considered as a robust indicator of climate change (IPCC, 2019; Sharma et al. 2019), especially with the study of freeze-up and break-up dates or the ice cover duration (Weber et al. 2016). From a global Arctic perspective, projections show that by 2050, spring break-ups should occur up to 10 to 25 days earlier and freeze-ups up to 15 days later, both compared to the 1961–1990 period (Dibike et al. 2011; IPCC 2019; Prowse et al. 2011). In addition, the mean maximum ice thickness is projected to decrease by 10 to 50 centimeters by the mid-century (Brown & Duguay 2011). Although lake ice phenology is highly dependent on local lake conditions such as altitude, morphometry, water clarity, wind direction or concentration of dissolved organic carbon (Blenckner et al. 2010), general trends can still be projected for the Finnish context. In their study on climate change effects on lake’s temperature conditions, Elo et al. (1998), analyzed that ice cover duration will decrease of an average of 30 to 60 days by the end of the century. In addition, projections show increasing “probability of intermittent ice-break and re-freezing (non-continuous ice cover) during winters at the end of the 21st century” (Blenckner et al. 2010: 344). To sum up, forecasts are predicting a shorter duration with snow on the ground with, however, potentially increasing snowfalls in the midst of winter, as well as a shortened and intermittent ice cover duration of the lakes. In spite of Arctic environments and societies being resilient and highly adaptive, these changes in the cryosphere, and especially in the seasonal snow in and around Rovaniemi, challenge the current adaptive capacity (Hovelsrud et al. 2011). As a result, in the future, the cryospheric gaze is expected to shrink, leading to a reduction of Arctic tourism through the products and activities directly engaging with the cryosphere. Then, the share of indirect cryospheric gazing through exhibitions for example, would become more important within Arctic tourism. Accordingly, in the southernmost regions of the Arctic, the cryosphere might disappear, even during the winter season at the horizon 2100. Some seas and lands that were used to freeze or be covered by snow during the winter season might remain free of this cryosphere all year round. Therefore, should we still consider these regions as ‘Arctic’? Should we not call them ‘post-Arctic’ regions? The concept of post-Arctic regions is grounded in the idea of ‘post-Polar’ areas, developed by Mikaa Mered, lecturer in Polar geopolitics at the International Institute of Diplomatic Studies and Research, in Paris, in his recent book, Les Mondes Polaires (2019). According to him, Polar regions should not only be understood as spaces, but also as concepts, wherein the cryosphere is a key element. Nevertheless, some Polar regions that used to be characterized by winter sea ice or snow cover have lost this cryospheric component, due to climate change and global warming. Mered illustrates his point with the examples of some parts of the Barents and Bering Seas. According to him, some of these marine areas have become ice-free during winters, allowing ships to sail these seas

80 81 all year round. In this context, he argues that some regions are already – and increasingly so – becoming post-Polar regions. To go further, in order to differentiate the Arctic and the Antarctic, it becomes relevant to use the term of ‘post-Arctic’ areas, in line with Mered’s contribution, when dealing with regions losing their cryosphere located within the Circumpolar North. This idea can be applicable both on seas, as developed by Mered, and on land. Whereas on seas the cryospheric loss refers to the shrinking of sea ice, on land it designates the decreasing of the number of days with snow on the ground, of the duration of ice-covered lakes, such as in Rovaniemi, or the melting of glaciers in other Arctic destinations. This raises the question of what Arctic tourism will look like in the future in these regions that are currently losing their cryosphere. Post-Arctic regions differ from what Wu et al. (2020) call “fast-disappearing destinations” that would be applied to the Arctic. According to them, these are destinations with fast- disappearing aspects, elements, products or attractions, particularly due to climate change. Tourists are increasingly becoming aware of these particular destinations disappearing due to environmental threats, and therefore want to visit them before they become irrevocably changed, as briefly discussed earlier. Therefore, fast-disappearing destinations motivates last-chance tourism. In other words, it is not too late “to witness the tumble of the last glacier in Antarctica or Greenland; to observe the last breath of an emaciated polar bear in Churchill, Canada; to step on the last ice of Mt. Kilimanjaro” (Lemelin, Stewart & Dawson 2010: 3). However, post-Arctic regions takes place afterward, when it is too late and elements (iconic wildlife, landscapes, seascapes, cultures or heritage) have already disappeared. In addition, post-Arctic regions could become motivations for dark tourism practices, where future tourists would like to ‘see how it was before’.

Tourism in a post-Arctic region: the case of Rovaniemi

Lapland and Rovaniemi’s surroundings have not yet turned into a post-Arctic region. Although the winter season is shortening, there is still snow, frozen lakes and relatively cold temperatures for tourists to experience. Nevertheless, the first glimpses of what Rovaniemi could look like in a post-Arctic era can already be observed. According to the IPCC (2019), terrestrial snow is a defining characteristic of Arctic lands and its changes in terms of surface covered and volume have influences on several elements including the vegetation, the biogeochemical activity, species habitats and ecosystem services. Additionally, changes in snow parameters have repercussions on Arctic inhabitants – indigenous and non-indigenous – and particularly on their livelihoods, health, cultural economies and self-determination (Cunsolo Willax et al. 2015; Durkalec et al. 2015; Heleniak 2014; Schweitzer, Sköld & Ulturgasheva 2014). Changes in terrestrial snow also affect the tourism industry, including both businesses and tourists (see Kaján & Saarinen 2013).

81 In November 2018, after a mild autumn, the region of Lapland and Rovaniemi faced a substantial lack of snow and coldness for the beginning of the winter season. This affected the aesthetics of the region and the cryospheric gaze that tourists are looking for to such an extent that British tabloids renamed the Finnish region as ‘Crapland’. Although it did not have any negative consequences on the number of overnight stays by foreigners in Rovaniemi (+10% compared to December 2017) (Visit Rovaniemi 2019b), some tour companies still cancelled their trips due to this unusual ‘black’ Lapland, as reported by Finnish media. The presence of the cryosphere in Rovaniemi brings the magic on the one hand and the reliability of outdoors activities on the other hand. In Rovaniemi, and in the context of the Santa Claus tourism industry, the presence of snow on the ground provides magic, illusions, and is a main feature of the Christmas fairytale (see Herva, Varnajot & Pashkevich, in press), as the attractiveness of Rovaniemi during the Christmas season is mostly based on the presence of snow. Indeed, as Tervo- Kankare, Hall & Saarinen (2013) investigated, 77% of tourists would not have travelled in Rovaniemi if there would be no snow at Christmas, and 63% of them would not have come if snow reliability was poor. In parallel, the loss of cryospheric can also affect local inhabitants. Besides the tourism perspective, the lack of snow could also be harmful for local communities. According to Eriksen et al. (2011: 15), “the loss of natural conditions and associated recreational activities could damage cultural and emotional attachment to the winter landscape, and potentially lead to a loss of values around national identity”. The presence of cryosphere also brings an obvious support for outdoor activities such as snowmobiling or husky sledding and in a post-Arctic Rovaniemi, where in the margins of the winter season snow becomes a scarce resource, and this would bring major constraints for the tourism industry. For example, in order to organize snowmobile rides, rivers and lakes need to be frozen thick enough so the tracks can be marked out for safety reasons. During the 2019–2020 winter season, lakes around Rovaniemi started to freeze only around mid-December and snowmobile tracks were marked out only in early January. This means that during December, the busiest month of the year, tour guides had to avoid lakes and had to always use the same tracks, which negatively impacted the experience. Indeed, more guides with their tourists are using the same tracks, affecting the experience of finding one’s self surrounded by the wilderness. Overuse of the same tracks also damages the snow conditions, which leads to a lack of comfort with more bumpy rides and to a decreasing of the speed for those who sought the driving experience. Therefore, and as mentioned already, the lack of snow could become a burden for the industry and maintaining the cryospheric gaze in Rovaniemi will become a challenging, but also a crucial task. In their study, Tervo-Kankare, Hall and Saarinen (2013) suggested two methods in order to cope with the lack of snow at Christmas. The first one consists at shifting the season later in the year (or even in January), when snow on the ground and in the trees are more likely. The second method is the use of snow canons for the production of snow, which would mean higher industry costs to be passed on to tourists, not to mention negative environmental impact (see Tervo-Kankare, Kaján & Saarinen 2018).

82 83 Other options have been explored in Finnish Lapland. For example, at Ruka, a ski resort located about 25 kilometers north of Kuusamo in eastern Lapland, a new technique for storing snow during the summer was tested in the summer of 2016. The method consisted of storing several meters of snow on the ski slope, covered by white gauze and sawdust, throughout the summer. This technique allows Ruka to open the ski season as early as the beginning of October and to provide “guaranteed snow cover” on the opened ski slopes (Ruka! 2019). Thus, comparable techniques could also be considered in order to maintain the cryospheric gaze in the Santa Claus Village during snowless Christmas seasons. Nevertheless, storing snow questions the issue of sustainability as these techniques are usually costly for local municipalities and the spreading of the snow with diggers and trucks produces a significant amount of greenhouse gases (Stenger 2018). In post-Arctic regions, maintaining the cryosphere becomes crucial for the future of Arctic tourism. Another project has recently been presented in Rovaniemi, which is also planning to maintain a cryospheric gaze all year round. Excessiveness seems to be the key in that project and it deserves a bit of attention. It promises investments of about 1 billion euros and the need for 10,000 employees (today the city is approximately 60,000 inhabitants) and expects up to 10 million tourists annually. In comparison, in 2017, Disneyland Paris and the Eiffel Tower registered 14.8 million and 6.2 million of visitors, respectively. This project is called ‘the Republic of Santa Claus’ (see their official website 2019). Located about 20 kilometers north of Rovaniemi, plans for this theme park “include a giant transparent dome with round-the-year artificial snowfall and northern lights, gingerbread houses, a tall Christmas-tree shaped hotel and the world’s biggest sauna village” (Nilsen 2019). The option brought by this project is to maintain the cryospheric gaze indoors – under a dome – aiming to “[create] a world like no other” (Republic of Santa Claus 2019). Maintaining a cryospheric gaze all year round through this particular project raises several issues concerning sustainability and territorialization. Although they promise to be renewable, the continuous production of cryosphere all year round through the making of artificial snowfalls require a relatively massive amount of energy and water and these ecological concerns already have been frequently discussed (Rixen et al. 2011). The production of snow is a well-developed and used technique in mountain areas in order to cope with variability in seasonal temperature and natural snowfall (Dawson & Scott 2013). In Austria, for example, two thirds of the ski slopes are equipped with snowmaking facilities (Damm, Köberl & Prettenhaler 2014). According to Steiger and Mayer (2008) and Rixen et al. (2011), it is estimated that the energy that is required in order to produce 1m3 of snow ranges between 1.5 and 9 kWh, and the water consumption for the same amount of snow ranges between 200 and 500 liters. Based on these values, Rixen et al. (2011) analyzed the energy and water consumption for snowmaking in three Swiss Alps ski resorts. They concluded that the energy consumption represented around 0.5% of municipalities’ total energy consumption. In the case of the Republic of Santa Claus, the energy consumption should be increased by the need to maintain a low enough

83 temperature inside the dome, even in the summer months, so the snowfalls do not turn into rainfalls. Maintaining a permanent cryosphere can also lead to issues related to territorialization. Indeed, this theme park project promotes itself as a Republic where “in order to access the land, you only need to get your e-citizenship verified (…) and if you’re not a citizen, then purchasing a visa is mandatory” (Republic of Santa Claus 2019). In other words, the access to and the right to stay in the Republic can be purchased in advance or on site, while going through fake customs. Through a romanticized and entertaining approach of borders and bordering practices, the project actually facilitates an “enclavization process”, to use Saarinen’s words (2017: 428). According to Saarinen (2017), these tourism enclaves usually generate issues of power and inequality. In our Republic of Santa Claus example, the access to the cryosphere, especially during the Christmas season, can become a source of inequalities between tourists and locals on the one hand, but also among tourists, between those who could afford a stay in the Republic and those who cannot, on the other hand. Therefore, in a post-Arctic Rovaniemi, the access to the cryosphere can also become a source of inequalities. At the time of writing, in autumn 2019, no mention of the involvement of the Sami indigenous population and culture was acknowledged, nor any conflicts in terms of land competition with reindeer herders, the forestry industry and locals that frequently use the area for recreational purposes. In Rovaniemi, projected increasing temperatures leading to a growing frequency of snowless Christmas seasons are threatening Arctic tourism experiences during the high tourism season especially, which challenges tourism entrepreneurs to provide attractive alternatives. Overall, all the various current options to maintain a cryosphere present limitations in terms of sustainability, costs and territorialization. Nevertheless, projections also forecast increasing snowfalls and this could represent an opportunity for the storage of natural snow over the summer months. The solution probably lies in a combination of various techniques of storing and producing snow associated with ecologically friendly management of the precious white resource. In the long run, producing, storing, maintaining, and spreading snow, as well as developing innovations, will most probably increase businesses’ and the municipality’s expenditures. Thus, in a post-Arctic Rovaniemi, in order to maintain profitability, tourists might have to deal with higher prices for directly engaging with the cryospheric gaze (see Tervo-Kankare, Hall & Saarinen 2013; Damm, Köberl & Prettenhaler 2014). The disappearing of the Arctic as we know it today, and the transformation of its southern margins into post-Arctic places, is a natural process induced by ongoing climate change. Despite these cryospheric changes, these southern and peripheral places are still perceived as Arctic due to the process of ‘arctification’. Arctification refers to “a social process creating new geographical images of the north of Europe as part of the Arctic” (Müller & Viken 2017: 288). As such, the process of arctification maintains stereotypical images of the Arctic related to snow and winter (Cooper, Spinei & Varnajot 2019; Rantala et al. 2019), whereas the region is transforming into post-Arctic places. In other words,

84 85 there is a shift, almost an opposition, between the natural dynamic of the Arctic and its shrinking cryospheric gaze and social processes supporting biased images of the region.

7.2 Concluding remarks and future research on Arctic tourism

Since the early 1990s and the first publications on Polar tourism, many geographers and tourism specialists have proposed their own concept, or at least their own definition, for Arctic tourism, using political, geodetic, or phytogeographic parameters. As a result, ‘Arctic tourism’ and ‘tourism in the Arctic’ were often encompassed in a same nebulous concept and used interchangeably. In addition, besides the implications for academic research, this is also necessary for policy-making and tourism development strategies, especially in regard to the improvement of sustainable practices (Saarinen 2014; Sæþórsdóttir & Saarinen 2016; Saarinen & Varnajot 2019), which is critical for the future of Arctic tourism (Rantala et al. 2019). Indeed, as recalled Hall (2005) and Saarinen and Varnajot (2019), if our comprehension of a concept is poor, the policies that we develop based on that concept are likely to be poor too. In this thesis, my goal is not to ignore these previous works, but to revisit them and gain inspiration from them, in order to propose something different. For example, grounding my vision of Arctic tourism into the cryospheric gaze was inspired by Hall and Saarinen (2010a: 454): Polar tourism “emphasizes tourism that is based in high-latitude cryospheric environments (…) that are highly vulnerable to change and whose attractiveness is mainly based on their perceived remoteness and images of cold, white and extreme nature”. In his chapter in Polar tourism: a tool for regional development (2011), Grenier suggested two approaches for understanding Polar tourism: a geographical approach, based on borders and a sociological approach based on specific activities. This perspective motivated me to argue in favor of a combination of both, hence the continuous Arctic cryosphere, being the geographical support for the cryospheric gaze. The definition of Arctic tourism in Müller’s chapter, Issues in Arctic tourism (2015), inspired me to also consider Arctic tourism through signs of the cryosphere (such as in exhibitions, visits to abandoned Arctic settlements, etc.). Therefore, my proposition for Arctic tourism is not opposed to previous contributions, rather it facilitates their complementarity by interlocking their respective main assets into one unique concept. Nevertheless, grounding this reconceptualization in John Urry’s tourist gaze was necessary in order to bring robustness and credibility to this contribution. Thus, in this approach, Arctic tourism is not based on environmental, developmental and policy traits alone (see Hall 1992; Hall & Saarinen 2010a), nor solely on a geographical perspective where Arctic tourism refers to tourism activities taking place north of a borderline (see Lee, Prebensen & Weaver 2017). Rather it is based on tourists’ experiences of the Arctic, emphasizing the dynamic nature of the Arctic. In addition, focusing on tourists crossing the Arctic Circle became relevant because this particular action, at this particular location, crystallizes their representations and experiences of the Arctic. The way

85 they enter the Arctic, the practices they perform around the landmarks and the words they write along with some photographs on social media reveal this crystallization. Because it has been commonly used as the gateway to the Arctic region in the tourism industry, the study of the Arctic Circle, both as a border and as a touristic sight, provides an interesting insight into tourists – as discovered throughout this thesis – and the tourism industry’s attitudes towards the presupposed border of the Arctic. In addition, the combination of border studies with the examination of the tourist gaze fosters the understanding of Arctic tourism by revealing a form of paradox, or at least inconsistency when it comes to the Arctic Circle (or any boundary commonly used for delimiting the Arctic region). At a global scale, the magical line is indeed promoted as the entry of the region through websites, brochures but also via the construction of landmarks. Yet, in many places located south of the Arctic Circle, Arctic activities, experiences or landscapes are promised and offered to tourists such as in Reykjavik, for example, or closer to Lapland, in Kemi, on the coast of the Bothnian Bay, some 130 kilometers south-west of Rovaniemi (Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). In a recent promotional video, Kemi Tourism Ltd, the local DMO, proudly offered the possibility to “experience Arctic freedom all year round” (2019). On the one hand, the tourism industry claims that the Arctic starts north of the Arctic Circle, and on the other hand it also asserts that Arctic experiences can be lived in southern areas. This ambivalent duality is another reason why the Arctic Circle should not be considered as a boundary for Arctic tourism, but as a resource exploited by local tourism industries that is incorporated and absorbed within the structure of Arctic tourism. The application of the tourist gaze theory to tourists’ Arctic experiences demonstrates how fixed boundaries become obsolete in conceptualizing Arctic tourism. Nevertheless, these same boundaries are still necessary when studying ‘tourism in the Arctic’, for statistical purposes, for example. With this vision of Arctic tourism, I see at least a practical reproach and a theoretical challenge that can both be anticipated. Firstly, the use of the continuous cryosphere as a geographically defined space where Arctic tourism can be experienced prevents any statistical monitoring in terms of tourist numbers, for example. Indeed, the cryosphere is a dynamic body. It drifts on seasonal time frames – from winter to summer – (Rantala et al. 2019) but also on much longer periods of time, partly due to climate change impacts. Therefore, the boundaries of the cryosphere do not overlap with the borders of national, regional or municipal jurisdictions, which are usually the standard methods used to get statistics (see Grenier 2011; Johnston 2011; Saarinen & Varnajot 2019). Statistics in tourism are important for local entrepreneurs and policy-makers because they allow, for instance, the assessment of the contribution of tourism in local economies. They also can be used for defining paths for development planning or the promotion of specific products (Kaurova et al. 2014). Nevertheless, the utility of statistics tends to assess phenomena within a bounded space. Statistics seek to understand and serve the tourism industry and policy-making strategies within the Arctic, or tourism in the Arctic, which is different than

86 87 Arctic tourism, as argued throughout this thesis. Thus, intrinsically, Arctic tourism is not measurable quantitatively. Secondly, the Arctic is a diverse region, with a wide range of climates, cultures and landscapes, and arguing that Arctic tourism is only about the cryospheric gaze might sound simplistic or reductive. Indeed, within the Arctic are crystal clear waters with white sand beaches like in the Lofoten Islands; temperatures in Lapland and Siberia can exceed +30°C and sheep grazing in lush grass fields is not uncommon on the southern tip of Greenland. I acknowledge that, and with my concept of Arctic tourism I am not neglecting this rich diversity. Instead, I want to argue that Arctic tourism is based on outsiders’ stereotypes and marketing strategies for outsiders (see Rantala et al. 2019). Therefore, to go even further, I claim that Arctic tourism, as a segment or a form of tourism, is the result of these stereotypical images of the Arctic and of the North. This is supported by several ideas broached in the different articles of this thesis. In A1, a short Internet search highlighted that the majority of core activities proposed to tourists in various popular destinations of the Arctic, including in Rovaniemi, are cryospheric-based. A4 highlights how the Santa Claus tourism industry ascribes values of magic and mystic to cryospheric elements. These studies show how the tourism industry shapes tourists’ perceptions and representations of the Arctic in Rovaniemi. Also, in A3, a major trend of tourists’ representations at the moment of entering the Arctic in Rovaniemi is the unexpected experience of ‘summery’ weather, which does not conform to imagined depictions of a snowy and icy Arctic. The representations and mental pictures of outsiders in regard to the Arctic are changing (Fjellestad 2016). The Arctic was and still is considered as a white and wild frozen, hazardous and uncivilized space (Amoamo & Boyd 2005; Hansson 2018; Jacobsen 1997; Sæþórsdóttir, Hall & Saarinen 2011), where one would need to be brave to face these harsh climatic conditions, have the soul of an adventurer and achieve heroic deeds for venturing into these northern latitudes (Varnajot 2019a). But in parallel, the region has also more recently been portrayed as a region of growing economic and political interests (Dittmer et al. 2011; Dodds 2010a, 2010b; Wegge 2011; Wilson Rowe 2013). A recent episode largely shared and discussed in the media was Donald Trump’s offer to buy Greenland from Denmark in the summer of 2019. This newer perspective also has reached popular culture, as during spring 2020, a new TV show called Thin Ice will be released, wherein the protagonists are involved in diplomatic battles for the exploitation of natural resources and the protection of the Arctic. Nevertheless, although being part of these growing interests, Arctic tourism still remains grounded in these representations of heroic adventures and pristine environments, probably due to the fact that the cryosphere is still widely present and these stereotypical representations can be reproduced and experienced by tourists. However, this raises the question of how the structure of Arctic tourism will evolve in times of a shrinking cryosphere. In addition, the number of tourists visiting the Arctic is expected to grow in the coming years, continuing on an upward trajectory (Maher 2017). Indeed, it has been

