Aboriginal Street Youth in Vancouver, Winnipeg, and Montreal

kapitipis e-pimohteyahk: Aboriginal Street Youth in Vancouver, Winnipeg, and Montreal By Laurette Gilchrist B.S.W., University of Regina, 1980 M.S.W., Carleton University, 1 987 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONAL STUDIES We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1995 © Laurette Gilchrist, 1995 an advanced In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for that the Library shall make it degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that permission for extensive freely available for reference and study. I further agree copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (Signature) Department of (‘d O I d The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canadad077, Date /95 DE.6 (2)88) Abstract “kapitipis e-pimohteyahk: Aboriginal Street youth in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Montreal” seeks to gain insight into life on city streets for Aboriginal youth: why they go to the street, how they survive, what kinds of services they are more likely to use, what changes they envision for services provided to them, and finally to recommend corresponding changes in service delivery and preventative measures. The primary interest is their perceptions of their experiences on the Street — as Aboriginal people — as much as possible in their own voice, and in such a way as to contextualize their lives in Canadian structural colonial history and in modern urban terms. Utilizing a critical case study method, in-depth interviews were conducted with nine youth, ages 14-20, currently involved in urban Street life and two people who have lived on the street in the past. To contextualize their experiences, several parents of street youth and street services personnel in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Montreal were interviewed, although with less depth. Each city has an Aboriginal population in excess of 35,000. The literature on street youth in general is growing, but a paucity of information exists on Aboriginal street youth experience in Canada, even though they are over-represented in the street youth population in most cities. By placing Aboriginal street youth in the larger context of mainstream society and the urban environment, and by highlighting the role of current and historical structural impacts, this research has been able to access a holistic view of their lives. The interviews suggest that Aboriginal street youth run to the streets for many of the same reasons as any other street youth, and once they get there their methods of survival are also somewhat the same as those of many runaways. Their cultural backgrounds, history, and structural conditions at point of origin are, however, different from non-Aboriginal street youth. These conditions make them subject to harsher conditions in state care situations (a common entry-point to street life) and on the street. Many experience overt racism, in addition to the stigmatization that street people encounter, in their everyday lives. The youth interviewed told of identity confusion and self hatred, dislocation from home and surrogate parent communities, difficulty in reunification, and ignorance about Aboriginal rights, history and culture. The nature of the relationship between Aboriginality and being a young street person is clearly established in that ethnicity was a salient factor in the antecedents to street life and in the conditions once on the street. Interviews with former street persons suggest that race and culture continue to be salient in the process of leaving the street and in staying off the street. III Table of Contents. Abstract Table of Contents iv List of Tables viii List of Figures ix Acknowledgements x Chapter 1. Introduction 1 Terminology 3 Urbanization and Aboriginal youth 4 The context of the study 10 Macro view: Colonial history 10 Street youth 13 Definitions and estimates 13 ii. Antecedents to street life 15 iii. Consequences of street life 18 iv. Issues of service delivery to street youth 22 Conclusions: Aboriginal street youth in the literature 24 Overview of the thesis 27 Chapter 2. Research methodology 28 Impetus of the research 28 Planning the research 31 Research goals 33 Case study method 35 Carrying out the research 40 Interpretation of the data 42 Reliability and validity 44 Constraints 46 Chapter 3. Vancouver 56 Reflections as an Aboriginal person 51 Case studies 58 ETAH 59 History 60 On the streets 62 Racism 68 Culture and identity 72 Society 75 KAREN 79 History 80 On the streets 81 Racism 84 iv Table of Contents, Continued Eg Culture and identity 85 Society 86 JOANNE 86 History 88 On the streets 88 Racism 95 Culture and identity 99 Society 101 MISSY: Former street person . 