Recipes Exist in the Moment: Cookbooks and Culture in the Post-Civil War South

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Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate School

2013

Recipes Exist In The Moment: Cookbooks And Culture In The Post-Civil War South

Kelsielynn Ruff University of Mississippi

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“RECIPES EXIST IN THE MOMENT”:

COOKBOOKS AND CULTURE IN THE POST-CIVIL WAR SOUTH

A Thesis presented in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History The University of Mississippi

Kelsielynn Ruff

August 2013

ABSTRACT

Cookbooks manifested Southern archetypes between the late 1860s and the early 2000s.

From the late 1800s through 1945, cookbooks exemplified Jim Crow with racist language, stereotyped illustrations, and marginalization of black laborers. Almost at the same time, an ideological belief that glorified the South’s loss in the Civil War and romanticized the leaders and fallen soldiers as heroes, called the Lost Cause, appeared in cookbooks. Whites used reminiscence about antebellum society, memorialization of Civil War heroes, and coded language to support Lost Cause beliefs. As the twentieth century progressed, the racial tensions morphed, and the civil rights movement came to a head. Between the 1950s and the late 1960s- early 1970s, cookbooks reflected the cultural tensions of the time, harkening back to the earlier

Jim Crow-style recipes and language. From the 1970s to the mid-1980s, due to a bolstering of white Southern pride caused by the death of segregation, the Lost Cause resurfaced with a resurgence of heirloom Lost Cause recipes. Southerners challenged domestic ideology and gender roles by the second half of the twentieth century, and Southern social, political, and religious figures attempted to reinforce women’s roles and preserve family values. Concurrently, the movement of the Religious Right in the 1980s of conservative evangelicals was spreading through the country. Cookbooks further reflected the push of reverting to family values by showcasing recipes handed down from mothers and grandmothers. Lastly, the enterprises of

Southern Living magazine, Cracker Barrel, and Paula Deen’s stardom commercialized the concept of Southernness and exported it through the United States.

ii DEDICATION

I dedicate my thesis to my mother, who won her fight with cancer as I finished this project. Thank you, Momma, for all you have done for me to help me realize my dreams and succeed.

iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the following people for making this thesis and my Master’s degree possible: First, an incredibly massive thanks goes to my academic gurus and colleagues for their intellectual guidance. I created this work for every history teacher I have ever had, including Mr. Tom Coleman, Mr. Glenn Hallick, and the incredible history faculty at both Flagler College and the University of Mississippi. A special thanks to Dr. John Diviney and Dr. J. Michael Butler of Flagler College for teaching me that history was the career I wanted, for listening when I needed an ear, and for helping me through some of the hardest years of college. To Drs. Deirdre Cooper Owens and Jesse Cromwell, thank you for your advice regarding graduate school, career plans, and the “next step.” To Drs. Charles Reagan Wilson, Ted Ownby, and Darren E. Grem of the University of Mississippi, I must thank you for not only your advice as I strategized my career, but also for being amazing readers and critics, allowing me to present this finished product with pride. A special thanks also to Dr. Angela Jill Cooley for her help along the way with this project, and for volunteering to see it through to the end. Second, I must say thank you to those who have assisted in the creation of this paper through the contribution of research materials. This project, which started as an undergraduate seminar paper in 2010, has left a long trail of gratitude for cookbook contributions. First and foremost, I wish to say thank you to Katherine Owens (for cookbooks and endless Chicago-style citation help), Mary Lou Brusaw (for cookbooks and sewing lessons), Warren and Irene Hawkins (for cookbooks and amazing memories), and Marsha Ruff (for cookbooks, many of which were heirlooms, and life itself). Thank you also to the Public Library Systems of St. Johns and Marion Counties, Florida, for loaning your materials. I owe a great debt to Peggy Dyess and the Interlibrary Loan department of Flagler College for your tireless and personal attention, and for filling the nearly hundred loan requests, while I completed the founding stage of this thesis at Flagler. Secondly, while at the University of Mississippi, both developing this work as a seminar paper and thesis, I must thank the Archives & Special Collections staff for the dozens of pulled cookbooks, the Interlibrary Loan department for fetching me everything possible, and Judy Greenwood for, once learning of my project’s subject, donating her own personal cookbooks to the cause of research. A grateful thank you to Phila Rawlings Hach and her son Joe for answering several questions I had regarding her cookbooks mentioned in the fifth chapter. Part of this work also grew out of a seminar paper, which took me to Birmingham, Alabama and the headquarters of Southern Living magazine for research. To Susan Ray, Susan Payne Dobbs, and Jean Wickstrom Liles, I cannot thank you enough for your openness, time, books, hospitality, interviews, and my almost complete set of Southern Living© Annual Recipes cookbooks. To Rebecca Gordon and the rest of the Test Kitchen staff, thank you for having me at your table, welcoming me into your process, and listening to my humble opinions on your test recipes. I must also thank Sheila Scott, Karl and Pat Seitz, and my father, William Ruff, for housing me during my research ventures in the fall of 2011.

My research took me to New Orleans, Louisiana on a short window of time in my final semester’s schedule, accidentally scheduled during the Mardi Gras season. Several people not only made it possible for me to travel and stay, but also made it a wonderfully productive trip. I would like to thank the Graduate School of the University of Mississippi for their financial assistance to go complete the research. Charlotte Jones, you wonderful Floridian, bless you for falling in love with and staying in one of the best cities, and for giving me a gracious, hospitable, and downright fun place to stay to do research. To Susan Tucker, Bea Calvert, and the staff of the Newcomb College Institute’s Nadine Vorhoff Library at Tulane University, thank you for your generosity and freedom in the utilization of your culinary collection. I would also like to thank The Historic New Orleans Collection and Bobby Ticknor for access to your wealth of material and your flexibility with me on the last day before your holiday began. I also received assistance from the staff of the New Orleans Public Library on my very short, but sweet, visit to New Orleans, for which I am grateful. My final and most sincere thanks must go to my family and friends who have supported me along the way. There are far too many people to list, and surely I would forget someone if I tried. The first group of this subset I must thank are those amazing souls who read any (or all) versions of this paper, from its days at Flagler to its size today. A special thank you to my dear friend Kristin for reading and editing every single page, including the footnotes and bibliography. I come from a large family with many, many branches, including several members who I am not related to by blood. Either way, to my “kin,” I know for a fact I could not have gotten to where I am without you all. To my dear friends scattered far and wide—from Albuquerque to Washington, D.C., Denver to Orlando, and everywhere in-between: I am so thankful for those of you who have been there for me through so many trials and tribulations. To those I met on my short two-year journey in Mississippi, especially the Jaquess family, I will carry each one of you Oxonian friends with me as I leave this beautiful space.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... ii

DEDICATION ...... iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... iv

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ...... vii

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

CHAPTER 1: Cookbooks in the Jim Crow South ...... 8

CHAPTER 2: Lost Cause Cookbooks ...... 37

CHAPTER 3: Resurgence in the Civil Rights Movement and After ...... 56

CHAPTER 4: The Rise of the Religious Right in Cookbooks ...... 78

CHAPTER 5: Commercialization of the South through Cookbooks ...... 89

CONCLUSION ...... 109

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 111

APPENDIX ...... 127

VITA ...... 139

vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Cover of Harriet Ross Colquitt, The Savannah Cook Book ...... 128

2. Cover of Laura Thornton Knowles, Southern Recipes Tested by Myself ...... 129

3. Cover of Natalie V. Scott, Mandy’s Favorite Louisiana Recipes...... 130

4. Cover of Lillie S. Lustig, S. Claire Sondheim, and Sarah Rensel, comps. and eds., Southern Cookbook ...... 131

5. Cover of Emma & William McKinney, Aunt Caroline’s Dixieland Recipes ...... 132

6. Cover of Junior League of Montgomery, Southern Recipes...... 133

7. “The Turbaned Mistress of the Kentucky Kitchen,” Minnie C. Fox, comp., The Blue Grass Cook Book ...... 134

8. “Emma Jane Jackson Beauregard Jefferson Davis Lincoln Christian,” Blanche Elbert Moncure, Emma Jane’s Souvenir Cook Book...... 135

9. “Luncheon Suggestions,” Junior League of Montgomery, Southern Recipes ...... 136

10. “Poultry and Game,” Junior League of Montgomery, Southern Recipes ...... 136

11. “Three Boys Eating Watermelon,” Lillie S. Lustig, S. Claire Sondheim, and Sarah Rensel, comps. and eds., The Southern Cook Book of Fine Old Recipes ...... 137

12. “Two Boys in Bed,” Lillie S. Lustig, S. Claire Sondheim, and Sarah Rensel, comps. and eds., The Southern Cook Book of Fine Old Recipes...... 137

13. “Confederate Slaw,” Sallie F. Hill, ed., The Progressive Farmer’s Southern Cookbook .....138

vii

INTRODUCTION

Historians of the South continually look for new and innovative ways to examine the region’s past in the period when it emerged reunited with the North after the Civil War, and its people reimagined the South’s image as a part of the United States. Historians’ interest in the complicated legacy of the Lost Cause and the implications of a regional white supremacist doctrine have ignited several topics of inquiry on the matter, but few researchers have incorporated the intersection of foodways into their historical conversation. The lack of this inclusion neglects the role that cookbooks played in the portrayal of the South after 1865, or how that image changed over the course of the twentieth century.

The title of this thesis came from a quote by Thomas Keller, who stated, “One of the problems with writing a cookbook is that recipes exist in the moment.”1 While Keller found that this could be a troublesome characteristic of cookbooks, cookbook authors and historians alike should note that a cookbook’s ability to provide a snapshot in time makes the work an invaluable primary source for scholarship. The goal of this thesis is to interpret how cookbooks exemplified white supremacist views during the Jim Crow era, between 1890 and 1945, and during the Civil

Rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. It aims to identify the ways that cookbooks exhibited

Lost Cause ideology post-Civil War, with a resurgence from the 1960s to the 1980s.

Additionally, cookbooks reaffirmed a push toward family values with the influx of the Religious

Right in the 1970s and 1980s as a response to national social movements, and, ultimately,

1 Dave Welch, “Thomas Keller,” PowellsBooks.Blog, October 10, 2006 (accessed November 30, 2011), http://www.powells.com/blog/interviews/thomas-keller-by-dave/.

displayed the South with the homogenized image of a harmonious, exportable, and consumable region through the final decades of the twentieth century and into the new millennium.

Historians and other cultural scholars have examined similar cultural patterns through various lenses, but only a handful included cookbooks as primary source material, whether commercially or privately published, as a means to develop fully the aforementioned trends and show how they extensively influence the South and American society at-large.2 As historian

Jessamyn Neuhaus argues, “As historical documents… cookbooks reveal much about the societies that produce them…. Cookbooks contain more than directions for food preparation…

[and] thus reveal the recipes for living created by authors, editors, cookery experts, and corporations in the past.”3 While cookbooks “show[ed] how foods, food preparation, kitchen labor, gender, class, and race have intersected in the United States,” they remain a highly under- studied cultural artifact.4 Several historians touched on the subject of cookbooks’ historical importance in their writings, but none tackled the topic from these same angles simultaneously.

Anthony Stanonis explores foodways of the Jim Crow South in his essay, “Just Like

Mammy Used to Make,” but avoids the implications of the Lost Cause, its exacerbation of Jim

Crow ideology, or the resurgence of either movement through cookbooks in later years of the

1900s.5 Elizabeth S. D. Engelhardt, in her essay, “Cookbooks and Curb Markets,” examines cookbooks of the mid-twentieth century, stating, “Certainly they reflected the class, race, and gender politics of the region at the time,” but draws few definitive or innovative conclusions

2 See Grace Elizabeth Hale, Making Whiteness (New York: Vintage Books, 1998) for a discussion of the cultural constructions of race in the Jim Crow South and their impact on the nation’s culture. 3 Jessamyn Neuhaus, Manly Meals and Mom’s Home Cooking (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 1. 4 Ibid. 5 Anthony J. Stanonis, “Just Like Mammy Used to Make: Foodways in the Jim Crow South,” in Dixie Emporium: Tourism, Foodways, and Consumer Culture in the American South, edited by Anthony J. Stanonis (Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 2008), 208-233.

because of all of the questions cookbooks left unanswered as a source.6 Neuhaus, in her book,

Manly Meals and Mom’s Home Cooking, proves how domestic ideals pervaded cookbooks of the mid-twentieth century, but she specifically omits from her study any regional or community fundraising cookbooks from her study, which will be a key ingredient to my thesis.7 While accurately portraying the complications of gender, race, and class in commercial cookbooks, she ignores the facet of this historical study that regional analysis, particularly of the American

South, provides. Additionally, Janet Theophano’s Eat My Words, subtitled “Reading Women’s

Lives through the Cookbooks They Wrote,” brilliantly tackles women’s intentions of writing cookbooks as communities, locations of collective memory, and as autobiography. Her work, though, does not deal with how women of the South particularly acknowledged these publications as inherently Southern in the twentieth century.8 Furthermore, Sherrie A. Inness explains, “Many cookbooks have political agendas, even if they are not described openly. For example, Southern cookbooks not only pass on recipes, but they also convey lessons about

Southern identity, history, and culture.”9 While she avers the historical implications of Southern cooking literature in this statement, she does not address the distinctive “lessons” of the Southern books. Even her footnote on this matter ignores further detail, as it simply addresses the reader to

“See Lustig, McClain, M.F. Porter, and Wynette,” four cookbooks with “Southern” in the title.10

Lastly, Carol Fisher’s The American Cookbook: A History addresses the inherently unique

6 Elizabeth S. D. Engelhardt, “Cookbooks and Curb Markets,” in A Mess of Greens (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2011), 176. 7 Neuhaus, Manly Meals, 321. 8 See Janet Theophano, Eat My Words (New York: Palgrave, 2002), particularly chapters 1, 2, and 4, 1-84, 117-154. 9 Sherrie A. Inness, Secret Ingredients: Race, Gender, and Class at the Dinner Table (New York: Palgrave, 2006), 5. 10 Ibid, 189n6. I address all four of the cookbooks Inness mentions in her introduction in my essay.

features of Southern cookbooks, but fails to engage the sociocultural patterns that came through the pages of the cookery texts.11

Due to the gap in study of the historical and cultural trends of the South through the lens of cookbooks, this thesis asserts its place in the history of Southern foodways as it intersected with culture of the twentieth century. The primary sources for this examination will include cookbooks published in the South between 1863 and the early 2000s, those including “Southern” in the title, or works displaying other characteristics of Southernness.12 Both commercial cookbooks and community cookbooks will be included with little differentiation, as both types document similar historical characteristics. Secondary sources are incorporated to position the work within the proper historiography and develop the context from within which these books came. While the secondary sources are prominent, but do not outweigh the primary material, the main goal is to flesh out the secondary source work and position the research within a broader historiography to highlight the significance in the field.

By neglecting the role that Southern food, particularly the cookbook, played in understanding Southern culture, historians have missed that cookbooks reflected white Southern values over the course of the twentieth century. Cookbooks, since they are comprised of information that people passed down from generation to generation, are essential for understanding Southern culture. As Inness notes, “In addition [to gender roles], cooking literature teaches lessons about race, class, and ethnicity; none of these issues is absent from a

11 See Carol Fisher, The American Cookbook: A History (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., 2006), 75-81. 12 Scholars dispute what should be considered “the South” as a far as its identity as a region and as a cultural construction. Some identify the South as simply the former Confederate States of America, where others have incredibly complicated definitions for the concept. For this thesis, an excerpt from The South, the Beautiful Cookbook provides a definition of what I will call “the South” in this essay: “The South comprises the eleven states of the Confederacy… plus West Virginia and Kentucky (what's the use of being Southern without mint juleps?).” [Susan Puckett, ed., The South the Beautiful Cookbook (San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1996), 15.]

cookbook, including one that might appear to be nothing more than a collection of recipes.”13

Cooking literature shared not only the authors’ recipes, but their cultural values as well. They communicated through the pages their constructed ideals of race, gender, and class via food choices, preparation, and wording. With that in mind, scholars can use cookbooks to lay out an accurate guide to the way the South shifted its regional identity since the 1860s. Cookbooks, though, can also reflect how the South has navigated its way through a tumultuous racial history.

While vastly different in audience, financial backing, and intention, community and commercially published cookbooks communicated the changes in each distinct period of the twentieth century, while offering many of the same recipes.14 Community cookbooks alone, however, were an indispensable part of Southern culture that people used as local histories and to support sociocultural phenomena. Knowing the history of such types of cookbooks is essential to understanding their importance in Southern culture. For decades, Americans called community cookbooks by several names: charitable cookbooks, “compiled cookbooks, fundraising cookbooks, or regional cookbooks.”15 Community groups first published these books during the

Civil War to raise funds for soldiers and their families, and by the start of the 1900s, groups had published over 2,000 total community cookbooks.16 Today, the tradition of their creation continues—people and groups publish them to raise funds for a particular problem or issue, and very meticulously compile them. Since their inception, women chose only the best recipes to include in the cookbook so their books sold successfully, especially since the quality of the recipe was a representation of the names and group attached to the book.17 Furthermore,

13 Inness, 3. 14 Stanonis, 216. 15 John T. Edge, A Gracious Plenty: Recipes and Recollections from the American South (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1999), 2. 16 Ibid. 17 Fisher, 60.

“community cookbooks …reveal their authors’ mainstream, class-conscious values in the prefatory pages, selection and arrangement of recipes and advertisements, and illustrations.”18

The books published, then, became a vault for community information; recipes told the local history of the community in tandem with memories and morals of the people who contributed recipes and the gatherings at which they served the dishes.

My thesis argues that cookbooks manifested Southern archetypes between the late 1860s and the early 2000s. From the late 1800s through 1945, cookbooks exemplified Jim Crow.19

Almost at the same time, an ideological belief that glorified the South’s loss in the Civil War and romanticized the leaders and fallen soldiers as heroes, called the Lost Cause, appeared in cookbooks.20 As the twentieth century progressed, the racial tensions morphed, and the civil rights movement came to a head. Between the 1950s and the late 1960s-early 1970s, cookbooks reflected the cultural tensions of the time, harkening back to the earlier Jim Crow-style recipes and language.21 From the 1970s to the mid-1980s, due to a bolstering of white Southern pride caused by the death of segregation, the Lost Cause resurfaced with a resurgence of heirloom Lost

18 John T. Edge, ed., The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture: Foodways, Vol. 7 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 45. 19 Leon F. Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), xv. Some historians consider the Great Migration of Southern blacks to northern urban areas in the 1910s as the end of Jim Crow. Others believe the civil rights movement and its victories were the official end of Jim Crow. For the purposes of this paper, the mid-1940s will signify the decline of Jim Crow. The evidence published after 1945 will be examined in chapter three. The Jim Crow and Lost Cause periods of chapters one and two will be marked ending in 1944. While Jacquelyn Dowd Hall’s “Long Civil Rights Movement” predates this mark, the extension of the civil rights movement on the perpetuation of Lost Cause ideology through the 1970s and 1980s will fall more in-line with this belief. The end of WWII, for this study, marks the end of the Jim Crow period as the civil rights movement spun forth from the returning black soldiers’ attitudes to dealing with the Jim Crow sanctified segregation and the maintenance of white supremacy. For more, see Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, “The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past,” Journal of American History 91:4 (March 2005): 1233-1263. 20 Charles Reagan Wilson, Baptized in Blood: The Religion of the Lost Cause, 1865-1920 (Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 1980), 7, 11, 25. Cookbook publication declined due to the Great Depression of the late 1920s and World War II, respectively, so I assigned all works published between the end of the Civil War and the end of World War II into the first period covered in Chapters 1 and 2. 21 The Junior League of Charleston, Charleston Receipts (Charleston, SC: n.p., 1950. Reprint, Memphis: Wimmer Brothers, 1993), foreword.

Cause recipes.22 Southerners challenged domestic ideology and gender roles by the second half of the twentieth century, and Southern social, political, and religious figures attempted to reinforce women’s roles and preserve family values.23 Concurrently, the movement of the

Religious Right in the 1980s of conservative evangelicals was spreading through the country.

Cookbooks further reflected the push of reverting to family values by showcasing recipes handed down from mothers and grandmothers.24 Lastly, the Southernization of America appeared via commercially published cookbooks in the late twentieth century, finally exporting Southern culture to all corners of the United States in the new millennium.25

22 Southern Living The Southern Heritage Socials and Soirees Cookbook (Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, 1985), 105, 109. 23 Lauren F. Winner, “Reaganizing Religion: Changing Political and Cultural Norms Among Evangelicals in Ronald Reagan’s America,” in Living in the Eighties, edited by Gil Troy & Vincent J. Cannato (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 184-185; Jessamyn Neuhaus, “The Way to a Man’s Heart: Gender Roles, Domestic Ideology, and Cookbooks in the 1950s,” Journal of Social History 32, no. 3 (Spring 1999): 532, 537. 24 Winner, 184; Matthew D. Lassiter, “Inventing Family Values,” in Rightward Bound: Turning America Conservative in the 1970s, edited by Bruce J. Schulman and Julian E. Zelizer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 13-16, 19-22, 26-28. 25 See Paula H. Deen, The Lady & Sons Savannah Country Cookbook (New York: Random House, 1997); Susan Payne Stabler, ed., Southern Living Annual Recipes Cookbook: 20th Anniversary Edition (Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, 1998); Southern Living Annual Recipes series, various editors, 1979-2004 (Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, 1979-2004); and Julia Pitkin, ed., Old Fashioned Country Cooking (Nashville: Rutledge Hill Press, 1990).

CHAPTER 1: Cookbooks in the Jim Crow South

Southern cookbooks reinforced regional cultural values during the Jim Crow era. The term “Jim Crow” came from a minstrel show in the 1830s that featured Thomas “Daddy” Rice, an actor in blackface who performed a dance in his act called “Jump Jim Crow.”26 The phrase also applied in some areas of the United States to railroad cars designated for blacks only, called the “Jim Crow car.”27 By the late 1800s, white Southerners adopted “Jim Crow” as the title with which they embodied their system of social and legal segregation, a way of life equivalent to a racial caste system.28 Scholars have asserted that Jim Crow was American apartheid inasmuch as

“the implementation of Jim Crow did not increase segregation…or reduce the frequency of black-white contact; it …strictly regulated the nature of interracial social contacts.”29 The Jim

Crow era brimmed with blatant racism to keep the dominant white world in power above the subordinate black world, and was a time of social tension and pervasive violence wherein

Southern whites enforced social and legal codes in society to maintain white supremacy and black inferiority. Power showed through an unspoken social code of etiquette and a set of laws that white Southerners enforced through violence—usually in the form of lynchings—and the omnipresent threat of violence to keep blacks in their “place.”30

26 Litwack, xiv-xv. 27 C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, third ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 67. 28 Ibid, xi. 29 Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 26. 30 Litwack, xiv-xvi.

Cookbooks from the Jim Crow era used jargon that was exceptionally telling of the social circumstances and conveyed the maintenance of “place.” Varying degrees of blatant racism appeared in the pages of the historic texts, with one recipe, very obviously taking pride in the segregated social order, for cookies called “Jim Crows,” which were basic meringue cookies modified with chopped nuts and cocoa powder.31 More subtly, the wording chosen to label blacks in cookbooks connoted varying degrees of respect or inferiority. According to Tom W.

Smith, “‘Colored’ was the dominant term in the mid- to late nineteenth century. It appears to have gained the upper hand because… Whites as well as Blacks” accepted it and saw it “as more inclusive, covering mulattoes and others of mixed racial ancestry as well as those with complete

Black ancestry.”32

Authors and publishers used “colored” as a form of racial identification. For example, the

Kentucky Cook Book did not even list its author’s full name on the title page, but rather said the book was written “By a colored woman.”33 Her name only appeared in the book at the signature of the introduction, which stated, “This book is the work of a colored cook of many years’ experience.”34 A second work, The Southern Cookbook, subtitled, “A Manual of Cooking and

List of Menus, including recipes used by noted colored cooks and prominent caterers,” contained no recipes credited to any specific cooks or caterers.35 In The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, the compilers of the first edition commented that they created the book “to preserve to future generations the many excellent and matchless recipes of our New Orleans cuisine, to gather these

31 Kate Brew Vaughn, Culinary Echoes from Dixie (Cincinnati: The McDonald Press Publishers, 1914), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924000674188 (accessed September 10, 2010), 159. 32 Tom W. Smith, “Changing Racial Labels: From ‘Colored’ to ‘Negro’ to ‘Black’ to ‘African American,’” The Public Opinion Quarterly 56, no. 4 (Winter 1992): 497. 33 Mrs. W. T. (Emma Allen) Hayes, Kentucky Cook Book (St. Louis: J. H. Tomkins Printing Company, 1912) found in the HathiTrust Digital Library, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/loc.ark:/13960/t82j6x63q (accessed 9 April 2012), 1. 34 Ibid, 3. 35 S. Thomas Bivins, The Southern Cookbook (Hampton, VA: Press of the Hampton Institute, 1912), 1.

up from the lips of the old Creole negro cooks and the grand old housekeepers who still survive, ere they, too, pass away, and Creole cookery, with all its delightful combinations and possibilities, will have become a lost art.”36 Within the text, however, the authors omitted any credit to specific cooks, named no recipes after particular housekeepers, and attributed no input from these “Creole negro cooks” whose skill they wanted to preserve so ardently. Furthermore, while authors of the era revered cooks for their skills in the kitchen, the recipes praised the cooks, but only in racially infused language. One cookbook honored “the colored cooks… of the

South… [who] ‘possess a genius’ for their work,” and yet another hailed “the housewives of

Charleston and their colored cooks, who have contributed the secrets of generations in this book.”37 Honors came posthumously, also, if the authors deemed the recipe good enough.

Regarding “Aunt Minerva’s Cheese Cakes,” the compilers noted, “Aunt Minerva was a familiar figure in this parish for many years as she went from house to house baking Christmas cakes and wedding confections until her death almost a half-century ago. This old colored woman is still remembered by her recipes.”38

One work used the term “colored” when discussing how the South now faced the problem of the “new colored woman,” an emergent, stereotyped woman who threatened to wreck the social order. The cookbook stated, “But the ‘bandana and tignon’ are fast disappearing from our kitchens… for in New Orleans, as in other cities of the South, there is a ‘new colored

36 The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, second edition (New Orleans: The Picayune Job Print, 1901. Reprint. In Antique American Cookbooks with Mme. Begue and Her Recipes, Old Creole Cookery, Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, 1984), 6. 37 Estelle Woods Wilcox, The Dixie Cook-book (Atlanta: L. A. Clarkson & Company, 1883), found in Google Books, http://books.google.com/books?id=DBYEAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcover# (accessed October 19, 2010), 501; Blanche S. Rhett, comp., and Lettie Gay, ed., Two Hundred Years of Charleston Cooking, revised ed. (1930. New York: Harrison Smith, & Robert Haas, Inc., 1934), xii. 38 Woman’s Auxiliary, Grace Episcopal Church, St. Francisville, La., Recipes from Audubon’s Happy Land West Feliciana, (St. Francisville, LA : The Auxiliary [self-published], ca. 1940), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 1.

woman’ as well as a new white. The question of ‘a good cook’ is now becoming a very vexing problem.”39 The “new colored woman” and her sudden appearance after the Civil War made finding a good domestic servant difficult, as newly emancipated former slaves sought to improve themselves socially, financially, and searched for better work environments from their former conditions. While the authors, presumably white women, rebuked this “new colored woman” for her audacity in self-betterment, they painted an inaccurate portrait of Southern life for outsiders who could not know better. They continued their scorn when discussing the disappearing Cala women, black women who sold Calas Tout Chaud on the streets of the French Quarter. “The

Cala women have almost all passed away, for, as remarked at the beginning of this book, there is a ‘new colored woman’ in New Orleans, as elsewhere in the south, and she disdains all the pretty olden industries and occupation which were a constant and genteel source of revenue to the old negro mothers and grandmothers.”40 These “new colored women,” castigated by the authors, posed a disruptive threat to white women’s comfortable hierarchy as they simply yearned to achieve social mobility though economic improvement, an unattainable quality when yoked to a position of servitude and ingratitude from white mistresses.