87 growing overall and quite significantly in some regions like Iceland or northern Europe in the last couple of decades as shown in Hall and Saarinen (2010a), Maher (2017) or earlier in this thesis. The numerous projects, such as building polar cruise ships (see Palma et al. 2019) or theme parks like the Republic of Santa Claus, are also showing tremendous dynamism and interests on behalf of tourists willing to experience the cryospheric Arctic. Yet, a particular trait that is attracting tourists in the Arctic is the lack of crowds and anthropogenic signs in empty landscapes. Therefore, can Arctic tourism endure such growth, without losing what makes it exceptional, compared to other forms of tourism? In this context of growing tourist numbers and shrinking cryosphere, Arctic tourism, as a particular segment, could even be considered as last chance tourism, where tourists want to experience the Circumpolar North before it becomes a myriad of post-Arctic regions. Johnston, Viken and Dawson (2012) have already studied last chance tourism in the context of the Arctic, however, these considerations invite future conceptual thoughts on Arctic tourism and last chance tourism merging together. In addition, the development of virtual Arctic experiences via VR devices allowing any user to get a feeling of what it is like to be in the Arctic can offer alternative forms of experiencing vanishing wildlife and landscapes. VR experiences taking place in Arctic environments could even be considered as Arctic tourism, as users could engage indirectly with the cryosphere via virtual signs. Such alternatives would of course not only be limited to the Arctic, but could serve many vulnerable destinations facing dramatic threats such as the Great Barrier Reef, alpine regions or the Kilimanjaro ice cap, and thus help “bringing the gaze to the masses” (Lemelin & Baikie 2012: 168). A recent example took place in the Faroe Islands during spring 2020 and the Covid-19 pandemic. Indeed, Visit Faroe Islands (2020) introduced their “remote tourism” project, where virtual experiences were offered to users via smartphones, tablets and PCs. Virtual tourists could “explore the Faroes’ rugged mountains, see its cascading waterfalls close-up and spot the traditional grass-roofed houses by interacting – live – with a local Faroese, who [would] act as your eyes and body on a virtual tour” (Visit Faroe Islands 2020). The methodology used in this thesis, as well as the theoretical structure for Arctic tourism developed along these pages can serve multiple purposes in the future. The triangulation of data, and especially multiple ethnographies, has become commonplace in qualitative research that can enhance our understanding of a phenomenon (Maggs- Rapport 2000) such as Arctic tourism and tourists’ experiences. More so, netnography becomes increasingly relevant during times when the tourist gaze is increasingly present on social media (Gretzel 2017), although it still remains relatively uncommon in the study of tourism and especially in relation to the Arctic (Varnajot 2019b). Therefore, future research on Arctic tourism should take advantage of this growing method in order to better understand Arctic and Antarctic tourist experiences. For example, this can be used in studying how tourists report their Polar journey experiences on social media, and then better assess the effectiveness of ambassadorship. Indeed, it has often been claimed that after traveling to Polar regions, tourists could potentially come back and act as ambassadors

88 89 supporting the conservation of the natural world (Eijgelaar, Thaper & Peeters 2010; Maher, Steel & McIntosh, 2003; Vila et al. 2016). However, as earlier described by Vila et al. (2016), little research has been conducted on whether tourists come back as ambassadors by virtue of having been there, or as voyeurs seeking vanishing landscapes. In addition, in regard to border studies and as mentioned earlier, the role that ordinary people play in borderwork has been under-analyzed in border studies literature (Rumford, 2012). The ethnographical methods used in the study of Arctic Circle crossings can serve as a starting point for future research on other types of boundaries and in different contexts like in the everyday life of those living in the vicinity of a border or in relation to the European migrant crisis. As for the Arctic tourism theoretical framework developed and revisited in this thesis, future studies on tourism-related issues in the Arctic can adopt this reconceptualization to ground their research. For example, it could be applied in further qualitative research on seasonality in the Arctic as recommended by Sæþórsdóttir, Hall and Stefánsson (2019: 12) who claimed that usually, “studies on seasonality in natural areas have tended to focus on differences in tourist numbers rather than how visitors’ perceptions may be related to seasonal landscapes”. In addition, on a more practical level, this theoretical framework becomes useful for local destinations within the Circumpolar North in targeting their local elements that make them ‘Arctic’, and therefore assist and support local communities in developing more original and innovative products and to become more sustainable. Indeed, Arctic tourism, grounded in the cryospheric gaze, is intrinsically unsustainable given climate change impacts on the cryosphere and the colossal energy and water needed in order to artificially maintain it in a warming Arctic. This is in line with what Rantala et al. (2019) recommended in order to conciliate the development of tourism with principles of sustainability. It can be used by local communities for reinventing a different tourism industry, rather than solely promoting products based on a stereotypical cryospheric gaze and thus fighting what has been called ‘arctification’ (see Cooper, Spinei & Varnajot 2019; Müller & Viken 2017; Rantala et al. 2019). Although arctification has been analyzed as the reflection of tourists’ demands (Rantala et al. 2019), the natural expansion of post- Arctic regions in space and time might become an impediment for the tourism industry to meet tourists’ expected experiences. More so, anticipating the practical implications of arctification and of the expansion of post-Arctic regions becomes necessary for the tourism industry in order to keep providing satisfying experiences as well as avoiding unintended consequences in regard to social and environmental sustainability for local communities.

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108 108 Original articles

Article I

Polar Geography

ISSN: 1088-937X (Print) 1939-0513 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tpog20

The Arctic in tourism: complementing and contesting perspectives on tourism in the Arctic

Jarkko Saarinen & Alix Varnajot

To cite this article: Jarkko Saarinen & Alix Varnajot (2019): The Arctic in tourism: complementing and contesting perspectives on tourism in the Arctic, Polar Geography To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/1088937X.2019.1578287

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The Arctic in tourism: complementing and contesting perspectives on tourism in the Arctic Jarkko Saarinen a,b and Alix Varnajot a aGeography Research Unit, University of Oulu, Oulu, Finland; bSchool of Tourism and Hospitality, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg South Africa

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY The economic and political importance of the Arctic has grown Received 9 November 2017 considerably in recent decades, and the region’s role and visibility in Accepted 8 November 2018 tourism has also significantly increased. The idea of Arctic tourism KEYWORDS has been discussed in academia for a long time, but there is no Arctic; Arctic tourism; tourist consensus on the definition of the concept. This review paper aims ff destination; tourist to discuss di erent perspectives on tourism in the Arctic by utilizing experience; sustainability literature and selected examples. The outlined perspectives are spatial, produced and experienced Arctic tourism. They are interrelated and, thus, partly complementary, but they can also challenge each other. The perspectives demonstrate different ways to approach and understand various characteristics of Arctic tourism and diversity in tourism in the Arctic. All perspectives of the Arctic in tourism involve both benefits and limitations when thinking about what Arctic tourism is and what it involves. The paper concludes that there is a need to acknowledge the diversity of the Arctic as a changing idea and a geographical region in and for tourism. By acknowledging this, the Arctic would not be characterized mainly by static or external views in tourism but also by internal needs, knowledge, dynamics and concerns for sustainable tourism development in the region.

Introduction The importance and public visibility of the Arctic has grown considerably in recent decades. The region has become an international policy and academic focal point, due to ongoing and estimated global climate change impacts, its energy resources, and potential future transportation routes opening up due to shrinking ice coverage and longer operational seasons (Hall & Saarinen, 2010a). In addition, the role and visibility of the Arctic in tourism has significantly increased in recent years (Maher, 2017). Although there is a relatively long history of tourism in the region (see Hall & Johnston, 1995), the Arctic has quite recently attracted greater public attention (Bystrowska & Dawson, 2017), leading to specific sites visited by hundreds or even thousands of tourists at the same time. The idea of the Arctic is transforming as a region with economic and political significance (see Arbo, Iversen, Knol, Ringholm, & Sander, 2013; Dittmer, Moisio, Ingram, & Dodds, 2011) and as a destination for tourists and tourism development (see Maher, 2007; Viken, 2011). In spite of this ongoing and expected future change, the Arctic still seems to relate

CONTACT Jarkko Saarinen jarkko.saarinen@oulu.fi Geography Research Unit, University of Oulu, PO Box 3000, Oulu Fi- 90014, Finland; School of Tourism and Hospitality, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, 2006 South Africa © 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group 2 J. SAARINEN AND A. VARNAJOT to images, elements and activities that for most people are related to open empty spaces, extreme environments and adventurous expeditions in rough, frozen, untouched and uncivilized landscapes (Hall & Johnston, 1995; Hall & Saarinen, 2010b). Those kinds of representations conveyed by popular narratives, the media, films and myths are typically representative of what the Arctic in tourism is all about (see Fjellestad, 2016; Sæþórsdóttir, Hall, & Saarinen, 2011; Wilson Rowe, 2013). However, these hegemonic images of the Arctic have often been created and steered from outside the region, by outsiders, for outsiders (see Pincus & Ali, 2016; Viken, 2013). As a result, the Arctic is usually understood and depicted as a singular and peripheral space (Dittmer et al., 2011). However, there is great diversity in the Arctic and there are local and regional actors and processes (Keskitalo, 2007) increasingly emphasizing a multitude of meanings and elements that are and can be linked to the place called the Arctic. As noted by Viken (2013, p. 41) ‘the Arctic is not one destination’, as the region is characterized by a wide range of landscapes, ecosystems, climates, people, politics, economies and cultures that also allow for various types of tourism activities (Johnston, 2011; Lee, Weaver, & Prebensen, 2017; Viken & Müller, 2017). But how does this diversity of meanings influence the idea of Arctic tourism? It is easy to agree with Maher (2007, p. 2), who stated that ‘a single definition [for Arctic tourism] is virtually impossible.’ Despite the multitude of voices, however, it is crucial to have a conceptual understanding of the dimensions and meanings of Arctic tourism as a phenomenon and/or context and topic. Obviously, this is crucial for academic research but also for policy-making and tourism development strategies, as if our understanding of a concept and phenomenon are poor or limited then the policies that we develop in relation to tourism in the Arctic and the actions that we take are likely to be poor too (see Hall, 2005, p. 15). This is critical, in general, but especially in relation to a need for sustainability in Arctic tourism development (see Saarinen, 2014; Sæþórsdóttir & Saarinen, 2016). In this review paper, we argue that the concept of Arctic tourism can be approached based on different perspectives as a diverse, multiscalar and shifting idea. Thus, instead of trying to formulate one distinctive and sound definition, the aim of this paper is to discuss and outline different potential perspectives on the Arctic in tourism based on literature and illustrative selected examples. With these outlined perspectives, our aim is not to answer in detail and definitely questions such as ‘what is the Arctic in tourism’ or ‘what is Arctic tourism’. Instead, we understand Arctic tourism as a contextual idea: we are interested in how the Arctic can be approached and understood in tourism and as a tourist destination. In tourism studies, the concept of destination is a problematic one as it can refer to a varying range of spatial scales: continents, states, provinces, municipalities and other administrative units, tourist resorts or even individual tourist products (Saarinen, 2004). Therefore, instead of locking in to a certain scale, the paper focuses on how (based on what) the Arctic can be framed, created and re-created in tourism as a dynamic space. Our analytical basis is grounded on Leiper’s(1979 ) classical framework of tourism, in which he divided the tourism phenomenon into three elements, namely the geographical, the industrial and the human. As it is a general framework, we have partially modified and re-interpreted it by utilizing Wang’s(1999) approach to authenticity in tourist experiences, which he separates into three different types: objective, constructive and existential authenticity. Although tourist experiences are at the core of the existence of tourism as a phenomenon, they represent only one perspective – the human – in Leiper’s framework. Here, in the context this paper, we approach tourism from the perspectives of the spatial, produced and experienced Arctics in tourism. The spatial approach of the Arctic as a POLAR GEOGRAPHY 3 tourism destination region refers to Leiper’s geographical element and relates to experiences that Wang base on the idea of objective authenticity. Leiper’s geographical element involves three components that are the generating regions, the transit routes and the destination regions. For the purpose of this article, however, we will focus on the Arctic as the destination region with an understanding that it is part of a wider tourism system. The produced Arctic in tourism relates to Leiper’s industrial element and also to Wang’s constructive authenticity relying partly on projected objects by tourism producers. The experienced Arctic is based on the tourists’ viewpoints i.e. what Leiper terms as the human element. Obviously, the experienced Arctic relates to all types of authenticity in Wang’s approach, but here the connection is emphasized with a highly subjective and individualistic existential authenticity. By utilizing these broad perspectives derived from Leiper’s(1979) framework, the aim is to capture different ways in which tourism in the Arctic has been approached and framed in research (see Viken, 2013). These perspectives are interrelated and complementary, but they also offer contesting and changing views on the Arctic as a tourism destination. Indeed, they are linked to different ontological understandings of the Arctic, which are briefly discussed in relation to case examples and are addressed at a general level in the concluding section with terminological suggestions.

The Arctic in tourism: complementing and contesting perspectives There is no doubt that tourism in the Arctic is different from tourism in other areas (Viken, 2013, p. 41) There seems to be something special or exceptional about the Arctic in tourism as very few other geographical regions are labeled as forms and concepts in tourism. However, based on a broad spectrum of natural and cultural environments, nation states and attractions in the Arctic, formulating a clear and coherent definition for Arctic tourism has turned out to be a challenging task. This is largely based on the fact that the idea and definition of the Arctic itself is highly debatable. Indeed, there are many different ways to limit the region from the rest of the globe (see Arctic Human Development Report [AHDR], 2004; Dodds, 2010; Grenier, 2007; Hall & Saarinen, 2010b; Maher, 2007; Maher, Stewart, & Lück, 2011; Stonehouse & Snyder, 2010). In the context of tourism, Maher et al. (2014, p. 1) have noted that ‘tourism in the Arctic starts at the North Pole and quite literally spreads out in all directions from there.’ But how far south of those circumpolar lands and seas can be considered Arctic in tourism? Where and how can we locate the borders of the Arctic? This bordering process of the Arctic is both theoretically and practically difficult task. Although boundaries and bordering often refer to a nation state’saffairs, Rumford (2012, p. 887) has stressed that bordering and bounded spaces ‘are not always the project of the state’ as businesses and people can also actively construct and transform borders or in some cases even erase them (see Rumford, 2008; Timothy, Saarinen, & Viken, 2016). Balibar (2002) has further emphasized that borders as socio-political ideas are everywhere, and they can transform and move by being linked to mobile subjects. Indeed, businesses and people, i.e. the tourism industry and tourists, can play a major role in defining what the Arctic means beyond administrative borders in tourism. According to Hamelin (1968), the term ‘Arctic’ itself is conceptually challenging as it refers to various regional constellations, and the Arctic space can be divided into several scales and sub-divisions such as ‘sub-Arctic’, ‘inner-Arctic’, ‘outer-Arctic’, ‘low-Arctic’, ‘high-Arctic’, ‘pan-Arctic’, etc. In contrast to that, Nuttall (1998) uses different terminology 4 J. SAARINEN AND A. VARNAJOT by referring to the Circumpolar North, which includes Arctic and sub-Arctic areas. In addition, there are also different tourism-related terms partly associated with the Arctic region, such as polar tourism (Hall & Johnston, 1995; Maher, 2007; Stonehouse & Snyder, 2010) and Nordic tourism (Hall, Muller, & Saarinen, 2009). In general, ‘polar’ refers to the regions surrounding both the North and the South Pole, thus, polar tourism can correspond to almost any kind of tourism activities taking place around the North and South Poles (Enzenbacher, 2011; Grenier & Müller, 2011; Hall & Saarinen, 2010a). More specifically, however, ‘polar tourism refers to the shared environmental, developmental and policy characteristics of the Arctic and Antarctic regions in tourism, including relatively high seasonality of activities and tourism flows’ and ‘the concept emphasizes tourism that is based in high-latitude cryospheric environments’ which are highly vulnerable socio-ecological systems to change (Hall & Saarinen, 2010b, p. 454; see also Hall, 1992; Slaymaker & Kelly, 2007). The term ‘Nordic’ is obviously linked to the northern hemisphere, and ‘Nordic tourism’ refers generally to any kind of tourism activities taking place in the Nordic countries and territories (Hall et al., 2009), namely Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and the associated territories of the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Åland; thus excluding the rest of the Arctic regions (see Hjalager & Flagestad, 2012). This conceptual landscape of partly overlapping terminology is not an unusual case in the vocabulary of tourism studies (e.g. nature-based tourism versus ecotourism or ethnic tourism versus indigenous tourism), but it raises critical questions in relation to Arctic tourism, such as: What makes Arctic tourism Arctic? Is all tourism taking place in the region (whatever definition used) Arctic tourism or are there other specific elements and issues involved in making tourism ‘Arctic’?

Spatial approach to tourism in the Arctic

Maher (2007, p. 1) has argued that ‘Arctic tourism is tourism that occurs in the Arctic.’ This starting point calls for further clarification as to what the Arctic (region) is? According to Hall and Johnston (1995), both indicators of climate and latitude are commonly used to define the Arctic geographically. More specifically, they refer to the Arctic Circle and/or the tree line as the borders of the Arctic. Stonehouse and Snyder (2010, p. 7) also consider the tree line as the ‘main ecological boundary’ of the Arctic region. In addition, a +10°C isotherm in July and the area of continuous permafrost are common ways to delimit the Arctic (Hall & Saarinen, 2010b). Obviously the use of the tree line or permafrost over the seas, for example, is not a workable approach, and this gap in the borders of the Arctic over the oceans has been noted by Maher et al. (2011). They have further highlighted the necessity for a more detailed marine delineation, as tourism occurs on the seas – and increasingly so. Based on this they have suggested the ‘convergence of the colder, less salty water of the Arctic Ocean with the warm, saltier waters of the Atlantic and Pacific’ (pp. 5–6) as a potential marine border for the Arctic. These ‘natural’ borders of the Arctic refer to Leiper’s(1979) geographical element of tourism. They also relate well with Wang’s(1999) idea of objective authenticity (see MacCan- nell, 1976), which emphasizes the real and original nature of objects in tourism. Thus, it is not a matter of individual or social interpretation. Many of these kinds of borders of the Arctic refer to objective (i.e. measurable from a physical environment) ‘lines’ in space, but they are not static. For example, the tree line as a phytogeographical parameter is highly influenced by global climate change (Arctic Climate Impact Assessment [ACIA], 2005, POLAR GEOGRAPHY 5 p. 851), and the same applies to the +10°C isotherm in July and the continuous permafrost. This demonstrates the dynamic nature of the Arctic geography and environment. At the same time, however, it may create challenges for the definition of Arctic tourism based on the changing physical borders and region of the Arctic, i.e. what was Arctic tourism last year may not be Arctic in future years. More importantly, even if these natural borders did not change, the monitoring of the intensity and change of tourism in the Arctic region is practically impossible based on them, as statistical systems of socioeconomic development are usually organized by using administrative and political units and boundaries. Many scholars have explicitly or implicitly indicated that Arctic tourism refers to all kinds of tourist activities taking place north of the Arctic Circle (see Stonehouse & Snyder, 2010). Viken (2013, p. 41), for example, has emphasized that ‘the most common [way] is to treat the polar circles as the lines that demarcate the polar regions.’ While this may work at a tourism phenomenon level, the regional base structure of statistical systems also hinders the use of the Arctic Circle as an absolute definition of the Arctic border: the Arctic Circle cuts through many administrative units, which makes it very difficult when using tourism statistics to determine on which side of the Arctic Circle overnight stays have taken place, as they would be recorded by municipality, province or country (see Grenier, 2011). In order to overcome this problem, Hall and Johnston (1995) have used the Arctic Circle in combination with political regions linked to the circle (see also Hall & Saarinen, 2010a, 2010b). This approach allows for the utilization of existing statistical data on tourism in national and sub- national territorial jurisdictions. Policy-makers and international cooperation institutions have also created their own definitions for the Arctic that have been utilized in tourism research or in regulations and policies. At a political level, several countries and transnational organizations have proposed their own definitions for the Arctic, resulting in a lack of consensus amongst countries as well (Maher, 2007). This highlights the need to have a firm understanding of the idea of Arctic, in general, and in relation to tourism. A key institution in Arctic politics and policy-making is the Arctic Council: it is the leading intergovernmental forum promoting collaboration among the Arctic States (Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russian Federation, Sweden and United States), Arctic indigenous communities and other inhabitants in the region. The council does not have a singular definition for the Arctic but it’sdifferent working groups have developed and are using suitable definitions for their own focus areas. In addition, different member states have their definitions emphasizing the political and economic aspects of the Arctic. For example, for the United States the Arctic corresponds to

all US and foreign territory North of the Arctic Circle and all US territory North and West of the boundary formed by the Porcupine Yukon and Kuskokwin Rivers; all contiguous seas, including the Arctic Ocean and the Beaufort, Bering and Chukchi Seas; and the Aleutian Chain (US Arctic Research Commission, 2009). In contrast to this circumpolar perspective, Russia uses its own administrative borders to deﬁne the Arctic region, corresponding to the whole or parts of ‘the territories of the Repub- lic of Sakha (Yakutia), Murmansk and Arkhangelsk provinces, Krasnoyarsk territory, Nenets, Yamal-Nenets and Chukchi autonomous districts’ (see Russian Federation Policy for the Arctic to 2020, 2018). The Nordic Council of Ministers is another international cooperative institution working with the Arctic. The Council’s Arctic Human Development Report (AHDR, 2004, pp. 17– 6 J. SAARINEN AND A. VARNAJOT

18), for example, combines geodetic, political and natural parameters in its widely used deﬁnition for the Arctic (see Grenier, 2011; Hull, 2011; Maher, 2007; Maher et al., 2014; Maher et al., 2011). According to the report, the Arctic:

encompasses all of Alaska, Canada north of 60°N together with northern Quebec and Labrador, all of Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and Iceland, and the northernmost counties of Norway, Sweden and Finland. [In]Russia,(…) the Murmansk Oblast, the Nenets, Yamalo- Nenets, Taimyr, and Chukotka autonomous okrugs, Vorkuta City in the Komi Republic, Norilsk and Igsrka in Krasnoyarsky Kray, and those parts of the Sakha Republic whose boundaries lie closest to the Arctic Circle. Again, while the AHDR’s(2004)deﬁnition is widely used and it aims to be comprehensive and regionally inclusive, with large regions south of the Arctic Circle, it presents problems in the context of tourism. For example, the city of Churchill, in Manitoba, Canada, is the ‘polar bear capital of the world’ with many tourism operators engaged in polar bear tours and sledge dog safaris, etc. (Dawson, Stewart, & Scott, 2010). Thus, ‘placing Churchill […] outside the Arctic’ (Maher, 2007, p. 2) does not reﬂect the Arctic as a tourism product and destination or an individually experienced place called the Arctic (see Grenier, 2004).