104 History 105 On the streets 106 Back from the abyss 111 Racism 113 Culture and identity 115 Society 119 Chapter 4. Winnipeg 121 Case studies 125 NOELLA 126 History — Noella. 127 TRAVIS 129 History—Travis 130 On the streets — Noella 130 On the streets — Travis 133 Racism — Noella and Travis 134 Culture and identity — Noella and Travis. 136 Society — Noella and Travis 138 AXLE 140 History 141 On the streets 142 Racism 145 Culture and identity 146 Society 147 JEAN-MARC 149 History 149 On the streets 152 Racism 155 Culture and identity 157 Society 160 DALE: Former street person 160 History 161 On the streets 162 Out of Darkness 165 Racism 167 Culture and identity 169 Society 173 v Table of Contents, Continued Chapter 5. Montreal 176 Case studies 180 NATASHA 180 History 181 On the streets 183 Racism 193 Culture and identity 194 Society 199 CHARNELLE 201 History 202 On the streets 203 Racism 207 Culture and identity 211 Society 214 Chapter 6. Life on the street 218 The guiding questions 218 Research revisited 221 Street culture and myths about Aboriginal street youth 224 Street youth needs on the street 229 Survival — food, clothing, shelter 231 Street family as safety net 233 Services 235 ii. Safety — protection from institutions, caretakers, police, society 236 iii. Self-esteem and intellectual integrity— mental health, jobs, education, critical history, tribal self-esteem 237 Education 238 Employment 239 iv. Spiritual integrity — cultural aspects, tradition, spiritual nurturance, healing 241 Learning identity 242 Chapter 7. Policy implications 245 Survival 246 Addictions 250 Exploitation 253 Justice 255 In Care 257 Education 261 Racism 265 Culture 267 Conclusion 270 Chapter 8. Conclusion 272 References 276 vi Table of Contents, Continued APPENDIX A... 285 APPENDIX B. 287 APPENDIX C... 290 APPENDIX D 291 APPENDIX E 293 APPENDIX F 295 APPENDIX G 296 APPENDIX H 300 APPENDIX I 305 APPENDIX 307 VII List of Tables Table I. Percentage of People Who Maintain the Use of Their Language 6 Table II. Percentage of people (15+) Who Participate in Traditional Aboriginal Activities . 7 Table Ill. 1992 Welfare Incomes 233 Table IV. Services for youth by type of service, duration of contact, intervention strategy and example of service 247 Table V. Cultural identity variations 269 viii List of Figures Figure 1: The progression of a negative life process of ending up on the street for Aboriginal street youth in greater than average numbers. Beginning at the east door with a macro view of colonial history (vision); at the south door with antecedents of dysfunctional relationships (relationship); at the west door with consequences in loss of respect (respect); and at the north door with inadequate street services (movement/action) 11 Figure 2: Four need categories beginning at the east door with survival (physical); at the south door with protection (emotional); at the west door with intellectual integrity (mental); and at the north door with spiritual integrity (spirit) (Absolon, 1993). Additionally, there is the social safety net that, by nature of the fact that they are on the street, has been ineffective in their lives 230 ix Acknowledgements The research for this thesis would not have occurred except for the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. I was asked by the Commission in January 1993 to undertake a study on Aboriginal street youth at about the time that I was beginning research on my doctoral thesis at the University of British Columbia on another topic. My strong interest as a professional social worker in the welfare of children and as an Aboriginal person in Aboriginal street youth made me very much want to accept the Royal Commission’s invitation. This became possible when the Royal Commission released its policy on use of Commission research data for educational purposes. I had permission from the Commission to use the street youth study data for my thesis and from my supervisory committee at the University of British Columbia change to my topic. I am very grateful to both of them, for without the financial resources made available to me by the Royal Commission, research on this important but elusive topic would not have been possible. The pseudonyms of the street youth and former street youth who participated in this research are as follows (in order of presentation): Vancouver — Etah, Joanne, Karen, and Missy; Winnipeg — Noella/Travis, Axle, Jean-Marc, and Dale; Montreal — Natasha and Charnelle. Two sets of parents were interviewed in Vancouver and Winnipeg. All the agency personnel are greatfully acknowledged in each of the cities who took the time out of their busy schedules to assist us in our endeavour. They are too numerous to list. The research assistants consisted of Tony Winchester, B.A., M.S.W., in Victoria; Beverley Dag-Lopez in Vancouver; Marie Baker in Winnipeg; and Alysa Pramsmaa in Montreal.

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