While many books referenced blacks as “colored,” a shift in cookbooks to use the term

“Negro,” or “negro,” mirrored a trend in the black community to adopt the term “Negro” instead of “colored.” This change occurred in the late 1800s and early 1900s because of the proud use of

“Negro” by figures like W.E.B. DuBois and Booker T. Washington, and because the term

“Negro” more specifically referred solely to blacks, giving blacks “a specific group name that matched Italian, Polish, etc.”41 Both blacks and whites considered “Negro” a “more versatile”

39 The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 6. 40 Ibid, 184. 41 T. Smith, 497.

term, “usable as both adjective and noun,” but moreover as a “‘stronger’ term” when used to describe cultural artifacts of the black community. Many believed if they replaced the word

“colored” for “Negro” when discussing “Negro art, Negro music, [or] Negro poetry…, [that] a lamentable weakness would result in this substitution.”42 The term “Negro,” however, carried with it derogatory implications as well, since whites “used [it] as a term of reproach …and [it] further suffered from its association to the racial epithets” starting with the same letter.43 While

“Negro” held within it a note of respect, the lowercase version connoted the opposite. When “the

New York Times announced in an editorial in 1930 that, ‘In our ‘style book’ ‘Negro’ is now added to the list of words to be capitalized,’” the newspaper acknowledged publicly the connotation of the lowercased version.44 The editorial continued, “It is not merely a typographical change; it is an act of recognition of racial self-respect for those who have been for generations in the ‘lower case.’”45

In many books, when referencing servants or hired help, authors called blacks “negroes,” with a lowercase n. Many referenced the “negro cook,” “the old negro butler,” “the famous old negro caterer, or the “old negro mammy.”46 Cookbooks attributed the black influence on food to

“the Negro” as a faceless figure or as a group of blacks in a variety of ways. One work clearly acknowledged the strong link food had during the Jim Crow era to blacks by saying that “in all

42 Ibid. 43 Ibid, 497-8. 44 Lerone Bennett, Jr., “What’s in a Name?” in Americans from Africa: Old Memories, New Moods, Volume 2, edited by Peter I. Rose (Reprint, 1970. Chicago: Aldine, 2007), 377-8. 45 Ibid, 378. 46 Jacqueline Harrison Smith, comp., Famous Old Receipts in the Kitchens of the North and the South (N.P.: The John C. Winston, Co., 1908), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/famousoldreceipt00smit (accessed September 10, 2010), 81, 61, 179; Southern Pacific Sunset Route Passenger Department, Mme. Begue and Her Recipes, Old Creole Cookery (Chicago: Poole Bros., 1900. Reprint. In Antique American Cookbooks with The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, 1984), 17.

stories about negroes is the sizzling sound of frying fish.”47 Furthermore, the author credited food in Charleston to “the Negro [who] used her clever mixing spoon in these French recipes, so that what you eat in Charleston today is a slowly ripened mixture of French and Negro cooking.”48 This differentiation with the capitalized N spoke more to the abstract group of women cooks who invariably altered cuisine and recipes as they prepared traditional French cooking in the Charleston area. Another term derivative of Negro was the Creole-favored

“négresse.” As The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book wrote, “In nine cases out of ten the younger darkies accepted their freedom with alacrity ; but in many ancient families the older Creole

‘négresse,’ as they were called, were slow to leave the haunts of the old cuisine and the families of which they felt themselves an integral part.”49

Authors varied their color-evident terminology by using the term “darkies,” too. One work noted that their “iron pots [were] no blacker than the beaming be-turbaned darkies hovering above,” while another remembered that “the old darkies around New Orleans, in old Creole days,” sold a ginger bread called “Stage Planks… to those of their own race and to little white children.”50 Others referred to their “darkey guide,” or noted, “The procedure of cleaning chitterlings is tedious and unpleasant, but any darkey, if offered a share as payment, thinks the reward well worth the pain of the work.”51 In the introduction to The Blue Grass Cook Book, the author’s husband described what he missed about Kentucky as he was abroad in Tokyo. “The sun shines there, no doubt, right now: the corn top’s ripe; the meadows are in bloom and along

47 Rhett and Gay, 34 48 Ibid, x. 49 The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 5. 50 Eleanore Ott, Plantation Cookery of Old Louisiana (New Orleans: J. S. W. Harmanson, 1938), 9; The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 305. 51 Ott, 10, 54.

turnpike and out in the fields the song and laughter of darkies make gay the air.”52 This romantic interpretation of food-associated fieldwork, connected to the pejorative usage of “darkies,” combined elements of racial discourse and appropriate labor roles through the seemingly harmless venue of a cookbook.

Authors employed other stereotyped, depreciatory terms for blacks in their cookbooks.

Recipes titled “Pickaninny” brought forth fixed images of “the black child… redefined as a nonchild... [as] an imagined, subhuman black juvenile… [characterized] with dark or sometimes jet-black skin, exaggerated eyes and mouth, [and] the action of gorging (especially on watermelon).”53 Perhaps even more disturbing than the use of “pickaninny,” but less surprising, was the use of the word “niggers.” The difference between the usage of the term and other pejorative terminology was that, usually, inclusions came from the quoted words of blacks themselves. One book that included the term quoted a vendor who asked, “‘Missus, I knows a good tale ‘bout two slavery niggers. Want to hear dat too?’”54 Another quoted verbatim a cook relaying her recipe, which read,

“Fool-Nigger-Proof” Cake As I has said, menny a time, I ain’t no fancy cake maker, but here is a re-ceet dat “Ole Miss” taught me. She called it one-two-three- four cake. I tole her effen I made a suc-cess of de makin’ of it I would name it “De Fool-Nigger-Proof Cake”--so dat’s what it’s been to me, ever since.55

52 Minnie C. Fox, comp., The Blue Grass Cook Book (New York: Duffield & Co., 1911), found in the Feeding American Digital Collection at Michigan State University, http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/cookbooks/html/browse.html (accessed September 10, 2010), vi. 53 Robin Bernstein, Racial Innocence: Performing American Childhood and Race from Slavery to Civil Rights (New York: New York University Press, 2011), 34. See “Pickaninny Cookies,” Emma & William McKinney, Aunt Caroline’s Dixieland Recipes (Chicago: Laird & Lee, Inc., 1922), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/auntcarolinesdix00mckirich (accessed September 10, 2010), 39; “Pickaninny Doughnuts,” Ruth Berolzheimer, ed., The United States Regional Cook Book (New York: Garden City Publishing Company, Inc., 1939), 243. 54 Rhett and Gay, 80. 55 Blanche Elbert Moncure, Emma Jane's Souvenir Cook Book (N.P.: n.p., 1937), 35.

Inclusions of whites’ use of the word existed, though. One book included an anecdote regarding a black cook, which explained, “One morning when she was only a few days old, three strapping soldiers, who were camped in the yard, abruptly entered the little cabin home, and demanded to see ‘the little nigger baby,’ they understood was there, as they had never seen one before.”56

Another told the story of “Dr. [E.C.] Adams[, who] modestly says that his famous sketches published under the title Nigger to Nigger all came to him from his colored man Tad.”57

Authors’ use of various disparaging terms to refer to blacks of the day, even when directly quoted from black cooks or vendors, conveyed the social order through unmitigated, racially charged language.

Beyond the terms used to codify blacks, when authors provided recipes from black cooks in the texts, generally the only credit given to them was through the listing of the cook’s first name.58 Some recipes even left off the creator’s name, simply titling them, “Mammy’s Sour Milk

Biscuits,” “Black Mammy’s Ginger Cakes,” “Mammy’s Baking Powder Biscuits,” or

“Mammy’s Peanut Candy.”59 The few deviations from this rule occurred when authors called a male cook “Uncle,” as in “‘UNCLE JOHN’–the best chef in South Carolina, Mr. Le Garee’s and

56 Ibid, 3. 57 Rhett and Gay, 70-1. 58 See Rhett and Gay, pp. 3, 20-21, 29-30, and 35-36 for recipes from Mrs. Rhett’s revered black cook, William Deas, whose last name was listed in the original text, but was not attached to his recipes thereafter, or found in the 1976 reprinted edition. Rhett and Gay, Two Hundred Years of Charleston Cooking (Reprint, Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1976). Perhaps this phenomenon was the lesser of evils as “non-white contributors [were] absent or obscured”; the inclusion of any credit to black contributors may be impressive for the period (Edge, ed., New Encyclopedia, v.7, 45). As the “first name only” rule does obscure the contributor’s identity, though, I contend that their reference is still significant to displaying the racial order. 59 Berolzheimer, 217; Mollie Huggins, Tried and True: Tennessee Model Household Guide (Nashville: Publishing House Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 1897), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/triedtruetenness00hugg (accessed September 10, 2010), 205; Lillie S. Lustig, S. Claire Sondheim, and Sarah Rensel, comps. and eds., The Southern Cook Book of Fine Old Recipes (Reading, PA: Culinary Arts Press, 1935), 33; McKinney, 53.

Mrs. Phoenix’s cook.”60 Female cooks garnered the title of “Aunt,” or as one author noted, “in

Virginia, she was usually a fat woman of middle age, with a gay bandana kerchief about her head—proud of her art, somewhat despotic, and usually known as Aunty.”61 To the Creoles,

“Aunt” translated into “Tante,” and several New Orleanais works included anecdotes similar to the following:

It is, therefore, with pardonable pride that the Picayune begins this Creole Cook Book by introducing its readers to a typical Creole kitchen, where “Tante Zoé,” in the early morning hour, in her quaint, guinea-blue dress and bandana “tignon,” is carefully concocting the morning cup of CAFÉ NOIR And first she will tell you, this old Créole Négresse, as she busies herself parching to a beautiful brown the morning portion of green coffee, that the secret of good coffee lies in having The Best Ingredients and in the Proper Making62

Generally, though, writers referred to black women as “mammies.” Authors mightily praised mammies throughout the Jim Crow era, a practice common in Southern culture. The

“mammy” figure was a stereotyped embodiment “of the opposite of idealized white womanhood” created in white popular culture.63 She appeared as a “large, dark-skinned, usually smiling” woman who “wore a bandanna and apron, both of which signified that she was a worker doing cleaning, laundry or cooking.”64 Whites perpetuated the image of “the crucial nurturer, protector, and teacher of white children,” a benevolent, motherly figure who comforted

60 Célestine Eustis, Cooking in Old Créole Days or La Cuisine Créole à l’Usage des Petits Ménages (New York: R. H. Russell, 1904), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 10. 61 Eustis, xiv. 62 The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 10. See also anecdote recalling “Tante Zizi” from The Original Picayune Creole Cook Book, ninth edition (New Orleans: The Times-Picayune Publishing Co., 1938), 173; image of “Tante Clementine, praline vendor,” The Free French Movement, A Book of Famous Old New Orleans Recipes Used in the south for more than 200 years (New Orleans: Peerless Printing Company, ca. 1920s), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, inside cover. 63 Michael D. Harris, Colored Pictures: Race and Visual Representation (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 92. 64 Harris, 92-3.

white children in times of sadness, taught them manners and social customs, and raised them into adults.65 Whites believed that black women did not inherently possess these traits, however.

Their evolution to mammy, the icon of affection and care, came as “the product of supposedly civilizing environs of white domestic space.”66 One author regaled the story of “Aunt Pat, as she is known to Jackson.” She continued, “Otherwise [known as] Annie Patton, [she] has cooked for the Power family all her life in the same kitchen and is now rounding out her fifty-fourth year of loving service in the old Power home, in the same room built for her fifty four years ago.” Her lengthy time of service, “for a score or more of years,” helped refine Aunt Pat into the “trusted family servant” she eventually, and famously, became.67

Perhaps the most popular and iconic image of the mammy figure was Aunt Jemima, the ubiquitous face of pancakes. The 1893 Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition showcased her image on the cover of a booklet, which called her “the most famous Colored Woman in the world.”68 Part of her character back-story involved the famous Robert E. Lee dining upon her scrumptious flapjacks, and, to whites, she purportedly embodied the ideal of an “‘old-time

Negro’… [who] had never really wanted to be free.”69 Aunt Jemima was the “ultimate symbol and personification of the black cook, servant, and mammy,” with a history that solidified her position as “a former slave with a love for the Old South and devotion to the whites she served.”70 As a cultural icon, she influenced the naming of select recipes in cookery texts of the

65 Hale, 98. 66 Micki McElya, Clinging to Mammy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 82. 67 Earlene White, Treasured Recipes of Days Gone By (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1910), 41. 68 Harris, 89. 69 Kenneth W. Goings, Mammy and Uncle Mose (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 28-9. Aunt Jemima has a storied past too briefly described in this essay. According to Goings, the actress who originally played her character was a formerly enslaved woman who, at the time, was cooking for a household in Chicago (28). For more on Aunt Jemima, see M.M. Manring, Slave in a Box: The Strange Career of Aunt Jemima (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1998). 70 Harris, 84, 88.

period.71 Extrapolating what Aunt Jemima meant as a cultural icon, the mammy’s appearance within cookery texts of the developing Jim Crow South existed within a strong sociopolitical and cultural context.

Several works of the time paid homage to their mammies, either through including chapters of mammy’s recipes or, in some cases, creating entire standalone works to honor their mammies.72 The authors of such works were most typically upper class white women who relished memories of owning slaves pre-Civil War, or who employed black domestics in their post-war homes. Earlene White’s Treasured Recipes of Days Gone By included a section titled,

“From Some Black Mammies,” which noted that, “The Black Mammies played an important part in homes of a generation ago and the following recipes are from the kitchens where some of them reigned supreme.”73 Katharin Bell wrote in the foreword of Mammy’s Cook Book, “With the dying out of the black mammies of the South, much that was good and beautiful has gone out of life, and in this little volume I have sought to preserve the memory and the culinary lore of my

Mammy, Sallie Miller, who in her day was a famous cook.”74 She continued, “She possessed moreover, all those qualities of loyalty and devotion which have enshrined her and her kind, in the loving hearts of their ‘White Folks,’ to whom they were faithful, through every vicissitude and change of fortune.”75 Another simply reminisced about her childhood domestic, relating a situation where, “at ten years old I cajoled my colored mammy to let me try to make a ‘cookbook cake.’”76 Another work was dedicated to “the sweet memories of a happy childhood

71 See “Aunt Jemima’s Lemon Pie,” McKinney, 105. 72 See Katharin Bell, Mammy's Cook Book (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1928), White, Treasured Recipes of Days Gone By, and Natalie V. Scott, Mandy's Favorite Louisiana Recipes (1929. Reprint, Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing Company, 2010). 73 White, 41. 74 Bell, v. 75 Ibid. 76 Mrs. James E. Smitherman, The Louisiana Plantation Cook Book (Glenco Plantation, Louisiana: Ina Scott Thompson, ca. 1930s), 14.

spent…under the benign influence of my Dear Old Southern Mammy.”77 Books emphasized the cook’s fealty to her white family, whether they had been her owners prewar, or her employers postwar. Her dedication and fidelity only enhanced her willingness and need to serve. One work noted, “For the Creole negro cooks of nearly two hundred years ago, carefully instructed and directed by their white Creole mistresses, … faithfully transmitted their knowledge to their progeny, and these, quick to appreciate and understand, and with a keen intelligence and zeal born of the desire to please, improvised and improved upon the products of the cuisine.”78

Authors described those not directly employed within the household as similarly dedicated, particularly the “faithful old vendors” who sold “La Colle” on the streets of New Orleans.79

More often than not, cookbooks reinforced the “mammy” stereotype through repetition of the idealized mammy, both in looks and attitude. The editor of Two Hundred Years of

Charleston Cooking described her personal mammy for the reader. “She was in the traditional manner, or as one might say, old-fashioned. She was one of those round jolly looking Negroes, round-eyed, round-bodied and round in disposition.”80 Another painted a vivid picture of what came to mind when someone mentioned “the very name ‘Southern Cookery’[. It] seems to conjure up the vision of the old mammy, head tied with a red bandanna, a jovial, stoutish, wholesome personage.”81 One work described what a tourist would see when encountering a domestic on the streets of New Orleans:

However, the attention of the tourist upon his arrival in the Creole city is captured, not by traditions dating back to Charles X, but by the old black “mammy” with the red bandanna handkerchief tied around her head and with the basket of fresh Pralines on her arm, seated on a small box at the inner edge of the arcaded sidewalk of

77 McKinney, not paginated (vi). 78 The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 5. 79 The Original Picayune Creole Cook Book, 363. 80 Rhett and Gay, 46. 81 Lustig, Sondheim, and Rensel, 5.

Canal Street, the central avenue of the city. She is always a picturesque and interesting figure, pleasing in her appearance. With her broad grin showing a row of pearly white teeth she calls out to the passer-by: “Fresh Prelenes gest out ob de pot.”82

Her descriptive portrait of the “mammy” figure concluded with, “The stranger goes his way, taking with him a vivid picture linked with the Great South.”83 The notion that the “mammy” was not only “linked with the Great South,” but that she also would be so distinctively apparent while still generic and anonymous, reiterated just how prevalent and widespread the “mammy” stereotype was across the Southern states.

Authors’ visual descriptions of the “mammy” did not end there, however. One author elucidated the image of a “mammy” in terms of kitchen management. Her work ethic defined her as “clean” and “tidy” in her kitchen, “with neat guinea blue dress, white kerchief and bandana tignon, pots and pans washed so clean inside and out that you might pass your white gloved hand over them without a trace of soot or dirt attaching itself.”84 This cleanliness, they continued, “is among the pleasant traditions that have, with the modifications to times and events as regards domestic service, been accepted as a foundation rule in kitchen management and government.”85

“The pleasant traditions” spoken of referred to the maintenance of the social order in the wake of the “times and events as regards domestic service,” a euphemism for the abolition of slavery and loss of the domestic slave. Emma Jane’s Souvenir Cook Book author Blanche Moncure went even further in her description of her cook, in which she included a photo of Emma Jane dressed in a bonnet and apron. She wrote, “The picture on opposite page is one of a ‘good and faithful servant,’ who has lived in the writer’s family for over fifty years.”86 As the authors and editors

82 Virginia M. Cooper, The Creole Kitchen Cook Book (San Antonio: The Naylor Company, 1941), 191-2. 83 Ibid, 192. 84 The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 419. 85 Ibid. 86 Moncure, 3; McKinney, not paginated (v).

provided these verbal and visual depictions of “mammies” with their recipes, they reinforced the interpersonal context in which they developed relationships with black women, and reaffirmed the cooks’ position in the social hierarchy.

When regarded in cookbooks, the authors set the stereotyped “mammy” in a class above any other cooks, “[having] few equals and [recognizing] no peers,” all while she taught “how things ought to taste.”87 Cookbook writers further painted “mammies” as artists of their craft, of

“the race of ‘born cooks,’” who “not only knew their business but loved it.”88 One maid even received the regal title of “Ebony Queen” for her work in the kitchen.89 Most works, though, described their domestic’s talent in terms of an inherent gift or magical power. Authors employed phrases such as “instinctive facility” or “an inborn genius” to describe the cook’s culinary gift. Other descriptions noted, “Even the Negresses, through some unknown mystery or through instinct, have grasped the art” of cooking.90 One such work praised, “Bless her earnest face, and her soft voice, and her good brown eyes, and bless particularly that vital sixth culinary sense, which creates delectable miracles of food without ‘no prescription!’”91 The author continued, “It is said that the witch doctors of North Africa have a mastery of mental telepathy.

These Mandys [the author’s invented name for all mammies], too, have some such subtle sense…. They have culinary tentacles of the spirit always aquiver to appropriate each good new idea.”92 Another author wrote, “The negro woman, who reigned in the kitchen, had inherited from her ancestors in Africa, as well as in America, a knowledge of herbs that made her skill

87 Berolzheimer, 200; Martha McCulloch-Williams, Dishes and Beverages of the Old South (New York: McBride, Nast & Company, 1913), found in the Feeding American Digital Collection at Michigan State University, http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/cookbooks/html/browse.html (accessed September 10, 2010), 20. 88 McCullouch-Williams, 15. 89 Smitherman, 15. 90 Cooper, ix. 91 Scott, 5. 92 Ibid.

look like magic.”93 Others questioned “whether she [author’s “mammy” Sally Washington] was a genius in her own right or whether Charleston was gifted by the gods.”94 A final work’s description described the “mammy” as,

a wizard in the art of creating savory, appetizing dishes from plain everyday ingredients. Most of the recipes in this book… owe their origin to the colored mammies who rarely bothered to write down their recipes… for they were good cooks who most often could neither read nor write…didn’t have to… you just put ‘em in front of a stove with the fixin’s and they created somethin’ grand…even if they couldn’t always ‘splain you jus’ how.95

Other descriptions of Southern domestics’ mystical powers blatantly alleged their skill was more akin to a voodoo-like power than an inborn trait. When a black cook went to do her work, one writer relayed, “She turned the other servants out of the kitchen, and performed her kindly incantations alone!”96 One particular example spoke to one of the author’s staff, a woman named Kitty Mammy. She recorded, “Kitty Mammy’s father had been a witch-doctor back on the Gold Coast, and he had passed his black arts on to Kitty Mammy, who muttered incantations and brewed love-philtres by the light o’ the moon . . . But that is another story.”97 One writer asked, “What other black art there was in the kitchens where the dark mammys [sic] reigned, who now can say? It was a rule-of-thumb business which was never written, save in some old- time receipt book, and was literally handed down from one generation to another.”98 Cooks frequently passed recipes down verbally, as mentioned above. On this topic, one excerpt

93 Caroline D. Weiss, A Collection of Créole Récipés as used in New Orleans, prepared for use with herbs and seasonings of New Orleans, Kiskatom Farm, Mandeville, LA. (New Orleans: Peerless Printing Co., 1941), 5 (first two quotations); Mary Moore Bremer, New Orleans Creole Recipes, Nineteenth Edition (Waveland, Mississippi: Dorthea Thompson, 1932. Reprint. 1961), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana. (3). 94 Rhett and Gay, 46. 95 Lustig, Sondheim, and Rensel, 5. 96 Eustis, xiii. 97 Ott, 10-11. 98 Eustis, xiii.

commented, “Those wonder workers of the old kitchens, what magic they wrought, and how proud they were of it! And it was never allowed to become a lost art—no, indeed. Rosy girls learned it of the old colored women, and stately ladies taught the art and the wondrous secrets to their own rosy girls, and so the magic has come down through the generations.”99 To this perpetuation of culinary knowledge from the source of the mammy, the author continued, “It is the old, old recipe which your mother used, and her mother, and her grandmother, and the grandmother caught it from the old-time ‘Mammy,’ who could work all kinds of magic in that black-raftered kitchen of the long ago.”100

Cookbook writers frequently expressed how their cooks’ recipes rarely entered the realm of published text, but rather that the cooks supposedly passed the knowledge verbally to white women and their own children to distribute the knowledge. Even though these mammies held the mystical talent for creating such wonderful cookery, as noted above, the white authors reinforced blacks’ perceived lack of intelligence through the books’ reiteration of blacks’ inability to replicate what the dishes contained. The cookbooks of the period repeated the fact that their cooks were illiterate, therefore did not use written recipes to create their dishes. Instead, the women must recreate their dishes from memory, and could only transmit their knowledge verbally. The author of The Savannah Cook Book acquired the recipes she gathered for the publication by “begging them from housekeepers, and trying to tack our elusive cooks down to some definite idea of what goes into the making of the good dishes they turn out. But getting directions from colored cooks is rather like trying to write down the music to the spirituals which they sing.”101 She added, “They are not only very bad on detail, with their vague suggestions of

99 The Original Picayune Creole Cook Book, iii. 100 Ibid. 101 Harriet Ross Colquitt, The Savannah Cook Book (New York: J.J. Little and Ives Company, 1933), xv-xvi.

‘a little of dis and a little of dat’, but they are extremely modest about their accomplishments.”102

One author noted, “We in the South, when we want to learn to cook, so as to produce the taste- gratifying and palate-stimulating dishes for which the City is justly renowned, often go into the kitchen and note how our cook mixes in the herbs and spices as her mother taught her to do.”103

Without watching the cook work and noting her technique as she went about preparing the meal, the author assumed she would have been otherwise unable to obtain the recipes. Lettie Gay, editor of Two Hundred Years of Charleston Cooking, noted, “My own cook, Washington... achieved such a marvelous result that we took our notebook and pencil to her and got exact measurements. Unlike most Negro cooks, she was able to give us these.”104 Washington’s dish received praise not only because the meal was tasty, but also because she, as noted, could provide the instructions and ingredients to replicate the result.

Authors also insinuated that cooks’ knowledge of spelling or pronunciation of certain terms was inaccurate, and therefore inferior. As a race, whites viewed blacks as uneducated, but not unskilled when it came to culinary tasks. One book noted, “In little log cabins dotted over the

Southland many wholesome and appetizing dishes have been prepared by this untutored race to the tune of some typical Southern song. Negroes have served as cooks in the very best and the wealthiest homes, and are still serving in this capacity even though they are better educated and more enlightened than formerly.”105 Despite black cooks being “better educated... than formerly,” whites still insisted on asserting their intellectual superiority. In discussing pilaus, one author wrote, “Many of the old cooks call pilau ‘perlew,’ and we are apt to smile indulgently and

102 Ibid, xvi. 103 Weiss, 5. 104 Rhett and Gay, 85. 105 Cooper, ix-x.

explain with raised eyebrows that they mean ‘pilau.’”106 Another book explained, “The colored people are apt to call butter beans ‘see wee’ or ‘civvy’ beans,” but noted that, while inaccurate to white standards, they could be possible names for the vegetable, “since the dictionary opines that a lima bean… is also known as the Siveau or Civet Bean.”107 The author mentioned the discrepancy over the bean’s name in the black community to reiterate the fact that whites would only call the legume “lima” or “butter” bean, but that blacks’ apparent diminished knowledge led them to skew incorrectly two possible known aliases for the bean. While all of these tactics reinforced the inferiority of blacks’ intelligence, the only exception to this idea appeared when their cooking styles were “simple” enough for anyone to replicate. One such example read, “Her cooking was simple. It was not suited to great functions. Her okra pilau, for instance, given below, was so simple that it can be prepared in any household.”108 The author interpreted this particular cook’s knowledge and skill as rudimentary and basic, therefore not a threat to the author’s superior position within the cookbook’s presentation and the broader Southern society.