Produced Arctic in tourism

According to the common phrase, there is nothing real or authentic in tourism (see Boorstin, 1964; MacCannell, 1976). While this may be a provocative statement, there is also a reason- ing behind the phrase, as a large share of the products and performances in tourism are what Brown (1996, p. 33) has critically called ‘genuine fakes’. These kinds of products are based on the industrial constructions (see Leiper, 1979), which may refer to and utilize the idea of authenticity and realness, but they are not authentic in an objective sense (see Taylor, 2001; Trilling, 1972). Instead, it is somehow agreed that they are and represent authenticity (Wang, 1999). The Arctic Circle as the border of the Arctic can also be reinterpreted from this perspective. The Arctic Circle is fixed in the coordination system, located at 66o33’N, but just like phytogeographic boundaries, it is also influenced by a natural phenomenon, namely the Earth’s obliquity of the ecliptic (Berger, 1976). What this basically means is a major shifting of the latitude position of the Arctic Circle in relation to the sun. Thus, objectively the Arctic Circle is mobile but socially spatialized (Shields, 1991) and the fixed latitude is agreed and manifested in certain locations, such as Santa Claus Village in Rovaniemi, Finland (Figure 1). The produced Arctic in tourism is based on Leiper’s(1979) industry element and its activities and products that refer to a socially constructed idea of what Arctic environments and cultures are or should be (see Lund, Kjartansdóttir, & Loftsdóttir, 2017). According to Urry (1990), tourists are seeking destinations that are the opposite of their everyday lives; places where they can experience ‘natural, historical or cultural extraordinariness’ (Rojek, 1997, p. 52). These kinds of tourism products and activities representing the ‘extraordinary’ or a distinction from everyday life and environments are co-created with and supported by references to popular images, depictions and stereotypes of the Arctic, as well as social media and travelogues, for example (Rojek & Urry, 1997; Urry, 1995). Based on this, Arctic tourism can refer to various kinds of tourism activities taking place north of the Arctic Circle or inside the area defined by the AHDR (2004), but at the same time it is not limited to these regional units. Arctic tourism products and activities can also take place south of the Arctic Circle: e.g. in Kemi, Finland, where icebreaker tours through the frozen Bothnian Bay are advertised POLAR GEOGRAPHY 7

Figure 1. The Arctic circle signpost in Rovaniemi, Finland (Photo: Jarkko Saarinen). next to the Snow Castle, or the Arctic (wildlife) tourism that takes place on the outskirts of the previously mentioned town of Churchill, Canada, in the form of polar bear tours. Thus, Arctic tourism takes place where it can be produced by utilizing, modifying and commercia- lizing cultural and popular images, representations and identities that refer to Arctic environments. In the tourism authenticity literature, the produced perspective on Arctic tourism is often called staged authenticity (MacCannell, 1973, 1976; see also Bruner, 1991;Goffman, 1959). Staged Arctic tourism is about products, activities and performances involving ‘toured objects’ (Wang, 1999, p. 351), such as attractions, sites, rituals and ceremonies that may be simplified, shortened, embellished, ‘or otherwise adopted to the tastes of the tourists’ (Cohen, 1988, p. 381; see also Cohen, 1983; Pashkevich & Keskitalo, 2017). In order to find out and demonstrate what kinds of tourism products linked to ‘Arctic’ are provided, a simple descriptive analysis can be used for illustrative purposes. This selected example using an Internet search was limited to those tourism businesses using the term ‘Arctic’ in their name in Rovaniemi (Finland), Tromsø (Norway), Longyearbyen, Svalbard (Norway), Reykjavik (Iceland), Fairbanks, Alaska (USA), Whitehorse, Yukon and Iqaluit, Nunavut (Canada), Sisimiut (Greenland) and Yakutsk (Russia). These sites represent well-known tourism hubs linked to ‘Arctic tourism’ but they are not necessarily located inside a spatially defined Arctic. They do not aim to be fully representative, rather, they aim to be demonstra- tive, serving the following illustrative example. In total, 560 activities being offered using the name ‘Arctic’ were counted. Briefly, in Rova- niemi, among the 112 activities on offer, about 18% was based on snowmobiling, followed by reindeer-based activities (e.g. visiting reindeer farms and reindeer sledding) (14%). Viewing the Northern Lights represented approximately 10% of the activities on offer. In addition, there were other ‘Arctic’ tourism activities such as husky safaris, fishing/ice fishing and visits to Santa Claus village (on the Arctic Circle) in Rovaniemi. In contrast, Tromsø offered 78 products which were largely related to boat tours (31%), especially whale-watching 8 J. SAARINEN AND A. VARNAJOT trips. Northern Lights related activities covered about 19% and reindeer related products about 10% of the total activities. Other available Arctic activities were linked to Sami culture and husky safaris. In Reykjavik a total of 123 ‘Arctic’ activities were identified and among them, sightseeing was the largest activity group, covering approximately 40% of all tourism products. These included tours based on 4 × 4 vehicles, helicopters and all-terrain vehicles (ATVs). Visited places included the Golden Circle (a circular tour of the island) sites and/or the Icelandic wilderness (Highlands). Rafting formed 10%, followed by hiking, Northern Lights viewing and horse riding (each approximately 7%). In addition, boat tours (whale watching), glacier hikes, ice caving and snowmobiling were offered under the concept of ‘Arctic’ in Reykjavik. In Longyearbyen, 64 activities were counted: the main Arctic tourism products were snowmobile safaris (approximately 30%) and boat tours (approximately 27%). Safaris and tours included Arctic wildlife viewing and/or visits to cultural sites such as Pyramiden or Barentsburg. Guided summer hikes covered about 20% of the activities. In addition, skiing and general sightseeing were also offered as ‘Arctic’ tourism activities. In Fairbanks, 53 activities were identified as ‘Arctic’. Dogsledding was the most visible and represented one third of all products, followed by sightseeing (19%) and rafting (17%). Sight- seeing included car tours of around local areas (e.g. Arctic Circle landmark) and flights tours. Other ‘Arctic’ activities were related to Northern Lights viewing and wildlife safaris (mostly caribou). In Whitehorse, Canada, among the 74 ‘Arctic’ activities on offer 23% were focused on to Northern Lights, 16% on sightseeing and guided tours, and 11% on wildlife safaris. In addition, other activities were products referring to the First Nations, snowmobiling, visiting hot springs, fishing and dogsledding. Iqaluit had 17 activities under the name of ‘Arctic’. Almost half (41%) were based on wildlife safaris (mostly polar bears and whales) and about 24% on sightseeing tours across the Baffin Island and other northern communities. Both photography tours and snowmobiling covered over 10%. Among 22 ‘Arctic’ activities on offer in Sisimiut, sightseeing flights or boat tours were dominant products (41%), followed by dogsledding and guided hikes (both 18%) and by fishing/ice-fishing (13%). Both Iqaluit and Sisimiut had also northern lights viewing on offer. Finally, in Yakutsk, Russia, 17 ‘Arctic’ activities were identified, with a majority (35%) related to indigenous culture (e.g. reindeer husbandry). In addition, there were gulag visits, hunting mammoth bones, hiking and sightseeing products, each of which accounted for about 10% of the overall offerings. Other activities under the name of ‘Arctic’ in Yakutsk were snowmobiling, dog sledding and wildlife safaris. Based on this short overview of Arctic tourism products in selected circumpolar destinations, it seems that the tourism industry acknowledges the diversity of the Arctic. Businesses adapt their Arctic tourism products to local contexts and environments. For example, in coastal Tromsø the dominant activity was boat tours and in Reykjavik the tourism operators used the relatively easy access to wilderness environments in their sightseeing products. This is as one would expect. There are also common activities forming the core of Arctic tourism products almost despite their location in the Arctic. Those core products are related to snowmobiling and viewing the Northern Lights. In addition, reindeer- related (or caribou) products were relatively widely present. Altogether, these three product groups represent well over 40% of the total Arctic tourism activities in the Nordic Arctic. However, in North America (including Greenland) these core products represent only about 20% of the total activities (due to a large presence of sightseeing activities). Thus, interestingly, the idea of ‘Arctic’ is commercialized partly differently in North POLAR GEOGRAPHY 9

America compared to the European Arctic. In Canada and United States sightseeing and touring activities to remote ‘Arctic’ locations form a clear majority of the products. These small-scale exclusive sightseeing tours, which are often relatively expensive, are opposite to a packaged mass-scale tourism products and practices in Rovaniemi and Tromsø, for example. These main Arctic activity sets in the European and North American destinations obviously benefit from their physical location inside or close to the Arctic region. Therefore, the produced and spatially defined ‘Arctics’ in tourism are complementing each other in nature-based tourism activities. However, the cultural elements of the spatial Arctic are not represented as visibly in the produced one. Although a reindeer/caribou as a semi-domesticated animal represents a culture and is a cultural icon, the analysed Arctic tourism products are largely based on game viewing rather than a cultural approach. With the exception of Yakutsk, there seems to be a lack of cultural elements in Arctic tourism. We can assume that this outcome is not based on the selected case example sites being non-cultural. Reykjavik, Fairbanks, Rovaniemi and Tromsø are major urban centers with rich cultural life and activities, but it seems that the produced Arctic tourism refers to common representations of the Arctic characterized by empty spaces and adventures in frozen, untouched and uncivilized landscapes (Hanrahan, 2017). Thus, the way the Arctic is produced and marketed by the industry influences the image of the region and creates a set of expectations for tourists before actual visitation (Buhalis, 2000). In this context, Buhalis further states that tourism marketing can operate as a mechanism facilitating local regional development objectives: the goals of the produced Arctic perspective are therefore to attract tourists in the region for socio-economic growth purposes, but also to support the realization of local and regional tourism policies. The tourism industry does not create these kinds of activities and products in a vacuum; as indicated they are supported by historical, colonial and popular narratives and cultural representations of what the Arctic and the Arctic tourism are about. The Arctic is a harsh, wild and empty environment to visit and conquer. Thus, the perspective on the Arctic is often dominated by outsiders’ views and is targeted at outsiders, i.e. the tourists, for them to experience.

Experienced Arctic in tourism

According to Hall and Saarinen (2010b) well over ﬁve million tourist visits occur annually in the Arctic and sub-Arctic. Provided activities and socially constructed representations of the Arctic in tourism aim to satisfy this tourism demand and the needs of visiting tourists. At the core of the demand are tourist experiences, referring to the crucial human element in tourism (Leiper, 1979). For Wang (1999), tourist experiences can be object-related or activity-related. Here, the former refers to constructed authenticity in tourism which is supported by the previously discussed spatial and produced perspectives of the Arctic. The latter is an existential and highly subjective view of the Arctic that may have a very loose relation with the Arctic region. As noted by Wang (1999, p. 359): ‘existential authenticity […] can often have nothing to do with the issue of whether toured objects are real.’ Thus, the spatial and produced perspectives of the Arctic may guide the experienced Arctic, but despite the nature of the guiding frames a tourist can have or not have an Arctic tourism experience (see Hamelin, 1979). This relates to Balibar’s(2002) notion of mobile (Arctic) borders, embodied here in traveling tourists and their experiences. Based on the literature, and the previously analysed Arctic tourism products, tourist experiences of the Arctic are largely related to the natural environment (see Grenier, 2004; 10 J. SAARINEN AND A. VARNAJOT

Jóhannesson, Huijbens, & Sharpley, 2010; Lee et al., 2017; Saarinen, 2005; Sæþórsdóttir, 2010; Viken, 2013). Seasonality in nature characterizes the Arctic but its role is not always acknowledged in the definitions of Arctic tourism and experiences. A recent report ‘Arctic Business Analysis: Creative and Cultural Industries’ by the Nordic Council of Ministers (2018, p. 23), for example, defines Arctic tourism as ‘tourism based in high latitude environments characterized by cold and extreme nature, involving nature-based, culture-based and sports-based activities’. The definition overlooks the seasonality and internal dynamics of Arctic environments and conditions: What about tourism in the high latitudes in summer months when conditions are not necessarily cold and extreme? Seasonality is typically regarded negatively in tourism development literature and discourses, but in the Arctic it also creates additional attractiveness by offering a diverse base for Arctic tourism experiences. For example, Arctic summers and winters attract tourists respectively because of the midnight sun phenomenon and the Northern Lights. As they cannot be experienced during the same trip, follow-up visits are needed in order to discover the variety that the Arctic offers (Johnston, 2011; Viken, 2013). However, from the tourist experience perspective the idea that all tourism seasons and activities existing and offered in the region (and even under the banner of Arctic tourism products) represent Arctic tourism is a problematic one. For some tourists the Arctic may refer to snow- and ice- covered landscapes alone, and therefore for them an Arctic summer could be an oxymoron. Tourism in the Arctic also includes activities and products that are available globally, such as hiking, shopping and spa and wellness tourism, and predicting how those activities are experienced by individual tourists is difficult. In this respect the Arctic can be unique to each individual and what seems real is ‘the result of the versions of our interpretations’ (Wang, 1999, p. 354). However, although potentially highly personal, these interpretations of the Arctic are not processed in total solitude. Tourist experiences can be interpersonal, i.e. shared ones, and they are often seen as being based on a search for signs or symbols of needed experiences that reflect the stereotyped representations of tourist-sending societies and cultures (Mac- Cannell, 1976; Urry, 1990; Wang, 1999). For example, the ‘Arctic Circle Crossing Ceremony’ offered in Rovaniemi (Finland) promises a magical and exotic cultural experience:

Crossing the magical line of the Arctic Circle has been considered a great achievement already decades ago. Nowadays, it’s not only possible to cross the line but to make the experience even more memorable with a genuine Arctic Circle Crossing Ceremony. The ceremony takes place in a traditional KAMMI where the participants sit around the fire, enjoying juice made from Lappish berries. A shaman who also tells stories about Lapland arranges the ceremony. Atmos- phere of the ceremony is very exotic. As a proof, as well as a concrete memory of the Arctic Circle Crossing, every participant receives the original Arctic Circle Crossing Certificate. This Arctic Circle Ceremony, which is supposed to be ‘genuine’ or ‘authentic’ is an example of the commoditisation of cultures in the Arctic in order to offer experiences seen as real from a Western tourist point of view. The shamanistic practices referring the indigenous Sami culture are modified for tourism purposes, and during the ceremony the geodetic line of the Arctic Circle is conflated with Sami culture as representing a ‘magical line’ in a ceremony hosted by a shaman, which has nothing to do with the indigenous culture. A similar example can be found in the village of Jokkmokk, northern Sweden, where a new tour for visitors was launched in summer 2017 called ‘Art and Design of Sápmi’ (see Jokk- mokk Municipality, 2017). The tour offers an experience with a ‘unique insight into Sami art, POLAR GEOGRAPHY 11 crafts and design’ where the Arctic Circle is associated with Sami culture and authentic indigenous crafts. These examples from Rovaniemi and Jokkmokk demonstrate that cultural elements can be linked to the Arctic. In tourism this connection is often processed by ‘a mystification designed to generate a sense of real reality’ (MacCannell, 1973, p. 591) and the outcomes of this are most probably ‘judged as inauthentic or staged authenticity by experts, intellec- tuals, or the elite’ (Wang, 1999, p. 353). Still, they may be experienced as authentic and real by visiting tourists. This raises potential ethical questions in relation to the produced Arctic and the use of cultural elements and physical environments in Arctic tourism, i.e. are there limits to how to depict local cultures or modify and use the (Arctic) environment in tourism (see Saarinen, 1999, 2005). Although these are highly crucial questions, they are beyond the scope of this paper.

Discussion and conclusions There is a relatively widely acknowledged idea of exceptionalism in the Arctic in tourism (Viken, 2013) but there is no consensus on the concept of Arctic tourism. Indeed, as indicated by Maher (2007) the aim to provide a single comprehensive definition for Arctic tourism may be an impossible task. For example, a definition of Arctic tourism that refers to all kinds of tourism activities taking place in the Arctic could be feasible, but only if we do not problematize the social and political idea of the Arctic and its boundaries. In addition, even if we were to acknowledge that there is a more or less agreed spatial definition of the Arctic, such as the Arctic Circle or the AHDR’s(2004)definition, it is not necessarily operational with the tourism phenomenon (the industry and the human element) referring to a diverse, potentially changing and highly contextual set of ecological, political, economic and sociocultural Arctic environments, activities and experiences in tourism. Thus, instead of thinking about an all-inclusive definition for Arctic tourism, this paper outlines perspectives from which the Arctic could be approached and framed in tourism. These outlined perspectives, namely the spatial, produced and experienced Arctics in tourism, represent general frameworks – contexts – demonstrating different potential ways of approaching and understanding various characteristics of and diversity in Arctic tourism (Table 1). From a spatial perspective, the Arctic is a geographically defined region with a set of boundaries that can be based on natural and/or political criteria. The produced Arctic in tourism is a destination and tourism product that reflects a socially and economically produced and reproduced idea of the Arctic. It is grounded on the industry (see Leiper, 1979) by being a tourism-centric space for economic growth serving the industry and its development goals in the region. The experienced Arctic is a tourist-centric and subjective place for which the spatial and produced Arctic provide a context, but the experienced view is not necessarily limited to them: the Arctic tourist experience may or may not happen in the (spatial and/or produced) Arctic. All these perspectives of the Arctic in tourism involve some limitations (see Table 1), and the perspectives are obviously interrelated and dynamic. The common ground that they cover represents an ‘Arctic frontier’ in tourism in which the spatial, produced and experienced Arctics collide and form a dynamic and transforming structure in which Arctic tourism can exist. By acknowledging the diversity of the region, the Arctic frontier is not only based on external views and needs concerning the Arctic space, but it also incorporates internal socioeconomic, cultural and environmental knowledge, needs and concerns in the 12 J. SAARINEN AND A. VARNAJOT

Table 1. Key perspectives of the Arctic in tourism. Limitations and challenges in Perspective Approach Characteristics tourism Spatial The Arctic as a region The Arctic is a geographically deﬁned and How to factually delineate the bounded diverse space borders of the Arctic region; How to consider a dynamic nature of the Arctic in statistical monitoring Produced The Arctic as a The Arctic is a product: a socioeconomically May involve an unethical and produced idea and produced and reproduced tourism unsustainable production and construction destination utilizing cultural signs and consumption of the Arctic; meanings linked to the Arctic Cannot be used for statistical monitoring Experienced The Arctic as an The Arctic is a subjective place experience May have no personal or experienced place involving personal and interpersonal interpersonal links to the spatial elements and/or produced Arctics; Cannot be used for statistical monitoring

Arctic. From this inter-relational perspective the Arctic is not primitive or remote per se but also involves internal cores and peripheries – just like any other region in the world. This partly contrasts with the traditional view of the Arctic as being mainly defined by outsiders to outsiders in tourism development and consumption. However, as indicated, these perspectives are not necessarily complementary but can also open up contested and conflicting views on what the Arctic in tourism is (for). The relationships between the spatial and produced and spatial and experienced Arctics can be particularly problematic, as conflicts in those relations may involve issues related to the ecological and sociocultural sustainability of tourism. In addition, from the tourism industry’s perspective, a possible conflict between the produced and experienced Arctic indicates an economic sustainability challenge for the industry in the long run (i.e. if supply and demand do not meet or if the benefits and costs of tourism are shared unequally). Moreover, if we take a specific perspective as granted and do not acknowledge the existence of alternative views and diversity in the Arctic, we may (un)intentionally exclude prospective development paths that could serve local and regional development needs in future. For example, if we perceive and conceptualize Arctic tourism based on the externally constructed views of the region as cold, harsh, wild and empty environment, we may encounter great difficulties in creating tourism policies and development goals that serve the social realities of local communities and increasingly urbanized environments in the Arctic region (see Nordic Council of Minister, 2011, pp. 22–37). Despite the perspective, one key question remains: what makes the Arctic special in terms of tourism? Although this review paper did not aim to define the essence of the Arctic or the concept of Arctic tourism per se, the outlined perspectives acknowledging the diversity of the region have implications for the ways we should think about Arctic in tourism. As noted the Arctic diversity problematizes the nature/culture dichotomy in tourism, but it also further challenges the current and conventional conceptual understanding of Arctic tourism. Unlike many other forms of tourism, such as urban tourism, nature-based tourism, lake tourism and indigenous tourism, Arctic tourism, with its diversity and multitude of elements, cultures and environments, does not necessarily refer to a certain kind of attraction element or related tourism activities. Indeed, all the above-mentioned forms of tourism can also be practized in the contemporary Arctic. POLAR GEOGRAPHY 13

Still, the idea of Arctic tourism is often tied into limited views on cold and empty landscapes. Thus, the concluding argument is that in research and policy-making we should be more specific about our perspective of (spatial, produced and experienced) Arctic in tourism. As noted, if our understanding of tourism in the Arctic is limited then the policies that we develop in relation to it are likely to be limited too. Obviously, Arctic tourism per se is widely recognized and used term that has a promotional and selling value, but academically there may not be a firm ground for such ‘Arctic exceptionalism’ when compared with other geographical regions used in tourism: simply, we do not have Sahara tourism, Amazon tourism or Siberia tourism, for example. Therefore, instead of conceptually vague and singular Arctic tourism, a use of more specific terminology such as Arctic urban tourism, urban tourism in the Arctic, Arctic nature-based tourism or Arctic indigenous tourism, for example, would be more precise. This would also empower a wider spectrum of tourism products and development paths in the Arctic, which would not be limited to historically contingent constructs created by outsiders, for outsiders. This kind of diversified and decolonizing tourism vocabulary and related policy and development discourses would also serve indigenous tourism development and increasingly urbanized communities and transforming tourism industry in the Arctic in future.

Disclosure statement No potential conﬂict of interest was reported by the authors.

Funding This work was supported by Kulttuurin ja Yhteiskunnan Tutkimuksen Toimikunta [grant number 307348].

ORCID Jarkko Saarinen http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9327-6932 Alix Varnajot http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5463-3933

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Article II

TOU0010.1177/1468797619836546Tourist StudiesVarnajot 836546research-article2019

ts Article

Tourist Studies 19–1 “Walk the line”: An © The Author(s) 2019 Article reuse guidelines: ethnographic study of the sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/1468797619836546DOI: 10.1177/1468797619836546 ritual of crossing the Arctic journals.sagepub.com/home/tou Circle—Case Rovaniemi

Alix Varnajot University of Oulu, Finland

Abstract The Arctic Circle is the most commonly used border to delimit the Arctic region, and has been used in this way to such an extent that across the circumpolar North, municipalities and local communities have built various types of signs, shops and tourist centers for its celebration. This is especially the case in Rovaniemi, Finland, with the creation of the Santa Claus Village, “right” on the Arctic Circle, leading to several thousands of tourists crossing the magical line every year. This article focuses on tourists’ practices around Arctic Circle landmarks in Rovaniemi. This study acknowledges the hegemony of the selfie era that is indubitably linked to what is referred to in this article as “border-crossing postures”, pertaining to the ritual of performing specific practices, actions and postures that suggest the crossing of a borderline. However, it is argued that in the case of the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, these specific postures come from the physical aspect of the landmarks, rather than the tourists recognizing the Arctic Circle as a border.

Keywords arctic border, arctic circle, border-crossing postures, performance, tourism

Introduction: a prologue underground Rovaniemi On a cold winter day in November 2017, I decided to go to the only place in the world where one can cross the Arctic Circle underground. Located in SantaPark, the Home Cavern of Santa Claus and, in close proximity to the popular Rovaniemi’s Santa Claus Village, crossing the Arctic Circle 50 meters below the surface is promoted as unique and is turned into a real and caricatured experience. After paying a 33€ entrance fee, I achieved my only goal for the visit: seeing the Arctic Circle landmark. Surprisingly, this area of the park was completely empty and I rapidly noticed that the families, often steered by the

Corresponding author: Alix Varnajot, Geography Research Unit, University of Oulu, P.O. Box 3000, 90014 Oulu, Finland. Email: [email protected] 2 Tourist Studies 00(0) kids, were more interested in the Christmas activities (visiting Santa’s Office, taking part in the elf school or workshop, baking with Mrs. Gingerbread) than “entering” the Arctic. So, for a while I did several round trips across this man-made Arctic border, allowing me to observe the landmark in detail. The landmark itself is a simple arch labeled “Arctic Circle,” including carved latitudinal coordinates, but it separates two distinct worlds: the white and cold Arctic and the colorful and warm rest of the world. The contrast is eloquent. On the first side, the decor is obviously Christmassy; walls and shops are painted red and green. All around, the shelves of the shops are full of Christmas items to buy such as cuddly reindeer toys or Santa Claus figurines. The ambient music played from hidden speakers suggests a festive and cheerful world in the warmth of the Christmas spirit, while beyond the arch, the jolly atmosphere transitions to a place cold and hostile, a “realm of shadows” (Medvedev, 1999: 1). Everything located after the landmark, every piece of furniture or decoration, refers to a cold and icy environment. The walls, the ground, the furniture are all white, as are the costumes of the Ice Princess, whose role is to sell Arctic Circle crossing certificates and to serve drinks in ice glasses when wandering in the ice gallery. In that gallery, the temperature is purposely maintained below zero degrees Celsius, even in summer. Brave tourists can borrow white coats to venture into that ice gallery. SantaPark deliber- ately portrays the Arctic as a white mysterious and inhospitable region where one would need courage and bravery to explore these frozen lands. Indeed, the crossing certificates sold there are actually “certificates of achievement” that acknowledge the “great courage and determination” needed to cross the Arctic Circle, which is depicted as a “heroic deed.” Furthermore, to add to the mystique, when one walks under the arch, a low growling rumble and some wind effects are triggered, contributing to the mystical experience of stepping into the Arctic. Here, “tourists encounter places through a variety of senses” (Urry and Larsen, 2011: 195). In the meantime, the first visitors since I arrived took the walk across the Arctic Circle and “officially” entered the Arctic. This underground experience in Rovaniemi supports a reality that we already know, but also raises further questions. On the one hand, it confirms that in the tourism industry the Arctic Circle is the most commonly used border for the Arctic (Viken, 2013) and Arctic Circle landmarks represent the gateways to the region. SantaPark is not unique; there are other locations in Rovaniemi and across the circumpolar North, where various types of signs and monuments have been erected to celebrate the Arctic Circle, and these landmarks, too, have become tourist attractions (Gunn, 1988). Other parameters commonly used to define the area of the Arctic, such as the +10°C isotherm in July or the continuous permafrost (Hall and Saarinen, 2010), are not provided with landmarks, therefore emphasizing that the Arctic Circle is the main boundary for the Arctic in the tourism industry. On the other hand, this raises further questions concerning these Arctic Circle landmarks as attractions, where tourists interact with the border of the Arctic. According to Grenier (2007), crossing the Arctic Circle has become “an expected ritual when first visiting Rovaniemi” (p. 65). This leads to questioning the nature of this ritual: what are the actual practices tourists reproduce when they cross the Arctic Circle? Most previous border-crossing studies in tourism have focused on political boundaries as tourist attractions (Blasco et al., 2014; Gelbman and Timothy, 2010; Timothy, 1995, 2003; Timothy et al., 2016), tourists’ experiences and borders’ perceptions (Bradbury, 2013; Canally and Timothy, 2007; Díaz-Sauceda et al., 2015; Peng et al., 2016), whereas little Varnajot 3 interest has been given to tourists’ practices and performances at the moment of crossing a border. This study takes place at the Santa Claus Village in Rovaniemi, Finland, where the Arctic Circle is promoted as the gate of the Arctic (Visit Rovaniemi, 2018a). The Santa Claus Village represents a particularly interesting case study, as the city receives several thousands of tourists every year, allowing a potentially large number of tourists to interact with various Arctic Circle landmarks. Most studies concerning or mentioning Rovaniemi and the Santa Claus Village have usually focused on the Christmas industry (Hall, 2008, 2014; Pretes, 1995; Rusko et al., 2013; Tervo-Kankare et al., 2013), few publications were devoted to the Arctic Circle and its landmarks. Nevertheless, articles that do examine this border include Löytynoja (2008) who analyzed the development of the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi as a tourist attraction among other Nordic tourist destinations, or Timothy (1998) who considered the Arctic Circle a place to visit because it allows you to step into two different places at once (here the Arctic and the “temperate” northern zone), or impresses others because of the uniqueness of the location. The purpose of this article is to explore the range of tourist practices at Arctic Circle landmarks, using ethnographic observations and autoethnographic methods. This article does not aim to generalize all landmarks across the circumpolar North, but to better understand tourists’ practices in this important tourism center (Grenier, 2007). The article starts with an overview of literature focused on geographical borders and continues with a presentation of the case study and methodology. Then, I present the results of my observations, where I highlight the concept of “border-crossing postures” as a tourist practice performed around boundaries and acknowledge its close connection with the hegemony of photography. Finally, I define this concept of border-crossing postures and expand it beyond the Arctic Circle case study to other types of boundaries—those tourist places, where “visuality” and “embodi- ment” are at the core of capturing the very moment of the border-crossing experience.

The Arctic Circle: a border for the Arctic The Arctic Circle: a natural border fixed by cultural practices The Arctic Circle is a moving natural border with origins in astronomical phenomena. Indeed, the Arctic Circle is the name given to the southernmost latitude where the sun remains below the horizon during the entire winter solstice day, and where the sun stays above the horizon on the summer solstice. This comes from the astronomic phenomenon called the obliquity of the ecliptic, setting the Arctic Circle at the approximate latitude of 66°33’N. This means that the Arctic Circle is the southernmost limit of where the midnight sun in summer and the polar night in winter can be experienced, without taking into account the sunrays refraction into the atmosphere (Karttunen et al., 1987). In addition, as a natural phenomenon, the Circle is not spatially fixed and is moving due to the fluc- tuations of the Earth’s axial tilt, which results in a shifting of the tilt inclination of about 2 degrees over a period of 40,000 years (Berger, 1976). As a result, the position of the Arctic Circle varies, “being capable of ranging over a distance of as much as 200 kilometers” (Löytynoja, 2008: 20) at a speed of 15 meters per year. However, the Arctic Circle did not become an attraction to visit before the creation of its landmarks. Without them, the natural Arctic Circle, due to its intrinsic invisibility, was only an imaginary line that needed to be marked on the ground. Ingold (2007) qualified 4 Tourist Studies 00(0) the Arctic Circle, just like other imaginary geodetic lines as “ghostly,” that these are visionary and metaphysical elements, leading to some ambiguity about their presence. Indeed, Ingold (2007) noted that these lines may “appear on maps and charts as traces drawn with pen and ink […] but they have no physical counterpart in the world” (p. 49) and during their trips, travelers might be looking eagerly for these ghostly lines of reference. Cutcliffe Hyne (1898), a British traveler who documented his journey from London to northern Norway, described a similar desire to mark a border crossing:

on this stage we were due to recross that imaginary boundary, the Arctic Circle, and come once more into that Temperate Zone which was our more native atmosphere, and we were on the keen lookout for some official recognition of its whereabouts. I do not quite know what we expected to see—a cairn or a wooden notice would have satisfied us—but the absence of any mark whatever jarred upon us. (p. 271)

Today, across the Arctic, there are different landmarks celebrating the Arctic Circle (Timothy, 1998). In Salekhard, Russia, the Arctic Circle landmark is an imposing monument. In Sweden (Jokkmokk), Iceland (Grímsey Island), Alaska (Dalton Highway) or Canada (Dempster Highway), various types of indications and road signs signify the crossing of the Circle. Some other landmarks include globes (Viking Island, Norway) or painted lines on the ground (Juoksenki, Rovaniemi, Finland). Moreover, the presence of the Arctic Circle has led to the development of larger tourist infrastructures such as the Polarsirkelsenteret in Norway, or the Santa Claus tourism cluster, located North of Rovaniemi, including SantaPark, the Santa Claus Village and many other tourism-related structures. In other words, the Arctic Circle as a natural border is not a tourist attraction per se, but an “opportunity for product development” with the creation of landmarks (Timothy et al., 2016: 3). Yet, while these various examples mark out a fixed landmark on the ground for the Arctic Circle at the approximate coordinates of 66°33’N, the actual Arctic Circle might be located several kilometers away. Shields (1991) talks about social spatialization “to designate the ongoing social construction of the spatial at the level of the social imaginary (collective mythologies, presuppositions) as well as interventions in the landscape (for example, the built environment)” (p. 31). In other words, these different landmarks participate in the social construction of an Arctic region starting north of the Arctic Circle, therefore the Arctic Circle can refer both to the physical astronomic border and to the socially marked boundary.

The Arctic Circle: a so-called demarcation line By their nature, borders create differences (Newman, 2003). Walking across the line in Rovaniemi’s Santa Claus Village means the visitor enters a different and unknown world, and this is even more true and verifiable in SantaPark, where the mise-en-scène is at the service of border emphasis. These differences are the direct consequences of the role of borders in creating the Other. According to Balibar (2002), the function of a border is to define a territory, and as a consequence to define the identity of that territory. Therefore, borders, represented by lines on a map and by welcome signs, flags, passport controls (Gelbman and Timothy, 2010), but also fences, walls and guard towers on the ground (Timothy et al., 2016), serve as demarcation lines between different territories with their respective language and culture, politics, economic and social systems (Timothy, 1995), Varnajot 5 in other words, with their respective identities. Because of that, borders bring on “otherness” and separations: the “familiar” and the “unusual,” the “us” and the “them” or the “here” and the “there” (Newman, 2003, 2006) The difference seduces (Picard and Di Giovine, 2014) and, the unknown of the “Other” side with its various physical items marking out the border can generate fascination among tourists (Gelbman and Timothy, 2010; Medvedev, 1999; Ryden, 1993) as well as curiosity (Timothy, 2003) and mystery (Newman, 2006). In this way, the Arctic Circle corresponds to the demarcation line between the familiar “temperate zone” and the unknown Arctic. The identity of the Arctic has often been forged by non-natives (Hall and Saarinen, 2010) and “what is being discussed, after all, is the Southern image of the North” (Shields, 1991: 194; see Geller, 2011). The region has been pictured as wild (Sæþórsdóttir et al., 2011), and stress-free (Visit Rovaniemi, 2018a) as well as “deadly, cold, empty, barren, isolated [and] mysterious” (Amoamo and Boyd, 2005: 4). Conversely, the Arctic is now seen as a region with growing economic and political interests (Arbo et al., 2013; Dittmer et al., 2011), as well as an untouched pristine region (Grace, 2002) albeit with climate change threatening what constitutes its identity: for example, polar bears (Clark et al., 2008) and local indigenous communities (Martello, 2008). However, Hamelin (1968, 1979) claims that this Arctic identity that he calls “nordicity” can also be found well South of the Arctic Circle (e.g. Churchill, Canada, Kemi, Finland or Oymyakon, Russia). According to Newman (2003), for conveni- ence borders are often established by following natural benchmarks such as rivers, mountain ridges or, in the case of the Arctic, the southernmost limit where the midnight sun can be observed during the summer solstice. This resonates with the idea of Barth (2012) that drawing boundaries only matters when there is a need for representation on a map. Consequently, this border-making process often leads to the exclusion of some areas that should be part of the delimited zones, and in return, some other areas that should not be part of it (Newman, 2003). The constructed nature of the Arctic Circle may mean that it loses its authentic (original) function of a demarcation line between two different identities because it is a socially constructed border. Indeed, the landscapes and the societies in this location do not change when crossing the line, but the landmarks still provide a sensation of entering a different, new world. We get a sense of this in the writings of the cultural geographer Kent Ryden (1993), who reflected on his experience of crossing the border between Connecticut and Rhode Island, writing: “in a subtle and totally subjective way, each side of the border feels different; in the space of a few feet we pass from one geographical entity to another which looks exactly the same but is unique, has a different name” (p. 1). Thus, in the context of the Arctic Circle, the landmarks embody the border between the northern “temperate zone” and the Arctic, and in addition represent the so-called gateway to the latter region, although more significance is invested in crossing from South to North. Thanks to these landmarks, the Arctic Circle has become a tourist attraction across the circumpolar North, and especially in Rovaniemi. According to Gunn (1988: 48), in order to become a tourist attraction, every site needs to be provided with “access, lookout points, parking areas, interpretation programs, and linkages with service centers,” as well as promotion on websites and brochures. So, the Arctic Circle did not become an attraction until it was provided with landmarks and these particular monuments, objects or signs have become demarcation icons specifically designed to attract attention (Timothy, 2002). According to Ryden (1993: 2), these demarcation icons aim to “shape and manipulate” tourists’ experiences when crossing borders. 6 Tourist Studies 00(0)

Study area and research method Rovaniemi: the city located “right on the Arctic Circle” Rovaniemi is the administrative city and main settlement of Finnish Lapland and welcomed 331,000 tourists in 2017 for about 631,000 overnight stays (Visit Rovaniemi, 2018b). The study area is located approximately 8 kilometers north of the city, at the Santa Claus Village, where the Arctic Circle is visibly indicated on the landscape. The whole story of that particular place started in the 1920s, when the first Arctic Circle sign (Figure 1) was erected on the Arctic Ocean road. The landmark quickly became a must-see, but was destroyed during the Second World War. A new sign was erected nearby along with a wooden cabin called the “Arctic Circle Cabin.” On 11 June 1950, Eleanor Roosevelt visited the site and the first stamp, with a special Arctic Circle postmark that could be used to send postcards and letters, was commissioned. In the following decade, a few souvenir shops and catering services developed around the cabin and the first official Arctic Circle crossing certificates were sold to tourists. According to Zelinsky (1988), the purpose of these signs is to appeal to tourists, to encourage them to stop, sightsee and shop, thus bringing in local revenue (see Timothy, 2002). The spatialization of the Arctic Circle north of Rovaniemi led to the economic development of the area, especially after the mid 1980s with the creation of the Santa Claus Village, located “right” on the Circle, marking the beginning of the Christmas tourism industry in Rovaniemi (Pretes, 1995).

Figure 1. The first Arctic Circle landmark, North of Rovaniemi in the 1920’s (Regional Museum of Lapland archives). Varnajot 7

Today, the Arctic Circle is celebrated through several landmarks in the area. This ethnographic study focuses on two different landmarks, both located in the Santa Claus Village. The first, main one is situated outside, in the midst of the Village and consists of a large white painted line on the ground (that cannot be seen in winter because of the snow), and five pillars with “Arctic Circle” written on four of them, as well as blue rope lights linking the top of each pillars at night. A globe with a carved Circle and a sign briefly explaining the origin of this magic line in several languages are also part of that main landmark. In the very near vicinity are also located an imposing Christmas tree and a digital thermometer indicating the current temperature. The second landmark is located inside the entrance building, in front of the “Arctic Circle Tourist Information” office. It is composed of a white painted line on the ground that clearly suggests the crossing of a border as it is the first thing tourists see and do when entering the building’s main entrance. Next to this is a cheap metallic pole with an Arctic Circle sign on its top and a Santa Claus statue on its bottom. If both described landmarks celebrate the gateway to the Arctic, only one has a clear visible line suggesting the possibility of crossing a border. In addition, the Arctic Circle is mentioned in various ways everywhere in the Village: on walls of restaurants, in shops’ names, on buildings and on various types of signs. It is also featured on souvenirs such as t-shirts, mugs or magnets. In addition, crossing the Circle is turned into an experience with “Arctic Circle Crossing” ceremonies, certificates and passport stamps (see Löytynoja, 2008).

The research method Data were gathered with both autoethnographic and traditional ethnographic methods. The combination of both approaches helps to reveal tourists performances in their experience of crossing the Arctic Circle (Scarles, 2010). First, autoethnography is at the cross- roads of autobiography and ethnography (Spry, 2001), where the researcher reminisces and analyzes firsthand personal experience “in order to understand cultural experience” (Ellis et al., 2011: 273). I have myself crossed the Arctic Circle as a tourist several times, especially in Rovaniemi, and these various engagements with the Circle, combined with the expertise of being a geographer helped gain critical insight. Here, autoethnography was used through informal discussions with tourists, where we reflected on our common experiences of crossing the Arctic Circle. However, while the purpose of this study was to analyze tourists’ practices and not to write about observations of myself, autoethnography enabled me to initiate conversations with tourists and discuss their experiences while in the field. In order to indicate my intent, I wore a badge with my name, my occupation and affiliation. This strategy gave me legitimacy and I did not appear as a random person engaging in discussions. It also led some curious tourists to approach me and ask questions about the Arctic Circle, revealing the lack of visible information available (I often felt like I was doing the job of the tourist office employees!). In other words, the firsthand experience of the researcher was integral to gaining access to tourists so as to better understand tourist performances. Second, traditional ethnography consists of observations of tourists, which I undertook by sitting discreetly in the area and taking notes; so, far enough from the landmarks so as not to disturb the scene and potentially influence tourists’ practices (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1983). These notes followed pre-established guidelines, asking myself questions such as who are they? (a family, a couple, a single person, etc.), 8 Tourist Studies 00(0) with what part of the landmark are they interacting? the use of technology (cameras, phones, etc.), their activities at the landmark, and finally, who is doing what? (who is taking the pictures? Who is jumping over the line?). The goal of these guidelines was to end up with detailed descriptions of the practices and to capture the scene in its integrity (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1983). Combining autoethnography and classic ethnography methods meant that I was able to gather the three fundamental actions of ethnographic studies, namely watching, asking questions and listening (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1983), that then allowed me to tell “a credible, rigorous, and authentic story” (Fetterman, 2010: 1), based on the description of particular event (Ingold, 2014). However, the main limitation of this method lies in the difficulty of providing a context for these tourist practices; to connect the particular moment when tourists cross the Circle to the wider context of their respective journey and background (see Picard, 2013). In this study, the term “tourists” refers to any individual or group that interacted with the landmarks. Tourists are characterized as an amorphous social group; they have “var- ied national identities, socioeconomic class positions, ages, genders, sexualities, racial and ethnic identifications, professions […]. Additionally, each has a unique personal history, and a life outside of the time they spend as a tourist” (Frohlick and Harrison, 2008: 5). However, the body of data collected in this study is only derived from observations. Thus, in the methods I used, no distinctions could be made between tourists and excursionists, and between locals and foreigners. The exact country of origin as well as their education, profession, or traveling background could not be known. The fieldwork started in late November 2017, at the very beginning of the Christmas season, the high season for the local tourism industry. Data collection lasted 2 weeks, as I rapidly noticed that tourists were reproducing invariably the same postures day after day.

Crossing the Arctic Circle: interactions with the border of the Arctic The hegemony of digital images leads to a competition for the line Thursday, November 23rd 2017, 10:45 am, Santa Claus Village, bus number 8 coming from the city center delivers some tourists in front of the entrance building. About 30 visitors exit the bus. Among them are families with children, couples or single persons mostly from Asia and Europe. Some are carrying suitcases, enjoying the last opportunity to visit the Village before leaving Lapland, some families have a child in a stroller and others are already taking selfies. Once everybody is out, the bus leaves for the city and will come back an hour later with another “delivery” of tourists. Meanwhile, the first visitors have entered the building and have arrived at the first Arctic Circle landmark, a white line painted on the ground. Rapidly, confusion reigns in this rather confined lobby. Some tourists are gathering information about the Village at the “Arctic Circle Tourist Information” office, while some others are waiting behind, standing on the line, for their turn to approach one of the employees that are momentarily overtaken by the sudden large number of visitors. This disordered scene goes against how Visit Rovaniemi promotes the crossing of the Arctic Circle, which is supposed to be “the border of hurry and stress, meaning that they don’t exist North of the line” (Visit Rovaniemi, 2018a). All around are tourists wandering, looking at the settings and the nearby shops, with suitcases and strollers here and there. In the midst of this bazar, some impatient visitors are already interacting with the landmark, trying to get decent pictures of each other. Varnajot 9

This turned out to be a quite challenging task as shown by the numerous attempts to capture the perfect instant, often disturbed by careless tourists walking or simply standing between the photographer and the “model.” I rapidly notice that the only reason for tourists to interact with the line is to be photographed.

With absolutely no exception, all observed individuals or groups of tourists who interacted with the landmark took photographs of themselves either as selfies or by asking a relative, a friend or a stranger. This is what Souza et al. (2015: 1) called the “selfie era.” However, in this study, I do not limit the term “selfie era” solely to the action of self- taking pictures per se, but rather I use it as a reference to this hegemony of “prolific dis- semination of images of travel destinations and experiences photographed by travelers” (Mostafanezhad and Norum, 2018: 1). Taking pictures is now inseparable from the traveling experience (Boley et al., 2013; Prideaux and Coghlan, 2010). Among the primary motivations for taking pictures are to prove one has physically visited a place (Hillman, 2007), to help construct memories (Bærenholdt et al., 2017) or to share the experience with others (Groves and Timothy, 2001), especially on personal blogs or social media such as Instagram or Facebook.

After few minutes, the first tourists are leaving the lobby, ready to venture into Santa’s realm, but it does not mean that the serenity of the Arctic is coming back. Indeed, the scene gets even more chaotic when one tourist discovers the automatic selfie machine and wants to use it. This machine allows whoever to trigger a countdown, take a picture with the line and the Arctic Circle sign pole in the background and send it to an email address for free. Getting a picture from the machine can also be a challenging task. After understanding how it works, tourists have to dispute the line with others that also want their pictures with the landmark. This is due to the configuration of the place: one cannot be preparing the settings of the selfie machine and be on the line to prevent other tourists from stealing the spot on the Circle. In the meantime, other tourists are waiting, in starting blocks, along the scene for their turn to be the first to rush to the line and thus “privatize” the landmark for a moment. There is no order or waiting line. The first to be ready, the first to privatize. As soon as the model shows a sign of leaving the line, the rush begins and the fastest one gets the opportunity to perform a series of poses during a few seconds, before leaving for another sight of the Village to consume.

This confusion reveals the competition among tourists to have the landmark to themselves for a short amount of time, where they can interact with it as much as they want. During the short privatization of the landmark, some tourists might use several photographing devices for the same pictures. It is typically the case among the youngest ones that are reproducing the same poses on phones, cameras and on the selfie machine, participating in this “age of electronic images and digital reproductions” (Schwartz, 2004: 18).

‘Border-crossing postures’: striking a pose on the border of the Arctic The hegemony of the selfie era can also be witnessed in moments when visitors have plenty of time at their disposal and no pressures from other tourists waiting around. In these situations, when someone new arrives on the line, her or his goal is to be photographed while executing a series of characteristic postures. Although these postures are 10 Tourist Studies 00(0) not exactly similar from one tourist to another, all tourists “move their bodies in similar ways” (Picard, 2013: 5) and they all suggest the presence and/or the crossing of a line, contributing to the experience of having been in two different places at once (Timothy, 1998). They are particularly identifiable, whether executed by individuals, groups or couples.

The calm of the Arctic is back in the lobby when a group of three female friends in their twenties arrives from the shopping gallery. They are already holding smartphones and their cameras are hanging from their necks. They are talking in a language I cannot understand, however just like any other random tourists, they are engaging in a photographed session of what I call “border- crossing postures.” They each are beginning by photographing the landmark from different angles before one of them decides to stand on the line while her friends were still photographing the landmark and she starts performing a series of specific postures. The first she does is simple: she is standing over the line, a foot on each side of it, with the Arctic Circle pole sign in the background, and pointing at the line. In the meantime, both of the two other friends are taking photographs of her with phones and cameras. She continues with a few more poses: she is jumping over the line, staying immobile while faking crossing it, etc. The two others are also reproducing similar individual postures, with a particular distinction for the third one. Indeed, she is asking to check the photograph several times, until being satisfied with her jump.

In total, this typical scene lasted for approximately 5 minutes. Additional border- crossing postures observed with other tourists included actions like lying or sitting on the ground, along the line. Regularly, in these periods of calm, those being photographed had time to go check the pictures and do some more if she or he was not satisfied with the first ones, revealing a desire for perfection (see Urry and Larsen, 2011).

After asking for information at the tourist office, a group of six Asian tourists begin to interact with the line. At first, they are perpetuating the same ritual of individual postures, just like the three women mentioned above. However, they finish with a group picture using the automatic selfie machine with a posture that evokes the presence of a demarcation line to cross: while one of them is preparing the settings of the machine, the five others are standing on the same side of the line, next to each other. After a few seconds, the sixth person joined the group and simultaneously they start simulating walking over the borderline.

This group of tourists interacted with this landmark for about 7 minutes. This scene, as well as that of the three women, show the relatively short amount of time tourists spend at this Arctic Circle landmark, even when there is no pressure from other tourists. However, in a few exceptions some visitors can spend much more time engaging with the line, such as a couple from Asia who stayed for almost 30 minutes (Figure 2).