The praise for black domestics, beyond their level of intelligence, reinforced their subordinate place through their labor roles, and established a positive image of the commentator as one who acknowledged and respected their help. Authors included recipes from various aunts and mammies throughout several works, each commending the cook for her work as they listed her recipe.109 While they praised her work, however, they did not overlook her skin color, or what it connoted at the time. When reading about Aunt Phebe’s Lemon Cake, the author added a disclaimer about Phebe, “whose pedigree need not alarm us,” and reiterated that, regardless of

106 Colquitt, 77. 107 Ibid, 89. 108 Rhett and Gay, 46. 109 See Huggins, 116, 205; Wilcox, 46, 75, 212; and Columbia (Tennessee) Cook Book, 2nd ed. (Louisville, KY: The Bradley & Gilbert Co., 1902), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/columbiacookbook00loui (accessed September 10, 2010), 87.

her race, “we all loved her and ate her cake.”110 Another cookbook described the paternalistic relationship white women held with their “Mandys,” the author’s blanket pseudonym for all mammies: “They are integrally of our life, part of its suavity. They trick us, harass us and serve us; understand us amazingly, and love us. And we,—we scold them, distrust them, rely on them, take care of them, love them.”111 One author perfectly captured the preceding dichotomy in attitude, asking, “Is there a Southerner who does not hold her, in spite of her faults, in loving remembrance? ... Publicly I acknowledge an ever-lasting debt, and to that turbaned mistress of the Kentucky kitchen gratefully this Southerner takes off his hat.”112

Authors praised blacks beyond their cooking skills, as well. Quite frequently, the books mentioned blacks’ singing of “negro spirituals” and the connection between their singing and their food preparation. The books represented the singing of those who worked in the home almost as often as they described the black street vendors who sang while they worked. One such inclusion described a situation in which,

There were a dozen Negroes around the place, serving, cooking, singing and dancing, and every few minutes Dr. Adams would shout into the kitchen: “Stop that cooking and come in and sing something!” So the Negroes would shift back and forth, to their own perfect delight, from cooking to dancing, from singing to serving.113

This example highlighted the demand for blacks to serve as entertainment to the guests at the party mentioned, and furthermore the workers’ acquiescence to such requests. It also indicated their talent for singing. Whether or not such attributes were historically accurate, they served to reinforce the mythological ideals of race and place within the white hierarchy. White Southerners

110 J. Smith, 278. 111 Scott, 6. 112 Fox, xii-xiv. 113 Rhett and Gay, 71

inscribed race with spirituality and service, further denigrating blacks within white society. This concept echoed through cookbooks of the time. In one example, editor Lettie Gay complimented her author Blanche Rhett’s butler, William, as she stated, “Yet in addition to his elaborate cooking, and in addition to running Mrs. Rhett’s elaborate house, William is the leader of a famous quartet which sings spirituals in the old-fashioned way. He has a beautiful tenor voice.”114 She further noted of her own cook, Washington, “As she worked she sang spirituals softly to herself all day long.”115 She did not comment on Washington’s skill level, but the inclusion alone revealed Gay’s notice of Washington’s singing and its worth in mentioning in the cookbook. Works further presented the various song lyrics sang by blacks in a vernacular dialect intended to represent the exact speech of blacks at the time. In Two Hundred Years of Charleston

Cooking, the songs of the peanut man, honey man, and the shrimp man, among other vendors, survived because someone, generally a woman, “listened and wrote down the words.”116

Vendors used these songs to promote their wares, and the authors who included the lyrics reproduced them in dialect to preserve the authentic memory. The “literary blackface” dialect

“was a confirming signifier of inferiority that justified their lesser social status,” and a bastardization of English because blacks were incapable of learning to speak properly.117

Another set of trademarks of Jim Crow times were the dialect stories popularized in the

1880s and 1890s. The stories recalled “fictional incidents in the lives of southern blacks,” the most popular of which were the stories written by Joel Chandler Harris of Uncle Remus.118 His

Uncle Remus: His Songs and Sayings was, according to James C. Cobb, “the nation’s best-

114 Ibid, 3. 115 Ibid, 45. 116 Ibid, 17. 117 Hale, 55; Harris, 92. 118 Nina Silber, The Romance of Reunion: Northerners and the South, 1865-1900 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 139.

selling book in 1880,” and, as Karen L. Cox noted, “re-created scenes from an antebellum southern plantation… to open for readers a window onto the world of the ‘old-time negro’ who had lived under slavery.”119 Contemporary observers claimed the stories were in “the peculiar idiom of African Americans,” and the most “accurate presentation of southern blacks than anything else.”120 While “Harris did not invent the style of writing in black dialect,” he influenced other writers and folklorists to utilize the technique, and gave the stories a “perceived authenticity” through his dialect use.121 The tales, widely respected by whites in both the South and the North, achieved an international audience, and “appealed to adults and children alike.”122

Some of the present scholarship regarding Harris’s work advocates that Harris never intended to disseminate racist depictions of blacks, but rather wanted to reveal a true portraiture of southern blacks for a predominately-northern white audience, and preserve memories of African folklore he heard in his childhood.123 Furthermore, Harris penned the stories “to serve as a counterpoint to Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin.”124 Regardless of his intentions, however, the stories’ popular acceptance among his contemporaries exhibited his incredible influence upon the perpetuation of stereotyped ideas regarding black Southerners in the Jim Crow era.125 As historian Karen L. Cox explains, “That success had as much to do with the political and social landscape as it did with Harris’s talent for writing.”126 The dialect speech assisted whites in the

119 James C. Cobb, Away Down South (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 79; Karen L. Cox, Dreaming of Dixie (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 116. 120 Silber, 139. 121 Cox, Dreaming, 116, 118. 122 Ibid, 116. 123 For more information regarding Joel Chandler Harris’s work and scholars’ interpretations therein, see Donnarae MacCann, White Supremacy in Children’s Literature (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1998), 83-93; Louis D. Rubin, Jr., “Uncle Remus and the Ubiquitous Rabbit,” in R. Bruce Bickley, Jr., Critical Essays on Joel Chandler Harris (Boston: G.K. Hall & Co., 1981), 158-173; and Florence E. Baer, “Joel Chandler Harris: An ‘Accidental’ Folklorist,” in Bickley, Critical Essays, 185-195. 124 Cox, Dreaming, 118. 125 The first section of Bickley’s book provides a compilation of contemporary reviews of Harris’s writing, including praise, criticism, and general comments on its reception and authenticity. See Bickley, pp. 3-49 for such reviews. 126 Cox, Dreaming, 118.

creation of blacks as an “other.”127 This dialect appeared not only in Harris’s stories, but also in racist minstrel shows by white performers in blackface attempting to portray the shortcomings of an inferior race.

Harris seemed the expert of the “strange and foreign” dialect the Southern blacks were supposedly speaking, and the influence of his stories’ characters stretched into the culinary tomes of the time.128 After he started publication of his stories in the Atlanta Constitution newspaper and in books, “the use of dialect appeared with even greater frequency in articles, essays, novels,” and cookbooks.129 Several recipes borrowed the names of Harris’s characters, mainly

Uncle Remus or Br’er Rabbit, with titles like the Uncle Remus Mint Julep or Uncle Remus

Omelette [sic].130 Mrs. Joel Chandler Harris even contributed her own recipes to her local community volume, and attached famous dialogue from her husband’s stories. One such example read,

“I’se mighty glad you said dat,” remarked Uncle Remus, smacking his lips, “kaze ef you hadn’t said it, I’d ‘a’ been bleeze ter say it myse’f.” (From “The Reason Why.”)131

In addition to his wife’s recipes, and those which included names of his characters, yet another cookbook provided recipes received from his daughter-in-law. Through the introduction of the recipes from Julia Collier Harris, the work of Joel Chandler received recognition and praise once again.132

127 See Hale, 55; Harris, 92. 128 Silber, 139. 129 Cox, Dreaming, 118. 130 McKinney, 27, 65. 131 Home Economics Department, eds., Atlanta Woman’s Club Cook Book (N.P.: n.p., 1921), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/atlantawomanaclu00atla (accessed September 10, 2010), 15. 132 Rhett and Gay, 258, 287-8.

The recipes influenced by Harris and his stories, however, were not the only ones that called upon the alleged speech to illustrate a point. Other works published in the late 1800s utilized black dialect, though few achieved the pervasive success of Harris. One such work was the 1899 publication of Maria Howard Weeden’s Bandanna Ballads. The book included a poem entitled “Beaten Biscuits.” Three separate cookery texts during this time reproduced the same stanza from this poem in their books.133 Variations of punctuation and spelling came with each inclusion, but, overall, the excerpt remained intact. Introduced in one cookbook with the line,

“Befo’de--wah cook says,” the original stanza read,

‘Case cookin’s like religion is— Some’s ‘lected, an’ some ain’t, An’ rules don’t no more mek a cook Den sermons mek a Saint.134

Across from the poem lay one of Weeden’s black-and-white sketches of a bandana-clad mammy.135 The work additionally included a dedication that read, “Dedicated to the memory of all the faithful mammies who ever sung southern babes to rest,” and a full introduction from the father of Uncle Remus himself, Joel Chandler Harris.136

Inferred from his works, recipe contributors used the supposed dialect generally any time they claimed to be quoting blacks in the books. In Mme. Begue and her Recipes, Old Creole

Cookery, the author described how Madame Begue conversed with her dishwasher, who was

“chattering in her queer dialect.”137 One author stated, “The wording of this recipe is exactly as

133 Lustig, Sondheim, and Rensel, 3; Grace Episcopal Church Guild, Rosedale, Miss., comp., The Delta Cook Book Everyday Receipts (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1920), 90; Colquitt, xi. 134 Grace Episcopal Church Guild, 90; Howard Weeden, Bandanna Ballads (New York: Doubleday & McClure Company, 1899), 70. 135 Weeden, 71. 136 Ibid, vii, ix-xiv. 137 Southern Pacific Sunset Route Passenger Department, 17.

given from the lips of Aunt Pat.”138 The best example of this treatment was a recipe for terrapin in Famous Old Recipes of Kitchens of the North and the South. It read:

Recipe for Terrapin. Taken verbatim from “Aunt” Mary Sharp (Old Maryland Cook). Contributed by Mrs. Robert C. Wright, Haverford, Pa. Put de tarrypins inter er tub er col’ water, an’ let ‘em wash deyselves. Den pore off dat water, an’ put some mo’ in, an’ let ‘em wash deyselves agin. Den drap ‘em erlive inter biling wa-ter, an’ let ‘em bile till ther feets is easy skunned, tunning ‘em over eve’y now an’ agin. Wen de feets is loose an’ easy, took from de shell, take ‘em out and put ‘em on er dish. Save er litl’ er de water dey was biled in an’ streen it. Wen de tarrypins gets cooled off, pick ‘em, but be keerful not ter break de gall. Split de entruls an’ cut ‘em up ‘bout er inch long. Wen de meat is all cut up, th’ow in er litl” raid pepper, black pepper, salt an’ mace. Put ‘em in er stewpan wif jes ‘bout nuff er de water dey was biled in ter kiver’ em, an’ den stew ‘em slow fer er littl’ more’n er quarter hour. Den put in some browned flour mixed up wif butter stirred in, near ‘bout er quarter pound butter, an free (3) tablespoonfuls flour ter er mejum size tarrypin. Put de wine in jes as de tarrypins is took outen de stewpan fer de table.139

Beyond the “verbatim” recipe above, other cookbooks frequently called upon the vernacular of black speech to illustrate their points. Some works included specially created dialect poetry presented with corresponding illustrations throughout the pages of the text.140 One work included a dialect poem called, “WHEN DE CO’N PONE’S HOT,” originally penned by black poet Paul

Laurence Dunbar.141 In Mandy’s Favorite Louisiana Recipes, the author wrote the recipes throughout the text plainly in English, but intermittently attached the “echoes of their

[mammies’] homely wisdom and reflections on their homely but true art” for selected recipes in

138 White, 41. 139 J. Smith, 79. 140 Lustig, Sondheim, and Rensel, 5, 9-12, 14-5, 18-20, 22, 37, and 44. 141 Maude A. Bomberger, Colonial Recipes From Old Virginia and Maryland Manors (New York: The Neale Publishing Company, 1907), 39. The reproduction includes the first two stanzas of the poem, and does not include any credit to Dunbar. Furthermore, it does not note that a black man composed the poem intentionally in black vernacular speech, for which Dunbar received much criticism from black readers. In this vein, the poem served the same purposes as other forms of dialect speech printed in cookbooks, particularly with through its lines, “Lak a pickaninny’s top,” and “When yo’ mammy ses de blessin’.”

dialect.142 In a typical instance, the advising notation to the recipe for “Noodles” stated, “Sto’ made come mo’ easy, mebbe; but home-made come mo’ good.”143 In a way quite telling of how whites viewed blacks of the time, the frequent use of the phonetically expressed dialect for black speech exacerbated the belief that blacks were less intelligent. The Jim Crow era reinforced this notion of inferiority, and the use of dialect solidified that intellectually and socially.

Contemporary black—and even some white—intellectuals spoke out against the

“detrimental impact” the use of dialect exacted upon the black community.144 Some critics of Jim

Crow even called dialect-wielding authors “neo-Confederates,” aware of the fact that “Uncle

Remus tales helped to validate the region’s racial order for several generations of southern white children,” and “suggested to white Americans at large” that the Civil War “‘had nothing to do with race’ and ‘never really needed to have happened.’”145 As historian Cox states, “Not only did

[the authors] use dialect to infer inferiority, [as white scholar Earl] Conrad argued, but ‘the neo-

Confederate writer Jim Crow[ed] the Negro in his writing’ and trie[d] to maintain the status quo through speech.”146 The use of dialect marginalized blacks through the continued maintenance of white supremacy in a way that seemed innocuous to whites located outside of the South, and appeared merely the legitimate speech of blacks. While many in and outside of the black community spoke against the use of dialect speech in print, the social order of the Jim Crow era reinforced their inability to achieve any visible gains, and the practice continued for decades.

Perhaps the most influential of all items in the reinforcement of Jim Crow ideology were the visual representations of blacks. The covers of these cookbooks displayed illustrations that

142 Scott, 6. 143 Ibid, 16. 144 Cox, Dreaming, 125. 145 Ibid; Cobb, 79. 146 Cox, Dreaming, 125.

represented stereotyped blacks. The Savannah Cook Book’s cover showed a mammy carrying a dish, and a later reprinted edition added a cat circling her ankles, begging her to drop a morsel.147

Southern Recipes Tested by Myself, Mandy’s Favorite Louisiana Recipes, The Southern Cook

Book of Fine Old Recipes, Aunt Caroline’s Dixieland Recipes, La Cuisine Creole and New

Orleans Creole Recipes all displayed photographs or drawings of smiling, bandana-clad mammies on their covers.148 The cover of the Junior League of Montgomery’s Southern Recipes was an illustration of a mammy grinning and ringing a bell, signaling suppertime for the two small black children dashing for the door.149

Furthermore, photographs within the text exhibited similar displays of stereotypes.

Within Emma Jane’s Souvenir Cook Book, the author included a photo of Emma Jane, as previously stated.150 In a similar fashion, The Blue Grass Cook Book included several photos of blacks performing various tasks in Kentucky, with captions including “Aunt Frances, Cook at

Auvergne, Paris, KY,” “Making Kentucky Corn Dodgers,” “The Turbaned Mistress of a

Kentucky Kitchen,” and “A Typical Blue Grass Cook.”151 Additionally, Two Hundred Years of

Charleston Cooking included photos of several of Charleston’s black vendors, including the

Maum Cloë, “Ground-nut Vendor from James Island,” and the “Honey Man,” who the authors described as “all white except for his skin; he wore a white jacket, a white cap on his snowy head, and white beard.”152

147 Colquitt, cover. See Appendix for the original cover. 148 Laura Thornton Knowles, Southern Recipes Tested by Myself (New York: George H. Doran Company, 1913), cover; Scott, cover; Lustig, Sondehim, and Rensel, cover; McKinney, cover; Lafcadio Hearn, La Cuisine Creole: A Collection of Culinary Recipes, second edition (New Orleans: F.F. Hansell & Bro., Ltd., 1885), cover; Mary Moore Bremer, cover. See Appendix for examples of these covers. 149 Junior League of Montgomery [Alabama], Southern Recipes (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1910), cover. See Appendix. 150 Moncure, 4. See Appendix. 151 Fox, photographs on pages opposite page 65, opposite page 11, opposite title page, and opposite page 148. See Appendix for “The Turbaned Mistress of a Kentucky Kitchen.” 152 Rhett and Gay, 216, 224-5.

Illustrations additionally reaffirmed the inferiority of Jim Crow ideology through their inclusion in cookery texts. Some works displayed the illustrations more deliberately than others as seen throughout The Delta Cook Book. Black men in white outfits with pointed hats adorned the top of either side of the pages, but the book contained few other graphics, overt in their racism or otherwise.153 Unlike The Delta Cook Book, pencil-drawn sketches within the pages of

The Savannah Cook Book displayed black workers carrying, collecting, and vending foodstuffs, with captions written in dialect speech such as, “Tongsin fuh oshta,” “Ah got green cawn! Ah got okra! Ah got bell pepper!” and “Crab by’er! Yeh swimps!”154 The illustration that most emphasized the race of the figures with a caption of racialized language was in the Dixie Pastry

Cook Book, a promotional cookbook for Dixie-brand baking ingredients, published by the Gulf

Manufacturing Co. The image displayed a crudely drawn mammy wearing a bandana and apron, with large ears, bulging eyes, thick red lips, and a snout-like nose. In the illustration, the mammy figure has bent over her lap to spank a stereotyped drawing of young black male figure, with similar, exaggerated facial features like the mammy’s. In his hand, he holds “Just as Good

Baking Powder,” while the mammy holds a belt that says “Dixie Baking Powder” in her right hand, raising it to beat the boy. The caption reads:

You black rascal you; if you eber bring me home a can of any other Baking Powder than the DIXIE, I will skin you alive. Don’t you let dem grocery keepers make you believe that what they gibe you is just as good as DIXIE. Take this back and bring me home a can of DIXIE if you know what is good for you.155

153 Grace Episcopal Church Guild, entirety, starting on page 4. 154 Colquitt, 3, 89, 33. 155 Gulf Manufacturing Co., Dixie Pastry Cook Book (New Orleans: n.p., ca. 1896), 24.

The visual depiction of a mammy reinforcing the baking powder’s superiority used an illustration employing what they perceived as humor, and racism, to market Dixie-brand products to white consumers.

More elaborately illustrated sketches, though with less emphasis upon the facial features of the figures, appeared on the pages that separated the chapters of Southern Recipes. One such depiction was of a mammy in the lower corner with a scornful-looking white mustachioed chef in the top left corner wagging his finger, while another showed a thin black man rolling dice while holding a swan on the title page for “Poultry and Game.”156 Five other illustrations on the other title pages also showed scenes of a black family in a one-room tableau around a fireplace, a mammy scolding a young boy eating a sweet treat, and a mammy carrying a dish.157 Another work included a drawing of a mammy figure with a suckling white baby attached, with the caption, “NURSE MÉRANCE OF THE DESTREHAN PLANTATION, JUST ABOVE NEW ORLEANS.”158

While illustrated mammy depictions were frequent in texts, drawings of the mammy with white children occurred infrequently.159 The pages of The Southern Cook Book of Fine Old Recipes included racist illustrations coupled with dialect poetry throughout its pages, including sketches of little black boys eating watermelon, and another of two black children lying in a bed.160 The attached poem to the latter read, “Two little niggers lyin’ in bed, One of ‘em sick, an’ de odder mos’ dead. Call for de doctor, an’ de doctor said, ‘Feed dem darkies on short’nin’ bread.’”161

156 Junior League of Montgomery, 53, 75. See Appendix. 157 Ibid, 93, 228, 182. The other two illustrations mentioned appeared on pages 168 and 186. 158 Eustis, 32. 159 For other mammy illustrations, see a mammy holding a turkey, Ott, 55; a mammy washing dishes through a window, Southern Pacific Sunset Route Passenger Department, 17; a mammy holding a covered dish with bandana tignon and long dress, The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 2; or profile of mammy with bandana tignon, white apron, and spoon, The Christian Woman’s Exchange of New Orleans, LA, The Creole Cookery Book (New Orleans: T. H. Thomason, 1885. Reprint. Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing, 2005), opposite title page. 160 Lustig, Sondheim, and Rensel, 28, 34. See Appendix. 161 Ibid, 34.

Another drawing showed a mammy carrying a prepared, steaming turkey with the poem, “Crow in de corn field, Nigger in de patch; Chicken in de egg-shell, ‘Bout ready ter hatch.”162 Several sketches similar to these adorned the pages throughout the work, most paired with similarly racist stanzas.

All of these visual representations of blacks intended to assault the sense of sight with stereotyped figures and wording, reinforcing the hierarchical structure of the racial order. White authors and illustrators imposed inferiority upon blacks through these images, published in a medium that was not only intimate to one’s home, but also widely received and consumed by whites. Through this practice and the use of racially charged jargon, whites’ praise of blacks amidst the acknowledgement of their race, and the infusion of phonetic dialect, the exhibition of

Jim Crow beliefs after the Civil War through 1945 proved that cookbooks not only provided readers with delicious recipes, but were also, as Anthony Stanonis notes, the “guardians of long- standing social practices” and disseminators of whites’ Jim Crow beliefs.163

162 Ibid, 22. 163 Stanonis, 214.

CHAPTER 2: Lost Cause Cookbooks

The second prominent theme of Southern culture after the Civil War was a belief today commonly called Lost Cause. The Lost Cause was a complex philosophy that the South created to aid themselves in coming to terms with their defeat in the Civil War. Lost Cause rhetoric developed immediately after the war to help Southerners deal with the South’s defeat. The mentality, as Gary W. Gallagher writes, “addressed the nature of antebellum Southern society and the institution of slavery, the constitutionality of secession, the causes of the Civil War, the characteristics of their wartime society, and the reasons for their defeat.”164 The Lost Cause enhanced a sense of regional pride, provided “an outlet for honoring states’ rights and white supremacy,” and celebrated the South with “activities that perpetuated the memory of the

Confederacy.”165 Across the South, people considered the Lost Cause a “Confederate tradition,” and an emphatic celebration of Southern heritage.166 At the core of the ideology were

Confederate heroes, like Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, and the unnamed, everyday soldier, among several others.167 Disciples of the Lost Cause “defended their actions in

1861-65 and insisted that the North acknowledge the honor and heroism of their cause.”168 Lost

Cause ideology, however, had little historical basis. As historian Alan T. Nolan argues, the Lost

164 Gary W. Gallagher, introduction to The Myth of the Lost Cause and Civil War History, Gary W. Gallagher and Alan T. Nolan, eds. (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2000), 1. 165 Wilson, Baptized in Blood, 7; Karen L. Cox, Dixie’s Daughters: The United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Preservation of Confederate Culture (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2003), 4, 12, 14; Gaines M. Foster, Ghosts of the Confederacy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 4. 166 Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 4. 167 Wilson, Baptized in Blood, 25; Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 14. 168 Foster, 5.

Cause was “a caricature of the truth… [that] wholly misrepresents and distorts the facts of the matter” of the Civil War.169

Although not directly linked, the Lost Cause and Jim Crow eras ran almost concurrently from the late 1800s through the early half of the 1900s, and were both prominent legacies of

Reconstruction. The shared timeframe enhanced the themes symbiotically: the policies of Jim

Crow aggravated the importance of the Lost Cause, and the Lost Cause intensified Jim Crow decorum. The movement gained traction in the 1880s, spawned by “increasing fears generated by the social changes of the late nineteenth century.”170 The Lost Cause gave white Southerners a way to honor white supremacy, and revert to a social order that closely paralleled antebellum society. In addition to its foundations in racism, “the rituals and rhetoric of the celebration offered a memory of personal sacrifice and a model of social order.”171 In doing so, the ideology painted freedpersons as uncles, mammies, and “faithful slaves,” deleting any sense of black individuality.172

While the Lost Cause was a strong social movement, the effects were also felt culturally.

Cookbooks were not outside the Lost Cause’s sphere of influence. One of the more peculiar characteristics of the Lost Cause in cookbooks was their reminiscence for the antebellum days of yore. The Lost Cause reinforced and celebrated the Jim Crow system through the early twentieth century, and a hallmark of Jim Crow ideology was its maintenance of secured white supremacy through perpetuated black inferiority and the romanticization of pre-Civil War racial and social order. Stories and language indicative of how the South socially changed for the worse, in

169 Alan T. Nolan, “The Anatomy of the Myth,” in The Myth of the Lost Cause and Civil War History, Gary W. Gallagher and Alan T. Nolan, eds. (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2000), 29. 170 Foster, 6. 171 Ibid. 172 Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 14, 44.

tandem with remembrance of the “good old days,” lined the pages of cookery texts after the Civil

War. Several different expressions existed to convey the ideals, but all harkened back to a time that white Southerners obviously missed. One cookbook included the first stanza of the familiar song, “Dixie,” in its pages.173 Some recipes made the simple acknowledgement that the dish was

“famous in antebellum days.”174 While historian Gaines M. Foster argues “most white southerners… abandoned forever their vision of an independent slaveholders’ republic and did not dwell on its passing,” cookbooks reveal a different version of this history.175 He continues,

“No one interpretation of the war dominated all of the South all of the time, of course. A minority of white southerners never adjusted to the defeat and continued to cherish wartime hatreds.”176 Certainly, no selection of cookbooks can operate as conveyors of pan-Southern ideology, but those that mourned the loss of their prewar social and racial world dwelled upon their grief longer than Foster’s gives credit, and rippled through more cookbook authors and recipe contributors than perhaps the term “minority” can encompass.

Cookbook compilers used language in their recipes that spoke to their perceptions of current conditions, and usually employed phrases such as “since the war,” or “prior to that date,” when discussing postwar life.177 Many women who owned domestic slaves prior to the abolition of slavery found themselves in a position that could not retain or financially afford such domestic servants. Wording like, “the existing state of things, deplorable as it is,” in reference to the management of poor-tempered servants, also displayed commonly held attitudes towards the

173 Bomberger, 12. 174 Robert E. Lee Chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, No. 278, Echoes of Southern Kitchens (Los Angeles: n.p., 1916), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/echosofsouthernk00unitiala (accessed September 10, 2010), 60. 175 Foster, 5. 176 Ibid, 5. 177 Wilcox, 501.

social decline postwar.178 A prime example of just how distressing the time was for upper- and middle-class women who fell upon such hardship was a book dedication that noted:

To the Mothers, Wives, and Daughters of the “Sunny South,” who have so bravely faced the difficulties which new social conditions have imposed on them as mistresses of Southern homes, and on whose courage and fidelity in good or ill fortune the future of their beloved land must depend, this book is dedicated.179

One book even claimed, “No homes in the South suffered more through the loss of fortunes by the war than did the Creole homes of Louisiana.”180

Part of their suffering came from the loss of slave labor in the postwar South. When reminiscing about the social structure of years past, one text stated, “The South rested on the slave, and the three pillars of the substructure were the overseer, the black mammy, and the cook,” but the image that cookbooks portrayed of postwar life painfully lamented how those pillars no longer stood tall in the South.181 One text relayed how “a friend of mine, in the South, once said to me that the surrender at Appomatox [sic] had brought about two serious calamities—an end to duelling [sic] and the disappearance of the colored cook.” She elaborated to note that, “We may at least agree with him that the latter result is a matter deeply to be deplored by all who, like myself, remember the marvellous [sic] skill of the Southern cooks.”182

Authors grieved further for the vanishing black domestic, to which one related their disappearance to death. The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, published by the New Orleans

Picayune newspaper, wrote, “For one of the most significant changes and one of the saddest, too, in this old city, is the passing of the faithful old negro cooks—the ‘mammies’…. Soon will the

178 Ibid, 501. 179 Ibid, iii. 180 The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 437. 181 Fox, xii. 182 Eustis, xiii.

last of the olden negro cooks of ante-bellum days have passed and their places will not be supplied.”183 The author offered the only “remedy” to the sad fate that faced Southern white women: they should “do as their grandmothers did,” and “acquaint themselves thoroughly with the art of cooking in all its important and minutest details, and learn how to properly apply them.”184

The loss of these antebellum pillars almost affected Southern women as much as the changes that occurred within their social realm. White women now found themselves in command of their own kitchen, and most came from backgrounds of little domestic or culinary education heretofore. The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book noted that, “The civil war, with its vast upheavals of social conditions, wrought great changes in the household economy of New

Orleans, as it did throughout the South; here, as elsewhere, she who had ruled as the mistress of yesterday became her own cook of to-day.”185 Further hindering Southern upper- and middle- class women’s social spheres was the fact that most places of gathering had lost their bountiful workforce that fueled their ability to entertain. To remember the stately dwellings in which they held their gatherings before the war, many books included photographs or illustrations of antebellum homes, named the recipes after specific residences, or titled the recipe

“Plantation.”186 When discussing the “Ophir Cooked Pumpkin” recipe, 200 Years of Charleston

Cooking included a tangential note on the fact that the Ophir Plantation was “a place of joyous

183 The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 6. 184 Ibid. 185 Ibid, 5. 186 Eleanore Ott’s Plantation Cookery of Old Louisiana focused solely upon plantation recipes. Examples of some of included illustrations and recipe naming can be found in Nora Nance Oliver, comp. and ed., Natchez Recipes, Tried and Tested (Natchez, MS: McDonald’s, ca. 1940s). Photographs or sketches of Natchez antebellum homes appear on the front cover, pages 3, 6, 12, 20, 24, 40, 60, 70, 80, 94, 112, 130, and on the back cover. Recipes named after the homes can be found on pages 13, 21, 63, 101, 102, 104, 107, 122, and 140. See also “Plantation Plum Pudding,” Lustig, Sondheim, and Rensel, 40; “‘Belvidere Plantation’ Indian Meal Griddle Cakes,” J. Smith, 43; “Plantation Cookies,” McKinney, 45; “Plantation Sour-Cream Cookies,” Berolzheimer, 243 for examples of “plantation”-titled recipes.

activity before the Civil War.” After the war, however, “it descended, like so many southern plantations, into silence.”187 Such effusive language, contrasting the light and joy of Ophir’s prewar state against its descent into bitter silence, connoted the effects of the war upon the white plantation South’s social scene. The remembrance of the buzzing hive of social activity that

Ophir represented truly upheld Lost Cause tenets.