I was sitting behind a sledge full of gifts for only five minutes when the couple arrived at the landmark. They are well equipped regarding digital technologies. Both are using their phones and the man is in charge of taking photos with the camera. At first, just like any other tourists, they take individual pictures of each other, reproducing already described individual border- crossing postures: they each take their time in performing a series of different poses, from different angles, with different devices. After the solo pictures, they engage in couple’s selfies. One noticeable posture they repeated several times consisted of the two of them, standing on each sides of the line while holding their hands. Varnajot 11

Figure 2. A couple perpetuating a border-crossing posture at a landmark (Photo: author, November 2017).

How to cross a border when there is no visible line? Outside of the tourist information building, the situation is different. Although this marker is supposed to be the main Arctic Circle landmark of the Village, there is no visible line on the ground. This marked difference to that of the information center has direct consequences on how tourists interact with the landmark. The entrance to a new region while walking across the Circle is perhaps more tacit. Indeed, the previously analyzed border-crossing postures are much less frequent outside than inside where the border is more explicitly “present.” In addition, the presence of the Christmas tree and the digital thermometer attracts tourists to the area of the Arctic Circle, but not to the border line itself. Because they represent symbols of Christmas and Lapland, this means that they attract some tourists that will unknowingly walk around and even stand on the hidden line, and instead, will only photograph the Christmas tree or the thermometer.

Friday, November 24th 2017, 11 am. The temperature is rather cold. The thermometer located nearby the Arctic Circle landmark indicates 15 degrees below zero. Tourists are all around between the “Santa Claus Gift House” and “Santa Claus Office.” They are walking, chatting, taking pictures, some parents are pulling children in sledges, and some other kids are running around playing in the snow. Less tourists seem interested in the Arctic Circle landmark. Among the few that are interacting with it is a couple in their sixties (Figure 3). The man is first standing next to a pillar, relaxed attitude and wearing a red woolly hat. He is posing on the same side where “Arctic Circle” is written. His wife takes five or six pictures in a row before exchanging roles: the photographee becomes the photographer (see Urry, 2002). She is standing at the same spot her husband was seconds ago.

Later that day, two parents with their young daughter approach the landmark. Not surprisingly, they are preparing to take pictures, but not of the Arctic Circle. The father is asking his daughter to stand between two of the pillars, right on the hidden line, with the Christmas tree in the background. They are not photographing the landmark, nor even paying attention to the pillars marking the Circle. After a few photographs of his daughter, the father asks a random person to take a picture of the three of them, still with the Christmas tree in the background. They are now leaving the scene, without having had any direct interaction with the Arctic Circle. 12 Tourist Studies 00(0)

These two examples represented the majority of the observed postures and actions executed at this landmark over the 2 weeks of observation. First, the large majority of individuals interacting with the AC were just standing next to a pillar, which I do not consider as a border- crossing posture, because they are not specific to borders and can be reproduced around various types of monuments. Moreover, there is a common practice among tourists that consist of always taking pictures while facing the Arctic Circle letters. Nevertheless, this shows that when there is no visible line, the Circle is not perceived as a border and that they are unaware of where the two separated territories are. Instead, this location is interpreted, as the various discussions with the tourists revealed, as a symbol of Lapland, wilderness, North or even Santa Claus (see Culler, 1981; Wang, 1999). Second, another large share of tourists do not interact with the landmarks directly. Instead, they may cross the border or stand on it several times inadvertently for a few minutes, their focus on other items. For example, some tourists strike poses, sometimes right where the border line is, just to have the Christmas tree, the thermometer or Santa’s Home in the background. However, there are exceptions, where some tourists emphasize crossing the Arctic Circle with border-crossing postures over the invisible line.

These tourists are easy to recognize. They usually belong to groups and take part in guided tours of the Village, either organized by local companies or by the tourist office of the Village. During the Christmas season, every day on regular schedules, the tourist office organizes free guided tours of the Village. As usual, around noon, an employee from the office, dressed as an elf, approaches the Arctic Circle with a group of about 15 tourists. They all stop before the line and the elf seems to explain the purpose of the landmarks. I cannot hear the discussion but he seems to encourage tourists to perform border-crossing postures (Figure 4). In the group, all tourists jump or emphasize the crossing with specific postures, except the unenthusiastically waiting guide.

Figure 3. A tourist striking a pose at the main AC landmark (Photo: author, November 2017). Varnajot 13

Figure 4. Tourists encouraged to cross the invisible line of the AC (Photo: author, November 2017).

The ritual of border-crossing postures According to Grenier (2007), crossing the Arctic Circle is an “inescapable ritual” (p. 65) for tourists visiting Rovaniemi for the first time. Rituals in tourism have already been widely studied and can refer to three types of ideas. The first one considers the tourism experience as a “ritualized escape” (Picard, 2013: 16) from everyday life. The second one consists in communities’ traditional events or practices becoming tourist attractions. For example, Boissevain (1996) analyzed the commoditization of ritual neighborhood feasts in Malta for tourism purposes. In this perspective, rituals have a cyclic dimension (Turner, 1973) and are promoted as tourist attractions. While the third one refers to rituals as “stereotyped [sequences] of activities involving gestures, words and objects” (Turner, 1973: 1100) performed and reproduced by tourists. Rituals are not seen as periodic practices anymore but as “a collective sense that certain sights must be seen” (MacCannell, 1999: 42) and where certain practices must be performed, such as border-crossing postures in the presence of a line or when tourists know the two different territories separated by a border. This third approach is what Grenier refers to in his 2007 article. Therefore, border-crossing postures can be interpreted as a ritual, as they are series of actions regularly and invariably reproduced by tourists. I define them as recognizable postures, practices or actions that are performed individually or in groups around borders’ landmarks, typically a line, that clearly suggest the crossing of a borderline or the fact of being in two different places at once. I see two main driving forces as to why 14 Tourist Studies 00(0) tourists reproduce border-crossing postures. First, they know the two territories that the border separates, thus by extension they are aware of being in two places at once. Second, they reproduce these postures instinctively when the landmark is a line, without necessarily knowing what the two different places are. In the case of the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, day after day, tourists instinctively reproduce border-crossing postures. However, these specific postures are only noticeably performed when the Arctic Circle line is visible. Lines on the ground, just like lines on maps, are commonly used to represent borders. The intrinsic physical aspect of a line naturally suggests the separation of two territories, thus inciting actions such as entering another territory or being in two places at once. In addition, tourists do not need to know what the two territories separated by the line are in order to reproduce these postures. After discussions with a large number of tourists at the Village, it became clear that they are not aware that the Arctic Circle represents the border between the Arctic and the northern temperate zone. Simply the presence of the line drives tourists to reproduce this ritual of border-crossing postures. In other words, in the context of the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, one can consider that tourists are performing these specific poses without knowing in which new territory they are entering while jumping over the borderline. The motivation of meeting Santa Claus might explain some tourists’ lack of interest and knowledge about the Arctic Circle. This could be expected due to the presence of the Santa Claus Village, which is the main reason why many tourists, and especially families, travel to Rovaniemi. Therefore, the origin of these border-crossing postures does not come from tourists understanding the Arctic Circle as a border; rather it is one of the many symbols of their traveling experience in northern Finland. This idea of tourists not recognizing the Circle as a border is also supported by the fact that when there is no visible line marking the border of the Arctic, they mostly do not perform border-crossing postures, unless there is someone encouraging them to do it. Furthermore, in the case of the Arctic Circle, this ritual seems to be only valid when crossing it from South to North. In tourist brochures, magazines and websites the crossing from South to North is pictured as a heroic act where tourists are depicted as explorers and adventurers. However, objectively, there is no difference in the action of crossing the line from the North or from the South. In both cases, it is simply a crossing. Nevertheless, what makes the South to North crossing more valued is because it is the entrance into the Arctic. In return, crossing the Arctic Circle from the northern side is not perceived as memorable or noteworthy. This ritual of border-crossing postures can also be applied to other types of borders such as relict boundaries (e.g. Hadrian’s Wall or the Berlin Wall), other ghostly lines (e.g. the Prime Meridian or the Equator), reproductions of actual borders (e.g. Korean Demilitarized Zone reproduction in the outskirts of Seoul), and international political boundaries (e.g. Canada-USA) or domestic borders (e.g. Four Corners Monument where Utah, Colorado, Arizona and New Mexico meet) (see Timothy, 2002). This Arctic Circle study acknowledges the connection between a photographic hegemony and the border-crossing postures and the different types of boundaries where border-crossing postures can be performed. The essence of border-crossing postures is to convey images of entering a new territory or being at two places at once: meaning that these poses are intrinsically linked to “visuality” in the tourist experience (see Urry and Larsen, 2011). Visual experiences are, according to Degen et al. (2008), “generated through particular practices, at specific times and places” (p. 1909). Here, Varnajot 15 particular border-crossing postures are performed at the specific moment when one is aware of crossing a boundary and at the specific landmark celebrating that boundary. However, the visual, represented by the act of photographing and being photographed, leads to certain “embodied” choreographies, where performances become ritual corporeal choreographies (Larsen, 2005). The social imperative of taking pictures (Batchen, 1999) and developing technologies associated with the growing use of photo-sharing networks and social media applications (Haldrup and Larsen, 2006) are at the center of these choreographed performances. In addition, tourists were not performing these postures if not photographed. According to Edensor (2001:71), these choreographies are influenced by “pre-existing discursive, practical and embodied norms” that guide tourists to reproduce performances. In other words, border-crossing postures are both “preformed” by a collective sense and then “performed” (see Larsen, 2005).

Conclusion With this article, my goal is to examine the precise moment when tourists cross the Arctic Circle. The results expose the concept of border-crossing postures, referring to specific practices performed at border landmarks. The origin of these border-related practices lies in the visuality of the tourist experience. Indeed, the social imperative of taking pictures during holidays, combined with the physical aspect of the line painted on the ground, naturally invites the visitor to show that they have been in two places at once or that they are entering another territory. In addition, performing these specific postures is also motivated by the collective sense of reproducing preformed images of embodied border choreographies. Therefore, in the context of the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, the visual and the embodied are intertwined and result in a complex combination of motivations that drive tourists to perform, almost unconsciously, border-crossing postures. Although the majority of tourists were unaware of crossing a border at the Arctic Circle, some were fully aware of entering the Arctic. In Rovaniemi, the presence of the Christmas tourism industry undoubtedly influences tourists’ perceptions and interactions with the Arctic Circle. This is especially the case given these tourists have a strong motivation for visiting Rovaniemi in winter specifically to meet Santa and enjoy the Christmas atmosphere rather than “going as north as possible” or “reaching the northernmost region of the world” through places like the Dempster Highway in the Yukon. These border crossings at the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi are also likely to differ from international borders, where tourists would be fully aware of the two territories separated by the border because of more explicit signage and border-related infrastructures (custom offices, countries’ flags, etc.) or because they simply know the country they are leaving and the new one they are entering. Today, in many destinations and tourist sites, including border areas, taking pictures has become a common practice for tourists (Edensor, 2000; Haldrup and Larsen, 2006; Larsen, 2005, 2006; Urry and Larsen, 2011), especially since the development of photographic technologies. For example, with the growing “digitization and internetization” (Urry and Larsen, 2011: 180) of the tourist experience, some applications such as Instagram and Snapchat, some of today’s most used social networks with functions allowing the instant sharing of images, have contributed to the expanding tourist gaze. These relatively recent applications, together with their tremendous growth, have brought various changes to tourist practices 16 Tourist Studies 00(0) and taken the tourist gaze to new levels: tourists, as well as entrepreneurs and boards are using these applications for sharing and promoting destinations and attractions. Despite their rapid expansion, the way these applications might affect both the tourist experience and the tourist destination has been under-analyzed. The development of social media and photo- sharing networks is at the forefront of capturing the practices and processes associated with the tourist gaze, and offers new methodological approaches to better understand and conceptualize our experiences of tourism.

Acknowledgement I am grateful to Prof. Jarkko Saarinen, Dr. Roger Norum, Dr Katharina Koch and Jasmiini Pylkkänen for their valuable feedbacks, suggestions and support.

Funding The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship and/ or publication of this article: This article was funded by the Academy of Finland (RELATE CoE, grant number: 307348).

ORCID iD Alix Varnajot https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5463-3933

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Author Biography Alix Varnajot is a PhD student from the Geography Research Unit of the University of Oulu, Finland, and works on tourism issues in polar regions. His current research interests include tourism experiences in the Arctic; the study of Arctic’s borders in tourism; the making of tourist attractions; and polar cruise tourism.

Article III

Digital Rovaniemi: contemporary and future arctic tourist experiences

Alix Varnajot

Alix Varnajot is based at Abstract University of Oulu, Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate tourists’ representations of the Arctic through the lens Oulu, Finland. of the photo-sharing social network Instagram. The study focuses on the particular tourist experience of crossing the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, Finland, as in tourism, it represents the “official” entry to the Arctic. The study also aims at drawing assumptions about the future experiences of crossing the Arctic Circle, with the development of new technologies such as augmented and virtual realities. Design/methodology/approach – Data were gathered with netnography methodologies on the Instagram social network. The first stage was the observational part and consisted of “lurking” at specific hashtags and locations, both referring to the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi. Data were gathered in December 2018 and consisted of images and descriptions of Instagram posts published by users between June 1, 2018 and December 31, 2018, so data collection encompassed both summer and winter seasons. The second stage was the analysis part and involved interpretive understanding, and especially phenomenological sociology. Findings – Results show that three dominant representations of the Arctic emerge when tourists cross the Arctic Circle. The region is either seen as a frozen fairytale wonderland due to the close proximity of the Christmas industry, as a far and northern destination participating in the realization of the self, and as a territory where summer weather conditions are not necessarily synonymous with the Arctic. In addition, the study acknowledges the future challenges of conceptualizing “Arctic tourism” due to the development of virtual reality technologies that could provide immersive Arctic experiences outside the region. Originality/value – The paper investigates connections between social media studies and tourist experiences in the Arctic context. It also questions the future of Arctic tourist experiences with the development of new technologies enhancing experiences and, thus, potentially threatening the exceptionalism of the Arctic and what makes the region a unique tourism destination. Keywords Instagram, Social media, Tourist experiences, Arctic tourism, Future tourist experiences Paper type Research paper

1. Introduction In recent decades, a significant number of publications have acknowledged the various changes Received 18 January 2019 the Arctic is facing regarding social, cultural, economic and environmental dimensions Revised 16 May 2019 Accepted 20 September 2019 (Gerhardt et al., 2010; Hall and Saarinen, 2010a; Hjort et al., 2018; Hovelsrud et al., 2011; © Alix Varnajot. Published in Keskitalo, 2008). This includes tourism that has seen a tremendous growth in the region in terms Journal of Tourism Futures. of visitor numbers, as well as public visibility and interests (Maher, 2017). In parallel, the Arctic has Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is published also entered a digital revolution, especially in tourism, with the development of social media and under the Creative Commons photo-sharing social networks such as Instagram, which are seen as having notable influences Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. ’ Anyone may reproduce, distribute, on tourists experiences and on how tourists consume and picture the Arctic as a destination. translate and create derivative Nevertheless, the Arctic is a vast region, composed of various climates, societies and works of this article ( for both commercial and non-commercial landscapes (Johnston, 2011). The region also distinguished itself by a strong seasonality that purposes), subject to full attribution offers a wide range of experiences that cannot be completed in a single trip. For example, to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this northern lights and the midnight sun are phenomena that can only be seen in winter and licence summer, respectively. Therefore, several trips in various locations are necessary to fully may be seen at http:// creativecommons.org/licences/by/ experience the Arctic (Saarinen and Varnajot, 2019; Viken, 2013). As Viken (2013, p. 41) notes, 4.0/legalcode “there is no doubt that tourism in the Arctic is different from tourism in other areas.” The reason

PAGE 6 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j VOL. 6 NO. 1 2020, pp. 6-23, Emerald Publishing Limited, ISSN 2055-5911 DOI 10.1108/JTF-01-2019-0009 for such a statement finds its origins in a form of exceptionalism as “very few other geographical regions are labeled as a concept in tourism” (Saarinen and Varnajot, 2019, p. 3). However, little is known regarding the relations between the Arctic as a unique region, social media and tourists’ experiences. However, because the Arctic offers a variety of experiences due to its diverse geography, this study cannot deal with the whole region. Instead, it will focus primarily on Rovaniemi, Finland, a major tourist destination in the circumpolar North. Within Rovaniemi, particular focus is on the tourist experience of crossing the Arctic Circle, which is seen as an inescapable ritual when visiting the city for the first time (Grenier, 2007). The Arctic Circle is the only Arctic border that is celebrated by landmarks and these painted lines, globes or road signs have become tourist attractions (Varnajot, 2019), where tourists stop, take photos and sometimes shop. It is also often treated as the common border to delineate the Arctic region (Viken, 2013), although Arctic tourism can be experienced far south of the Circle, as discussed Varnajot (2019) and Grenier (2011), with icebreaker tours in Kemi, Finland or polar bears safaris in Churchill, Canada. This research paper aims to analyze how the Arctic is experienced while crossing the “magical” Arctic Circle through the lens of the Instagram social network. In order to report these experiences, the study will present how the Arctic has been portrayed on Instagram posts. The rise of the most popular photo-sharing social network is relatively recent, and its relation with tourists’ experiences in the Arctic still needs to be investigated. Thus, the study involves netnography methodologies in order to explore tourists’ representations of the Arctic in Rovaniemi, at the specific moment of crossing the Arctic Circle. In addition, in the last decades, tourism in the Arctic has been globally growing in terms of tourist numbers (see Maher, 2017; Hall and Saarinen, 2010b). In Finnish Lapland, tourist overnight stays increased from approximately 2,000,000 in 2005 to slightly under 3,000,000 in 2018 (Statistics Finland, 2019), including 665,000 in Rovaniemi, representing 22 percent of Finnish Lapland market share (Visit Rovaniemi, 2019). Tourism in the Arctic is expected to keep increasing in the future considering that more and more people have the disposable income to travel (Maher, 2017). Forecasting this growth, as well as how Arctic tourism experiences might change in the future, becomes necessary to anticipate potential challenges for Arctic environments and societies. A number of studies have acknowledged the benefits of augmented reality (AR) and virtual reality (VR) as promising tools in order to enhance the tourist experience (Chung et al., 2018; Jung et al., 2015, 2016; Han et al., 2019; Raptis et al., 2018). Therefore, the paper is also an attempt to draw assumptions about the role of AR and VR in the future evolution of social media such as Instagram and the implications for Arctic tourism experiences. Moreover, the study does not aim at generalizing to the whole Arctic region, but rather to better understand tourists’ practices and representations in Rovaniemi. Section 2 seeks to connect existing literature and discussions of photography and social media to the context of Arctic tourism. The following section presents the research methods and the results are examined in Section 4. The future of social media and AR and VR in relation to Arctic tourism is then discussed in Section 5.

2. Social media, photography and Arctic tourism Kaplan and Haenlein (2010, p. 61) define social media as “internet based applications that build on the ideological and technological foundations of Web 2.0, and that allow the creation and exchange of user-generated content” (see also Kietzmann et al., 2011). They include blogs (Blogger), business networks (LinkedIn), collaborative projects (Wikipedia), enterprise social networks (Yammer), microblogs (Twitter, Tumblr), photo-sharing (Instagram, Flickr), products and services review (TripAdvisor), social bookmarking (Pinterest), social gaming (World of Warcraft), social networks (Facebook), video-sharing (Instagram, YouTube, Vimeo), virtual worlds (Twinity) and other forums (Gaia Online) (Aichner and Jacob, 2015). Although there is a wide diversity of social media, they all present three common characteristics (Zeng and Gerritsen, 2014). First, they are online-based services that allow users to construct a public profile, to connect with other users and to interact with them (Boyd and Ellison, 2007). Second, they started as peer-to-peer communications and interactions between users (Patel, 2013), whereas now some of them have evolved to become tools to communicate destination images and promote travel products and services by the tourism industry (Huang, 2011;

VOL. 6 NO. 1 2020 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j PAGE 7 Thelander and Cassinger, 2017). Third, they create virtual communities (Li and Wang, 2011). As of October 2018, the most popular social media in terms of active users were Facebook (2.2bn), YouTube (1.9bn) and WhatsApp (1.5bn) (Statista, 2018). Nevertheless, the distinction between types of social media has become intricate as applications add new functions transcending the above-mentioned categories. For example, Facebook, a social network, allows the sharing of photos and videos; Instagram, a photo- and video-sharing mobile application, allows private chats between users, etc. Furthermore, in contrast to the static Web 1.0 where users have minimal interactions, in Web 2.0, also known as the social web (Tavakoli and Mura, 2018; Weber and Rech, 2010), contents are “produced by consumers to be shared among themselves” (Xiang and Gretzel, 2010, p. 180). According to Tavakoli and Wijesinghe (2019, p. 49), “this characteristic has proved to be a valuable tool for both customers and providers in the tourism industry,” to such an extent that Leung et al. (2013) considered social media as a “mega-trend” that has significantly affected the tourism industry. In line with this, users have become the “media” themselves via collaborations and sharing, and thus social media has empowered consumers as they can create, post, comment and form online communities (Li and Wang, 2011; Pan et al., 2007). The rapid growth of social media has implications for many aspects of tourism. Indeed, social media increasingly influences how tourists are planning their trips, especially in the phases of information search and decision making (Cox et al., 2009; Kim and Fesenmaier, 2017; Lo et al., 2011; Yoo and Gretzel, 2011). However, the use of social media among consumers for travel planning created competition with destination management organizations (DMOs) and private businesses (Lo et al., 2011). In order to cope with this issue, social media platforms also became marketing tools (Chan and Denizci Guillet, 2011; Huang, 2011; Munar, 2010; Thelander and Cassinger, 2017). Across the Arctic, there are many examples of DMOs using Instagram for promotion, such as Travel Yukon, VisitSweden, VisitGreenland, VisitRovaniemi or the Northern Norway Tourist Board. On Instagram, DMOs usually work with reposting users’ photos and videos. For example, on their respective home pages, the Northern Norway Tourist Board and Visit Greenland indicate “tag @northernnorway to give us permission to repost on our […] channels” and “use #GreenlandPioneer or #VisitGreenland to get a chance to be featured!.” Some private tourist companies also use Instagram as a marketing tool like Iceland Travel, offering tours in Iceland, the Faroe Islands and Greenland, Ilulissat Adventure, providing tours in the Disko area, or SantaPark and the Santa Claus Office, both of them based in Rovaniemi, Finland. Additionally, in parallel, the role of social media in tourism emerged as a research topic with the first publications appearing in 2007 (Leung et al., 2013; Zeng and Gerritsen, 2014). Nevertheless, the Arctic region was left out of these studies. In their review of social media in tourism publications, Zeng and Gerritsen (2014) found that the most examined regions were Western Europe (Spain), Asia (China), North America (mainland USA) and Australia. Instagram, originally designed as a mobile application, allows users to post photos and videos on their profile gallery, which can be edited with filters and organized with hashtags and location information. The essence of the app is thus intrinsically linked to “the visual,” which is the core of John Urry’s theory of the tourist gaze (1990, 1992; see also Urry and Larsen, 2011; Dinhopl and Gretzel, 2016). According to Lo et al. (2011), photography and travel are connected from a historical perspective as photography and mass tourism emerged approximately at the same time (Urry, 1990), and because photos both document and shape the tourist experience (Haldrup and Larsen, 2003; Larsen, 2008). Instagram, and other photo- and video-sharing applications, such as Snapchat, Vine or TikTok, emerged from the development of digital photography, characterized by relatively new technologies (smartphones, numeric cameras connected to Wi-Fi services, digital storage, etc.), by social network sites, and by instantaneous, mobile and consumable images (Belomenou and Garrod, 2019; Gretzel, 2017; Murray, 2008; Rubinstein and Sluis, 2008; Urry and Larsen, 2011). The digitization and internetization of images is considered as “the latest moment in this history of tourist photography” (Urry and Larsen, 2011, p. 180). In the Arctic, tourism is dominated by nature-based activities (Maher et al., 2014; Johnston, 1995, 2011; Saarinen, 2005; Saarinen and Varnajot, 2019), including sightseeing (on cruises or snowmobiles, by helicopter, during treks) and fauna safaris. Maher (2010) examined that experiencing iconic Arctic landscapes (icebergs, pristine vistas, national parks, etc.) and animals (birds, whales, polar bears, etc.) are predominant motivations among cruise tourists

PAGE 8 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j VOL. 6 NO. 1 2020 in the Canadian archipelago. Other Arctic phenomena such as the northern lights or the midnight sun are also on the bucket lists of tourists visiting Arctic regions (Heberlein et al., 2002; Mathisen, 2017). Photography is thus intrinsic to sightseeing and wildlife viewing (Markwell, 1997; Valentine, 1992; Wood et al., 2013), showing again the intertwined connection between tourism and photography. In addition, Gretzel (2017, p. 116) noted that photographs are also “important in relation to communicating the essence of one’s travel identity.” In other words, photographs and social media posts construct narratives and are presentations of the user, the traveler (Bosangit et al.,2015; Lo and McKercher, 2015). In parallel, Maher et al. (2003) and Eijgelaar et al. (2010) found that tourists visiting the Polar regions can come back as ambassadors. Maher et al. (2003, p. 208) defined this “ambassadorship” as the process of advocating the preservation of the continent (by) those who have been to “the Ice” and so have a first-hand experience of the values [being sought] to protect.” This ambassadorship process leads to the ethical transformation of the tourist (Eijgelaar et al., 2010; Weaver, 2005). Being an ambassador of the Polar regions becomes part of travelers’ identities, and social media, like Instagram can be used as a tool for users in order to present themselves as such. Nevertheless, no empirical studies have been done on the role of social media in polar tourist ambassadorship processes. However, Vila et al. (2016) raised concerns about the virtue of having been to the Arctic, and more generally to the Poles. Ambassadorship is a positive effect, but how can we be sure tourists do not act as “mere voyeurs scrambling to get a last peep at a vanishing paradise?” (Vila et al., 2016, p. 452). Indeed, the Arctic is attracting tourists for its vanishing landscapes and wildlife, in a trend known as last-chance tourism (Lemelin et al., 2012). The growing media attention regarding climate change impacts on the vulnerable Arctic environments has become the reason many tourists visit the region before it is irrevocably changed (Hall and Saarinen, 2010c; Lemelin et al., 2010; Eijgelaar et al.,2010; Johnston et al., 2012). Behind this trend is the motivation to immortalize features of the Arctic via photos and videos, and potentially sharing the last polar bear, the last glacier or the last iceberg on a users’ Instagram before they are gone. Although this presents ethical issues (Dawson et al., 2011), they are beyond the scope of this paper.

3. The research method To examine tourists’ experiences through the lens of Instagram, I conducted netnography, a “qualitative method designed specifically to investigate the consumer behavior of cultures and communities present on the internet” (Kozinets, 1998, p. 366; see also Tavakoli and Wijesinghe, 2019). Designed by Robert Kozinets in the late 1990s, netnography is the use of adapted ethnographic techniques to study virtual communities on online platforms (Whalen, 2018). In this study, netnography was conducted on the mobile phone photo- and video-sharing social network Instagram. Created in 2010 (Hu et al., 2014), it is today the fastest growing network site (Gretzel, 2017; Sheldon and Bryant, 2016), as showed a video posted on June 20, 2018 on the official Instagram account, celebrating 1bn active users (Instagram, 2018). The application “provides users an instantaneous way to capture and share their life moments” (Hu et al., 2014) with other members through pictures (and videos since 2013). More recently in 2016, new functions were added allowing users to share their contents differently with “stories” and live videos. Stories are pictures or videos that can be modified with effects and layers, and added to user profiles, whereas live videos allow users to broadcast themselves live. Contrary to classic photos or videos posted in a user’s gallery, stories and live videos are not permanent. Live broadcasts and stories disappear immediately after ending and 24 h after posting, respectively. The methodology was partly inspired by Gretzel’s study of travel selfies (2017), where the observational part of the study was “lurking” at specific hashtags and locations (see Sheldon and Bryant, 2016). Data were gathered in December 2018, following these specific hashtags: #arcticcircle (200,000 posts), #santaclausvillage (45,000 posts), and #rovaniemi (380,000 posts), as well as specific locations: “Rovaniemi,”“Santa Claus Village” and “Arctic Circle – Lapland.” Nevertheless, the selection still represented around 600,000 posts to analyze. In order to scale down the selection, for each hashtag and location, I did not consider the numerous posts that were not directly connected to the study, including videos. For example, when “lurking” at #arcticcircle, posts were not only referring to the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi but to all locations

VOL. 6 NO. 1 2020 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j PAGE 9 around the circumpolar North where the Arctic Circle is marked on the ground, or to places located far north or far south of the actual landmarks. In addition, Arctic Circle landmarks had to be seen on the studied posts. Following Gretzel’s methodology, “interactions with Instagram users were not initiated and the data collected was therefore comprised of photographs” (Gretzel, 2017, p. 119), including their descriptions, when available. I also limited the analysis to the posts concerning the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi posted from June 1, 2018 to December 31, 2018. This timeframe is beneficial for covering both summer and winter seasons and examining potential seasonal differences. During this period, Lapland experienced warm temperatures during the summer, sometimes reaching +30°C, while the beginning of the winter particularly suffered from the lack of snow, to such an extent that British tabloids renamed Lapland as “Crapland.” In the end, up to a hundred posts were analyzed and the most relevant were captured via screenshots. Analysis of the data involved interpretive understanding, and especially phenomenological sociology, to use Schwandt’s terms (2000). Phenomenological sociology aims at interpreting our own and other’s actions in order “to understand how social reality, everyday life, is constituted” (Schwandt, 2000, p. 192), which brings a sense of collectivity. Varnajot (2019) demonstrated that the performance of typical practices that he called “border-crossing postures,” while crossing the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, originates in a collective sense that typical practices must be performed at certain sites (see MacCannell, 1999). Therefore, the analysis aimed at understanding collective and global trends relating to representations of the Arctic, when tourists are at the “exact moment of entering the Arctic” (for further discussion about tourism and borders of the Arctic, see Varnajot, 2019).

4. Crossing the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi reported on Instagram Traditionally, the tourist experience has been defined as a linear and temporal process (Craig-Smith and French, 1994; Jennings, 2006) divided into three phases, namely the pre-trip, during-trip and post-trip phases (Gretzel et al., 2006; Kim and Fesenmaier, 2017; Leung et al., 2013), and each of these phases is characterized by their own functions. During the pre-trip or anticipatory phase, tourists are preparing, planning, making decisions, expecting, anticipating, looking at Instagram posts regarding the up-coming journey or excursion (Huang et al., 2010; Tussyadiah et al., 2011). The during-trip or experiential phase naturally refers to the time spent at the site of the vacation, during which tourists take part in activities, taste new food, visit sights, take photographs, shop, or cross the Arctic Circle when visiting the Santa Claus Village, etc. (Cohen, 1979; Wang et al., 2012). In the post-trip or reflective phase, tourists are documenting, reminiscing and sharing their trip with relatives or on social media (Pan et al., 2007), which will potentially be used by other tourists planning a trip to the same destination (Kim and Fesenmaier, 2017). Nevertheless, some scholars (Botterill and Crompton, 1996; Jennings and Weiler, 2006; Uriely, 2005; Urry, 1990) have argued that the tourist experience is more complex due to the inherently personal and reflective character of the experience, but the linear process still represents the basic structure of the tourist experience. Although “sharing” has been traditionally associated with the post-trip phase of the tourist experience, the growing use of smartphones, as well as the development of technologies and available Wi-Fi services, allows users to post their photographs while still on-site (Wang et al., 2012). New technologies and new functions of social media applications tend to modify and reshape the basic structure of the tourist experience, and now one can share his or her own experience in both the during-phase and the post-phase of the trip (Gretzel, 2010). Therefore, whether the different analyzed Instagram posts were published during or after the trip cannot be determined. It is now well established that taking pictures has become a common practice for tourists (Batchen, 1999; Edensor 2001; Haldrup and Larsen, 2006; Larsen, 2005, 2006). In line with this, Varnajot (2019) has acknowledged the close connection between photography and crossing the Arctic Circle and has developed the idea of “border-crossing postures” that are actually poses aimed to be photographed with regular cameras or smartphones and potentially posted on Instagram. Although every post on the application is unique, three main trends emerged from the analysis of posts referring to the Arctic Circle in

PAGE 10 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j VOL. 6 NO. 1 2020 Rovaniemi: it is perceived as a magical line; its crossing is an achievement of being North. In addition, other posts referred to unexpected weather conditions while in Rovaniemi, especially in summer.

The Arctic Circle is seen as a magical line In a tourist magazine about Finnish Lapland (Kuznetsov, 2018, p. 30), the Arctic Circle is promoted as “a gateway to the world of fairytales and stories,” anyone crossing it becomes younger and this is the secret of Santa Claus’ old age. If these lines were purposefully written for the sake of the mystery of Christmas, similar thoughts can be found on Instagram from tourists’ posts, associating the Arctic Circle with magic (Figure 1). This can be expected due to the unmissable presence of Santa Claus, the enchanting atmosphere around the Arctic Circle and the intertwined local history between the Arctic Circle and the establishment of the Christmas industry (see Pretes, 1995; Rusko et al., 2013; Tervo-Kankare et al., 2013). Although in Rovaniemi the Arctic Circle was turned into a tourist attraction before the establishment of the Santa Claus industry, nowadays the primary reason for international tourists to visit the city, and especially the area of the Arctic Circle, is to meet Santa Claus and to enjoy the Christmas spirit (Varnajot, 2019). Santa Claus has become a powerful brand for Rovaniemi (Hall et al., 2008; Tervo-Kankare et al., 2013), overtaking tourists’ interests in the Arctic Circle. To use Dean MacCannell’s words (1999), the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi has entered the “enshrinement” phase of the sight sacralization process, where the primary attraction becomes secondary. This is also showed in the Instagram post of some visitors (Figure 2): “we made it to Santa’s Village in Rovaniemi, Finland, which meant crossing into the Arctic Circle.” In addition, the association of the Arctic Circle with Santa Claus can be seen through the Christmas-related hashtags associated with posts mentioning or showing the Arctic Circle (Figures 1 and 2). The most common of these were, for example, “#santaclausvillage,” “#christmas,”“#xmas” or “#santaclaus.” In the context of Rovaniemi, this evidences the close and intertwined connections of the Arctic Circle with the Christmas industry as well as the location of the place, namely the Santa Claus Village.

Crossing the Arctic Circle is an achievement The second trend regarding the perception of the Arctic Circle is the realization of self and this can be observed through three types of Instagram posts. First, crossing the Arctic Circle makes some tourists realize where they are on the planet, especially how north they are, sometimes with references to latitudinal coordinates. Figure 3 illustrates this transformation of the self: “it is easy to understand that a trip to this part of the world gives you sort of an impression of being at the end of this world,” although Bruner (1991) mitigated this self-realization among Western tourists and according to him these hyperbolic descriptions would be the consequences of exaggerated commercials in promotion discourses. Rojek (1993) and Galani-Moutafi (2000) went further

Figure 1 The Arctic Circle as a magical line

VOL.6NO.12020 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j PAGE 11 Figure 2 The Arctic Circle associated with Santa Claus

and argued that tourism was confirming one’s view of the world, rather than transforming it, implying a realization of prejudices and preconceived thoughts. Second, crossing the Arctic is seen as an experience to collect as Figure 4 shows. According to Timothy (1998, p. 126), “collecting places refers to a process whereby locations visited are enumerated and wherein there is a desire to visit additional places.” This is also known as bucket list tourism (Thurnell-Read, 2017). In the context of the Arctic Circle, other geodetic lines, or ghostly lines as named by Ingold (2007), like the Equator, the Tropics or the Prime Meridian can be other elements of this particular bucket list. In both cases of the realization of the northern location and bucket list tourism, crossing the Arctic Circle is seen as an achievement. Nevertheless, sometimes, the realization of the self might lead to disappointment, although this situation does not represent the majority of the analyzed Instagram posts. Figure 5 shows the lack of excitement in crossing the Arctic Circle from north to south: “after Nordkapp – an Arctic Circle in a way back is not such an amazing experience.” Indeed, the crossing of the Arctic Circle is only portrayed as a heroic deed when performed from south to north. It is supposed to depict the entry to the purposefully misrepresented hostile and uncivilized Arctic (Varnajot, 2019).

Unexpected weather at the Arctic Circle Finally, the third trend that emerged from the analysis is the reference to weather conditions while at the Arctic Circle. A thermometer showing the current temperature is located near the line symbolizing the Arctic Circle and tourists often take photographs of it, especially when the temperatures are extreme. If it might be assumed that tourists want to prove they have endured rather cold temperatures in winter on the one hand, in summer, on the other hand, posts on

PAGE 12 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j VOL. 6 NO. 1 2020 Figure 3 The Arctic Circle seen as the end of the world

Note: For ethical reasons, all following screenshots from Instagram have blanked names and covered profile pictures

Instagram tend to present the stupefaction of experiencing warm temperatures “above the Arctic Circle,” as Figure 6 shows. This was especially the case in summer 2018, due to relatively warm temperatures. These reactions indicate the assumption that a warm Arctic does not fit with tourists’ representations and expectations of the circumpolar North. Indeed, the Arctic is often portrayed by outsiders and for outsiders (Viken, 2013) as a cold and frozen region with a white environment, rough climatic conditions as well as wild, uncivilized, untouched and pristine landscapes (Hall and Johnston, 1995; Hall and Saarinen, 2010a). These representations find their origins in popular adventures and heroic stories reported on TV shows, myths and all sorts of narratives such as the exploits of Roald Amundsen, the tragedies of the Brusilov and Franklin expeditions, or the recent survival movie “Arctic” starring Mads Mikkelsen (Fjellestad, 2016; Sæþórsdóttir et al., 2011). In other words, from the point of view of some tourists, the term “Arctic summer” might appear as an oxymoron (Saarinen and Varnajot, 2019), because warm weather does not fit with outsiders’ preconceptions of the Arctic. Although strong seasonality is intrinsic to the Arctic, its reality is often excluded from these mental pictures. As a result, in Rovaniemi, the Arctic Circle is pictured (and promoted) as the gateway to the Arctic, and is therefore supposed to be the border between the “temperate zone” and the necessarily cold Arctic.

5. Discussion: the future of Arctic tourism experiences Although the relatively new functions of social media, including allowing live sharing, are still expanding among users, it is rather possible topredictthenearfutureofsocialmediain tourists’ practices and how it will look in the years ahead. The population with disposable income to travel will continue to increase, as will the number of tourists visiting the Arctic (Maher, 2017), and they will potentially keep sharing their experiences via social media. However, drawing on assumptions about the further future becomes more intricate without falling into science fiction. In parallel, technologies like AR and VR are expected to

VOL.6NO.12020 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j PAGE 13 Figure 4 Crossing the Arctic Circle as a bucket list item

Figure 5 Crossing the Arctic Circle from North to South is not so exciting

PAGE 14 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j VOL. 6 NO. 1 2020 Figure 6 26°C at the Arctic Circle

develop in tourism and open new opportunities to enhance and reshape tourist experiences (Han et al., 2019). While AR already exists at some Arctic Circle landmarks, VR has not yet reached its full potential. Indeed, when one crosses the Arctic Circle at SantaPark, a Christmas- related theme park located in Rovaniemi, cold wind and sound effects are triggered to emphasize the entrance to the Arctic (Varnajot, 2019). In that context, AR “uses fixed installations at certain locations such as theme parks and retail outlets, enabling virtual augmentations for on-site users” (Han et al., 2019). Conversely, VR produces virtual environments that can be reproduced anywhere and being on-site is not necessary. According to Kim and Hall (2019, p. 237), “VR can be defined as an interactive digital-generated medium that enables participants to experience simulated environments.” Then, what could happen to Arctic tourist experiences when social media and VR merge? According to Kaku (2011), by 2100 we will be able to use brain sensors or internet-connected eye lenses; artificial intelligence and telekinesis will be part of our environment and daily life (see Yeoman, 2012). Nevertheless, this remains hypothetical. As mentioned earlier, social media currently belong to Web 2.0, wherein users (tourists, tourism boards and companies) can share experiences and promotion materials. With the development of synergies between humans and computers, social media from Web 2.0 could merge with Web 5.0, which is a sensorial and emotional web (Benito-Osorio et al., 2013) resulting in complex interactions between human beings and computers. The combination of both webs would result in a “social Web 5.0,” wherein tourists could interact with connected Arctic Circle landmarks for example, and share more images and live videos, but also temperature sensations, scents, tastes and all other kinds of immersive experiences via advanced social media platforms and devices. In addition, such advanced VR technology would provide adaptive and personalized features (Raptis et al., 2018) based on users’ representations and preferences, in order to reach their respective ultimate experience. For example, if one would want to experience the crossing of the Arctic Circle in the Yukon with real-time winter conditions (light, snow, whiteness) but would prefer summer Mediterranean temperatures at the same time, it could be possible to personalize the parameters and create a unique crossing of the Circle. Tourism entrepreneurs and boards could also take advantage of such VR technologies by offering promotional experiences as marketing tools. For example, Bogicevic et al. (2019) analyzed how VR can be used to deliver integrated tourist experiences prior to their stay at hotels. In line with this, marketing through VR technologies could be used for promoting tourist activities or destinations (Kim et al., 2019) and could adapt at different scales. It seems difficult to predict the implications of these technologies on tourists’ representations of the Arctic. As the data analysis showed, crossing the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi is perceived as a magical action for some tourists. Whereas the Arctic Circle is a natural phenomenon and has objectively nothing magical, the presence of the Santa Claus industry turned the line, into a magical boundary, via promotion materials that have influenced tourists’ representations (Varnajot, 2019). Manipulation as a marketing strategy through advertising has been well studied over the last decades (see Campbell, 1995; Danciu, 2014; Hildebrand et al.,2019;

VOL.6NO.12020 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j PAGE 15 Jin, 2018; Kirkpatrick, 1986). By virtually reproducing sights, landscapes or cultural visits, VR could become another tool for manipulating tourists’ imaginaries regarding the Arctic, especially if the virtual Arctic world is reproduced by outsiders. In line with this, the data analyses also showed that crossing the Arctic Circle could provide feelings of achievement among tourists. Nevertheless, how would it be possible to reproduce these feelings when the user is aware he is not physically entering the Arctic? The same challenge occurs regarding the magical feeling. Indeed, the feeling of being in a magical place when crossing the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi comes from a general atmosphere provided by music from hidden speakers, the feel of walking on snow, the architecture, decoration of the surrounding buildings, etc. The feeling of magic comes from a combination of different parameters that might be challenging to reproduce for VR experiences. These two examples show some of the future challenges VR will have to face regarding the existential authenticity of the self (see Wang, 1999). Furthermore, other challenges will appear at larger scales. Indeed, as Gretzel (2010, p. 1) noted, “technology transforms the relationship between the traveler and the traveled space, as well as the experience of time.” The Arctic is usually perceived as a far, remote and often inaccessible region (Fjellestad, 2016) and this is what probably makes tourism in the Arctic unique (Saarinen and Varnajot, 2019; Viken, 2013). Switching on a button and finding yourself sailing in the Ilulissat Icefjord in a few seconds, for example, would certainly affect this uniqueness. In addition, Gretzel (2010, p. 17) continues arguing that “real adventure is where the mobile phone won’twork.” In other words, adventure tourism takes place in remote and wilderness areas, characterized by a lack of common means of transportation and no connections to main networks, which makes survival increasingly difficult (Castells, 1996) and which includes risks (Rantala et al., 2018). The Arctic is known for hosting various adventure tourism activities such as kayaking in Svalbard or glaciers hiking in Iceland. In the future, these activities could be reproduced virtually and transform tourists in “virtual adventurers.” Although the term “virtual adventurer” is by definition an oxymoron because of the lack of risks, VR could still offer immersive Arctic adventure experiences. However, this questions the definition of Arctic tourism. Indeed, can activities taking place in a virtual Arctic environment, but really happening in Paris or Tokyo, still be considered as Arctic tourism? In the context of Rovaniemi as well, similar questions can be raised. For example, if visiting the Santa Claus Village, where the main Arctic Circle landmark is located, becomes virtually possible, can virtual visitors claim to have “officially” entered the Arctic? This calls for new considerations about the future of the concept of Arctic tourism, about its nature, its actual and virtual geographies.

6. Conclusion Social media is evolving rapidly and has greatly influenced the tourist experience in terms of preparation and anticipation, behaviors on-site, but also when sharing with relatives and followers. Social media, combined with the development of new technologies, now allows tourists to share and instantly document their experiences. Functions of the during-trip and the post-trip phases have merged under the umbrella of photo- and video-sharing networks such as Instagram, creating online communities. Although these communities are virtual, they exist as they share information, ideas or prejudices and participate in the building of individuals’ representations. The study of Instagram posts revealed that, at the moment of crossing the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, three main trends were revealed in tourists’ representations of the Arctic region. First, the Arctic is perceived as magical; second, entering the Arctic is seen as an achievement allowing the realization of the self; third, the region in summer does not fit with the popular social construction of a cold and frozen Arctic. These three main representations are not illustrative of the whole Arctic, but instead aim at understanding what makes Rovaniemi “Arctic” from the tourists’ perspectives. Sharing experiences has always been an intrinsic aspect of tourism. It first started with relatives and friends via photographs and now with unknown followers via posts and hashtags on photo-sharing networks such as Instagram. The future developments of AR and especially VR promise more immersive experiences for users. In parallel, applications and devices that can allow the sharing of such future tourist experiences are also expected to adapt to the transition from the current social Web 2.0 and a potential social Web 5.0. Modes of sharing

PAGE 16 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j VOL. 6 NO. 1 2020 experiences already adapted to the “digitization and internetization” of the history of tourist photography (Urry and Larsen, 2011, p. 180) and the next transition should be no exception. The rapid rhythm of innovations in tourist experiences leads to new challenges for researchers as they need to follow these new technologies and constantly adapt their methodologies. In the late 1990s Kozinets developed netnography (1998, 2002) in order to study relatively recent online communities. Following the growing amount of data created online, as well as increasing interactions between computers, human beings and communities, Kozinets et al. (2018, p. 1) acknowledged that “netnography must change” and adapt to these transforming technologies. They offer a glimpse of what future online research might look like with the development of “auto-netnography,”“netnographic sensibility” or “more-than-human netnography” (Kozinets et al., 2018). However, according to Tavakoli and Mura (2018), these new forms of research will bring the issue of lack of authenticity in online data gathering, compared to traditional ways of collecting empirical data and they suggested that these new forms of netnography should be complemented with classic ethnographic methods for triangulation of data (see Kozinets, 2002). Nevertheless, in regard to the Arctic context, netnography presents some advantages over traditional ethnographic studies. In the context of limited research funding, netnography considerably reduces the costs of research, especially in the Arctic, wheresomeremoteareasarestillexpensivetoaccessandtoliveinforthetimeofthefieldwork (Whalen, 2018) and where some populations are still difficult to reach (Mkono, 2013; Wu and Pearce, 2014). Additionally, netnography is less time consuming than traditional ethnographic fieldwork methods, as information is readily accessible (Whalen, 2018). Future Arctic tourist experiences enhanced by VR will provide new ways of “experiencing the Arctic” and this will question the future of Arctic tourism as a concept. Defining Arctic tourism is an almost impossible task (Maher, 2007) due to the diversity of the region in terms of landscapes, climates, societies and available tourist activities. New discussions and framing are needed for better conceptualizing Arctic tourism. These evolving Arctic experiences can provide some clues for a future conceptualization of Arctic tourism, primarily based on experiences rather than on a spatial perspective.