White Southerners mourned the perceived loss of other ritual customs of antebellum society after the war, particularly the pace in which life and meals operated and the social status of Southern women. One book reminisced about the leisurely pace of antebellum meals when she wrote, “They ate and talked and lingered appreciatively over the coffee cups, because each dinner of the ante-bellum South was a ceremony, a prolonged rite. Ah, yes, my dears, the world was young and fair in those fabulous days and nobody needed to hurry . . .”188 These “prolonged rites,” much like the activity at Ophir Plantation, could not be maintained in a society that lost a great chunk of its free-labor force from the demise of slavery.

Additionally, some women’s social statuses were so demoted by the war that they no longer were able to provide elaborate cuisine for their guests. One book noted, “Many a hostess who years ago could invite her friends to a superb dining, which would have gladdened the heart of even the most fastidious old Creole gourmet, now finds herself reduced to perhaps even less than a dollar a day.”189 The question lingered in the page: “And have her friends of former days fallen away?” After painting at-length the downtrodden picture of the noble and parsimonious hostess, the book assured its audience that she had not lost the camaraderie distinctive and intrinsic to the status of a socialite Southern belle. “Not at all. For the Creoles hold good birth,

187 Rhett and Gay, 119. 188 Ott, 8. 189 The Picayune’s Creole Cook Book, 437.

good breeding, and education higher than wealth.”190 While many Southern women battled with the obstacles of their newfound social conditions and the disruptions of the former way of life, authors conveyed other losses of Old South life and the changes that New South life brought to bear. In a general grievance volleyed against the perils of postwar life and modernity, one author stated,

In the changed, new South, little is left of those brave old days save a few imperishable examples of its architecture, its proud old names, fleeting ghosts of its traditions, immortal legends told by a winter’s fireside, the ritual of the mint julep, and the fundamental principles of its summum bonum—its cookery, now embellished— but not improved—by science and twentieth-century perfection of gadgetry.191

The social upheaval of postwar conditions only aggravated the changes wrought by modernity and technological advancement.

Beyond the mourning of certain lost customs or lamentation of changes within the South,

Lost Cause cookbooks showed a general theme of Confederate pride. Reminiscences about the

Civil War bolstered the “fact” that the South fought the North with all its strength. One particular bread recipe noted the resourcefulness of the overpowered South, stating, “The Confederate

Army fought on a diet of hoe cake for two years, using as a baking-dish the hoe for which the cake was named.”192 The author was quick to insert, however, “The sentimental interest this adds still doesn’t make it as a palatable as other cornmeal breads.”193 One cookbook introduction even suggested that the South was “able to put up the best fight in history, and after the ravages and ruin of civil war, come again into our own,” because they were “the best fed people in the

190 Ibid. 191 Ott, 6. 192 Ibid, 22. 193 Ibid.

world…. We might have been utterly crushed but for our proud and pampered stomachs.”194 The talk of Southern defeat due simply to the overwhelming strength of Northern resources and dominating numbers was a core tenet of Lost Cause thinking, and cookbooks sought to argue that the culinary strength of the South was the Confederacy’s saving grace from total decimation.195

Referring to the war as anything other than “The Civil War” also indicated whether one sided with the Lost Cause and the South, or with the Cause Won and the North. In the South, several euphemistic terms blatantly conveyed Southern sentiments. Northern Cause Won ideology sometimes deemed the war “The War of Southern Rebellion,” but in the South, one of the most popular expressions, at least in Southern cookbooks, was “The War Between the

States.” Rawson’s Dictionary of Euphemisms and Other Double-Talk identified the use of “The

War Between the States,” and the related “The War of Northern Aggression,” instead of “The

Civil War,” as a way to “legitimize the cause of States’ Rights even in defeat.”196 Few books were as bold as to call the war that of “Northern Aggression,” most likely due to their potential

Northern or sympathetic audiences from their publication at a national level. Instead, cookbook authors employed the more veiled, and widely accepted, description of the “War Between the

States,” a phrase that “acknowledged the legitimacy of secession,” and asserted “that the South had fought for constitutional rights.”197

Several references to new social, culinary, or cultural adaptations that the “War Between the States” imposed existed during the Lost Cause era. One author knew of “an old lady who grew so fond of the coffee made from parched okra seed, necessitated by the War Between the

194 McCullough-Williams, 10. 195 Brooks D. Simpson, “Continuous Hammering and Mere Attrition,” in The Myth of the Lost Cause and Civil War History, Gary W. Gallagher and Alan T. Nolan, eds. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000), 153. 196 Rawson’s Dictionary of Euphemisms and Other Doubletalk, s.v. “War Between the States, the,” http://www.credoreference.com/entry/rawdeod/war_between_the_states_the (accessed April 3, 2012). 197 Foster, 118.

States, that she would drink nothing else for the rest of her life.”198 Postwar, “the open kettle method of cooking the juice from sugar-cane spread” across the region, a style that came “from the necessities of the War Between the States.”199 Under a heading of “War-Time Recipes,” another book included several recipes used in Southern kitchens, including one for “Hard-Times

Candy.”200 While faced with difficult times during the war, some instances postwar brought obstacles that “even the stoutest soul, who could endure four years of the heartbreak and hardship of the War Between the States” could not weather.201 Some books referenced the war more vaguely, only able to provide brusque sentences in which to couch their euphemistic phrase. One simply noted that a city landmark was erected “shortly before the end of the War between the States, in 1863,” which eventually “became a distinctive dining place.”202 One final passing reference to the war described how “the old Negro mammies of 1861 and after the War

Between the States, sold on the streets of New Orleans Calas Tou Chaud piping hot from their iron sauce pans filled with hot lard.”203 Rather than mention the Civil War as just that, or reference that the Calas women used to roam the streets of the French Quarter in an ambiguous period, the author specifically chose to reference them as “mammies,” and described the period through the filter of the Lost Cause.

Additionally, many books contained recipes that recollected, in a similar fashion as the aforementioned Calas Tou Chaud recipe, the days of the Old South. Some books simply referred to the recipes’ antebellum or pre-Confederate origins, whether in the recipe title or its

198 Ott, 18-19. 199 Ibid, 39. 200 Moncure, 74. 201 Ott, 14. 202 Elizabeth Kettenring Bégué, Mme. Bégué’s Recipes of Old New Orleans Creole Cookery (New Orleans: J. S. W. Harmanson, 1937), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 10. 203 Cooper, 12.

description.204 The word “Confederate” appeared proudly in several recipes, including on pudding, candles, jumbles, brandy jumbles, fruit cake, popovers, and coffee cake.205

The word “Confederate,” however, was not the only mention that indicated the pride white Southerners felt to be on their side of the Mason-Dixon Line. Quite a few recipes included in their titles “Democratic,” “Secession,” “Southern-Rights” and “Mason & Dixon” to honor their distinguished white, Confederate heritage.206 Perhaps the most popular of these titles was

“Dixie,” found on punch, pudding, cream puffs, buns, biscuits, relish, soup, potatoes, cornmeal muffins, chicken shortcake, cornbread, tea cakes, doughnuts, and angel food, sponge, and jelly cakes, the latter sampling of these recipes from the Dixie Baking Powder Company’s promotional cookbooks.207 One such recipe, “Sweet Potatoes a la Dixie,” came in 1910s work,

The Up-to-Date Cook Book.208 In the late 1930s, however, the Revised Edition of The Up-to-

204 See “Ante-Bellum Tomato Catsup,” Committee Number One of the Ladies’ Aid Society of the Ponce De Leon Avenue Baptist Church, comps., The Gate City Cook Book, 3rd ed. (Atlanta: n.p., 1915), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/gatecitycookbook00atla (accessed September 10, 2010), 47; White, 40. 205 “Confederate Pudding,” Robert E. Lee Chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, 10; “Confederate Pudding,” Mrs. Clement Carrington McPhail, F.F.V. [First Families of Virginia] Receipt Book (Richmond: West, Johnston & Co., 1894), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 124; “Confederate Pudding,” The Free French Movement, 30; “Confederate Candles,” Mrs. A. P. Hill, Mrs. Hill’s New Cook-Book (New York: G.W. Dillingham Co., 1898), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/mrshillsnewcookb00hill (accessed September 10, 2010), 153; “Confederate Jumbles,” Wilcox, 98; “Confederate Brandy Jumbles,” and “Confederate Fruit Cake,” Mrs. M. E. Porter, Mrs. Porter’s New Southern Cookery Book (Philadelphia: John E. Potter and Company, 1871), 235, 246; “Confederate Popovers,” Moncure, 74. 206 Robert E. Lee Chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, 64-5; Mrs. A. P. Hill, 219, 264; Wilcox, 78; McKinney, 49. 207 “Dixie Punch,” Junior League of Montgomery, 6; “Dixie Cream Puffs” and “Dixie Pudding,” Wilcox, 82, 23 (within a subtext entitled “Popular Dixie Dishes”); “Dixie Pudding,” Fox, 223-4; “Dixie Buns,” Porter, 210; “Dixie Biscuits,” Jennie C. Benedict, The Blue Ribbon Cook Book (Louisville, KY: The Standard Printing Company, 1922. Reprint. Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 2008), 26; “Dixie Biscuit,” Florence Roberts, Dixie Meals (Nashville: The Parthenon Press, 1934), 65; “Dixie Relish,” Moncure, 60; “Dixie Relish,” Cooper, 183; “Dixieland Soup,” and “Dixie Potatoes,” McKinney, 131, 137; “Dixie Cornmeal Muffins,” Vaughn, 119; “Shortcake Dixie Chicken,” Lustig, Sondheim, and Rensel, 11; “Dixie Chicken Shortcake,” Berolzheimer, 195; “Dixie Corn Bread,” “Dixie Tea Cakes,” and “Dixie Doughnuts,” Gulf Manufacturing Co., Dixie Pastry Cook Book (New Orleans: n.p., 1893), 2, 6, 10; and “Dixie Corn Bread,” “Dixie Tea Cakes,” “Dixie Doughnuts,” “Dixie Angel Food Cake,” “Dixie Sponge Cake,” and “Dixie Jelly Cake,” Gulf Manufacturing Co., Dixie Pastry Cook Book (ca. 1896) 3, 13, 19. 208 Ladies Aid and Sewing Society of New Orleans, comp., The Up-to-Date Cook Book (New Orleans: s.n., ca. 1910), 32.

Date Cook Book presented the exact same recipe with the new name of “Sweet Potatoes a la

Creole.”209 No mention as to why the authors made the change in the revised edition of this book came included with the altered title. An argument can be made that the compilers’ change sprang forth from an attempt to identify more closely their recipes with the Creole culinary tradition of their hometown, rather than with the South at-large.

In contrast to the Dixie recipes, several “Yankee” recipes dotted cookbooks, attaching the

Northern nickname to biscuits, corn bread, and rice pudding.210 Works also noted the

“backward” ways of Northerners in their recipes. In this vein, one book observed, “Only Those

Born Above the Mason-Dixon Line Use Sugar on Grits.”211 These key words acted as coded language for white Southerners, signals to those who shared similar beliefs regarding the South’s loss and remembrance of the Civil War. The inclusion of these terms in recipe titles or descriptions certainly speaks volumes to the penetration of Lost Cause ideology within the realm of Southern culture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

While these examples illuminate the prevalence of the ideology, the true display of cultural interpretations of the Civil War came from other peripheral discussion in cookbooks.

One particular cookbook, Eleanore Ott’s Plantation Cookery of Old Louisiana, serves as a fascinating case study for such discussion. First, Ott elaborates on the apparent divide amongst

Southerners on whether or not to crush mint before adding it to a mint julep cocktail. She contended, however, that

Not even the crushed-mint-for-julep controversy has produced the heartburnings, sectional bitternesses, blasts of vituperative oratory, and horse-pistols at dawn that the question of what is good coffee

209 Ladies Aid and Sewing Society of New Orleans, comp., Revised Edition of The Up-to-Date Cook Book (New Orleans: s.n., ca. 1938), 64. 210 “YANKEE BISCUITS,” The Christian Woman’s Exchange of New Orleans, LA, 92; “YANKEE CORN BREAD” and “YANKEE RICE PUDDING,” Roberts, 62, 230. 211 Berolzheimer, 206.

has left in its wake over the length and breadth of our fair land. At least the crushed-mint schism is, like any well-bred family difference, kept within the confines of the Mason and Dixon line.212

Noting that the argument over crushing mint for a julep cocktail was a “well-bred family difference,” extant within the area south of the Mason and Dixon line, the author emphasized the sectional differences that Lost Cause perpetuated well into the late 1930s. Later, she discussed the tradition of Christmas spirit “below the Mason and Dixon line,” which was “composed of equal parts of gifts, reunions, fruit cake, eggnog, parties, and hard licker [sic].”213 Rather than mention that a Southern Christmas celebration came together from those parts, she quite firmly enforced that this was a regional tradition.

Other areas of her text echoed similar sentiments, but also pitted against these excerpts of

Southern exceptionalism the “barbarian Yankee” and his culinary exploits, the latter of which would inhibit the “proper welding” of “the sweet bonds of fellowship between the North and

South.”214 She described Southern cuisine as resting upon four “pillars of our culinary wisdom— cornmeal, sweet potatoes, molasses, and fresh handmade butter,” but warned that in the North, they “cannot be procured in their rustic simplicity and charm in cities above the Mason and

Dixon line without endless pains and the assistance of a J. Edgar Hoover and his FBI.”215

According to Ott, not “even the severest critics of the South” in “Yankee-land” could deny that the South “has produced two worth-while things—the blood-stirring martial strains of ‘Dixie’ and Southern-style fried chicken.”216 She continued, “Hunt the former in any reputable song book, and here’s the latter,” providing one of the hundreds of variations on Southern-style fried

212 Ott, 18. 213 Ibid, 43. 214 Ibid. 215 Ibid, 20. 216 Ibid, 55 (first quotation), 90 (second quotation), 55 (final quotation).

chicken in existence from the era. 217 This notion of Southern culinary exceptionalism, juxtaposed against the lacking Yankee North, displayed the way that cookbooks aided in fuelling

Lost Cause rhetoric throughout this period prior to World War II. Perhaps the most convincing evidence from Ott’s text as Lost Cause propaganda stemmed from her discussion of “one small serving of” the Southern “masterpiece of the culinary art,” after which “tyrants have melted and damn-Yankees sworn oaths of fealty to the Bonnie Blue Flag” of the Confederacy.218

More popular than displaying Southern pride through language and sectionally biased peripheral discussions was the honoring of ex-Confederate heroes, especially the leaders of the

Confederate States of America. Community and commercially published cookbooks alike revered Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America and secular saint of the

Lost Cause. A variety of different recipes memorialized Davis, as well, with puddings, muffins, custard, jumbles, pie, cake, and punch including his name in the title.219 Authors also honored

Mrs. Jefferson Davis as the First Lady of the Confederacy, and cookbooks proudly boasted her recipes. Mrs. Jefferson Davis herself contributed two recipes, Gumbo File and Boiled Southern

Rice, to the Columbia (Tennessee) Cook Book.220

217 Ibid, 55. 218 Ibid, 76. 219 “JEFF DAVIS PUDDING,” Fox, 226; “Jeff Davis Pudding,” Bell, 1928; “Jeff Davis Pudding,” Mrs. Charles H. (Marietta P.) Gibson, Mrs. Charles H. Gibson’s Maryland and Virginia Cookbook (Baltimore: John Murphy & Company, 1894), 144; “Jeff Davis Pudding,” Columbia (Tennessee) Cook Book, 95; “JEFF DAVIS PUDDING,” Ladies’ Society of the First Presbyterian Church, Owensboro, Kentucky, Woman’s Wisdom: A Collection of Choice Recipes (Owensboro, KY: O. T. Kendall, 1890), E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/womanswisdomcoll00firs (accessed October 19, 2010), 31; “Jeff Davis Pudding–The Briars,” Oliver, 125; “Jeff. Davis Muffins,” and “Jeff Davis Custard,” McKinney, 17, 101; “JEFF DAVIS CUSTARD,” White, 13; “Jeff Davis Custard,” Mrs. F. J. Merriam, ed., Favorite Southern Recipes (Atlanta: The Southern Ruralist Company, 1912), 97; “Davis Jumbles (very fine),” Mrs. Maria Massey Barringer, Dixie Cookery: or How I Managed My Table for Twelve Years (Boston: A. K. Loring, 1867), 82; “Jefferson Davis Pie,” Woman’s Society of Christian Service, Oxford-University Methodist Church, Cook Book of Popular Recipes (N.P.: n.p., 1944), 62; “Jefferson Davis Cake” and “Jeff. Davis Punch (For Receptions),” McPhail, 158-9, 217. 220 Columbia (Tennessee) Cook Book, 9-10, 57.

Similar recipes venerated “the South’s premier hero” of the Confederacy elite, General

Robert E. Lee.221 A favorite dish used to pay tribute to Lee was the Robert E. Lee Jelly Cake, which one book called “[w]orthy of its illustrious name.”222 One book even included the recipe for “General Robert E. Lee’s Favorite Dish” itself.223 Recipes further commemorated Lee with

Robert E. Lee Dessert, Punch, and Cake.224 Perhaps more impressive was one book’s inclusion of the Westmoreland Club Mint Julep. The authors included the julep not to memorialize Lee, but to honor a monument erected in homage of Lee. The recipe stated, “This must be a good recipe for this famous Virginia drink, for history records the fact that 3,000 were dispensed at this delightful old club the day of the unveiling of the Lee Monument some years ago.”225 The inclusion of the monument dedication anecdote revealed just how important not only the unveiling was, but also how special the drink recipe was since they chose to serve it on that day.

Other recipes from the Westmoreland Club were included in contemporary cookbooks, but no others came attached with such proud anecdotes.226 In a subtle mention, the author of The

Savannah Cook Book, which was subtitled “A Collection of Old Fashioned Recipes from

Colonial Kitchens,” noted that Colonial Kitchens “occupies the basement of the COLONIAL

DAMES HOUSE.”227 Her connection to Lee linked how he “was a guest here during his last visit to Savannah in 1870,” a note that could have easily been omitted.228 Rather than leave this

221 Foster, 120. 222 Mrs. Benjamin I. Isaacs, et. al., comp., The New Orleans Federation of Clubs Cook Book (New Orleans: n.p., 1917), found in the E-Book and Texts Archive at Archive.org, http://www.archive.org/details/neworleansfedera00newo (accessed September 10, 2010), 70. 223 Robert E. Lee Chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, 45. 224 Isaacs, 78; J. Smith, 192; Moncure, 37; Bomberger, 28. This final recipe, included in Colonial Recipes, noted, “The following is not a Colonial recipe, but it seems most fitting that it should be placed here, and especially so as it is given by Mrs. John Redmon Coxe Lewis of ‘Buena Vista,’ who was a cousin of General Robert E. Lee” (28). 225 J. Smith, 193. 226 See “Westmoreland Club Apple Toddy” and “Westmoreland Club Egg-Nog” in McPhail, 209, 218. 227 Colquitt, xiii. 228 Ibid.

small fact out, the author included Lee’s stay to illustrate how it brought prominence to the building in which Colonial Kitchens was housed.

Cookbooks revered other former Confederates in the same way as Davis and Lee, although not necessarily to the same degree. Lee and Davis were in the forefront of the movement, but the chief agenda of the Lost Cause was to honor past Confederate veterans at- large.229 Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson, the martyr of the Civil War, received a nod through

Stonewall Jackson Pudding, nearly sixty years after his 1863 death.230 More obscure war leaders such as General George Pickett and General Harry Heth had recipes named in their honor as well.231 There was also a menagerie of recipes dedicated through naming to “Johnny Reb.”

Legends of the Lost Cause “‘developed a romanticized stereotype of the Confederate soldier.’ He was invariably heroic, indefatigable, gallant, and law-abiding.”232 Johnny Reb was that romanticization, the embodiment of the everyday veteran of the Southern cause. To celebrate

Johnny Reb and Confederate veterans was truly the focal point of Lost Cause practice.233 The idealized image of Johnny Reb represented the “patriotic and romantic” soldier who bravely fought as a “chivalrous gentleman and gallant cavalier” with “valor and endurance.”234 Recipes christened in the veterans’ name through Johnny Reb’s symbolic character included Johnny Reb

Cake, “Johnny Reb” Corn Bread, and Rebel Pudding.235 One recipe even noted how the dish was

“(Much sought after by old Rebs when at home on furlough.)”236 Recipe naming provided

229 Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 14. 230 McKinney, 97. 231 McKinney, 137; J. Smith, 188. 232 Nolan, 17. 233 Cox, Dixie’s Daughters,75. 234 Stephen Davis, “Southern Writers and the Image of Johnny Reb: Reflections of Regional Change since Appomattox,” in From the Old South to the New: Essays on the Transitional South, edited by Walter J. Fraser and Winfred B. Moore (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981), 137, 139. 235 McKinney, 1; Moncure, 74; Robert E. Lee Chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, 10. 236 Moncure, 74.

Southern women with an avenue to show their appreciation to the brave former soldiers, and immortalized them through the apotheosis of Johnny Reb. By assigning these unknown heroes’ and others’ names to recipes, which were traditionally nostalgic heirlooms that families handed down through their lineage, the creators established a tradition of perpetuating the Lost Cause in an unsuspecting realm of Southern culture.

Beyond well-known ex-Confederate veterans, other Southern notables received special mention through one means or another. The inclusion of certain politicians’ recipes conveyed the author’s political allegiance without expressly stating their views. One such inclusion was that of

“HOT PUNCH (DELICIOUS),” credited to “Senator Faulkener [sic]” in the F.F.V. [First Families of

Virginia] Cookbook.237 The contributing senator was that of Charles J. Faulkner of West

Virginia, described as “a ruthless opportunist.”238 Faulkner, a lawyer before entering the political realm, assumed the role of Ambassador to France under President James Buchanan, but resigned his post upon the election of Abraham Lincoln. Arrested by governmental forces as he returned from France, he eventually orchestrated the trade of a Confederate prisoner for his freedom.

After he returned to West Virginia, he served as an assistant adjutant general under Stonewall

Jackson in the Confederate Army.239 Known as one of “the most outstanding local Democrat” politicians, after the war he refused to swear his Test Oath of loyalty to the Union.240 Although disbarred, he appealed the decision, and “won his appeal on a technicality. The result brought consternation to Union men who realized the importance of controlling lawyers and courts.”241

Any local Virginians or West Virginians would have certainly been aware of Faulkner’s

237 McPhail, 212. 238 William A. Link, Roots of Secession (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 72. 239 Virgil A. Lewis, History of West Virginia in Two Parts (Philadelphia: Hubbard Brothers, 1889), 501-2. 240 Charles Henry Ambler, A History of West Virginia (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1933), 289, 363. 241 Ibid, 363.

Confederate history and loyalty, and the legacy he passed on to his politician son, Charles J.

Faulkner, Jr. By attaching his name to the recipe for Hot Punch, if nothing more, the author signaled complacency with his role in secession and Confederate politics.

One author whose well-established politics emanated throughout her text was Harriet W.

Ross Colquitt, author of The Savannah Cook Book. The third wife of Georgia Senator Walter T.

Colquitt, and stepmother to his son and Georgia’s forty-ninth Governor Alfred H. Colquitt,

Colquitt’s work revealed her contemporary Southern white ideals, including articulations of both

Lost Cause and Jim Crow ideology. Her husband “was an active crusader for Southern rights,” and her stepson strongly advocated secession prior to the Civil War.242 Alfred participated as a member of the secession convention of 1861, through which “he helped take Georgia out of the

Union.”243 He then received promotions from captain to major general during his service in the

Confederate Army, with a “noted victory… at the battle of Olustee in Florida in 1864.”244

Because of her family affiliation with two “extreme” and “staunch pro-South Democrat” politicians, it is unsurprising that her work stated,245

Long after these manuscripts were collected, I hesitated to have them printed on account of the indulgent smiles of our Northern friends at our “quaint use of the word ‘receipt’”, instead of their more favored ‘recipe’. But I found the habit of a lifetime hard to break, and my pen and typewriter were also unreconstructed, and clung to the old word despite all my good resolutions.246

Harriet Colquitt’s use of “unreconstructed” to describe her pen, typewriter, and, most importantly, herself quite tellingly displayed her views on the legacy of the Civil War and the proceeding Reconstruction Era, which officially ended in 1877. Her maintenance of such ferocity

242 Josephine Mellichamp, Senators from Georgia (Huntsville: The Strode Publishers, Inc., 1976), 120. 243 Ibid, 183. 244 Ibid. 245 Mellichamp, 183; James F. Cook, The Governors of Georgia, 1754-1995, Revised and Expanded (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1995), 159. 246 Colquitt, xi.

in this excerpt, published first in 1933, buttressed the core values of Lost Cause ideology, and fiercely defied any Northern influence upon her Southern life.