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Corresponding author Alix Varnajot can be contacted at: [email protected]

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VOL.6NO.12020 j JOURNAL OF TOURISM FUTURES j PAGE 23 Article IV

Bad Santa: cultural heritage, mystification of the Arctic, and tourism as an extractive industry

Vesa-Pekka Herva, University of Oulu, Finland Alix Varnajot, University of Oulu, Finland Albina Pashkevich, Dalarna University, Sweden

Abstract: This article assesses the construction of cultural geographies of the European far North through an exploration of how Arctic motifs and imaginaries are used in the Christmas tourism industry in Finnish Lapland, and particularly in the city of Rovaniemi, which advertises itself as the ‘Official Hometown of Santa Claus’. Specifically, we draw parallels between Christmas tourism and Arctic mining by examining the similarities and interconnections between them. This highlights how these industries are related to the Arctic landscape they operate in and how both are ultimately embedded in similar cultural perceptions of and engagements with Lapland dating back centuries. A long-term perspective on Arctic geographical imaginaries enables a critical assessment of how the tourism and mining industries are both steeped in the exoticization and mythologizing of the Arctic on the one hand and in a tradition of material and symbolic exploitation of northern resources on the other. This approach helps researchers to highlight a problematic character of the current development of Christmas tourism in Lapland.

Keywords: Arctic, Christmas tourism, cultural imaginaries, extractive industries, cultural heritage, Lapland, resources

Introduction

In December 2018, a Coca-Cola ‘Christmas truck’ toured Finland for the first time. Familiar from TV commercials around the globe since the 1990s, the vehicle – a US-made and Finnish-owned truck taped over with Coca-Cola Christmas imagery and rigged with elaborate Christmas lights – generated substantial public and media interest in Finland already before the beginning of the tour. The truck reportedly caused a serious traffic jam in Oulu, one of the largest cities in Finland, as people queued to see the vehicle when it was on show at a hypermarket outside the city centre.1 More interestingly, the 2018 Finnish tour was the first time that a Coca-Cola Christmas truck crossed the Arctic Circle. This took place just north of Rovaniemi, the provincial capital of Finnish Lapland and a globally leading centre of Christmas tourism since the 1980s (Figure 1). The Coca-Cola Company’s media releases celebrated the crossing of the Arctic Circle, which included the truck’s visit to the Santa Claus Village, a premier tourist attraction in Rovaniemi. The company highlighted the Finnish connection of their iconic Santa Claus figure that was

1 Pirttikoski , ”Coca-Colan joulurekka”.

1 Figure 1. A Coca-Cola truck exhibited outside a hypermarket in Rovaniemi. originally designed in the 1930s by the son of a Finnish emigrant to the United States.2 Local tourism operators were excited over the global advertising value that the Coca-Cola truck’s tour brought to Lapland and its tourism industry.3 This marketing event, and how it was portrayed in the media, echoes a range of cultural tropes, some ancient and others more recent, associated with ideas of the North and the Arctic in the context of tourism and beyond. The Arctic, and Lapland in particular, has long featured as an exotic and mystical fantasyland in European mindscapes and Christmas tourism predominantly taps into this imagery. The specific spectacle that was made of the Coca-Cola truck’s crossing of the Arctic Circle is rooted in a centuries-long cultural tradition of how the Arctic is perceived, represented and engaged with. It is also replicated in everyday tourism practice in the Santa Claus Village, with visitors ‘ritually’ entering the Arctic by stepping over the line marking the Arctic Circle at the site.4 Lapland tourism is soaring today and the Santa Claus Village in Rovaniemi is expanding rapidly, but this current boom has very long roots. Lapland has attracted European travellers especially since the eighteenth century, but the interest in and curiosity about the far North dates back to Arctic exploration since the ‘age of discoveries’ and ultimately to the classical Graeco-Roman antiquity (c. 800 BC to AD 500).5 The ‘true’ geographical Arctic was not really known in the ancient world, but the idea of the far North fascinated

2 https://www.coca-cola.fi/stories/coca-cola-joulurekka-pysaehtyi-napapiirillae-ensimmaeisen-kerran (25 June 2019). 3 E.g. Visit Rovaniemi (25 June 2019). 4 Varnajot, “Walk the line”. 5 See Byrne, Geographies of the Romantic North; Andersson Burnett, “Abode of Satan”

2 3 classical Greeks and Romans who located the nebulous lands of Hyperborea and Thule there.6 Various modern concepts and perceptions of the Arctic are founded on and reflect this classical heritage of imagining the far North, including the ambiguous perception of the North as a mystical enchanted realm on the one hand and a barely inhabitable, uncivilized land of untapped resources on the other.7 In this article, we explore contemporary Christmas tourism in Finnish Lapland in relation to the long-term cultural histories and ideas of the North, dialoguing our research on Christmas tourism with the rich scholarship of various disciplines (e.g. history, geography and anthropology) with diverse specific aspects of ‘the North’. The North and the far North are relative terms which do not have any fixed geographical reference, but in the context of this article we generally use them to refer to the circumpolar and Arctic regions of Europe – that is, the Nordic world (or Fennoscandia) and particularly its central and northern parts. These regions are characterized by taiga and tundra landscapes and are historically, culturally and geographically somewhat different from the ‘South’ of the Nordic world.8 Our more specific geographical focus is on Finnish Lapland, a province that is mostly located above the Arctic Circle. Since classical antiquity, the far North – as an idea and actual geographical region – has fused realities and imaginaries in a prominent manner, which has also affected concrete engagements with the European Arctic. While Christmas tourism taps into Arctic fantasies, it is simultaneously, even if less obviously, grounded on the long-standing notions of the far North as a resource space and an arena for resources exploitation, as we discuss in this article. Our conceptualization of Christmas tourism as a form of extractive industry is, first and foremost, a metaphor. Tourism is a very different industry to mining, of course, but acknowledging its direct and indirect links to resource exploitation in the Arctic nonetheless affords a fresh angle on how Christmas tourism extracts and appropriates historical and cultural resources in Lapland, and the implications that this has for local communities. The notion that Christmas tourism extracts cultural resources for its own purposes may seem somewhat shallow and superficial, but as we will show in this article, these two industries intersect, or are entangled with each other, in a number of historical and cultural ways. Arctic tourism and extractive industries are both subject to debates related to, for example, sustainability, nature preservation, land use, and indigenous rights.9 The Arctic environment is recognized to be particularly vulnerable in the face of environmental and climate change, which emphasizes the importance of responsible and respectful engagements with the Arctic.10 Christmas tourism has been assessed from this and several

6 Davidson, The Idea of North; Naum, “Between Utopia and Dystopia”. 7 Naum, “Between Utopia and Dystopia”. 8 Hall, Müller and Saarinen, Nordic Tourism: Issues and Cases. See also Herva and Lahelma, Northern Archaeology and Cosmology for a long-term perspective. 9 E.g. Hall and Saarinen, “Polar Tourism”; Palma et al. “Cruising the Marginal Ice Zone” 10 Hovelsrud et al., “Arctic Societies, Cultures and Peoples”.

3 other perspectives recently,11 and it is well known today that tourism in general generates multiple problems, many of which are relevant also in the specific context of Finnish Lapland. We take a number of these issues and assess them in a culturally and temporally deeper setting, specifically in relation to the ambiguous cultural legacies of imagining the far North,12 and how these legacies are still present in contemporary practices of Christmas tourism. The dialoguing between Christmas tourism, Arctic mining and the cultural ideas of the far North enables the repositioning or recontextualizing Christmas tourism. This way our approach seeks to provide a clearer view on the exploitative character and negative impacts caused by Christmas tourism (through, for instance, misappropriation of local cultural heritage) and also the entanglement of Arctic mining with fantasies of the far North. The long-term entanglement of tourism and mining with imageries, in turn, is critical to understanding the roots of the conflicts and controversies around Arctic tourism and mining; that is, how they go far beyond immediate and ‘rational’ concerns.13 The damaging character of Christmas tourism to local communities in Lapland is ultimately grounded on colonialist ideas and practices reproduced within tourism, however unintentionally and unknowingly. The colonialist heritage is more obvious in some elements of Christmas tourism than in others, but a key point, nonetheless, is that what might initially appear as a harmless fantasy has rather dark undertones to it. This colonialist heritage also brings together the dualistic perceptions of the European far North, as referred to above, and provides a context and setting for a deeper examination of Christmas tourism in relation to extractive industries. While it may not be readily obvious, there is a dark side to the cultural exploitation of Christmas tourism: it draws resources from the local natural and cultural environment in a manner that threatens local communities, even though it is commonly regarded as an economic imperative in Lapland today. This also explains, in part, the excitement generated by the Coca-Cola truck. In this article, we analyse various aspects of Christmas tourism and mining in relation to each other and imageries of the Arctic and dialogue between the past and present. More specifically, we trace connections and entanglements – some more obvious and direct than others – between Arctic tourism and extractive industries in Lapland, and how they are grounded on similar ideas and perceptions of the European far North. Rather than a specific set of data subjected to a formal analysis, we employ a broadly hermeneutic approach and a ‘deep contextualization’ of various features of Christmas tourism. Thus, we dialogue between our own ethnographic observations at Christmas tourism sites and the previous research on Santa Claus tourism in the region on the one hand and the histories of imagining Lapland and the European Arctic on the other.

11 See Grenier, “The Diversity of Polar Tourism”; Hall, “Santa Claus, place branding and competition”; Hall, “Changement climatique”; Hall, “Will Climate Change Kill Santa Claus”; Saarinen and Tervo, “Sustainability and Emerging Awareness”; Rusko et al., “Coopetition, Resource-Based View and Legend”; Tervo-Kankare et al., “Christmas Tourists’ Perceptions”; Castéran and Roederer, “Does authenticity really affect Behaviour”; Falk and Vieru, “International Tourism Demand to Finnish Lapland”. 12 Cf. Komu, “Dreams of Treasures”. 13 Cf. Komu, Pursuing the Good Life in the North.

4 5 Background: Santa Claus and Christmas tourism in Rovaniemi

Rovaniemi is the leading centre of Christmas tourism in the Nordic countries and has ‘the greatest concentration of Santa and Christmas related infrastructure in terms of theme parks and activities as well as the most overt use of Santa in branding’.14 The city of Rovaniemi has branded itself as the ‘official hometown of Santa Claus’,15 and more specifically where his ‘urban office’ is located, as the Finnish folklore holds that Santa’s actual home is on the Korvatunturi fell, in a remote and almost inaccessible region in north-eastern Lapland. This folklore originates from 1927, when Markus-setä (‘Uncle Markus’), the host of a popular Finnish radio show, announced Korvatunturi as the home of Santa Claus. This also marks the beginning of the mystification of Lapland in relation to Santa Claus.16 The radio show ran for 29 years and helped to ‘embed the Lapland Christmas story in Finnish contemporary folklore’.17 It was not until the 1980s, however, that Santa Claus was really harnessed for developing tourism in Finnish Lapland. Indeed, the Finnish Tourism Board established a Santa Claus Work Group in 1984 with the goal of promoting the idea that Lapland was the ‘true’ home of Santa Claus.18 In addition, the governor of Lapland declared the province as ‘Santa Claus Land’ the same year and the arrival of the first charter flight of the Concorde supersonic airplane from Heathrow to Rovaniemi generated substantial international media attention.19 Today, some 35 years later, Visit Finland (a national destination management organization) asserts that ‘everyone knows the one and only Santa Claus is Finnish and lives in Lapland. However, as the exact location of his hideaway is not known, it is best to head to his Rovaniemi office.’20 The Santa Claus Village in Rovaniemi was opened in 1985 and has subsequently become the centre of Christmas tourism in Lapland (Figure 2).21 The Village was established eight kilometres north of the town itself, where small-scale tourism facilities connected to the Arctic Circle landmark were already in place. The village, which included catering services and souvenir shops, was constructed in close proximity to the wooden cabin built in the 1950s, when Eleanor Roosevelt visited Rovaniemi.22 From the tourism industry perspective, the Santa Claus Village and the various Arctic Circle landmarks are gateways and beyond them, lies the ‘real Arctic’.23 14 Hall, “Santa Claus, Place branding and Competition”, 61. 15 Visit Rovaniemi (21 February 2019). 16 M. Pretes, “Postmodern Tourism”. 17 Tervo-Kankare et al., “Christmas Tourists’ Perceptions”, 296. 18 Hall, “Santa Claus, Place Branding and Competition”, 59-67; Pretes, “Postmodern Tourism”. 19 Grenier, ‘The diversity of polar tourism’, pp. 55-72; Pretes, ‘Postmodern tourism’, pp. 1-15. 20 Visit Finland (25 February 2019). 21 Pretes, “Postmodern Tourism”; Rusko et al., “Coopetition, Resource-Based View and Legend’; Tervo- Kankare, et al., “Christmas Tourists’ Perceptions”; Varnajot, “Walk the Line”. 22 Löytynoja, “The Development of Specific Locations”; Timothy, Tourism and Political Boundaries; Zelinsky, “Where Every Town is Above Average”. 23 See Viken, “What is Arctic Tourism”.

5 Additionally, an underground amusement park, SantaPark, was opened right next to the Santa Claus Village in 1998 (Figure 3). Built in an unused bomb shelter, SantaPark markets itself as the ‘Home Cavern of Santa Claus’ and as the only place in the world where the Arctic Circle can be crossed underground.24 Meeting Santa Claus is a central experience in both the Village and the Park, with opportunities to have a short chat and pose for a photograph with Santa. Besides this core activity, gravitates a host of other Christmas-, Lapland- or Arctic-related activities (Figure 4). For example, the Santa Claus Village provides opportunities for shopping, taking snowmobile, husky or reindeer rides, sending letters and postcards from Santa’s (official) post office, as well as exploring the Moomin Snowcastle. In SantaPark, the visitor can venture into an ice gallery, learn how to be an elf at the elf school, bake pastries with Mrs Gingerbread, attend an elf show, or mail letters and postcards from (another) Santa’s post office. Also, accommodation and catering services are provided in both locations. The tourism industry in Rovaniemi has expanded significantly since the mid-1980s. In 2018, Rovaniemi – a town of approximately 35,000 inhabitants – registered about 664,000 overnight stays, 444,000 of which were by foreign visitors.25 Some 225,000 people visited the Santa Claus Village during its first year of operation and today around 400,000 visitors venture in the Village annually.26 The main groups of visitors by nationality in terms of overnight stays in Rovaniemi comprise of Chinese (49,100 visitors), British (39,400), French (33,100), Israeli (28,900) and Germans (28,800).27

24 Varnajot, “Walk the Line”. 25 Visit Rovaniemi (22 February 2019). 26 Pretes, “Postmodern Tourism”. 27 Visit Rovaniemi (22 February 2019).

6 7 Figure 2. A view on the Santa Claus Village in Rovaniemi. The poles with electric lanterns are supposed to mark the Arctic Circle, with Santa’s office right beyond the line in the background.

Figure 3. Entrance to SantaPark in Rovaniemi.

7 Figure 4. Summary of Santa Claus attractions in Rovaniemi.

Tourism and mining in Lapland

Tourist operators frequently express criticism towards mining operations in Lapland because tourism and mining have conflicting interests as regards land use and the environment. Modern mining disrupts and often pollutes the areas it exploits, whereas the tourist appeal of Arctic Europe is founded primarily on the idea of an untouched wilderness that mining compromises.28 Historically, however, tourism and extractive industries have co-existed and intersected on the northern reaches of Europe for a long time: Lapland has appeared as an exciting destination to travellers and an arena for smaller or larger scale industrial mining for centuries. Indeed, the great northern mines in the peripheral regions of central and northern Sweden, such as the Falun mine, were themselves among the important tourist attractions already in early modern period.29 Mining operations act as tourist attractions also today in many parts of the world,30 including the Nordic countries. For instance, mining history is the primary attraction of Outokumpu, a small mining town in the south-eastern part of Finland, whereas Falun has been a UNESCO World Heritage site since the year 2001, and mining landscapes in Malmberget or Kiruna in northernmost Sweden are also available for tourist consumption. Besides their historical connections, tourism and mining are thematically linked in two ways in the European far North (and beyond). Firstly, while mining may appear as a distinctively rational and economic endeavour, it echoes age-old dreams of the North as a source of riches and treasure.31 Historically, these riches have come in diverse forms, from amber and unicorn horns (narwhale tusks) to gold and other metals since ancient times.32 This dream-like fantasizing about riches may not be explicit in the context of contemporary large-scale mining, but it is prominent in the context of Lapland’s gold

28 Saarinen, ”Tourism in Northern Wilderness”. 29 Naum, “Enchantment of the Underground”. 30 E.g., Pretes, ”Touring Mines and Mining Tourists”. 31 Komu, “Dreams of Treasures”. 32 Davidson, The Idea of North; Nordin, “Metals of Metabolism”; Komu, “Dreams of Treasures”.

8 9 prospecting. This heritagization and romanticization of gold digging is presumably connected to the small scale of the prospecting, as well as the perception of gold as a ‘pure’ and ‘noble’ substance and an archetypal stuff of treasures, which fit in the broader dream-like construction of Lapland. Industrial mining began in Arctic Sweden (a part of which Finland and Finnish Lapland were at the time) in the 1630s, with the discovery of silver ore in Nasafjäll,33 although extractive industries had been central to the Swedish economy and to the country’s national identity since the Middle Ages.34 In the seventeenth century, the Falun mine alone produced two-thirds of the copper used in Europe,35 which in part explains the curiosity that European travellers had for the northern mines as awe-inspiring and enchanted places where advanced technology was entangled with the magical experience of the subterranean world in a strange land.36 The ‘southern’ (or non-local) interests in the northernmost reaches of the continent have been fuelled, since early modern times, by a combination of curiosity and mapping of economic and symbolic resources ranging from (real and imagined) orebodies to antiques supposedly demonstrating the Arctic origins of all civilization.37 Secondly, although this connection between Arctic tourism and mining may not be self- evident, both are embedded in a sense of, and engagement with, the extraordinary. That Lapland is an enchanted land of magic should be evident by now, but mining sites also resonate closely with mystery and otherworldliness. Places underground have apparently been regarded and experienced as extraordinary since the later Stone Age.38 There is a wealth of historical and contemporary material to indicate that the world underground defies the normal order of things; it is effectively an unfamiliar realm inhabited by non- humans.39 In this view, the Arctic and the world underground are similar, a connection that features later in this paper with regard to Christmas tourism in Rovaniemi. The Lapland gold rushes from the later nineteenth to the later twentieth century provides further examples of linkages between mining and tourism. Although much smaller in scale, the Lapland gold rushes can be compared to the more famous Alaskan and Californian rushes, and the dreams of wealth boosted an interest in the northern fringes of Europe similarly as they had done several times before. The discoveries of placer gold deposits resulted in the construction of infrastructure in Lapland and that directly and indirectly contributed to and benefited the development of tourism in the region.40 Diverse traces of gold prospecting are in evidence in Lapland’s landscapes and these are often utilized for the purposes of tourism. Sites of interest include, for instance, the Gold Prospector Museum in Tankavaara, Sodankylä, a place which witnessed one of the

33 Nordin, “Metals of Metabolism”. 34 Evans and Rydén, Baltic Iron in the Atlantic World. 35 Heckscher, An Economic History of Sweden. 36 Naum, “Enchantment of the Underground”. 37 Nordin, “Metals of Metabolism”; Naum, “Between Utopia and Dystopia”. 38 Tilley, ”The Neolithic Sensory Revolutions”; Herva and Lahelma, Northern Archaeologies and Cosmologies. 39 Fors, The Limits of Matter; Kroonenberg, Why Hell Stinks of Sulfur; Herva and Lahelma, Northern Archaeologies and Cosmologies. 40 Partanen, Sankareita, veijareita ja huijareita.

9 Lapland gold rushes in the twentieth century. Intriguingly, the gold deposit in Tankavaara was, according to a well-established story, originally found with the guidance of a spiritual being.41 The largest gold mine operating in Europe today is also located in Finnish Lapland (Suurikuusikko in Kittilä), but modern large-scale mining and its legacies are not utilized in the context of Lapland tourism. The amethyst quarry in Luosto is the only modern extraction site that is used as a tourist attraction, perhaps because amethyst as a semi- precious gemstone resonates with the extraordinary character of Lapland and the Arctic; that is, because crystal chambers are special places that fit in with the idea of an enchanted North. The theme of underground wonders comprises a rather surprising contact point between mining and Christmas tourism in Rovaniemi, as will be discussed later. While Lapland’s gold history has not been explicitly associated with Christmas tourism, both resonate with the idea of the far North being a place where dreams can come true, and where reality is intertwined with the extraordinary and fantastic. Moreover, Christmas tourism in Rovaniemi employs the idea of the enchanted underground, as we discuss later. The stories of the supernatural associated with Lapland’s gold history42 provoke a sense of mysticism around prospecting in a broadly similar manner as Santa Claus with his magical Arctic attributes does. The allure of Lapland gold crystallizes the age-old idea of the North as a place of material and symbolic riches in a modern-world context; gold is an archetypal example of wealth and treasure, almost like dreams materialized. Christmas tourism likewise taps into, and draws from, these northern dreams, imaginaries and fantasies.

Santa Claus and the Arctic: images and marketing

Christmas is generally associated with snowy and cold environments,43 and therefore, Santa Claus and Christmas-related tourism activities have been developed across the circumpolar North, from Fairbanks in Alaska to Salekhard in Yamal-Nenets okrug and Yakutsk in Sakha Republic, Russia, to Gällivare in northern Sweden – not to mention Finnish Lapland.44 Arctic elements – such as snow, aurora borealis and reindeer – are integral to the marketing and tourist experiences of Christmas tourism destinations. Santa Claus and his Arctic attributes are widely known around the globe, which makes Santa Claus, in Hall’s view,45 potentially the strongest brand in the world. Besides snow, the reindeer has developed into a symbolic animal of the Santa Claus imaginary and folklore, and it has been widely employed in marketing strategies and tourist experiences across Lapland. The reindeer is a semi-domesticated animal that is closely associated with the indigenous Sámi people, although reindeer herding is also 41 Launonen and Partanen, Guide to the Goldfields. 42 Ibid. 43 Rusko et al., “Coopetition, Resource-Based View and Legend”. 44 Hall, “Santa Claus, Place Branding and Competition”. 45 Hall, “Santa Claus, Place Branding and Competition”; Hall, “Changement climatique”.