Southern women were not content, however, with simply honoring veterans, Confederate politicians, and Confederate political ideology through cookbooks. In 1894, women formed the

United Daughters of the Confederacy, or U.D.C., to memorialize the Confederacy through memorial, historical, benevolent, educational, and social mediums.247 Women formed U.D.C. groups across the South before expanding them across the United States to anywhere seven descendants of the Confederacy wanted to form a group.248 Historically, men were the leaders of the Lost Cause movement, but in the 1890s, the U.D.C. “came to dominate the leadership of the movement and made vindication the goal.”249 The women involved with the Lost Cause “added another dimension to the movement, as they desired to preserve and perpetuate the values of the

Lost Cause for future generations.”250 Without the involvement of the women of the U.D.C., the establishment of monuments and other commemorative memorials to the Lost Cause tenets would never have occurred. Women raised funds, rallied support, and made the Lost Cause the massive, national crusade that it was.251 People celebrated the U.D.C. not only for its involvement in the Lost Cause through its own cookbooks, such as Echoes of Southern Kitchens, published by the Robert E. Lee Chapter of the U.D.C., but also through the books of others with recipes named after the group.252 Recipes appeared for “U. D. C. Cake,” “U.D.C. Cocoanut

Candy,” “U.D.C. Pudding,” and “Confederate Daughters Cake” in commercially published

247 Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 19. 248 Ibid, 29. 249 Ibid, 5. 250 Ibid, 20. 251 Cox, Dixie’s Daughters, 20. For more information about the history of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, see Dixie’s Daughters by Karen L. Cox. 252 White, 40; McKinney, 53, 99; L.L. McLaren, comp., High Living – Recipes from Southern Climes (San Francisco: Paul Elder and Company, 1907), 54.

books of the Lost Cause period to pay tribute and respect to the women’s organization and their memorialization activities. While not considered the pioneers of the Lost Cause, the U.D.C. earned reverence from white Southerners for their work to honor Confederate veterans for years to follow.

Whether through U.D.C. remembrance, homage through recipe titles, or forlorn reminiscences of the antebellum past, the heyday of the myth of the Lost Cause came prior to

World War II. Cookbooks published prior to America’s entrance into the war exhibit traits indicative of Lost Cause beliefs, but those published during the war period contain few, if any, of these characteristics. White Southerners during World War II found themselves preoccupied on the home front, and downgraded the Lost Cause from their list of immediate priorities. As this essay will argue in the next chapter, the Lost Cause never left the mind of white Southerners, but instead was relegated to the backburner as the United States battled overseas and refashioned as later white supremacist movements of the century subsumed it. Its lasting presence, while minimized during the war period, continued so that Southerners could “provide their children and future generations of white Southerners with a ‘correct’ narrative of the [Civil] war.”253

After World War II, upon the eve of the centennial anniversaries of secession and reunification, and in the face of progressive race relations and demands for black civil rights, the Lost Cause would rise again.

253 Gallagher, 1.

CHAPTER 3: Resurgence in the Civil Rights Movement and After

The civil rights movement took a strong hold on the country in the 1950s, but particularly gripped the South. With the introduction of another strong period of racial tension lying in wait for Southerners, recipes in cookbooks reflected the resistance whites provided. The style of the recipes and language in question were in the same vein as the previously experienced Jim Crow era. They existed primarily between the end of World War II until the early 1970s, although the spectrum extended through the 1980s. The reintroduction of racist cookbooks reflected the influence of not only the conflict at the time, but also quietly resurrected the Jim Crow ideology.

Several common themes from the Jim Crow era resurfaced during the civil rights movement. Although not a constant throughout the later period, instances appeared where of authors referring to blacks as “negroes.” A mass-published serial from Time-Life Books defined

Creole cookery as “a superb mélange, a beautiful blend of French, Spanish, Anglo-Saxon and

Indian influences, as interpreted and modified by Negro cooks using local ingredients.”254 The underlying assertion to this statement is that “Negro cooks” did not impart their own influences to these dishes, but as the inferiors, only prepared the food that indicated the social mixing of the other races. This concept arose frequently in Southern cookbooks of the civil rights era, but generally appeared when discussing Creole food from New Orleans. One cookbook, To A King’s

Taste, noted that “New Orleans cooking is a gumbo of many elements—French, Spanish, Negro,

Indian and several others,” while another book, The Secret of Creole Cooking, revealed that, “In

254 Dale Brown and the editors of Time-Life Books, American Cooking, Foods of the World (New York: Time-Life Books, 1968), 79.

this book you’ll discover the SECRET OF CREOLE COOKING — a blend of the finest French,

Spanish, Negro, and Indian skills.”255 Books of the Jim Crow era credited black cooks for their abilities, but anecdotal references from the civil rights period lessened the influence and import upon the finished product. In the later time, blacks merely contributed to the process of Southern food, rather than received credit from white authors as the sole group who shaped its distinctiveness. One example stated, “During the course of her seldom-placid annals New

Orleans has incorporated into her citizenry an almost unbelievable listing of human types, drawn from many nationalities: the French, Spanish, German. Italian, Irish, Negro, and a host of smaller groups, prominent among them being the Latin American, Middle Eastern, Greek and Oriental,” each of which, the writer argued, made New Orleans’s cuisine so distinctive.256 Authors no longer attributed Southern cooking to black domestics who cooked the food, but instead transferred responsibility to a blend of other cultures, ethnicities, and different groups of immigrants. No authors agreed about which specific groups melded their skills with blacks’ to create Southern food, though. One wrote, “The fleeting visit of the French explorers to the Delta left a cuisine which merged with that of the Spanish, Italian, Provincial French, American Indian, and Negro resulting in Creole Cookery.” Another claimed, “In the Confederate states, three cultural and gastronomic styles blended: Latin, Anglo-Saxon, and Negro – romance, tradition, and primitive strength,” when discussing Southern cookery.257 Still another attributed the

255 The National Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the State of Louisiana, To a King’s Taste (1952. Reprint. N.P.: Wetzel Printing, Inc., 1957), n.p. [foreword]; B.F. Trappey’s Sons, Inc., The Secret of Creole Cooking (New Iberia, LA: B.F. Trappey’s Sons, Inc., ca. 1950s), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, inside cover. 256 The Parents’ Club of Ursuline Academy, Inc., Recipes and Reminisces of New Orleans, Volume II (1981. Reprint. New Orleans: Franklin Printing Company, Inc., 1992), vi. 257 St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, Indianola, Mississippi, Bayou Cuisine: Its Tradition and Transition (Indianola, MS: St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 1970), 74; Marshall Fishwick, “Southern Cooking,” in The American Heritage Cookbook, edited by the editors of American Heritage (N.P. [New York]: American Heritage Publishing Co., Inc., 1961), 121.

influence of “food products grown and canned in this region … [to the] smack of the Creole blend of the best French and Spanish cooking skills influenced by the Indian and genial plantation Negroes.”258 Here the authors minimized black influence upon the creation of the food, and demeaned antebellum blacks with the “happy darky” stereotype.

This stereotype pervaded cookbooks of the period, and many texts included such anecdotes to marginalize blacks further by minimizing the importance of slavery. One author wrote, “During the Ante-Bellum days when great plantations flourished in the South, the Negro cooks ran feeding establishments that often operated on the scale of a modern hotel. These cooks catered to one of the most discriminating classes of epicures America has ever known, blending the contributions of so many races with tricks of their own.”259 Blacks’ abilities to produce amazing food was nonetheless respected and touted in cookbooks, but as in Jim Crow times, still with the connotation that blacks were inferior to whites. The use of the word “negro” to describe blacks enhanced this degradation. Once again, “negro” cooks, while “rated ‘among the better cooks of the world,’” still had no formal education or skill to which credit for their cooking abilities could be assigned. Instead, authors described black cooks as having, “a pleasant disposition, a happy imagination, and a capacity for work,” and either innate instinct for cooking or the ability to be trained for such work.260 Some qualified the amount of training each domestic had as “a smattering of training,” with which, “the Southern Negro… was able to manage ‘dishes to gratify the palate of fastidious epicures.’”261 Their ability to cook and serve whites, though, often came from extensive training under white overseers. One work noted, “The Negresses of the city… learned their skills in the old French ancestral homes,” and commented, “Negro

258 B.F. Trappey’s Sons, Inc., 6. 259 Ibid, 6. 260 Edith Ballard Watts, Jesse’s Book of Creole and Deep South Recipes (New York: The Viking Press, 1954), vii. 261 St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 249.

butlers were expertly trained in the service of wines.”262 Other works attributed no training to the

“negro” cook, simply stating, “With his originality and instinct – a pinch of this and a dash of that – he achieved results that would delight any gourmet!”263 Such innate talent allowed cooks, when “given materials and conveniences, if she has ‘a mind to’ (all depends on that) she’ll set a spread that for palatability and healthfulness will surpass that of a celebrated French chef.”264

The talent of the “negro” cook, according to white authors of the time, was indeed exceptional, but their praise still came from a place of contempt and disdain for blacks during this pivotal time.

Beyond the term “negro” to describe blacks in Southern life, works once again used variations on the term, including “colored” or “darkies” as cookbooks had in the Jim Crow period, to discuss blacks. Here again in the post-World War II era, cookbooks frequently used these pejorative titles to demean and belittle blacks’ positions within society. One book noted that the recipe, “Mother’s Deluxe Cherry Pudding,” was “a dessert our old colored cook used to term ‘scrumptuous’ [sic].”265 Authors nonchalantly employed the term, using “colored” to describe “a native colored man… [who] knows how to mash potatoes with a bottle,” or in the discussion of “the old colored woman who made [a recipe] famous in Kentucky.”266 Similarly, cookbooks included the term “darkies” when mentioning blacks, but less frequently than they used the term “colored.” One example of this usage came from an anecdote under the recipe for

Hoppin’ John. In referring to the dish, it read, “Another New Year Superstition about the thing to

262 Parents Club of Ursuline Academy Inc., Recipes and Reminisces of New Orleans (Kenner: Frankland Southland Printing Co., Inc., 1971), 171, 15. 263 St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 196. 264 St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 249. 265 Marion W. Flexner, Out of Kentucky Kitchens (New York: Franklin Watts, 1949. Reprint. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1989), 188. 266 The Junior League of Tampa, comp., The Gasparilla Cookbook (1961. Reprint. Highland Village, TX: Cookbook Resources, 1997), 125; Flexner, 124-5.

eat for goodluck [sic] on that day is prevalent in South Carolina among the ‘Buckra’, as the darkies call the white aristocrats, as well among their own color.”267 Author Eva Davis, in Eva

Davis’ Mississippi Mixin’s, wrote, “Having lived among the Southern darkies and been nursed by one of those faithful and kindly women, and in turn have had them nurse my own children, I know and love them as a part of our lives in the South.”268 In fact, Davis, who included several recipes from her “faithful old Negro,” Aunt Mollie, in her books, composed her multiple cookery texts because, “It was her own idea that factual history was waning and people were forgetting and the young ones never knowing of our heritage of friendly acquaintance and work with the

Negro people.”269 This feeling of camaraderie and closeness led to the romanticization of black cooks through titles of affection, and a reminiscence for the antebellum social order.

Perhaps one of the most overt, recurring Jim Crow themes was the affectionate and endearing comments toward black cooks, and the ways in which white authors praised their black domestics. One recipe exclaimed, “Some of the very best dishes in the South were created by Blacks.”270 White authors generally presented the talent of these cooks as an innate talent or inherent skill of the cook. One author commented, “These recipes were made up as Aunt Jemima says, ‘a little of dis and a little of dat’, without the help of formal measurements.”271 Their talent was something that modern women could replicate if they attempted, though. One author noted,

“If the latter [young homemakers who do not understand cooking] will follow directions, they will be more successful than the so-called ‘old-fashioned’ cook who prides herself on never

267 Daisy Breaux Calhoun, Favorite Recipes of a Famous Hostess (Washington, DC: Polytechnic Publishing Company, 1945), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 95. 268 Eva Davis, Eva Davis’ Mississippi Mixin’s: A “Gone With the Wind” cook book by the author of Court Square Recipes (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1960), n.p. [“Eva Says…” section]. 269 Eva Davis, Eva Davis’ Court Square Recipes (Clarksdale, MS: Clarksdale Printing Company, Inc., ca. 1952-56), 29; Davis, Eva Davis’ Mississippi Mixin’s, n.p. [“Foreword” section]. 270 Terry Thompson, A Taste of the South (Los Angeles: HPBooks, 1988), 145. 271 Davis, Eva Davis’ Mississippi Mixin’s, 8.

measuring or timing anything and does not understand our present ways of cooking with modern laborsaving and perfect cooking equipment.”272 Cookery texts reinforced their lack of formal education and depicted cooks as inferior through their descriptions. Authors frequently included comments such as, “In the deep South the good old Southern cooks, many of them not knowing how to read or write, and who cooked entirely by taste and instinct, when asked for the recipes of their delectable concoctions have given this proverbial reply: ‘Well, I jes takes a little pince ob dis, an a little dash ob dat til I gets de right tase, an’ das all’.”273 Much as in Jim Crow era cookbooks, anecdotes within civil rights era cookery texts described the “vivid, magic touch of

Africans, whose lively genius was expended in the kitchen,” or “the imaginative hands of plantation cooks—almost invariably of African origin or descent—[which] gave a value to the cooking that exceeded the excellence of the original dish.”274 This praise of their skill, which was based solely upon the fact that the cook was black or of African heritage, reinforced the othering of blacks by connecting their culinary wisdom to their blackness alone, instead of to the fact that anyone could possess talent for or receive an education in cooking.

Whites’ praise of cooks’ talent, however, was not the only way whites paid homage to their cooks. Recipes honored aunts, mammies, and the like through their naming. Other contributors named recipes after family cooks, either former slaves or black domestics. Authors praised the cooks for their past service to the household, and honored them through the publication of their recipes. Once again, though, people did not so much honor the cooks as to

272 Ethel Farmer Hunter, Secrets of Southern Cooking (Chicago: Ziff-Davis Publishing Company, 1948. Reprint. New York: Tudor Publishing Company, 1956), vii. 273 Calhoun, 1. 274 Staff Home Economists, Culinary Arts Institute, The Creole Cookbook (1954. Chicago: Book Production Industries, Inc., 1955), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 3; Francois Mignon and Clementine Hunter, Melrose Plantation Cookbook (N.P.: Francois Mignon, 1956), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2-3.

include habitually their full names.275 One recipe described the creator of one such recipe as “a superior cook besides being a leader among his people,” but still without inclusion of his last name.276 The inclusion of such a trend so late into the century was a romanticization of blacks in their “place,” idealizing the times from the Jim Crow era in hope that racial mindsets would revert to their previous ways. Recipe naming in this generation of cookbooks once again employed the use of “Aunt” when attributing a recipe to a particular domestic of the family.277 A pattern emerged in this group of recipes, however, that separated them from the previous generation. Rather than credit the family’s black cook for the recipe in several instances, the authors relayed the history of the recipe as it entered the family. Typically, the story mentioned how the recipe descended from the family cook to the family, making the family the spotlight.

By telling the history of the recipe as it entered the family, authors detached the dishes from the black cooks who created them, and the white family began the process of adopting such recipes as their own.

Many authors chose to detach the recipes from their pasts because of their loss of Jim

Crow era social order that replaced and, in some ways, replicated prewar slavery. To victimize their position before discussing the lost social order, they spoke somberly of the poor condition the South was left in after the Civil War, lamenting with great sadness the devastation and starvation that permeated the South. One text noted, “Similarly, in the year 1850, Coon Gumbo appeared monthly on many local tables. Then came the Civil War. Starvation stalked the bayous and plantation lanes. The countryside was devastated.”278 The author continued, “The military

275 The Junior League of Charleston, Charleston Receipts (Charleston, SC: n.p., 1950. Reprint, Memphis: Wimmer Brothers, 1993), 86. 276 The Junior League of Charleston, 119. 277 See “Aunt Maude’s Chocolate Cake,” “Aunt Jenney’s Favorite Cake,” and “Aunt Maria Sour Cream Cookies,” in The Virginia Federation of Home Demonstration Clubs, Recipes from Old Virginia (1958. Reprint. Richmond, VA: The Dietz Press, 1998), 217-8, 228, and 265. 278 Mignon and Hunter, 3.

handbook of a Civil War is not one of fighting but of cooking—it is biscuits, not battles.”279

Another cookbook decried, “Time was running out for the plantation South. The Civil War was approaching, with its insurrection and invasion, hunger and chaos…. The flowers withered; the fancy foods disappeared…. For the plantation South, the power and the glory disappeared.”280

The message rang the same through all works: “The transition of antebellum elegance to twentieth-century mores was not without trauma…. The women of the Gray showed an inherent strength in facing these intolerable times. Stark poverty greeted the returning soldier. The Delta’s table suffered.”281

More important than the devastation felt during and immediately after the war, though,

Southern cookbook writers mourned the passing of the rigid Jim Crow social structure that subjugated blacks and closely replicated the slavery it replaced. Rather than outright comment that the passing of slavery crushed the South, authors instead spoke of the racial roles, like those mourned in the Jim Crow period, which “time has robbed us of.”282 Surely, the mammy figure was the most devastating loss for Southern homes, but in New Orleans, the loss of the calas women affected the city dramatically. One work noted, “Gone are the days of such charming customs [like the calas women], but the recipes, at lease [sic], are still with us.”283 By remembering the recipes, the tradition and legacy of such antebellum customs remained a part of

Southern memory.

Beyond the passing of New Orleans’s calas women, the loss of the mammy in many civil rights era Southern homes elicited the most vocal pain, and in cookbooks manifested through

279 Ibid, 3-4. 280 Fishwick, 121. 281 St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 249. 282 Parents Club of Ursuline Academy Inc., Recipes and Reminisces of New Orleans, 171. 283 Ibid.

mourning in many ways. Books continued the trend of naming recipes after “Mammy,” generally making no other attribution to the woman who created the recipe.284 Other books referred back to

“having been taught by ‘Mammy cooks,’” or described the dish as one “like Mammy used to make.”285 Authors would note how the cook was “the avowed ‘aristocrat’ of the white man's table. She knew her job and worked toward its creative perfection. In her large checked apron, with head done in the proverbial red bandana, her pride and joy was the creating of good ‘vittles for her white folks,’” or how, “When the ‘soup’s on’ signal is sounded by the turban headed figure in the dining room door, life is good whatever the price of cotton.”286 As in the earlier period, however, cookbook authors continually reinforced the stereotyped vision of the mammy figure throughout the civil rights era and beyond. Through verbal description and visual representation, writers fortified the notion that black women in the South fulfilled the physical archetype of the jovial mammy. Once again, authors described a woman “who invariably was stout, colored and wore a tignon, which was a red bandana headpiece,” “clad in her best starched uniform, bib apron, and red bandanna,” or “in bandana and guinea blue dress.”287 Authors supplemented their verbal descriptions of mammy figures with photographs, sketches, and images as had occurred in Jim Crow era cookbooks as well. Sketches of children stealing cookies from a mammy-shaped jar, photos of mammies as they worked, and mammies cooking or serving food appeared throughout the texts of this period. 288

284 See “Mammy’s Corn Bread,” The Virginia Federation of Home Demonstration Clubs, Recipes from Old Virginia (Richmond: The Dietz Press, Incorporated, 1946), 24. [Page 26 in 1958 edition: (1958. Reprint. Richmond, VA: The Dietz Press, 1998)]; “Mammy’s Baked Redfish,” and “Mammy’s Cold German Potato Salad,” The Parents’ Club of Ursuline Academy, Inc., Recipes and Reminisces of New Orleans, Volume II, 85, 144. 285 Flexner, 55, 66. 286 Davis, Eva Davis’ Mississippi Mixin’s, 9; Mrs. Marshall Vaught, ed., Coahoma Woman’s Club, Coahoma Cooking, Every Day and Sunday Too (1949. Clarksdale, MS: Clarksdale Printing Company, 1951), 35. 287 Scoop Kennedy, Cook Along With Scoop (New Orleans: Pacesetter Publishing Company, 1967), 138; Flexner, 219; Parents Club of Ursuline Academy Inc., Recipes and Reminisces of New Orleans, 171. 288 St. Augustine’s Episcopal Women (Baton Rouge, La.), Our Favorite Recipes (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1950s), n.p. [Candies and Cookies title page]; Staff Home Economists, Culinary Arts Institute, The Creole Cookbook, 13, 62;

Another continuity from Jim Crow cookbooks was the tradition of presenting recipes and anecdotes from the mid-twentieth century with stereotypical black dialect for blacks’ quoted speech. One book included the dialect recipe poem, “Aunt Dinah’s Recipe” written by Olive

Johnston, that “expresses very well the problem that we have encountered in preparing this book.”289 Another included “a recipe for cooking cowpeas from an 1874 book called

Housekeeping in Old Virginia” because, as the author noted, it “might amuse you: MOZIS

ADDAMS’ ‘RESIPEE TOR CUKIN KON-FEEL PEES.’”290 This use of dialect speech when quoting black cooks continued to present them as inferior to the white audiences of civil rights era cookbooks, invalidating blacks’ struggle through the period.

In addition to generalizing black speech as inferior, books continued to remember Joel

Chandler Harris and his characters through recipe names and visual representations as an extension of dialect speech. By this period, Harris’s works had become popular children’s literature, perhaps even more so than in the earlier Jim Crow period. Books in the civil rights era included small biographies of Harris, his son Julian, and daughter-in-law Julia Collier Harris, and drawings of Harris’s home in Atlanta, Georgia.291 Recipes from the kitchen of Harris and his wife, credited as Mrs. Joel Chandler Harris, found their way into cookbooks of this period, as well.292 To pay tribute to Harris’s stories, cookbooks named recipes after his characters, like

Staff Home Economists, Culinary Arts Institute, The Southern and Southwestern Cookbook (Chicago: Culinary Arts Institute, 1956), 9, 40, 63; Mrs. Marshall Vaught, ed., 14, 27, 31, 35; Mary McKay, Old Southern Tea Room, Vicksburg, Mississippi (Vicksburg: Mary McKay, 1960), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2, 6; Dorothy V. Doughty, Magnolias & Ambrosia Creole Recipes (N.P.: Devenport Brothers Printing, 1967), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 10, 31; St. Anne’s Guild of the Parish of Christ Church, Out of the Skillet (Holly Springs, MS: St. Anne’s Guild of the Parish of Christ Church, 1947), n.p. [Contents page]. 289 St. Anne’s Guild of the Parish of Christ Church, n.p. (Foreward [sic]). 290 Flexner, 155. 291 Oglethorpe College Woman’s Club, comp., Historical Georgia Recipes (Atlanta: n.p., 1968), 35, 38, 34; Susan C. Trudeau, Georgia Plantation and Historical Homes Cookbook (Norcross, GA: Aerial Photography Services, ca. 1990s), 10. 292 Puckett, 183; Oglethorpe College Woman’s Club, 37; Trudeau, 11.

Br’er Batter Rabbit or Uncle Remus Roasted Eggs, and sketches of “Unk’ Remus,” Br’er Rabbit, and Br’er Fox entered civil rights cookery texts.293

Similar to the inclusion of memorialization of Harris, once again, cookbooks also included Howard Weeden’s “Beaten Biscuit” from her 1899 publication, Bandanna Ballads.

Whether the works included the entire poem, or selected stanzas, works once again used

Weeden’s poem, written in dialect speech, to illustrate the inferiority of blacks through dialect speech.294 One text included a handwritten facsimile of the poem positioned above an image of a mammy figure stirring a bowl, reinforcing the racial indications of the poem’s inclusion.295

A divergence from previous cookbook traits was the treatment of the Gullah language.

The native tongue of many, predominately blacks, on the eastern coast of South Carolina, authors presented Gullah speech in a similar manner as they had before with Southern black dialect. While officially a language and not a dialect, cookbooks often treated the Gullah language in a similar way as the purported black dialect because many viewed “the Gullah language as ‘broken English.’”296 At the top of the chapters and in other instances throughout the text, Charleston Receipts printed Gullah phrases.297 Later revised versions of the text included the addition of a historical context of the Gullah culture, and an explanation of the Gullah language. The updated versions also contained translations of what the phrases said. Presumably,

293 “Br’er Batter Rabbit,” Sallie F. Hill, ed., The Progressive Farmer’s Southern Cookbook (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1961), 109; “Uncle Remus Roasted Eggs” and “Br’er Rabbit Blackberry Cobbler,” Kathryn Turner Windham, Southern Cooking to Remember (1974. Reprint, Jackson, MS: University Press of Mississippi, 1994), found in the NetLibrary, http://research.flagler.edu:9012/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=108389 (accessed September 30, 2010), 110, 177; Mrs. Marshall Vaught, 22; Oglethorpe College Woman’s Club, 43. 294 St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 222 [entire poem]; Mrs. Marshall Vaught, 3 [stanza that starts, “’Case cookin’s lak religion is—”]. 295 Helen Inglesby, Heritage Receipts from St. John’s, Savannah, Georgia (Savannah: Kennickell Printing Company, ca. 1970s), 48. 296 Joseph A. Opala, The Gullah: Rice, Slavery, and The Sierra Leone-American Connection, fifth ed. (2009. N.P.: United States Information Service of Freetown, Sierra Leone, 1987), 15. This was a published government pamphlet “in observance of the Bicentenary of Sierra Leone and the Bicentennial of the Constitution of the United States of America” (front matter), and the full text can be found at http://www.yale.edu/glc/gullah/. 297 Junior League of Charleston, 13, 45, 67, etc.

though, the intention originally in 1950 most certainly included the Gullah phrases for the same reasons as dialect phrases and Harris’s: to exaggerate the inferiority of blacks as presented during

Jim Crow.

Even later in the century, as the author of Gullah Cooking stated in his introduction, there were “remnants of a people associated with the old plantation days and the language that they spoke, Gullah,” along the coast of South Carolina.298 He continued, “By combining inflections of

English and the banter of many African languages, Gullah emerged as a language unto itself… but it is a dying language,” which he learned from hearing the “maids” of his mother and grandmother.299 He claimed his book recorded “what I knew and had learned about Gullah by living in the lowcountry for forty years.”300 Its contents, however, included only a handful of poems in his “description” of Gullah language, very few recipes expressly credited to their culture, and short “language” asides attached to recipes, such as, “Dis will mak ya fight yo daddee,” or “Ain’t none go’be lef.”301 While his introduction seemed well intentioned to capture the culture, his way of addressing language and culture as presented does more disservice than education. He discredited the Gullah people by oversimplifying their rich heritage into an “old plantation language,” and marginalized their place in history with his interpretation of their vernacular.

Yet another indicator of the civil rights movement at this time held no link to a previous

Jim Crow trend within cookery texts. Cookbooks did not frequently express the underlying racial tensions of the time, but when authors indulged any notion, it was covertly stated. During and

298 Oscar N. Vick, III, Gullah Cooking: Creative Recipes from an Historic Past (Olathe, KS: Cookbook Publishers, Inc., 1989), i. 299 Ibid. 300 Ibid. 301 Ibid, 17.

after the 1950s, more intentional actions that protested blacks’ struggle for civil rights came from the wives of the senators and congressmen who signed the Southern Manifesto. The Southern

Manifesto, a declaration signed on March 12, 1956, by 101 of the South’s 128 senators and congressional representatives, intended to “unite and encourage those white southerners who were opposed to desegregation,” and “to make defiance of the Supreme Court and Constitution socially acceptable in the South—to give resistance to the law the approval of the Southern

Establishment.”302 The wives of these representatives who published recipes in cookbooks in the

1950s and 1960s signed their names to attach themselves to their husbands’ positions. One such example came from Cracker Crumbs from DeLand, Florida. The book’s date of publication is today unclear, although assumed to be within the 1950-1960 range. This assumed date would position the signatures of the women, “Mrs. (Sen.) Spessard Holland” and “Mrs. (Sen.) George

Smathers,” chronologically proceeding one of the nineteen influential desegregation Supreme

Court rulings, such as Brown v. Board of Education.303 Other works included recipes from the wife of Congressman McMillan of South Carolina, and Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana.304

The senators and their wives may not have intended to convey racially charged messages through this type of signature, but this appears too strong of a coincidence given the racial climate of the civil rights era. The women certainly would have been aware of the statement that including their husbands’ names and positions would connote, particularly to other white readers who sympathized with the Southern Manifesto, especially when one considers how the publishers meticulously scrutinized the details of every recipe.

302 Brent J. Aucoin, “The Southern Manifesto and Opposition to Desegregation,” The Arkansas Historical Quarterly 55, no. 2 (Summer 1996): 173, 174, 176. 303 The Women’s Society of Christian Service of the First Methodist Church of DeLand, Cracker Crumbs (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1950s-1960s), 14, 15; Woodward, 153. 304 Calhoun, 14; St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 310.

Cookbooks also showed evidence of longing for a pre-Civil War state of racial order through their war references. Before, books spoke to the longing for antebellum days in different ways. In this revival period, many mentioned the Civil War by just labeling it “the Civil War,” although calling upon the war frequently. The reference generally called up on the date of the recipe’s origin, such as “(A recipe from pre-Civil War days),” or referred to an anecdote related to the recipe, like one that said the recipe “became very popular at the ‘infairs’ of the plantation

Southern hostess in pre-Civil War days.”305 One recipe even bore the name “1860 Potato Salad,” dating it specifically before the war’s beginning in 1861.306 Others, though, once again euphemistically referred to the Civil War as “The War Between the States,” as they had within the period after the war. One book recalled how “An old slave Negro named Hannah Higgins first made this cake [Hannah’s Eggless Fruit Cake] during the Reconstruction period following the War Between the States.”307 Some noted how the recipe was popular before or during “the

War Between the States,” or how the creator of the dish or its city of origin changed because of

“the War Between the States.”308 The cookbooks of the post-World War II period exhibited this trend even more prominently. This repeated emergence, in combination with the assertion of the

Southern Manifesto, was an early signifier of the renewal of the Lost Cause.

During the 1950s and 1960s, “the use of Lost Cause symbolism by segregationists” also pervaded situations surrounding the new world of racial blending, such as the “Confederate battle flag as their symbol of adherence to ‘traditional’ southern ways.”309 In the late 1960s, as

305 Flexner, 49, 217. 306 St. Anne’s Guild of the Parish of Christ Church, 19. 307 S. F. Hill, 427. 308 Ibid, 110, 157; Inglesby, 6; Oglethorpe College Woman’s Club, 52; The Junior League of Mobile, Inc. Recipe Jubilee (1964. Reprint. Memphis: The Wimmer Companies, Inc., 1993), 7. 309 Gaines M. Foster, “Lost Cause Myth,” and Stephen Davis, “Reb, Johnny,” in The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture: Myth, Manners, and Memory, edited by Charles Reagan Wilson, Vol. 4 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 241, 258.

Supreme Court rulings and national legislation of the civil rights movement confronted the South with forced racial integration and the reversal of de jure segregation, an even stronger backlash of white supremacy reared its head. While the Supreme Court decided the famous Brown v.

Board of Education ruling in 1954 that ordered public schools to desegregate, most Southern cities still felt the effects of federal legislation decades after due to an unwillingness to commingle the races. Several schools in the South did not complete full integration until the late

1970s, and, from fear of losing white Southern identity due to racial integration, a surge of

Southern heritage and commemorative books of Southern past surfaced to counter the threats of this process.310

The images of the South presented to the rest of America showed “a site of illiterate and intolerant race-baiting rubes who were caught up in the defense of their provincial past.”311 The reinforcement of long-held, traditional Southern pride brought with it a resurrection of the Lost

Cause.312 Segregationists rallied “around the centennial of the Confederacy to challenge the civil rights movement.”313 The renewal of the Lost Cause ideology brought with it significant cultural redevelopment that glorified the remembrance of the Old South, a movement that started strong in the years of civil rights action, the 1960s, and its dissipation in the 1970s, and slowly tapered off through the mid-1980s. Recipes published during this tumultuous time in the South again mirrored the trends from when the movement was at its first height.

310 J. Michael Butler, “‘More Negotiation and Less Demonstrations’: The NAACP, SCLC, and Racial Conflict in Pensacola, 1970-1978,” Florida Historical Quarterly, 86:1 (Summer 2007),70, 72. 311 Karen L. Cox, “The South and Mass Culture,” Journal of Southern History 75, no.3 (August 2009): 681. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed April 10, 2012). 312 John M. Coski, The Confederate Battle Flag: America’s Most Embattled Emblem (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005),135, 137, 203. 313 Jon Weiner, “Civil War, Cold War, Civil Rights,” in The Memory of the Civil War in American Culture, edited by Alice Fahs and Joan Waugh (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 243.

Many books of the period assisted the Lost Cause’s resurgence. Several included recipes that reminisced about the Old South and plantation life. Whether they provided anecdotes regarding pre-war life, or they just titled their recipes with the word “plantation,” the sentiment that cookbooks conveyed buttressed the spirit and pervasiveness of the Lost Cause.314 One book noted how “Plantation Days” were “Now Gone With The Wind,” where others referred to the recipe’s status as “an old plantation recipe,” or marked that the original was “found in an antebellum cookbook in an old antebellum home in the Delta.”315 Other works celebrated the Old

South more than plantation life itself. Recipes received titles like “Old South chicken spaghetti,” and one author commented, “Many of the recipes have been in our family from fifty to one hundred and fifty years and, thus, are steeped in the traditions of gracious living, legendary with the Old South.”316 Another called upon prewar days, stating, “Those who are familiar with the life and traditions of the Old South know that the preparation and appreciation of food were vital parts of that gracious and hospitable way of life.”317 These reminiscences of the Old South and its lifestyle reinforced Lost Cause thinking with their subtle commentary.

314 See “Plantation Spoon Bread,” The Virginia Federation of Home Demonstration Clubs, Recipes from Old Virginia (1946), 23 [p. 27 in 1958 edition]; “Plantation Short Cake,” The Virginia Federation of Home Demonstration Clubs, Recipes from Old Virginia (1958), 76; “Planter’s Plantation Punch,” Mrs. Marshall Vaught, 8; “The Governor’s Chicken or Old Plantation Style Chicken,” St. John’s Woman’s Auxiliary, Leland, Mississippi and St. Paul’s Woman’s Auxiliary, Hollandale, Mississippi, Gourmet of the Delta (Jackson, MS: Hederman Brothers, ca. 1954), 50; “Plantation Cheese Log,” Staff Home Economists, Culinary Arts Institute, The Southern and Southwestern Cookbook, 8; “Plantation Coffee Punch,” Lela Jo Goar, Blanche Gore, and Lucille Dunn, eds., Favorite Recipes® of Texas (Montgomery: Favorite Recipes Press, Inc., 1964), 19; “Plantation Cheese Log,” “Plantation Stirrup Cup,” and “Plantation Sweet Potato Pone,” St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 197, 299, 218; “Plantation Soup,” Claire S. Davidow, ed., The Southern Cookbook of Fine Old Recipes (1965. Reprint. Reading, PA: Culinary Arts Press, Inc., 1972), 6; and “Oysters Plantation,” The Parents’ Club of Ursuline Academy, Inc., Recipes and Reminisces of New Orleans, Volume II, 185; “Plantation Pecan Torte,” Ann Seranne, ed., The Southern Junior League Cookbook (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1977), 535-6; “Plantation Butterscotch Pecan Fudge,” The Junior League of Huntsville, Inc., Huntsville Heritage Cookbook (1967. Reprint. Nashville: Favorite Recipes Press, 2002), 307. 315 B.F. Trappey’s Sons, Inc., 6; The Woman’s Exchange of Memphis, Tennessee, Recipes collected by the Woman's Exchange of Memphis, Tennessee (1964. Reprint. N.P.: Accurate Printing, Inc., 1992), 75, 159; St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 199. 316 Goar, Gore, and Dunn, 119; Hunter, vii. 317 St. Anne’s Guild of the Parish of Christ Church, n.p. (Foreward [sic])

Another support for Lost Cause ideology came as recipes once again exhibited

Confederate pride stronger than they originally had. Several commercially published books from

Southern Living, and its precursor, Progressive Farmer, displayed recipes like Mamaw’s

Confederate Jumbles, Confederate Soldiers, Confederate Chicken, Confederate Pudding,

Confederate Cake, and Dixie Relish.318 One recipe for Confederate Slaw came complete with an illustration of the Confederate flag attached to a fork stuck into one side of the bowl of slaw opposite a period-American flag on a spoon, and the explanation, “Handed down from antebellum days is Confederate Slaw served as one of the featured dishes at U.D.C. luncheons.

This slaw is said to have been a delicacy in Knoxville before the War Between the States and is included in some of the city’s oldest collection of recipes.”319 This recipe not only indicated the importance of the slaw’s Confederate heritage, but also attempted to elevate the status of a common and inexpensive Southern dish using “classier” words to separate it from other slaws.

Another recipe included an anecdotal reference that linked the resulting teacakes to their

Confederate past:

Dr. Claire Gilbert, who is professor of home demonstration methods at the University of Tennessee, gives us a little historical background on the tea cake [sic] recipe which has been in her family for years. “One fall afternoon while my grandmother and her sister were making tea cakes, about 15 tired, hungry, Confederate soldiers rode up to the gate. Relieved to see gray, not blue, coats, the girls invited the boys in to rest and to share the tea cakes and coffee (part coffee and part parched sweet potatoes).”320

318 Southern Living The Southern Heritage Cakes Cookbook (Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, 1983), 85, 65; The Deep South Cookbook: A Southern Living Book (N.P.: Oxmoor House, Inc., 1976), 122; S. F. Hill, 414, 416, 348. These two magazines and their respective offshoot publications will be discussed in more detail in Chapter Five. 319 S. F. Hill, 157. See Appendix for image. 320 Ibid, 281-2.

Beyond the cookbooks published by Progressive Farmer or Southern Living, other cookery texts included recipes that honored the Confederacy in similar ways. As in previous waves of Lost Cause, cookbooks used various tactics to reinforce and bolster Confederate pride.

Many works referred back to the days of life from before the Civil War, or lamented how the war changed the South’s way of life, as aforementioned. Beyond simple notation of the recipe coming from “pre-Civil War” days, one author stepped further to paint an idyllic picture of prewar life. Regarding one recipe, she wrote, “This is guaranteed to transport you to another era—to the lush days before the Civil War, when the ‘Colonel Suh’ sat on his wide verandah and, holding just such a beverage in his fine aristocratic hand, rocked back and forth whiling away the midday hours.”321 Others simply titled their recipes with the word “Confederate,” without anecdotal connection to the Confederate States of America.322 Much like in the first wave of Lost Cause in the early twentieth century, recipes again bore the name “Dixie,” or authors made explicit note of their origin from below the Mason-Dixon Line.323 Cookbooks furthermore bolstered the Lost Cause by perpetuating the juxtaposition of Southerners against

“Yankees.” Several works titled recipes with the word “Yankee,” or included tangential anecdotes about Northerners in the South.324

321 Flexner, 42. 322 See “Confederate Pie” and “Confederate Relish,” Flexner, 212, 278; “Confederate Egg Nog,” The Junior League of Mobile, Inc., Recipe Jubilee, 30; “Confederate Pudding,” Parents Club of Ursuline Academy Inc., Recipes and Reminisces of New Orleans, 108; “Confederate Coleslaw,” Windham, 29; “Confederate Caramel,” The Junior League of Huntsville, Inc., 307. 323 See “Dixie Pork Chops,” Women’s Club Leaders in Arkansas-Mississippi, Favorite Recipes from along the Mississippi (Montgomery, AL: Favorite Recipes Press, Inc., 1965), 47; “Down in Dixie Bourbon Pie,” Mary McKay, stapled to title page; “Dixie Corn Bread Waffles,” The Virginia Federation of Home Demonstration Clubs, Recipes from Old Virginia (1946), 26. [p. 29 in 1958]; “Dixie Fried Corn,” The Junior League of Mobile, Inc. Recipe Jubilee, 184; “Dixie Divinity,” Parents Club of Ursuline Academy Inc., Recipes and Reminisces of New Orleans, 174; “Dixie Corn Meal Biscuits,” The Roanoke Council of Garden Clubs, Inc., A Centennial Cookbook, third ed. (Shawnes Mission, KS: Circulation Service, 1984), 276; “Dixie Okra Soup,” “Dixie Tea Cake,” and “Louis Smith’s Southern Fried Onions,” Flexner, 48, 247, 147. 324 See “Yankee Noodles” and “Yankee Spaghetti,” Junior Service League of Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Bon Appetit! A Book of Baton Rouge Recipes (Baton Rouge: The Franklin Press, 1945), 92-3; “Yankee Salad Dressing,” Women’s Auxiliary, Emmanuel Episcopal Church, Lake Village, Arkansas, Treasury of Favorite Recipes (N.P.:

Another recurrent Lost Cause theme was naming recipes after Confederate heroes and publishing them en masse.325 The dishes changed quite significantly, in some cases; some dropped from texts, others appeared as new inclusions, but many remained unchanged. A modification of the revived Lost Cause was an emphasis on recipes named for Davis, with fewer mentions of Lee or other members of the upper echelon of the Confederacy.

Jefferson Davis, widely considered a pariah and treated as a scapegoat at the end of the

Civil War, had turned into a highly exalted icon by the 1970s. A plethora of varying recipes for

Jeff or Jefferson Davis Pie appeared, including one for Jeff Davis Chess Pie, along with explanations of its origination:326

Who developed the Jeff Davis Pie? The United Daughters of the Confederacy had one version in the early 20th century: Jeff Davis Pie was discovered and named by Aunt Jule Ann, a slave in the family of George B. Warren of Dover, Lafayette County, Missouri. Shortly before the war, Mr. Warren moved from the South to Dover, taking his slaves with him. Among them was Aunt Jule Ann, who was queen and tyrant in the kitchen in the Warren home. One Sunday when there were distinguished guests at the Warrens, Aunt Jule Ann served a new kind of pie, so delicious that there was a general desire to know how it was made. n.p., 1958), Nadine Vorhoff Library, Newcomb College Institute, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, 88; “Yankee Johnny Cake,” The Junior League of Tampa, 227; and “Pauline’s Luncheon (Special for Yankee Guests),” Mrs. Marshall Vaught, 29. 325 As an aside, it should be noted that women’s Republican organizations at the time tried to counter the memorialization of Confederate heroes by including their own recipes named after historic figures. This was incredibly rare in the texts scoured for this thesis, but did happen on occasion. See “Lincoln Crisps,” in Mrs. Roy Allen, Mrs. John E. Hurley, Mrs. James McKillips, Miss Elise Meyer, Mrs. John Minor Wisdom, New Orleans Carnival Cook Book (New Orleans: Women’s Republican Publications, Inc., 1951), 96. From border state Kentucky, a recipe for “Union Cake (A Civil War cake)” noted, “You can enjoy it whether your sympathies are with the North or the South.” See “Union Cake,” Flexner, 239. 326 Craig Claiborne, Craig Claiborne’s Southern Cooking (N.P.: Clamshell Productions, Inc., 1987. Reprint, New York: Wings Books, 1992), 309; Charleen McClain, ed., [compiled from Holland’s Magazine] Holland’s Southern Cookbook: Cooking With a Southern Accent (Atlanta: Foote and Davies, Inc., 1952), 177; The Service League of Greenville, Inc., Recipes from Grandmother and Grandaughter [sic] and Daughter: A Compilation of Favorite Tested Recipes of Housewives of Greenville and Other Famous Folk, 4th ed. (Lenexa, KS: Cookbook Publishers, Inc., 1981), 131; Marty Godbey, Dining in Historic Kentucky: A Restaurant Guide with Recipes (Kuttawa, KY: McClanahan Publishing House, 1985), 33; Southern Living The Southern Heritage Pies and Pastry Cookbook (Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, 1984), 89; Jean Hewitt, The New York Times Southern Heritage Cookbook (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1976), 198; The Virginia Federation of Home Demonstration Clubs, Recipes from Old Virginia (1958), 202; Women’s Club Leaders in Arkansas-Mississippi, 175; Women’s Auxiliary, Emmanuel Episcopal Church, 77; St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 233; Goar, Gore, and Dunn, 176; Puckett, 224.

Now Aunt Jule Ann, who admired Jefferson Davis, declared, “That’s Jeff Davis Pie.” The story goes that Aunt Jule Ann a few weeks later contributed a basketful of Jeff Davis pies to the Disciple Church when it held its August meeting in Dover. Gradually the fame of the new pie spread.327

The story of origin varied, however, between publications. The previous anecdote came from

Southern Living’s precursor, The Progressive Farmer, in their 1961 The Progressive Farmer’s

Southern Cookbook. Later, Southern Living also printed an origination story in their 1984

Southern Living Southern Heritage Pies and Pastry Cookbook, which read:

Two versions of the origin of the controversial Jeff Davis pie recipe come close enough to agreeing that the background may be close enough to the truth to bear repeating: One George B. Warren moved from the South to Missouri just before the outbreak of the War Between the States, taking his cook Mary Ann (or Julie Ann) with him. She served a pie so heavenly tasting that, when asked the name, she said it was a Jeff Davis pie, out of loyalty to Mr. Warren, a Southern sympathizer.328

The second retelling of the possible truth closely resembles the first, but left out details, like

Jule/Julie Ann’s status as a slave and her success with spreading the recipe, that gave credit and context to the story. The second version also came published with a print called “Jefferson Davis passes through LaGrange, Georgia, April, 1886” above the recipe, to add a visual component of the pie namesake. Other interpretations of the pie’s origin contended that Davis “was familiar with this confection named in his honor as President of the Confederate States during the Civil

War,” but the author went on to add that he had “serious doubts” regarding the authenticity of that claim.329 A third interpretation declared, “This pie, a relative of the chess pie… is believed to have been created by a former slave named Mary Ann around the time of the Civil War. Mary

327 S. F. Hill, 413. 328 Southern Living The Southern Heritage Pies and Pastry Cookbook, 89. 329 Claiborne, 309.

Ann cooked for a Missouri merchant who admired Jefferson Davis, and named this pie for him.”330 This version negated the cook’s status as a slave during the war, and gave credit for the honorary name to the former slave owner, not the cook herself. Beyond Jefferson Davis pie, though, one author recorded how “Jefferson Davis has a number of dishes named for him, I learn in traveling through the South.”331 There were also several variations presented on a recipe for

Jeff Davis Punch, reportedly created by Davis’s daughter, Winnie, for his birthday.332 Recipes that further honored Davis included pudding and even oyster soup by the end of the 1980s.333

Robert E. Lee was given a share of the Confederate recipe stock, too, but in later years, was not as flagrantly displayed as Davis. Again, recipes for Robert E. Lee Cake once again surfaced, as one book noted, “Several cakes bear the name of Robert E. Lee.”334 Out of Kentucky

Kitchens wrote, “This is said to have been the favorite cake of the South’s most beloved

General…. The recipe I have worked out after trying numerous ‘receipts,’ each claiming to be

‘the original Robert E. Lee Cake.’”335 Much like recipes named after Davis, cookbook authors provided anecdotes regarding the origins of the Lee Cake recipes. The Progressive Farmer’s

Southern Cookbook asked, “Was this cake a favorite of the Confederate general?” while another commented, “This recipe is adapted from one used by Mrs. Robert E. Lee. The Lee cake was especially popular in the nineteenth century, when a number of variations on the original recipe

330 Puckett, 224. 331 S. F. Hill, 412. 332 Southern Living The Southern Heritage Socials and Soirees Cookbook, 105, 109; Marion Lea Brown, Marion Brown’s Southern Cook Book (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1968), found in the NetLibrary, http://research.flagler.edu:9012/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=86671 (accessed September 30, 2010), 29. 333 M. Brown, 333; Southern Living The Southern Heritage Soups and Stews Cookbook (Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, 1985), 55. 334 Flexner, 251; M. Brown, 355; Southern Living The Southern Heritage Cakes, 18; Fishwick, 592; S. F. Hill, 415, 412. 335 Flexner, 251.

were published in cookbooks.”336 Beyond cakes, recipes for Lee Family Orange Pie, Virginia

Lee Salad, and General Lee’s Vegetable Bouillon appeared.337

As it was in the first peak of the Lost Cause, cookbooks venerated others besides Davis and Lee. In the 1970s and 1980s, texts also paid homage to Stonewall Jackson, in one instance through his wife’s stuffed partridge recipe.338 Another common dish of the time was Oysters

“Johnny Reb,” which one cookbook deemed “the best yet,” in larger and bolder font than the rest of the text.339 Another book contained a recipe for “Johnny Reb Wine,” and yet another contained a recipe for “Rebel Yell Fried Grits.”340 These recipes, much like in the late nineteenth and earlier in the twentieth century, honored the unnamed solider of the Civil War, more than a century after the war’s end.

While society resurrected the Lost Cause to promote white Southern identity, the reappearance also adapted itself into a widely acceptable cultural movement the second time around. The effects of this resurgence of Lost Cause ideology still ripple through the South today as a bolstered sense of Confederate pride. This social commentary, in conjunction with repeated trends from the Jim Crow era, infected an intimate and unsuspecting space of cultural construction through the dissemination of racism and discrimination as acceptable Southern mores.

336 S. F. Hill, 415; Fishwick, 592. 337 Southern Living The Southern Heritage Pies and Pastry Cookbook, 76; The Virginia Federation of Home Demonstration Clubs, Recipes from Old Virginia (1946), 107 [p. 121 in 1958]; The Deep South Cookbook, 37. 338 M. Brown, 236. 339 Ibid, 236, 135; Hewitt, 63; St. Stephen’s Episcopal Church, 214; McKay, n.p.; St. John’s Woman’s Auxiliary, Leland, Mississippi and St. Paul’s Woman’s Auxiliary, Hollandale, Mississippi, 39; St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church, Moss Bluff, Louisiana, The Cookbook… according to St. Andrew’s (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1960s), 42; Charles Baddour, comp., Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow Cookbook (1979. Reprint. Memphis: Wimmer Brothers Fine Printing & Lithography, 1983), 158; Eva Davis, Eva Davis’ Mississippi Mixin’s, 14. 340 Nick and Wilann Powers, Civil Wah Cookbook from Boogar Hollow, eighteenth edition (Lindale, GA: Country Originals, 1972), n.p.; The Deep South Cookbook, 77.

CHAPTER 4: The Rise of the Religious Right in Cookbooks

A development that did not appear until after the progressive social movements of the

1960s was a dramatic change in the way books named recipes. Recipe titles showed a change indicative of their travel down through a family like a treasured heirloom, rather than from a former family cook. Several factors caused the titles’ alteration, including most importantly reactions against two parallel but related movements, the civil rights movement and the women’s movement, in the rise of conservatism in the aftermath of World War II.

After the war, blacks were not the sole fighters in the struggle for equal rights. Women, too, wanted their fair share as they embarked upon a new era in modern society. Once “schooled in the ways of confrontation by civil rights protests,” as Gail Collins writes, the “new women’s movement… [attacked] the very core of social roles assigned to the sexes… Overnight everything that America had taken for granted about a woman’s role was being called into question.”341 The movement for women’s liberation rejected the ideals of proper domestic roles and traditional gender ideology. Women of the liberation movement felt that the right to enlist in the draft was as intrinsic to American citizenship as the right to vote.342 According to historian

James T. Kloppenberg, many of the activists “couch[ed] their demands for change in the vocabulary of rights,” which caused their critics to “fear the abandonment of children” as they entered the workforce and/or military, and disdain “a selfish disregard for human life” in the

341 Gail Collins, When Everything Changed (New York: Back Bay Books, 2009), 95. 342 Ibid, 185.

legalization of abortion.343 Opponents thought that “feminists’ demands became amalgamated… with the bottomless desires of consumer culture,” and the subsequent “widespread public reaction against the perceived self-indulgence of cultural radicals helped fuel one of the most powerful developments of recent American politics, the resurgence of conservatism.”344

The reaction to the women’s liberation movement first came through the reinforcement of gender roles in domestic ideology after World War II. Through cookbooks, this reactionary force directed focus on women’s roles within the home. Cookbooks published after World War II had a hidden agenda to “reaffirm women’s traditional roles.”345 Women during World War II found themselves outside of the home, earning income, and raising families in one fell swoop, and wanted the same roles available after the war’s end. While juggling the identity of being a worker and mother, especially during the war, women were to remain “first and foremost, homemakers.”346 Although the tasks society set before a woman radically altered, the traditional

“domestic ideal of womanhood [did] not.”347 Cookbooks printed during the war and after focused on women returning to the kitchen, and being domestic goddesses as their husbands returned to pre-war life. The contemporary books shone a spotlight on what ideals society wanted to dominate the culture as it evolved into the post-war way of life. Cookbook titles even had the tendency to convey such aspirations to domestic perfection, like The Wesson Oil and

Snowdrift cookbook, How to Win Compliments for Your Cooking.348

343 James T. Kloppenberg, “Political Ideas in Twentieth-Century America,” in The Virtues of Liberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 149. 344 Kloppenberg, 150. 345 Neuhaus, “The Way,” 532. 346 Ibid. 347 Ibid. 348 The Wesson Oil & Snowdrift People, The Wesson Oil & Snowdrift Cook Book: How to Win Compliments for Your Cooking (New Orleans: The Wesson Oil & Snowdrift People, 1950).

A further extension of the conservative push was the evangelical movement of the

Religious Right in the late 1970s. This movement encouraged a focus on a conservative social and political agenda and for a return to family values. The movement took a particular foothold in the South, a regional culture already deeply entwined with its Christian faith. One of the pioneers of what became the Religious Right, Billy Graham, emerged onto the evangelical scene in the 1940s, and became an instant success through his consumable, conservative preaching.349

Later, in 1961, Pat Robertson started the Christian Broadcasting Network, and by the 1980s, it had over 150 affiliate stations.350 Additionally, in the late 1970s, Jerry Falwell founded the Moral

Majority. He started the organization to raise funds, educate people, and lobby government to conservative Christian mores.351 While the three men’s ideologies and intentions were not close through the 1970s and 1980s, their initial push was to emphasize issues that were threatening conservative, traditional gender roles and family values. The 1970s and 1980s provided a venue for the leaders to entwine others in their causes.352

A heap of Christian-inspired recipe names exhibited the shift of the South toward the ways of the Religious Right. The tight bond between the South and its emphatic religion also emerged through recipe names. In this period, recipes like “Preacher Cookies,” “Parson’s

Punch,” or “Church Stew,” commonly lined the pages of cookbooks from the 1980s, which had not been as prominent earlier in the century.353 Depending on the religious affiliations responsible for the publication of the cookbook or the contributions within, recipes like

“Methodist Cookies,” “Edna’s Baptist Cookies,” “Presbyterian Punch,” “Clarksville Presbyterian

349 Winner, 183. 350 Daniel Williams, God’s Own Party (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 180. 351 Ibid, 183, 195. 352 Winner, 184. 353 The Roanoke Council of Garden Clubs, Inc., A Centennial Cookbook, third ed. (Shawnes Mission, KS: Circulation Service, 1984), 217; Naomi Circle and Women of the Coral Springs United Methodist Church, comps., A Book of Favorite Recipes (Shawnee Mission, KS: Circulation Service, 1981), 67, 95; Pitkin, 47.