10 11 practised by ethnic Finns.46 The tourism industry portrays the reindeer as a magical animal, as exemplified by the UK-based company, Santa’s Lapland,47 whose description of the animal on their website blurs the boundary between history and fairy tale. Indeed, on the same webpage, the reindeer is referred to as a magical animal in a poem and to a semi- domesticated animal being intrinsically part of Lapland and the Arctic. A similar example of the magical reindeer is found in the FAQ section of the SantaPark48 website where the question is posed: ‘How does Santa travel at Christmas?’ and SantaPark’s storyline goes: ‘The answer to how Santa manages to distribute so many gifts in such a short time is one of the world’s most closely guarded Santa secrets. We can reveal that the differences in time zones and the speed of Santa’s reindeer play a part.’ The lore of the reindeer as a special animal has a long historical pedigree that dates back several centuries49 and is not an invention of the tourism developers in Finnish Lapland. The Northern Lights (aurora borealis) are another Arctic motif employed by marketers of Christmas tourism. Like the reindeer, aurora borealis comprise an important element of the ‘mystical’ image and experience of the Arctic and the ‘Arctic fantasyland’,50 together with other celestial events, especially the midnight sun in summer and the polar night in the winter. Northern lights have intrigued and puzzled travellers and scholars for centuries – their nature has been discovered only recently – and they do indeed make quite a haunting spectacle in the northern skies.51 The aurora borealis comprise a central tourist attraction and aurora hunting is an important tourist activity in Lapland and elsewhere in high latitudes.52 Because the Northern Lights are a rather unpredictable natural phenomenon, however, tour operators cannot guarantee their occurrence and aurora chasing is therefore often combined with other activities, with the possible seeing of the Northern Lights crowning the experience of the magical North.53 In Rovaniemi, aurora hunting is coupled with Sámi-related activities, such as ceremonies in a lávvu, visiting a reindeer farm or having ‘traditional’ food, as well as reindeer or husky sleigh rides, snowmobile tours, ice floating and visiting a zoo (in Ranua, 80 km from Rovaniemi) and the Santa Claus Village.54 Sámi cultural motifs – such as the shaman drum and dolls wearing ‘Sámi’ clothes – are prominent decorative elements in the setting of the Santa Claus Village and a rich variety of Sámi-inspired souvenirs are available in the shops there (Figures 5-6). The Village also offers husky sleigh rides which have become a common tourist activity in Lapland, apparently because they are ‘Arctic’ in the

46 Leu and Müller, “Maintaining Inherited Occupations”. 47 Santa’s Lapland (06 March 2019). 48 SantaPark (06 March 2019). 49 See e.g. Núñez, “Changing Visions of the Mythical Reindeer”. 50 Mathisen, “Northern Lights Experiences”; Jóhannesson and Lund, “Aurora Borealis: Choreographies of darkness and light”. 51 See Falck-Ytter et al., Aurora. 52 Amoamo and Boyd, “Shifting Images”; Bertella, “Photography and Northern Lights Tourism”; Saarinen and Varnajot, “The Arctic in Tourism”; Tervo, “The Operational and Regional Vulnerability”. 53 Mathisen, “Northern Lights Experiences”. 54 See Saarinen and Varnajot, “The Arctic in Tourism”.

11 popular imagination, although there is no historical or cultural background for the use of huskies or husky sleighs in Sámi or Finnish communities. Huskies indeed exemplify the Disneyfication of the European Arctic in a generally similar manner as the Coca-Cola’s Santa Claus figure represents the Disneyfication of Christmas. Imagined traditions and practices and the generic ‘winter wonderland’ imagery employed in Christmas tourism have a myriad of harmful impacts on local communities – as well as the local tourism industry itself – as we discuss in the next sections.

Figure 5. Dolls dressed in hats and clothes imitating the traditional Sámi headgear and clothes (gákti) for sale in SantaPark.

12 13 Figure 6. Imitations of Sámi shaman drums in a souvenir shop in Lapland.

Extracting resources in the enchanted Arctic: a long-term perspective

While Christmas tourism engages with the image of a wondrous and otherworldly Arctic world, it was not originally produced within the modern tourism industry, but is founded on centuries (and indirectly millennia) long imaginaries of the North within (metropolitan) European culture. For ancient Greeks, the far North was Hyperborea, the land ‘beyond the North Wind’, a utopian place inhabited by happy people devoted to the worship of the sun-god Apollo,55 while Christianity tended to picture the North in equally otherworldly but otherwise opposite terms as a dark land of Satan and witchcraft.56 Although these ancient notions were not associated with the real (geographical) Arctic, they became entangled with the European perception and understanding of the Arctic in the early modern period when the exploration of and engagement with the northern reaches of the continent truly began.57 From a metropolitan European – and indeed even southern Scandinavian – perspective, Lapland and Arctic Europe have been, and still are, poorly known and surrounded by an aura of mysticism. Lapland featured as a place of natural and supernatural marvels including strange phenomena, such as aurora borealis and the midnight sun, the ‘exotic’ Sámi people, and diverse (mythical) non-human and spiritual beings. From this perspective, Lapland comprises a ‘natural’ setting for Santa Claus with his

55 Ísleifsson, “Introduction: Imaginations of National Ihyperbdentity and the North”. 56 Davidson, The Idea of North; Andersson Burnett, “Abode of Satan”. 57 See e.g. Byrne, Geographies of the Romantic North; Naum, “Between Utopia and Dystopia”; Herva et al. “Alternative Pasts and Colonial Engagements”.

13 elves and magical reindeer, all of which are effectively supernatural, extraordinary beings. Simultaneously, however, the far North of Europe has always been conceived as a primitive and uncivilized land with real and imagined riches – a resource periphery. Since prehistory, northern lands have provided the European world with amber, a substance with peculiar properties. The amber extracted from the Baltic Sea shores fascinated the ancient Greeks and Romans who specifically associated it with an unknown and mystical far North.58 In the Middle Ages, high latitude regions supplied Europe with dried fish and fur, whereas minerals and forest products have been the key resources drawn from the European circumpolar North over the last centuries.59 The first mining boom in the region took place already in the seventeenth century and the northernmost parts of Sweden later emerged as a leading mining region in the world, as exemplified by the Kiruna iron ore mine, while the Europe’s largest gold mine, as mentioned earlier, is located in Finnish Lapland. Arctic extractive industries are deeply, even if not always readily obviously, entangled with the age-old imaginaries of the European far North where real and imagined riches and treasures supposedly await.60 Resources are culturally and socially constructed; they are products to which certain values are assigned.61 Gold illustrates this particularly well, as it has been regarded as highly valuable for thousands of years although gold had little ‘practical’ use.62 Many Arctic resources are distinctly material, but Lapland has also been a source of intangible resources for centuries. For instance, Lapland provided resources for early modern Swedish antiquarians to make the case that the original homeland of all civilization was traceable to Arctic Sweden.63 Christmas tourism similarly exploits symbolic or intangible resources, and specifically the cultural images and fantasies related to the far North. Tourist operators and tourists themselves ascribe certain values and meanings to the Northern landscape and thus bring them into the domain of touristic consumption, which in turn mediates and manipulates (however subtly and unconsciously), the perceptions and understanding of the Arctic. For example, Saarinen and Varnajot have explored how indigenous Sámi culture is exploited and manipulated for tourism purposes through ‘Arctic Circle crossing ceremonies’.64 The extractive practices conducted within the Lapland Christmas tourism industry can potentially have highly negative impacts on local communities although – and dangerously – some of those impacts may be difficult to identify, including the negative impacts on local cultures and ways of life. At the bottom of it, the extraction of cultural fantasies for the purposes of Christmas tourism is problematic because it sustains narrow images of the Arctic and casts them in a stereotypical mould. The extraction of cultural elements

58 Ahl, “Amber, Avallon”; Hughes-Brock, “Amber and the Mycenaeans”; Ragazzi, “Amber, a Stone of Sun”. 59 Naum, “Between Utopia and Dystopia”; Nordin, “Metals of Metabolism”. 60 Komu, “Dreams of Treasures”; Herva and Lahelma, Northern Archaeology and Cosmology. 61 Bridge, “Material Worlds”; Avango et al., “Assessing Arctic Futures”. 62 See further Schoenberger, “Why Is Gold Valuable”. 63 Herva et al., “Alternative Pasts and Colonial Engagements”. 64 Saarinen and Varnajot, “The Arctic in tourism.”

14 15 for the purposes of Christmas tourism is particularly problematic with regard to the indigenous minority, the Sámi, whose culture is exploited for the benefit of the tourism industry. This exploitation of the Sámi follows a long tradition of Europeans’ fascination with the ‘exotic’ indigenous people, dating back to the later seventeenth century when the first ‘ethnographic’ treatise of the Sámi65 was written and widely read in Europe, in part also inspiring European travellers to venture to the exotic far North.66 The use of the drum as a decorative element in the Santa Claus Village, for example, represents just the latest stage of its misappropriation. The roots of this particular misuse of the Sámi culture can be found already in the early modern period with Europeans collecting these drums for their museums and destroying them as part of missionary activities in Lapland.67 The shaman drum is a powerful symbol of both the Sámi and of colonialism in the European Arctic. Denmark and Sweden have been involved in colonialist ventures since the early modern period and northern Fennoscandia was one target area of colonialist ideas and practices, whose heritage can still be seen today.68 Both Christmas tourism and Lapland mining must be understood against this background of how colonialist ideas are continuing to be reproduced through modern ways of perceiving Lapland. Colonialism looms large behind the ambiguous attitudes towards Lapland, including its exoticizing and ‘Othering’, as well as treating it as a resource to be exploited. The Christmas tourism industry in Lapland extracts and employs three kinds of cultural resources: first, local cultures and livelihoods, particularly the indigenous Sámi; second, age-old, deeply-embedded and still powerful European imaginaries of the ‘mystical’ northernmost reaches of the continent; and third, the generic Arctic imagery with little or no connection to the specific realities of the European far North. Seen from this perspective, the Santa Claus figure appears as a white male colonialist and something of a ‘great extractor’ at a time when there is a lot of concern and debate around the negative effects of mass tourism and its exploitive character in many European destinations.

Snow and other illusions: the real, the imaginary and the authentic

Mining tends to be presented as a rational (economic and technological) pursuit, but it is also deeply entangled with fantasies or matters ‘beyond the rational’, as studies in history, folklore and anthropology demonstrates.69 These studies show that mines as underground places resonate with ideas and a sense of a non-human world that affords strange experiences, often elusive and illusory in character. Here mines and Christmas tourism are

65 Schefferus, Lappland. 66 Byrne, Geographies of the Romantic North. 67 Nordin, and Ojala, “Collecting Sápmi”. 68 See further Naum and Nordin, “Introduction”. 69 E.g. Hand, “California Miners’ Folklore”; Fors, The Limits of Matter; Naum, “Enchantment of the Underground”; Komu, “Dreams of Treasures”; Fløgstad, Pyramiden.

15 on common ground again: both involve engaging with illusion-like (or magical) dimensions of reality. ‘Ghostly’ experiences in mines encompass visions and peculiar sounds, colours and lights,70 which are comparable with the ‘otherworldly’ experience of such natural Arctic phenomena as the Northern Lights, or of an artificial Arctic environment like the entrance of SantaPark, wherein visitors are led though a tunnel with ‘Arctic’ sounds such as wolves howling and snow storms. Illusions are characteristic to the northern world, as exemplified by ‘the Arctic mirage, refraction of light, creating the appearance of islands, ships or cities where none could actually be.’71 The play of light, ice, snow and other constituents of Arctic environments create a spectral world. Ice has been a wonder in itself in southern latitudes and rock crystals were thought of as ‘super-ice’ in the ancient world.72 Snow, in turn, is a central to the wonderland illusion that the Santa Claus Village seeks to produce, and is a key element in an ‘authentic’ magical Lapland in general.59 Snow is an exotic substance to many people living outside circumpolar regions and therefore has special marketing potential, but the reliance on snow brings problems with it. First, it profoundly misrepresents the European Arctic as a land of eternal snow and ice, when in fact it has four distinctive seasons, with lush green summers that stand in stark contrast to mid-winter landscapes. Second, snow-winters are predicted to shorten in the coming decades.73 Even today, snow cannot be guaranteed in Rovaniemi in December, which feeds anxiety among the tourist operators expecting a white Christmas and disappointment among tourists because a proper Christmas experience needs snow. For example, during the early winter 2018–2019, British tabloids nicknamed Lapland as ‘Crapland’. According to them, a winter wonderland does not exist without snow, which becomes obvious when visiting the Santa Claus Village during the summer months. The place looks and feels mundane, even slightly absurd with the tarmac and other less charming features visible, but with the loudspeakers still playing Christmas carols. Ironically, this reflects the Arctic realities characterized by extremes and distinctive seasonality, which in the Arctic is usually perceived as an advantage, given the vast range of potential experiences and activities to be offered to tourists.74 Nevertheless, in the case of the Christmas tourism industry, the high seasonality intrinsic to the Arctic and in the light of the climate changes becomes harmful. Whether it is because or despite of building on illusions, Christmas tourism operators in Lapland are eager to emphasize the authenticity of the experience that they provide – while simultaneously compromising it in practice. The Visit Finland website,75 for instance, summarizes Lapland with three figures, ‘190,000 reindeers, 749 fells, 1 Santa Claus’. Nevertheless, in Rovaniemi alone, one can meet several ‘official’ Santas in a single

70 Hand, “California Miners’ Folklore”. 71 Davidson, The Idea of North, 60. 72 Davidson, The Idea of North. 73 Hall, “Changement climatique”; Tervo-Kankare et al., “Christmas Tourists’ Perceptions”. 74 Hall, “Will Climate Change kill Santa Claus”; Jylhä et al. “Climate Change Projections”. 75 Visit Finland (25 February 2019).

16 17 day: two at Santa Claus Village and one in SantaPark, not to mention the several other destinations in Lapland offering longer and more private meetings with Santa Claus in, for instance, Kuusamo, Kittilä and Saariselkä. As Hall notes, ‘the fact that there are so many Santa tourism options available in Lapland may even call to question the uniqueness of the Lapland Santa experience’, especially when other ‘travel operators […] promote holiday packages as being more authentic than those available in Rovaniemi.’ 76 Authenticity is a particularly tricky notion in the context of Santa Claus tourism, given that Santa Claus is ‘is a western cultural product: a simulacrum, a copied image for which no original exists.’77 Santa Claus experiences, attractions, sites, settings or products are ex- nihilo tourist constructions, although employing and combining diverse cultural resources from the late antiquity St Nicholas to age-old perceptions of the North. The Santa Claus Village can be regarded as a Disneyfied mass-tourism attraction, whereas smaller enterprises in Lapland are promising ‘more authentic’ experiences. This ‘authenticity’ comes with a price, though, as a more exclusive (and usually 1–2 h long) meeting with Santa can cost anything between EUR 90 and 250 per person.78

Crossing boundaries between the worlds

Tourism and mining in the Arctic both involve crossing boundaries between the ‘normal’ world and an ‘otherworld’, venturing into places that are special and different; just like the world beyond the Arctic Circle which has long been considered a place that defies a normal order of things. Boundaries and crossing them are integral to Christmas tourism in Rovaniemi. The Arctic Circle is significant in this respect, but the boundary between the worlds above and below the surface of the ground is equally, even if less obviously, significant and brings tourism and mining together again. The Arctic Circle is an imaginary line denoting the latitude where the midnight sun and the polar night can be observed continuously for at least 24 hours a year. The Arctic Circle is clearly marked in the Santa Claus Village in Rovaniemi (see Figure 2), but it cannot be directly perceived or experienced due to its intrinsic invisibility. Nonetheless, the Arctic Circle’s crossing has long been invested with cultural meanings.79 Indeed, it has emerged as a tourist ritual on its own, with visitors to the site keenly documenting their stepping over the Arctic Circle.80 Indeed, both Santa Claus Village and SantaPark enables ‘fixing’ the otherwise elusive Arctic Circle in place and render it as something more tangible. The same applies to the town of Rovaniemi, which for all practical purposes is located on the Arctic Circle, and thus makes a fitting ‘gateway’ to Lapland and to the Arctic. The

76 Hall, “Santa Claus, Place Branding and Competition”, 62. 77 Pretes, “Postmodern Tourism”, 14. 78 See Magic of Lapland (27 February 2019); Levi Tourist Office (27 February 2019); Pohjolan Pirtti (27 February 2019); Visit SeaLapland (27 February 2019). 79 Nuttall, Encyclopedia of the Arctic. 80 Grenier, “The Diversity of Polar Tourism”; Timothy, “Collecting Places”; Varnajot, “Walk the Line”.

17 special character of Rovaniemi is also expressed materially in such forms as the city’s reindeer-head-and-antler urban plan designed by the world-famous modernist Finnish architect Alvar Aalto. Given this ‘liminal’ location of Rovaniemi on the border of the Arctic, it is curiously fitting that, when Santa Claus tourism really started in the 1980s, British tourists were flown to Rovaniemi on Concorde. Concorde was an extravagant supersonic passenger plane that could not really make use of its speed on European routes, and was mainly operated on cross-Atlantic routes. In other words, Concorde was characteristically a plane suited for going to ‘faraway’ places, travelling between worlds (‘Old’ and ‘New’). In this view, harnessing a Concorde on a voyage to the Arctic seems strangely appropriate: a special vehicle for travelling to a special place, the extraordinary far North. The cultural notion of the Arctic Circle as a boundary, although invisible, between ‘this world’ and a northern ‘otherworld’ makes this particular line to defy a ‘normal’ order of things, such as the sun not rising or setting at certain times of the year. In the European cultural imagination, the North and northerners have been thought to have a special relationship with the sun since classical antiquity and the turning points of the solar year – the winter and summer solstices – have been culturally significant in many cultures since prehistoric times.81 Given the universal centrality of the sun and the deep cultural significance of its annual cycle, it is perhaps expected that the Arctic Circle ‘made visible’ in the Santa Claus village appeals to tourists, whether or not (generally probably not) they are even aware of the deep cultural undercurrents of, or reasons for this fascination. Whatever the specific reasons for it, the Arctic Circle has emerged as a key element in the mystification of the Arctic. Tourism websites and magazines commonly describe the Arctic Circle as a magical line. For example, a brochure widely available in Lapland muses that the Arctic Circle is the ‘gateway to the world of fairy tales and stories’, and ‘that crossing the Arctic Circle might make you younger, and this is the secret to [Santa’s] old age.’82 In addition, tourists are advised to take part in ‘Arctic Circle crossing ceremonies’, with a ‘shaman’ leading the ritual and telling stories and legends about Lapland, thus seeking to make the entry to the Arctic a special experience.83 All kinds of boundaries in the landscape, whether natural or human-made, have often had magical and cosmological qualities in pre-modern cultures.84 The surface of the ground – the boundary between the ‘ordinary’ world above and the ‘extraordinary’ one below – constitutes one of such culturally significant boundaries around the globe since prehistoric times. For instance, circumpolar cultures have traditionally been characterized by a broadly shamanistic understanding of the world – the idea that there are other worlds beyond ‘this world’, with certain places in the landscape and certain practices enabling entering these ‘otherworlds’ that are domains of non-human supernatural beings and

81 See e.g. Davidson, The Idea of North; Herva and Lahelma, Northern Archaeology and Cosmology. 82 All About Lapland, p. 30. 83 See Saarinen and Varnajot, “The Arctic in Tourism”. 84 See e.g. Knapp and Ashmore, “Archaeological Landscapes”.

18 19 powers. Crossing this boundary between the upper world and the world beneath – whether by means of entering natural caves, digging holes or mining – has been deeply meaningful in the circumpolar North since the Neolithic Stone Age.85 For thousands of years, the world underground, and what it yields, has been both central to human life and an alien, non-human world subject to fear and fascination. This theme of the underworld also features in the context of Christmas tourism in Rovaniemi, specifically in SantaPark. SantaPark identifies itself as the only place in the world where it is possible to cross the Arctic Circle underground. Their website86 announces that ‘Underneath the Arctic Circle, deep beneath the ground, lies Santa’s secret cavern where it’s Christmas all year round!’, although the park is actually open only in the two high tourist seasons from late June to mid-August and from mid-November to mid- January. The world beneath the surface of the ground has long-standing associations with the past, the dead, eternity and the non-human. The portrayal of SantaPark resonates with long-term perceptions of the world underground as a magical, timeless place where visitors can ‘Hop on the Magic Train and travel through enchanting worlds’,87 not dissimilarly from how the underground mines have been described and experienced during and after mineral exploration.

Conclusion

Today, Christmas tourism represents a well-established industry in Finnish Lapland, particularly in Rovaniemi, and it builds on a mix of ‘exotic’ elements drawn from a temporally layered real and imagined far North, such as the Arctic Circle, the reindeer and the indigenous Sámi. Both Lapland tourism and mining industries draw from centuries old images, imaginaries and fantasies of the European Arctic as a utopian land of the plenty and, at the same time, a primitive resource periphery. This article has shown that both aspects come together in the context of Lapland Christmas tourism. Although this entanglement of the two industries is not readily obvious, we have shown that Christmas tourism and Arctic mining, very different as they may appear from each other, ultimately share a common ground in terms of the imaginary and symbolic meanings given to the Arctic landscapes and the culture of people inhabiting it, but also in terms of physical and social impacts on the surrounding environment and societies. On the surface of it, Christmas tourism may appear as harmless fantasy, but a closer look into it reveals a rather different reality and a culture of exploitation. The framing of Santa Claus tourism as a type of extractive industry, as done in this paper, provides an attempt for further critical analysis and understanding of the character of tourism industry in Finnish Lapland from a new angle. More specifically, we have demonstrated that both 85 E.g. Herva and Lahelma, Northern Archaeology and Cosmology. 86 SantaPark (06 March 2019). 87 SantaPark (06 March 2019).

19 Christmas tourism and Arctic mining build on age-old cultural and imaginary geographies of the far North. For centuries, Lapland mining has been fed and supported by dreams of riches awaiting in the unknown northern land and Christmas tourism similarly builds on a fantasy steeped in ‘mysteries’, ‘magic’, ‘fairies’ and ‘illusion’,88 which is the ground that tourism in Finnish Lapland also builds on. The tourism industry in Rovaniemi and Finnish Lapland promise an authentic Christmas experience, but are deeply entangled with the idea and principles of mass tourism, with Santa Claus emerging as a symbol of mass consumption and stereotypical and even neo(colonial) understanding in an era of consumerism and materialism.89

88 See Bridge, “Material worlds”; Avango, et al., “Assessing Arctic Futures”. 89 McKay, “Consumption, Coca-Colonization, Cultural Resistance”.

20 21 References

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23 Acknowledgements

We wish to thank our colleagues affiliated with the Nordic Centre of Excellence “Resource Extraction and Sustainable Arctic Communities” (REXSAC), particularly Prof Jarkko Saarinen, and the two anonymous referees for their comments on the manuscript.

Figure captions

Figure 1. A Coca-Cola truck exhibited outside a hypermarket in Rovaniemi, December 2018. Photo: author. Figure 2. A view on the Santa Claus Village in Rovaniemi. The poles with electric lanterns are supposed to mark the Arctic Circle, with Santa’s office right beyond the line in the background. Photo: author. Figure 3. Entrance to SantaPark in Rovaniemi. Photo: author. Figure 4. Summary of Santa Claus attractions in Rovaniemi. Figure 5. Dolls dressed in hats and clothes imitating the traditional Sámi headgear and clothes (gákti) for sale in SantaPark. Photo: author. Figure 6. Imitations of Sámi shaman drums in a souvenir shop in Lapland. Photo: author.

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