Coffee Cake,” or “Presbyterian Pickles,” found their way onto the pages of the texts.354 Recipes such as “Burning Bush Cauliflower Casserole,” “Church Supper Casserole,” “Communion

Bread,” “Kingdom-Come Duck,” “Garden of Eden Apple Pie,” “Preacher’s Cake,” and even

“Billy Graham’s Poppy Seed Dressing,” among others, exhibited the tie between Southern food and conservative Christianity.355

Perhaps the strongest link between Southern recipes and the Religious Right was a recipe called either “Scripture Cake” or “Biblical Fruit Cake.” The South the Beautiful Cookbook explained,

This cake is basically a variation of the famous American 1-2-3-4 cake… but its name comes from its clever references to Scripture. Though many households across the United States have made one form or another of Scripture Cake, it is especially prevalent in the Bible Belt of the South…. The references listed in the ingredient refer to passages in A New American Standard Translation of the Bible.356

Most of these recipes included similar ingredients and identical verse references, such a butter

(Judges 5:25) and sugar (Jeremiah 6:20), but authors wrote the recipes in one of two ways.357

Authors either wrote the ingredients and attached the verse reference to the end of the ingredient, as written in the previous sentence, or they provided the verse as ingredient as “4 ½ cups I Kings

354 The Roanoke Council of Garden Clubs, Inc., 217, 98.; Westminster Presbyterian Church, Decatur, Alabama, Westminster Centennial Cookbook (Kearney, NE: Cookbooks by Morris Press, 1989), 8, 64; Donelson Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Ladies of the Church (Kearney, NE: Cookbooks by Morris Press, 1988), 101. 355 Cookbook Committee of the Blount County Department of Human Resources, Country Classics from Blount County Department of Human Resources (Olathe, KS: Cookbook Publishers, Inc., 1988), 26, 38; Westminster Presbyterian Church, Decatur, Alabama, 59; Ann Seranne, ed., The Southern Junior League Cookbook (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1977), 225-6, 548-9; Donelson Cumberland Presbyterian Church, 90; United Methodist Women of First United Methodist Church in St. Augustine, Florida, comp., Recipes to Remember (N.P.: n.p., 1982), 247. 356 Susan Puckett, 223. The Bible version notation should only be assumed for this specific reproduction of the recipe. 357 Janis Mack, All Day Singin’ and Dinner on the Ground: A Southern Tradition Cookbook (Bull Shoals, AR: Enterprise Printing Company, Inc., 1997), 31; Susan Puckett, 223; Mildred Ballinger Anderson, Southern Heritage Cookbook (Orlando: The House of Collectibles, Inc., 1984), 230.

4:22 (flour).”358 All verse references came from the Old Testament, with the exception of one recipe’s indication for baking powder, Luke 13:21, for which the other recipes used Amos 4:5.359

One of the recipes took the verse recommendations into the cooking instructions, adding,

“Follow Solomon’s prescription for making a good boy: Proverbs 23:14, and you will have a good cake.”360 The higher prevalence of Scripture Cake in Southern cookbooks of the last half of the twentieth century illustrates how intertwined Christianity had become with food preparation because of the rise of the Religious Right.

Advertisements that appeared in cookbooks from this period displayed a trend that paralleled the development of Christian conservatism. As the movement gained popularity, more community books published from church groups had anonymously sponsored ads that encouraged church attendance from its readers. This custom occurred in previously published church cookery texts with advertising sections. Local businesses could purchase ad space to promote their businesses, and in previous decades, advertisements that read, “Attend church on

Sunday,” or “Go to the Church of your choice, every Sunday,” appeared frequently. These same religious promotions remained in cookbooks of the 1970s and 1980s with surprising repetition, considering fewer works included advertisement sections as the century progressed.361

Another trend in cookbooks of this period was how recipes morphed their titles, which they before credited to mammies. They changed over the course of the two decades to become predominately “Mom’s” or “Nannie’s” recipes, rather than remain named after the family’s black domestics from the Jim Crow or civil rights eras. The credit of “Aunt’s” changed, once

358 Anderson, 230. 359 Mack, 31. 360 Anderson, 230. The King James Version of Proverbs 23:14 reads, “Thou shalt beat him with the rod, and shalt deliver his soul from hell.” 361 Bernice Jansen Chapter of the Women’s Auxiliary of the Episcopal Church, Mansfield, Louisiana, Kitchen Secrets of Mansfield (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1950s), n.p. (opp. 16); St. Augustine’s Episcopal Women (Baton Rouge, La.), n.p.

meaning the pet name for the family cook, to meaning their relatives, a sister of “Mom’s,” or daughter of “Grandma’s.”362 Family variations of the familial names appeared in the books, too.

Recipes credited their origins to Grandma, Grandmother, Nannie, Mema, Nana, Granny, and

Great Grandma.363 One recipe came attached with the story of how “Edith called these

Grandma’s ‘Healthy’ Cookies so she didn’t feel guilty mailing them in care packages to her grandchildren,” an active expression of how these titles made their way into cookbook vernacular.364 The most important creator of family recipes, though, was, of course, the mother.

Whether the recipe came from the contributor’s mother, mother-in-law, or came handed down as someone’s mother’s dish, credit in the cookbooks shifted from “Mammy’s” receipt to the recipe of “Mom’s,” “Mother’s,” “Mama’s,” or any variation thereof through the 1980s and 1990s.365

Furthermore, the authors printed recipes with attached family stories, which enforced the emphasis of focusing on the family. Many revealed the lineage of the recipe, and noted, “Recipes

362 Susan Carlisle Payne, ed., Southern Living 1995 Annual Recipes (Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, Inc., 1995), 305; The Junior Service League of St. Augustine, Inc., Lighthouse Secrets: A Collection of Recipes from the Nation’s Oldest City (Memphis: The Wimmer Companies, 1999), 21, 111; The Cookbook Committee of the Woman’s Exchange, Classic Recipes (Collierville, TN: Fundcraft Publishing, n.d.), 133; United Methodist Women of First United Methodist Church in St. Augustine, Florida, 44; Cookbook Committee of the Blount County Department of Human Resources, 9, 31, 114, 116; The Service League of Greenville, Inc., 155. 363 Recipes titled with variations of “Grandmother”: Southern Living The Southern Heritage Cakes Cookbook, 63; The Service League of Greenville, 155; Pitkin, 148; Cookbook Committee of the Blount County Department of Human Resources, 203; United Methodist Women of First United Methodist Church in St. Augustine, Florida, 33; New Vision Women’s Missionary Society, Our Daily Bread (Collierville, TN: Fundcraft Publishing, n.d.), 74; The Cookbook Committee of the Woman’s Exchange, 149; Woman’s Society of Christian Service, Trinity Methodist Church, Greenville, Mississippi, Treasured Recipes (Kansas City, MO: North American Press of Kansas City, Inc., 1966), 31-2; The Junior League of Mobile, Inc., 270-1; Westminster Presbyterian Church, Decatur, Alabama, 114; Woodford County Homemakers, Versailles, Kentucky, Best of the 20th Century Cookbook (Versailles, KY: The Versailles Office Centre, 1999), 263; Puckett, 176; The Junior League of Huntsville, Inc., Huntsville Heritage Cookbook (1967. Reprint. Nashville: Favorite Recipes Press, 2002), 210, 314. 364 Woodford County Homemakers, Versailles, Kentucky, 219. 365 Variations on the title of “Mom” can be found in The Junior Service League of St. Augustine, Inc., 177; The Cookbook Committee of the Woman’s Exchange, 121; New Vision Women’s Missionary Society, 41; United Methodist Women of First United Methodist Church in St. Augustine, Florida, 19, 154; Cookbook Committee of the Blount County Department of Human Resources, 22, 37, 93, 106-7, 122; The Service League of Greenville, Inc., 155; Woman’s Society of Christian Service, Trinity Methodist Church, 32; The Woman’s Exchange of Memphis, Tennessee, 218; Christ Memorial Church (Mansfield, La.), Favorite Recipes from Christ Memorial Church, Mansfield, Louisiana (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1960s), n.p.; Westminster Presbyterian Church, Decatur, Alabama, 2, 42, 74; Woodford County Homemakers, Versailles, Kentucky, 206, 287; Trudeau, 27.

were passed down from my grandmothers and improved upon by my mom, who knew just how big a pinch of this and that could change the flavor of things.”366 Others included stories that relished times spent with relatives, and reminisced about the traditions that accompanied serving each dish.367 Several noted how the dish was “a Christmas Eve tradition during present unwrapping with our family,” or how it was “served… at my parent’s [sic] 50th wedding anniversary.”368 This reminiscence on personal connection to the recipe attached it to more immediate uses of the family, rather than to any past involving domestics, servants, or even slaves. This process whitewashed the recipe and sanitized its racial history.

Country star Tammy Wynette’s cookbook included recipes passed down directly across several generations from her mother, grandmother, and even great-grandmother.369 Another indication of conservative family values appears just pages removed from these recipes, as well.

In her recipe for Homemade Chicken Pot Pie, Wynette notes, “This is another dish I used to prepare before going on the road and leave for my children. It’s a full meal in one dish.”370 This statement asserts her ability to provide as a suitable mother and a housewife when removed from her home for work. A final recipe from Wynette’s work, called “Husband’s Delight,” mentions not only that she prepares this dish, which is “suitable for freezing,” before leaving on a tour, but also that it is “Good for a husband to take out frozen and serve. Sure makes daddy look good!”371

“Husband’s Delight” pleases her husband by being a tasty meal she can prepare for him to serve later, and is a delight because it makes him seem like a good cook to the children in Mom’s

366 Mack, n.p. (Introduction). 367 Payne, 289, 305. 368 Woodford County Homemakers, Versailles, Kentucky, 1, 30. 369 Tammy Wynette, The Tammy Wynette Southern Cookbook (Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing Co., 1990), 45, 117, 147. 370 Ibid, 62-3. 371 Ibid, 81.

absence. Wynette’s display of the role of happy wife and mother, even when removed from the situation due to working outside of the home, is not coincidental.

After 1980, cookbooks cropped up with similar recipes to hers, with the addition of character or personality recipes like “Happy Housewife’s Recipe,” and “How to Preserve the

Marriage,” indicating the reinforcement of family values through proper marital roles.372 The

“Happy Housewife’s Recipe,” instructed the preparer to “Stir in laughter, sift out tears, add a little joy, knead together, and allow to rise for one minute past eternity.”373 More prevalent than either of the aforementioned, though, were versions of a recipe title, “Preserving a Husband.”

The first step in each of these was to “be careful at your selection,” choosing one “not too young, but tender and a healthy growth.”374 The recipe continued, “When once selected, give your entire thought to preparation for domestic use. Some insist on keeping them pickled, others are constantly keeping them in hot water,” where another variation noted, “Do not pickle or put in hot water. This makes them sour. Prepare as follows: Sweeten with smiles according to variety.

The sour, bitter kind are improved by a pinch of salt of common sense.”375 The recipes advised,

“Wrap them in a mantle of charity,” and “Preserve over a good fire of steady devotion,” because

“The poorest varieties may be improved by this process and kept for years in any climate.”376

The demonstration of these traditional gender roles as richly cherished family heirloom recipes in several works of the period reaffirmed and supported the conservative movement toward family values as it was in its peak.

372 United Methodist Women of First United Methodist Church in St. Augustine, Florida, 107, 268. 373 United Methodist Women of First United Methodist Church in St. Augustine, Florida, 107. 374 St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church, Moss Bluff, Louisiana, 12; St. Augustine’s Episcopal Women, n.p. 375 St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church, Moss Bluff, Louisiana, 12; Woman’s Society of Christian Service, Trinity Methodist Church, n.p. (opp. 137). 376 St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church, Moss Bluff, Louisiana, 12; St. Augustine’s Episcopal Women (Baton Rouge, La.), n.p.; Woman’s Society of Christian Service, Trinity Methodist Church, n.p. (opp. 137).

In addition to preserving their marriages and husbands, cookbooks gave directions to women on how to be good mothers and provide appropriate care for their children.377 With advice like, “Children are like wet cement, whatever falls on them leaves an impression,” cookbooks gave recipes that taught and reinforced the values emanating from the conservative movement.378 Recipes for preserving children insisted that children should be sent to play in an open field with dogs, a babbling brook, and allowed to “bake in a hot sun. When thoroughly browned, remove and set to cool in a bath-tub.”379 Similarly, instructions like those found in the following poem encouraged proper child rearing as dictated by conservative society:

A house should have a cookie jar for when it’s half past three And children hurry home from school as hungry as can be, There’s nothing quite so splendid As spicy, fluffy ginger cakes And sweet milk in a cup A house should have a mother waiting with a hug No matter what a boy brings home a puppy or a bug For children only loiter when the bell rings to dismiss If no one’s home to greet them With a cookie and a kiss!380

This poem reinforced the notion that a good mother would be waiting at home, rather than working, when children arrived home from school in the afternoon, laden with a prepared plate of sweets. Should she stray from this advice, her children would not come home, and, one can

377 United Methodist Women of First United Methodist Church in St. Augustine, Florida, 268; Donelson Cumberland Presbyterian Church, 104. 378 Mack, n.p. (Dedication). 379 St. Augustine’s Episcopal Women (Baton Rouge, La.), n.p. 380 Woman’s Society of Christian Service, Trinity Methodist Church, n.p. (opp. 88).

extrapolate, end up “loitering” somewhere that did not fit with an appropriate lifestyle of conservative family values.

Much like the way images in the Jim Crow era reinforced black inferiority through visual representations of the mammy figure, domestic ideals and gender roles during the latter half of the twentieth century received support from drawings and sketches of appropriate white, conservative ideals. Images of idealized housewives and homemakers tending to their husbands and families littered pages of cookery texts during the rise of the Religious Right.381 Whether these sketches depicted women with a spoon, cookbook, and measuring cups over a bowl, or displayed a woman in an apron next to an oven with a pie, casserole, cupcakes, and turkey inside, the images fortified the notion that a woman’s role was as the domestic goddess.382

Pictures of the good wife and mother, holding her baby while tending the pot hung over the fire, or catering to her family during a picnic or over dinner, exposed those women who consumed such cookbooks to the ideal images she should strive to attain.383

These images helped to whiten the concept of cooking, domestic life, and public memories regarding the kitchen in the South. As time progressed, the instances of black domestics employed within the average white Southern home shrank from a majority to a minority, and fewer books referenced any indication of black women or men being employed within white homes. Images from the early twentieth century showed African Americans in laboring positions, as domestic servants within the home, and as the heads of food preparation within the white home. As the twentieth century passed, though, images of white men and

381 Women’s Club Leaders in Arkansas-Mississippi, Favorite Recipes from along the Mississippi (Montgomery, AL: Favorite Recipes Press, Inc., 1965), 103; Davis, Eva Davis’ Court Square Recipes, 71. 382 Goar, Gore, and Dunn, 12, 68. 383 The Wesson Oil & Snowdrift People, 21, 67, 78, 93; Westminster Presbyterian Church, Decatur, Alabama, 9; Davis, Eva Davis’ Court Square Recipes, 11.

women in chef’s hats preparing and serving food slowly appeared, until becoming the predominant image of culinary affairs.384 Stereotyped images of a white French male cuisinier— complete with a traditional toque and pencil-thin moustache—appeared even more frequently than images of white women did.385 Perhaps most surprising, in books written by African

American authors, the “new” chef ideal prevailed through the work’s clip art imagery. 386 By distancing blacks from the shared past of the American South, whites marginalized the legitimacy of the ongoing civil rights movement. Whitewashing history made the demands for civil rights less deserving, and by re-emphasizing and removing blacks from cookbook history, whites reinforced this sanitization starting in the heart of the home.

384 Women’s Club Leaders in Arkansas-Mississippi, 103; Goar, Gore, and Dunn, inside front cover; Davis, Eva Davis’ Court Square Recipes, 5, 17. 385 Davis, Eva Davis’ Court Square Recipes, 31; Goar, Gore, and Dunn, 45, 63, 65, 122. 386 James Williams, Short, Sweet, Southern (N.P.: n.p., n.d.), inside cover, 7, 10.

CHAPTER 5: Commercialization of the South through Cookbooks

The final stage of evolution of Southern culture of the twentieth century was the commercialization of Southern identity and the exportation of Southernness through three primary vehicles to the far reaches of American soil. Commercialism exploited not only

Southern culture, landscape, and heritage, but moreover exported the culture surrounding

Southern food to all corners of the United States. Institutions such as Southern Living, Cracker

Barrel, and popular television chefs like Paula Deen made Southern food not only a hot topic on the lips of Southerners, already aware of the decadent aroma of fried chicken, but enticed

Americans all over the country. While the dishes at the center of this commercialization remained unchanged since the start of the twentieth century, save for technological improvements and the use of mass produced ingredients, the history behind the recipes exhibited no signs of racialized or gendered past. The South that the nation consumes today smacks little of the contested and sometimes painful issues that shaped the overall culture during the twentieth century.

The first vehicle that delivered Southern identity nationwide was Southern Living magazine. Born from the “decidedly rural soil of Progressive Farmer, a venerable magazine founded in 1886 by an ex-Confederate officer and agrarian reformer called Leonidas Polk,”

Southern Living provided the solution to issues plaguing the nearly-sixty-year-old farming magazine.387 Communications scholar Tracy Lauder writes, “As the publishers and editors of the

387 Diane Roberts, “Living Southern in Southern Living,” in Dixie Debates: Perspectives on Southern Cultures, Richard H. King and Helen Taylor, eds., (New York: New York University Press, 1996), 86.

Progressive Farmer Company considered options for expanding their publishing empire, three key issues were forefront in their minds: attracting readers, luring advertisers, and overcoming an increasingly negative perception of the South,” the latter perhaps being the most important in the company’s exportation of Southernness.388 Lauder continues, “The goals of the Progressive

Farmer Company were to combat this negative perception while also attracting and serving a niche market that would appreciate a publication devoted to celebrating the region rather than portraying the South and southerners negatively.”389 Originally a column in the Progressive

Farmer magazine, Southern Living began in 1966, and published monthly magazines that celebrated Southern charm and tradition through food, décor, and regional travel. The

Progressive Farmer Company reorganized into the Southern Progress Corporation, overseeing not only both magazines but also Oxmoor House, the publishing arm of the company.

Born on the heels of the centenary of the Civil War and the violent racial unrest in its home of Birmingham, Alabama, Southern Living, through its editors, carefully constructed the image of Southernness its magazines, and therefore its offshoot cookbook publications, would portray. In preparing ideas for the magazine, the editors envisioned a departmentalized magazine of articles and photo spreads that would deal with home décor, gardening, food, culture, and other categories, but clearly specified, “These stories will not deal with civic problems, socio- economic issues, or politics” [emphasis theirs].390 The magazine’s founders were not blind to the sociocultural issues plaguing the South at the time; on the contrary, they were ever much aware of the civil rights movement and protests against the Vietnam War through the ‘60s and ‘70s.

388 Tracy Lauder, “The Southern Living Solution: How The Progressive Farmer Launched a Magazine and a Legacy,” The Alabama Review 60:3 (July 2007): 186. 389 Ibid, 193. 390 John Logue and Gary McCalla, Life at Southern Living: A Sort of Memoir (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2000), 141.

Rather, they chose to look beyond them or ignore them completely so as “to comfort and reassure the region's white, upper-class elite while reinforcing segregationist attitudes.”391 After all, the magazine’s target audience was, as one author noted, “young, white, professional, the first generation off the farm translated to the suburbs, inheriting some silver but buying more, wanting to travel but not too far, university-educated but not intellectual, equally fascinated with new restaurants in Atlanta and new recipes for pickled peaches.”392 Another scholar described the targeted readership as “an affluent, white audience that was desperately trying to hold onto its southern traditions and fearful of how social change would disrupt their way of life.”393 By focusing on the positive images of the South and ignoring the social unrest, the editors played upon a desire to celebrate the region that remained with white Southerners despite the problems of the civil rights movement, and sought to “disconnect Birmingham and its negative image from the new magazine.”394 As Lauder describes, “The editors said in the first issue that they hoped that the new magazine ‘reflects the modern South as you see it.’”395 While the editors wanted to convey the South and Southern identity as Southerners saw it, they also wanted to “portray…a

South the way most white southerners wanted to see it.”396

It should be noted that the concept of Southernness, and the magazine’s transmission of

“traditions, [while] teaching old-time gracious living,” did not reflect the South as occupied by blacks or other ethnic minorities at its inception.397 Still today, the magazine, and its offshoot publications, whitens its portrayal and reinforced perception of the South. In the first decade of the magazine, the “editors did not regard blacks as southerners and instead presented them only

391 Lauder, “The Southern Living Solution,” 186. 392 Roberts, 85. 393 Lauder, “The Southern Living Solution,” 186-7. 394 Ibid, 207. 395 Ibid, 208. 396 Ibid, [emphasis added]. 397 Roberts, 85.

as part of the regional backdrop,” and still through the 1990s, race was “even more disguised

[than class variances].”398 When asked by writer Diane Roberts in the mid-‘90s, “managing editor Clay Nordan says that Southern Living employs ‘some’ black writers, editors and photographers, but declines to define ‘some.’”399 This treatment of African Americans within the pages of the magazine, and therefore ultimately the magazine’s cookbooks, objectified blacks as items of the South, but not as people allowed to participate in or shape the identity of the South.

Southern Living’s image of a white South, then, “acts as a refuge from the unlovely realities of the region it sets out to define and ameliorate.”400 By intentionally refusing to acknowledge or include the racial issues of its infancy, and excluding black Southerners from proportionate participation in the shaping of this Southern identity, the magazine and cookbooks conveyed a constructed ideal of Southernness by whites, for whites, and consumed predominately by whites.

Part of the demand for the magazine came from its ability to display and express

Southernness and Southern identity to a group of consumers hungry for such material, regardless of its true reflection or authentic representation of the South’s demographics. Sociologist John

Shelton Reed explains,

Southern Living serves [rising upper-middle- and middle-class Southerners] well, giving them some guidance they evidently appreciate. Wherever today’s upper-middle class is coming from, it cannot be, in most cases, from yesterday’s upper-middle class, because that class hardly existed a few decades ago. It simply must be the case that most of these people have either moved up in the Southern social structure or moved down from the North. And whether they’re newly middle class or newly Southern, they can use some instruction, some sort of how-to-do-it manual, in living the Southern good life. Southern Living tells them in no uncertain

398 Lauder, “The Southern Living Solution,” 218; Roberts, 95. 399 Roberts, 95. 400 Ibid, 85-6.

terms how to spend their upper-middle-class incomes appropriately. 401

Southern Living not only reflected what its readers felt were characteristics of Southernness, but also taught those who looked to the magazine for guidance what their Southernness should look like, what they should be found living in, what they should spend their money on, and what they should eat. Writer Diane Roberts argued that the magazine was, and is, “the lifestyle Bible of the genuine and the aspiring upper-middle classes.”402 Roberts continued,

Southern Living is the magazine of the predominately white, property-owning elite of what was once the New South, then the Modern South and now the Sunbelt. Its readers see themselves reflected [in the magazine]…. If some readers are not precisely mirrored in Southern Living’s pages, they see what they aspire to be. The magazine teaches those who aren’t from the region, or aren’t quite as polished as their neighbours, how to be an upper- middle-class Southerner. Ever so subtly, Southern Living operates as a conduct manual.403

Even when before the magazine fully transitioned from Progressive Farmer to Southern Living,

“The Magazine of the Modern South,” the company’s cookbooks provided instruction on how to be Southern, and how to convey one’s Southernness.404 In The Ultimate Southern Living

Cookbook, magazine editor-in-chief Kaye Mabry Adams wrote, “From cover to cover, this book is decidedly Southern. It continues to share the South’s treasured recipes and gracious entertaining ideas.”405

The number of cookbooks published by Progressive Farmer paled in comparison to those published by Southern Living, but still the company’s conveyance of Southern identity rang true through the pages. Their Favorite Recipes from Southern Kitchens Cookbook series included

401 John Shelton Reed, One South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), 122. 402 Roberts, 85. 403 Ibid, 87. 404 Ibid. 405 Kaye Mabry Adams, “Foreword,” in Julie Fisher Gunter, comp., ed., The Ultimate Southern Living Cookbook (Birmingham: Oxmoor House, Inc., 1999), 6.

reader-submitted recipes. In the Salads volume, editor Lena Sturges notes, “Each of the recipes in this Salads Cookbook [sic] has been generously submitted by Southern farm homemakers.

Each homemaker has served her contribution to her family frequently and proved it a winner.

You can use it with the utmost confidence.”406 She consistently refers to the contributors and consumers of the books as “Southern farm homemakers,” inferring the fact that they are women on the farm preparing meals for their families, and that their place as homemakers allotted them all domestic duties. While this publication remained geared more closely to the Southern states and its readers predominately within the South, the Southernness of the recipes and contributors did not need to be asserted and reinforced within each section of the book. Instead, Sturges contended, “Each of the recipes in this Salads Cookbook [sic] that you and your neighbors have sent The Progressive Farmer [sic] proves once again that Southern farm homemakers are the best cooks anywhere. And your willingness to share them confirms once more that your hospitality and generosity are unequaled.”407 The Southern “hospitality and generosity” would be repeated as hallmarks of Southernness in Southern Living’s publications going forward.

Through the first thirteen years of Southern Living’s publication, readers retained their magazines or cut out the articles to keep their favorite recipes. The cookbooks produced by the company in those first years were not comprised of only reader-submitted recipes, like the previous Progressive Farmer cookbook series did, and some included none whatsoever. Their books published through those early years, however, openly reinforced what Southerners should be eating, and what they should perceive as their traditional Southern foods. Statements such as,

“The South is a hospitable place in which to live or visit, and we often need to serve a refreshing

406 Lena E. Sturges, ed., Favorite Recipes from Southern Kitchens Cookbook: Salads, Including Appetizers ([Birmingham]: The Progressive Farmer, 1968), 3. 407 Ibid.

beverage,” or “Such favorite Southern desserts as homemade ice cream, bread pudding, sherbets of all flavors, and baked apples are included in this chapter,” all conveyed what Southerners—or those reading Southern Living’s cookbooks, at least—should understand to be Southern foods.408

The books also spoke with great pride regarding the region, its agricultural yields, and its distinctive cuisine. Passages from Sturges in the 1975 For the Love of Cooking noted, “Grains, too, are a common ingredient throughout the book, and since Southerners have a special fondness for grits and rice dishes, they are a part of this chapter. In fact, the majority of rice grown in the United States is grown in the Southland, where it is used in every imaginable way from soup to dessert,” and “Actually, our Southland has more shoreline than any other section of the country, and we are blessed with an abundance of lakes and streams that furnish fresh water fish to the lucky fishermen.”409 To accentuate the Southernness of the South, Southern Living cookbooks juxtaposed themselves against other regions’ culinary habits, distinguishing the South as different, “by reinforcing identification with the region, by nurturing relationships with other

Southerners, by acknowledging how they were different from people in other regions, and by portraying whites as the dominant race in the region.”410 This fit into a mythology of the South perpetrated by the magazine’s editors, who “declared their commitment to shaping and sharing the indigenous mythology of the South, a myth of distinctiveness which would be accepted by and instructive for the people of the region.”411 In the introduction to the Poultry section of For the Love of Cooking, Sturges wrote,

Mention chicken south of the Mason-Dixon Line and the immediate response is “fried,” but just try to get the typical recipe. Every cook has her own secret method of seasoning and frying

408 Lena E. Sturges, For the Love of Cooking (Birmingham: Oxmoor House, Inc., 1975), 23, 138. 409 Ibid, 157, 169. 410 Tracy Lauder, “Southern Identity in Southern Living Magazine,” Journal of Geography 111:1 (2012), 28. 411 Stephen A. Smith, Myth, Media, and the Southern Mind (Fayetteville: The University of Arkansas Press, 1985), 99.

although the results are all invariably delicious. …Thanksgiving would hardly be a holiday without the traditional turkey and dressing. Here, too, there is some controversy about what constitutes the typical dressing, or stuffing, as Southerners prefer to call it. Some loyally swear by the time-honored sage dressing, and others like oyster dressing. Most cooks agree, however, that the basic ingredient should be corn bread and not that “Yankee white stuff.”412

By describing the regional fascination with fried chicken as unique, and explaining the differing opinions on the topic of stuffing/dressing, provided it is prepared with cornbread, Sturges confined the ideas included as wholly Southern, and incapable of being a part of any other regional cuisine.

Writer Diane Roberts notes that the magazine’s “first principle is to mark the South as different…. Perhaps the most important aspect of Southern Living is also the most obvious: its insistence on its Southernness.”413 The reinforcement of the magazine and offshoot cookbook publications as Southern repeated itself throughout the pages as the magazine’s circulation climbed. By 1968, “the masthead boasted over 500,000 subscribers,” and by 1976, “the ten-year mark, circulation had climbed to 1.3 million.”414 In 1977, Forbes declared Southern Living the most profitable magazine in the United States, a statistic that would only mildly foreshadow the wild popularity to come for the magazine.415

After thirteen years of publication, in 1979, food editor Jean Wickstrom Liles noticed a distinct pattern in the letters and phone calls she received from magazine readers. She realized that the magazine’s subscribers no longer wanted to destroy their magazines by cutting the

412 Sturges, For the Love of Cooking, 267. 413 Roberts, 92, 95. 414 Roberts, 87; Lauder, “The Southern Living Solution,” 217. 415 Roberts, 86.

recipes each month from their pages. As former magazine editors Gary McCalla and John Logue recounted in their “sort of” memoir, Life at Southern Living,

Liles not only never failed to read all the letters from her readers, but she never failed to understand them. Company research had shown that most Southern Living subscribers saved every copy of their magazine. And Jean’s mail told her that readers ‘hated to cut up their copies’ to save the recipes.416

Hearing a resounding cry that readers were tired of losing their beloved recipes, or destroying their even more beloved magazines, Liles recalled, “We began to put our heads together to see,

‘Okay, how can we handle this? How can we help the reader?’”417 The company decided to compile the recipes together into a yearly-published cookbook. “Neither Liles nor McCalla or

Logue could remember who came up with the title Annual Recipes,” yet regardless of the title’s origin, Annual Recipes was the answer to the readers’ requests.418 The Progress Corporation, created the subsidiary publishing company of Oxmoor House to produce the direct-mail cookbooks before the inception of SLAR, the nickname of the book series among the editors, but prior to the Annual Recipes debut, the cookbooks that Southern Living compiled placed five years’ worth of recipes into three books. This method not only had trouble keeping the struggling

Oxmoor House afloat for its lack of profits, but also lacked the unity between the two sibling companies that the larger Southern Progress desired.419 The company “was searching for a way to marry Oxmoor House more closely to Southern Living,” and even though no one expected

SLAR to be the successful project it became, the concept provided the solution that tied the two together.420

416 Logue and McCalla, 173-4. 417 Jean Wickstrom Liles, interview by Kelsie Ruff, November 18, 2011, Southern Progress Corporation, Birmingham, AL. 418 Logue and McCalla, 174. 419 Ibid. 420 Ibid, 173.

Starting in the June 1979 issue, Southern Living published advertisements to promote the new venture, with the tagline, “Before you clip the recipes from this magazine… There is something you ought to know.”421 The ads boasted that the new “beautiful and durable hardcover collection” contained “every single one of the recipes that appears in Southern Living® during

1979, along with 32 pages of our very best color photographs,” features like tips or substitutions, and three indexes “to find the exact Southern Living recipes you want—when you want it—in seconds.”422 To say the ads in the magazine were successful was an understatement. Editor John

Logue recalled, “The first ad… pulled six thousand orders… and by that fall we had fifty-six thousand orders, before the book was published.”423 The first issue of SLAR sold out of its original publishing order, and continued publication for five years, all “while selling new editions every year” as well.424 The launch of SLAR indicated a new chapter in the exportation of

Southernness for Southern Living: first from their wildly popular magazine, but also through a highly profitable, widely read series of direct mail cookbooks.

As the readership and the magazine grew, changed, and evolved, so too did the SLAR cookbooks. By 1980, circulation of the magazine reached two million subscribers, and “it was one of the top fifteen U.S. magazines in terms of advertising dollars. Readers were saving

Southern Living issues for future use, which increased the value of the space purchased by advertisers, who considered the audience loyal at the 1980 subscription rate of eighteen dollars per year.”425 In 1985, New York-based Time, Inc. bought the Southern Progress Corporation for

$480 million, which many feared would cause the Birmingham, Alabama offices to close, and

421 Ibid, 175. 422 “Good News for Friends of Southern Living®,” Southern Living, 1979, page number unknown, from the personal collection of Susan P. Dobbs (first and second quotations); Logue and McCalla, 175 (third quotation). 423 Logue and McCalla, 175. 424 Ibid. 425 Lauder, “The Southern Living Solution,” 217

allow the “leviathan of corporate Yankeedom” to capitalize on Southern Living, and its sibling brands, as “a cash cow” in the “clutches of the Yankees.”426 What those opposed to the acquisition feared was, ultimately, the loss of their shelter of Southernness, and the outlet that would teach them how to convey their own Southern identity. The company vowed “to continue

‘to give the people in the South a sense of pride in being southern,’” and the magazine’s readership numbers grew consistently throughout the 1990s.427 By the mid-1990s, circulation peaked at close to 2.5 million, with nearly a fifth of its readership based outside of the South.428

Such growth, and value, of the magazine was unexpected, but the success of SLAR was perhaps even more surprising. As the readership grew, so did the demand for the cookbooks. The cookbooks directly reflected changes within the magazine over the course of their publication, still published yearly to-date.

In 1979, a heavy concentration of recipes came from readers within the South, but as the years progressed, proportionally more submissions came from states outside of the South.429 As more readers outside of the South consumed the Southern Living magazine, more people submitted recipes to the magazine. Perhaps this change came from Southerners who moved outside of the South and found a means to maintain regional identity through the magazine. After all, sociologist John Shelton Reed noted that “people believe themselves to be Southern based on

426 Roberts, 86; James C. Cobb, “‘We Ain’t White Trash No More’: Southern Whites and the Reconstruction of Southern Identity,” in The Southern State of Mind, Jan Nordby Gretlund, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1999), 136. 427 Cobb, “‘We Ain’t White Trash No More,’” 136. 428 Cobb, 136; Roberts, 87. 429 For the SLAR research conducted, I defined the “South” as the area of southeastern United States that included the former Confederate states, Oklahoma, Kentucky, West Virginia, Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware, the original seventeen states the magazine defined as “Southern” for their reduced subscription rates. The original subscription in 1966 cost readers $2 a year if ordered within these seventeen states, and $3 if outside of them. This rate practice ended in 1994. (See Roberts, 86, for more information.) I examined the location of each submission in the January months of the SLAR from 1979, 1984, 1989, 1994, 1999, and 2004 to obtain a randomized sample of reader-submitted recipes.

various qualifications with a key one being because they live in the region (while not born and raised there), because they are from the area (born and raised there and since relocated to other region), or because they have ancestors from the regions, regardless of where they currently live or where they were born and raised.”430 More likely, though, Southern Living contributed to the commercialization of Southernness and sent it beyond the region by commodifying Southernness and exporting it to outlying areas. As an obviously profitable means for the Southern Progress

Corporation, the South became a marketable good to those outside who wanted to obtain the experience of Southern culture abroad.

A second avenue for exportation came on the nationwide interstate system, dotted today with the chain of Cracker Barrel Old Country Store® restaurants, herein referred to as Cracker

Barrel. Dan Evins started the Cracker Barrel restaurant chain in 1969 in Lebanon, Tennessee.

Today, the chain spans beyond the South, with over six hundred restaurants and gift shops in forty-two states.431 It is a predominately Southern “highway fixture,” with over two-thirds of all

Cracker Barrels in the former Confederate states, Kentucky, and West Virginia.432 As Southern

Studies scholar Susie Penman notes, “Cracker Barrel markets the ideas of ‘rural,’ ‘southern,’ and

‘old-fashioned’ interchangeably.”433 She continues, “Cracker Barrel operates on a reputation built on its southern origins. Its advertising and marketing – consistent throughout the nation, whether in Maine or in Mississippi, [spokeswoman Julie] Davis insisted – stresses its so-called rural roots, its emphasis on ‘values’ and ‘heritage.’”434 While the store stresses its “rural” and

430 John Shelton Reed, Southerners: The Social Psychology of Sectionalism (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1983), as paraphrased in Lauder, “Southern Identity in Southern Living,” 28. 431 “Frequently Asked Questions,” Cracker Barrel Old Country Store, http://www.crackerbarrel.com/about- us/company-faqs/ (accessed 20 May 2013). 432 Susie Penman, “Cracker Barrel’s Culture: Exporting the South on America’s Interstate Exits,” (Master’s Thesis, University of Mississippi, 2012), 5-6. 433 Ibid, 4. 434 Ibid, 3.

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“country” roots, all advertising and promotional material in the current age avoids using any regional wording, and rarely does the restaurant link itself to the South. Penman explains, “The company’s marketing strategy (which has been, if the chain’s growth is any indication, a successful approach) plays on notions of ‘southernness’ even while avoiding use of any definitive regional terms. Popular perceptions of the company often reflect opinions of it as a southern chain,… even while its marketing puts it forth as more ‘rural’ and ‘country’ than

‘southern.’”435

The concept of Cracker Barrel started on the heels of the civil rights movement, celebrating “an era when the South remained largely rural and isolated,” and thus with its traditional racial roles still intact.436 It recreates a historically segregated space – the old country store of the rural South. The store and restaurant combination quietly emphasize the days past of white supremacy in a modern setting, even selling Confederate flag paraphernalia and dolls that looked like mammies through the 1980s.437 This merchandise conveyed to those who patronized the stores that “Cracker Barrel was not only emblematic of the South, but of the Old South. This negative perception largely affected the company’s reputation, and though Cracker Barrel expanded tremendously starting in the 1990s, with that expansion grew increasing public discomfort over its ‘Old South’ image.”438 The dissemination of the Old South country store already occurred through its cookbooks, and in practice, called upon the regionalism of its roots.

While Cracker Barrel avoids the use of “Southern” to describe their country cooking, the cookbooks printed for Cracker Barrel throughout the 1980s and 1990s used “South” or some variation therein frequently.

435 Ibid, 41. 436 Stanonis, 226. 437 Ibid. 438 Penman, 93

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Some of the first cookbooks printed for the company came from the regionally renowned cookbook author Phila Rawlings Hach. Hach created cookbooks for the United Nations meeting in Tennessee, as well as the official cookbook of Opryland, Kountry Kooking, later republished under the title, Plantation Recipes and Kountry Kooking.439 For Cracker Barrel, Hach created a three-volume set of cookbooks in the 1980s.440 In her first volume, “Old Fashioned Intentions with Good Country Cookin’,” Hach included recipes for menus of “Breakfast in the South,” highlighting one meal as a “Plantation Breakfast”; “Something Southern to Drink,” complete with a recipe for a Scarlet O’Hara and mint juleps; and ended with a section of menus to recreate

“Supper in the South.” 441 Her second work, The Cracker Barrel Old Country Store Celebrates

American Holidays, provided history on major American holidays and menus to accompany those celebrations, capitalized on Southern traditions extensively.442 Rather than provide

Southern menus, the second volume instead included menus to celebrate the birthday of Robert

E. Lee on January 19th, and noted how Memorial Day evolved from a Mississippi celebration of

“mothers [who] felt deep sympathy for the young soldiers who lost their lives” in the Civil War in 1863.443

In 1990, Julia Pitkin replaced Hach as the cookbook author, and the company produced,

Old Fashioned Country Cooking, subtitled, “Favorite Southern Recipes.”444 This work stressed a link to the South less, but relied more heavily upon recipes from family members, reinforcing the

439 See Phila Rawlings Hach, Phila Hach's United Nations Cookbook: Recipes collected from UN ambassadors after their visit to Tennessee, 1976 (Clarksville, TN: Phila Hach, 1981), Kountry Kooking (Clarksville, TN: Phila Hach, 1974) and Plantation Recipes and Kountry Kooking (Clarksville, TN: Phila Hach, 1983) 440 The third volume, titled “Recipes and Health Secrets to Make You Live Longer,” could not be retrieved for this paper. 441 Phila Rawlings Hach, The Cracker Barrel Old Country Store Old Fashioned Intentions with Good Country Cookin’, Volume I: Old Timey Recipes & Proverbs to Live By (Clarksville, TN: Phila Hach, 1983), 22, 31, 78. 442 Phila Rawlings Hach, The Cracker Barrel Old Country Store Celebrates American Holidays, Volume II (Clarksville, TN: Phila Hach, 1985). 443 Ibid, 16, 76. 444 Stanonis, 226; Pitkin, entirety.

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family values of the South that the company began to identify as “country” or “rural” values. As

Penman notes, “Much of the merchandise sold at Cracker Barrel plays heavily on themes of friendship, love, and family values, as well as religion,” but furthermore, “the company has perpetuated [the] idea that traditional, family values are a thing not only of the past, but also of rural areas.”445 Cracker Barrel publicly reinforced their commitment to family values in 1991.

Cheryl Summerville, a lesbian cook employed at the Douglasville, Georgia Cracker Barrel sued the corporation after being fired for her sexual orientation. At that time in the state of Georgia, it was legal “to fire an employee because of sexual orientation.”446 Evins defended the company’s decision since “her termination came after the company announced a new policy dictating that it would tolerate nothing but ‘normal heterosexual values’ in the workplace.”447 The company’s emphasis on “traditional American values” was just one of many scandalous discrimination issues that plagued Cracker Barrel going forward in the 1990s.448

The short history of Cracker Barrel extending from the end of the twentieth through the twenty-first century paints the restaurant as a fixture of the Old South’s Southernness, though constantly embroiled in such controversy. In the 1990s, the National Association for the

Advancement of Colored People sued Cracker Barrel for discrimination and won. Cracker Barrel faced discrimination charges from customers and former employees, including “claims of refusing to serve black customers, discriminating against minority workers, and firing gay employees.”449 Perhaps these claims led to the decline of publications by the company. Few cookbooks after this period of public relations tumult came from the company, one of the last

445 Penman, 45, 5. 446 Ibid, 97. 447 Ibid. 448 Ibid, 98-99. 449 Rose French, “Cracker Barrel launches program to rebuild image,” Marketing News TM, NATION; A Fresh Start; 31, http://0-www.lexisnexis.com.umiss.lib.olemiss.edu/hottopics/lnacademic (accessed April 16, 2012).

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printed by a member of the Evins family. Karlen Evins’s Favorite Family Recipes: Cracker

Barrel Old Country Store Good Country Cookin’ Cookbook came out in 1995, and included not only dozens of family heirloom recipes, but historical explanations for why certain words or phrases exist in the Southern vernacular today. The back cover of the book states, “Karlen

[Evins] brings you some of the best down-home recipes known to the South, while throwing in a few stories that will tell you why we say the things we do!”450 Throughout the text, the

Southernness of Evins, and through her writing, of the restaurant chain, was reinforced because of her recipes, her stress of family values, and the relation of her anecdotes. Her explanation for hush puppies read, “Those deep-friend cornmeal cakes are a hit here in the South, and most of us have been told they were created by the slaves to hush up the puppies that barked while they cooked over open fires.”451 This description linked her regionally to the South, but also to a racial past where food names came from a history of slavery. Several of these anecdotes revealed similar characteristics of Southernness, and that notion of Southern identity traveled wherever her books were sold.

Whether or not this notion of Southernness was authentic of the South or loosely constructed to sell the Cracker Barrel brand could still be up for debate. Penman argues,

“Southerners have perceived non-southerners’ perceptions of the South to be accurate or genuine, and much of the ‘authenticity’ that Cracker Barrel advertises is loosely based on southern clichés.”452 She continues, “The ubiquity of Cracker Barrel might mean that one can find ‘the South’ in places like Bismark [sic], North Dakota, but it can also mean that those customers in Bismark [sic], North Dakota, receive some sort of affirmation of the South’s

450 Karlen Evins, Favorite Family Recipes: Cracker Barrel Old Country Store Good Country Cookin’ Cookbook (Nashville: Favorite Recipes Press, 1995), back cover. 451 Ibid, 138. 452 Penman, 88.

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distinctiveness (however manufactured) when they eat there.”453 The reality of Cracker Barrel’s

Southernness as it attempts to distance itself from the bigoted and discriminatory scandal of the last twenty years seems to be part of its recovery to maintain a positive brand not laden with the notions of the Old South. As Black Enterprise reported in 2004, the “Cracker Barrel restaurant chain has agreed to pay $8.7 million to settle allegations that it discriminated against black employees and customers,” including statements accusing that “black customers were subjected to racial slurs, denied service, segregated in smoking sections, or served food taken from the trash.”454 In 2005, fifteen years after the first accusation of “mistreating minorities… the company has taken steps to rebuild its folksy image… including a program begun this year

[2005] to help Spanish-speaking employees learn English.”455 Part of its attempts to shun its scandalous past included a court order to “improve its employee diversity training,” and the prominence of “posted placards in all stores encouraging customers to contact headquarters” if anyone felt the restaurant discriminated against them.456 Cracker Barrel also created “a new department to investigate discrimination complaints and hire[d] an outside expert and testing company to make sure it complies with the settlement” from 2004.457 Much like the hefty settlement, such steps to regain segments of their lost customer base would not have existed without the intervention of the extra-Southern forces like the government, and without the initial alienation of minority groups from the start.

As Cracker Barrel wrestled with holdover discrimination, perhaps a symptom of its roots in glorification of the South, the exportation of Southernness caused the restaurant to overcome a

453 Ibid, 90. 454 Nicole Richardson, “Cracker Barrel Pays $8.7M to Settle Race Case,” Black Enterprise 35, no. 5 (December 2004): 38, Business Source Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed April 16, 2012). 455 French. 456 Ibid. 457 Ibid.

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variety of obstacles as the company extended its “Old Country” image in modern American society. The company published few cookery texts after discrimination issues arose in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century. The decline in publication may be attributed to their shifted focus, now settled on reinventing the traits of Southernness they wish to export to the rest of the country in their image. When founder Dan Evins died in January 2012, the blogger behind

TaraCooks.com wrote, “Thank you Dan for bringing the South to the North and the East and the

West.”458 As the company moves forward with such dissemination of Southernness, its status as an icon of American Southernization is hard to argue against, and its impact is felt nationwide.

A third and final example of the exportation of Southernness came through a surge of

Southern television chefs who took hold of cable networks like Food Network in the late 1990s, a trend that stretched over into the new millennium. The most prominent of the Southern TV chefs was Paula Deen. While much newer and less established in her exportation of

Southernness, Deen’s impact could possibly be the most far-reaching and is certainly the most modern. Famous on television for her extensive use of butter and bacon, what she then typified as “Southern” cuisine, Deen started her career as a restaurant owner, most notably of The Lady

& Sons in Savannah, Georgia. She then published her cookbook, The Lady & Sons, in 1997.459

As Good Housekeeping notes, “It soon became a local sensation, and cookbooks followed.

Before long, the Food Network came calling, and Deen began bringing her trademark mega- charm (and mega-calories) to viewers.”460 Now Deen is the “head of a growing (and unapologetically Southern-fried) lifestyle empire,” which includes a line of television shows and

458 “Farewell to Visionary and Cracker Barrel Founder, Dan Evins,” TaraCooks.com, January 15, 2012, http://taracooks.com/?p=2856 (accessed 20 May 2013). 459 Deen, entirety. 460 Kate Coyne, “A Taste of Paula,” Good Housekeeping, v. 246 (May 2008): 160.

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specials, books, a magazine, appearances in others’ media outlets, a line of cookware, and much more.461

Her wild popularity as the face of that lard-consuming South did not reach its peak until the twenty-first century, but her celebrity was on the rise well before then. The seed from which her stardom sprouted was firmly planted in her 1997 cookbook, indicating the commercialization expansion of the South that was about to unfurl. The cookbook landed her on “an episode of The

Oprah Winfrey Show devoted to women who’d started successful businesses in their homes….

When the QVC shopping network picked up her first cookbook in 1998 and sold 70,000 copies in one day, her success was sealed.”462

Her Food Network debut in November of 2002, Paula’s Home Cooking, dramatically elevated the sales of The Lady & Sons Savannah Country Cookbook. In 2004, three of her books made the top 25 cookbooks at Borders and Waldenbooks, along with nine books from five other authors, all propelled to the highest echelon by their Food Network fame.463 Her original publication in 2005, just seven years after its first edition, had nearly one million copies in print.464 Her celebrity persona in society of the early twenty-first century expanded Deen into a

Southern cultural enterprise: her “empire includes two restaurants [today five], two television shows, five cookbooks [today fifteen and counting], [a memoir], a cooking/decorating magazine

[Cooking with Paula Deen, with a print run of more than one million], and a line of baking mixes and seasonings.”465 She also has a line of cookware that can be purchased from Walmart and J.C.

461 Rory Evans, “A Very Paula Christmas,” Good Housekeeping, v. 247 (December 2008): 136. 462 Julia Moskin, “From Phobia to Fame: A Southern Cook’s Memoir,” New York Times, February 28, 2007, http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/28/dining/28deen.html?_r=1 (accessed April 10, 2012). 463 “Paula’s Life so Far,” Cooking with Paula Deen, http://www.cookingwithpauladeen.com/articles.php?id=34 (accessed April 10, 2012); Natalie Danford, “Video Made the Cookbook Star,” Publishers Weekly 252, no. 12 (March 21, 2005), Professional Development Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed April 18, 2012), 24. 464 Danford, 24. 465 Moskin; “Paula’s Life so Far.”

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Penney.466 As one author noted, “She is no longer just a southern woman—she is a brand,” and that brand has a national audience who consumes her.467

Her Southernness is bold, brash, and even a little inappropriate at times, as Good

Housekeeping notes, “She is, after all, the first host ever to have her language censored by the

Food Network—for a colorful word that she let slip while making hot wings.”468 Her incredible popularity has come from her ability to make one feel comforted and at-home, while encouraging the consumer to enjoy foods that are quintessentially Southern, but generally frowned upon by the health community unless eaten in careful moderation. Her ability to use shortening, bacon, and butter in a recipe has turned Deen in to a household name, a successful empire, and a performed Southernness that drips from every utterance of one of her nearly trademarked “y’all”s. Paula Deen is now the face of Southern cooking, as Aunt Jemima and the ubiquitous mammy was in the early twentieth century. Deen exists as the modern, acceptable, white version of the “mammy” stereotype of Jim Crow days. The smiling, pudgy, hospitable face of Deen today, jovially preparing two centuries’ of interracial food for the masses, proves that the culmination of this Southernization of America is the erasure of the South’s past: an indigestible and ignored past dominated by the maintenance of white supremacy through racism, sexism, and conservatism.

466 Jennifer H. Gunter, “Well I’ll Be – Positive Images of Southern Women as a Response to Feminism” (Master’s Thesis, University of Mississippi, 2011), 90. 467 Ibid. 468 Coyne, 160.

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CONCLUSION

Due to the gap in study of the historical and cultural trends of the South through the lens of cookbooks, this thesis aims to assert its place in the history of Southern foodways as it intersected with culture of the twentieth century. Cookbooks can, and should, be utilized to understand Southern identity and how the culture has changed over the period spanning the late

1880s to the early twenty-first century. Cookbooks are important in tracking the evolution of

Southern culture throughout the twentieth century, and can be indicative tools when it comes to understanding more about the changes therein. Beyond simple historical documents, however, cookbooks served as an intimate guide in the kitchens of twentieth-century homes, as they dictated social mores and racial ideology between the lines of their cooking instructions.

As I have argued, the racist and white supremacist tactics of the Jim Crow and civil rights eras undermined black struggles for citizenship and community within the South. The use of coded language, stereotyped imagery, and blatant discrimination in cookbooks furthered those struggles as many women purchased such texts to put in their kitchens where their cooks worked.

So too did the Lost Cause rhetoric of the twentieth century bar African Americans from their rightful place through the use of overt displays of ex-Confederate pride, and memorialization and romanticization of the slavery the Confederacy sought to defend. The rise of conservatism and the Religious Right through the mid-to-late-twentieth century saw an emphasis upon family values, and, in reaction to the civil rights movement and the counterculture movements of the

1960s, a reinforcement of the domestic ideals of gender roles. Finally, as large Southern entities realized their potential to export the region’s perceived distinctiveness, and turn a profit from

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such business ventures, all traces of a racialized past – or present, for that matter – were erased into a consumable, whitened past, where today the face of Paula Deen replaces the ubiquitous

Aunt Jemima as the icon of Southernness as it intersects with food.

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APPENDIX

127

1. Cover of Harriet Ross Colquitt, The Savannah Cook Book (New York: J.J. Little and Ives Company, 1933).

128

2. Cover of Laura Thornton Knowles, Southern Recipes Tested by Myself (New York: George H. Doran Company, 1913).

129

3. Cover of Natalie V. Scott, Mandy’s Favorite Louisiana Recipes (1922. Reprint, Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing, 2010).

130

4. Cover of Lillie S. Lustig, S. Claire Sondheim, and Sarah Rensel, comps. and eds., The Southern Cook Book of Fine Old Recipes (Reading, PA: Culinary Arts Press, 1935).

131

5. Cover of Emma & William McKinney, Aunt Caroline’s Dixieland Recipes (Chicago: Laird & Lee, Inc., 1922).

132

6. Cover of Junior League of Montgomery, Southern Recipes (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1910).

133

7. “The Turbaned Mistress of the Kentucky Kitchen,” Minnie C. Fox, comp., The Blue Grass Cook Book (New York: Duffield & Co., 1911), opposite title page.

134

8. “Emma Jane Jackson Beauregard Jefferson Davis Lincoln Christian,” Blanche Elbert Moncure, Emma Jane’s Souvenir Cook Book (N.P.: n.p., 1937), 4.

135 Ruff 136

9. (left)“Luncheon Suggestions,” Junior League of Montgomery, Southern Recipes (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1910), 53.

10. (right) “Poultry and Game,” Junior League of Montgomery, Southern Recipes (N.P.: n.p., ca. 1910), 75.

136

11. “Three Boys Eating Watermelon,” Lillie S. Lustig, S. Claire Sondheim, and Sarah Rensel, comps. and eds., The Southern Cook Book of Fine Old Recipes (Reading, PA: Culinary Arts Press, 1935), 28.

12. “Two Boys in Bed,” Lillie S. Lustig, S. Claire Sondheim, and Sarah Rensel, comps. and eds., The Southern Cook Book of Fine Old Recipes (Reading, PA: Culinary Arts Press, 1935), 34.

137

13. “Confederate Slaw,” Sallie F. Hill, ed., The Progressive Farmer’s Southern Cookbook (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1961), 157.

138 Ruff 139

VITA

Kelsie Ruff was born in Ocala, Florida. After graduating from Vanguard High School in

Ocala in 2005, she attended the College of Central Florida and graduated with an Associate of

Arts degree in 2008. In 2010, she received a Bachelor of Arts degree in Liberal Arts from Flagler

College in Saint Augustine, Florida. In the fall of 2011, she entered the Graduate School at The

University of Mississippi.

This thesis was typed by the author.

139