Thieves in the Thieves' Kitchen
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Interview with VALERY IVANOVICH BOLDIN Present at the Talk Was
Interview with VALERY IVANOVICH BOLDIN Present at the talk was Oleg Dmitrievich Baklanov This interview was conducted on February 24, 1999, in Moscow by Oleg Igorevich Skvortsov, project director, An Oral History of the Cold War, Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Publication, citation, or general dissemination without the express written consent of the authors is prohibited. O.S. I propose that we start our talk with the following topic: How would you evaluate the domestic situation in the Soviet Union and its standing in the world by the mid-1980s? Were the problems that Gorbachev and his team faced indeed fatal, and did these problems create an irresolvable situation from which there was no escape? Many of those who were close to Gorbachev often express completely opposite opinions on this matter and sometimes even contradict themselves. For example, Chernyaev says in one place that the crisis of the Soviet system was irreversible, yet in another place he writes that the crisis was not critical. Could the Soviet system have been reformed? And even after having declared the ideology bankrupt, could we have preserved the fundamental geopolitical interests of the Soviet Union? Did we have sufficient resources for extricating ourselves from the situation that had come into being by the mid-1980s? In other words, could we have won back what we had lost? V.B. The economic situation on the eve of Gorbachev’s coming to power was somewhat exacerbated by the fact that inflation began to exceed the normal boundaries. Boldin Interview Page 2 of 39 The first thing that happened as a result was that the population started buying up food supplies in large quantities, and, secondly, deposited huge amounts of money into their savings accounts. -
Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia's Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine
Saint Louis University Law Journal Volume 64 Number 1 Internationalism and Sovereignty Article 3 (Fall 2019) 4-23-2020 Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine. Igor Gretskiy [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Igor Gretskiy, Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine., 64 St. Louis U. L.J. (2020). Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj/vol64/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW LUKYANOV DOCTRINE: CONCEPTUAL ORIGINS OF RUSSIA’S HYBRID FOREIGN POLICY—THE CASE OF UKRAINE. IGOR GRETSKIY* Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kremlin’s assertiveness and unpredictability on the international arena has always provoked enormous attention to its foreign policy tools and tactics. Although there was no shortage of publications on topics related to different aspects of Moscow’s foreign policy varying from non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to soft power diplomacy, Russian studies as a discipline found itself deadlocked within the limited number of old dichotomies, (e.g., West/non-West, authoritarianism/democracy, Europe/non-Europe), initially proposed to understand the logic of Russia’s domestic and foreign policy transformations.1 Furthermore, as the decision- making process in Moscow was getting further from being transparent due to the increasingly centralized character of its political system, the emergence of new theoretical frameworks with greater explanatory power was an even more difficult task. -
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986 Donated by A.S. Chernyaev to The National Security Archive Translated by Anna Melyakova Edited by Svetlana Savranskaya http://www.nsarchive.org Translation © The National Security Archive, 2007 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1986 http://www.nsarchive.org January 1st, 1986. At the department1 everyone wished each other to celebrate the New Year 1987 “in the same positions.” And it is true, at the last session of the CC (Central Committee) Secretariat on December 30th, five people were replaced: heads of CC departments, obkom [Oblast Committee] secretaries, heads of executive committees. The Politizdat2 director Belyaev was confirmed as editor of Soviet Culture. [Yegor] Ligachev3 addressed him as one would address a person, who is getting promoted and entrusted with a very crucial position. He said something like this: we hope that you will make the newspaper truly an organ of the Central Committee, that you won’t squander your time on petty matters, but will carry out state and party policies... In other words, culture and its most important control lever were entrusted to a Stalinist pain-in-the neck dullard. What is that supposed to mean? Menshikov’s case is also shocking to me. It is clear that he is a bastard in general. I was never favorably disposed to him; he was tacked on [to our team] without my approval. I had to treat him roughly to make sure no extraterritoriality and privileges were allowed in relation to other consultants, and even in relation to me (which could have been done through [Vadim] Zagladin,4 with whom they are dear friends). -
Dartmouth Conf Program
The Dartmouth Conference: The First 50 Years 1960—2010 Reminiscing on the Dartmouth Conference by Yevgeny Primakov T THE PEAK OF THE COLD WAR, and facilitating conditions conducive to A the Dartmouth Conference was one of economic interaction. the few diversions from the spirit of hostility The significance of the Dartmouth Confer- available to Soviet and American intellectuals, ence relates to the fact that throughout the who were keen, and able, to explore peace- cold war, no formal Soviet-American contact making initiatives. In fact, the Dartmouth had been consistently maintained, and that participants reported to huge gap was bridged by Moscow and Washington these meetings. on the progress of their The composition of discussion and, from participants was a pri- time to time, were even mary factor in the success instructed to “test the of those meetings, and it water” regarding ideas took some time before the put forward by their gov- negotiating teams were ernments. The Dartmouth shaped the right way. At meetings were also used first, in the early 1970s, to unfetter actions under- the teams had been led taken by the two countries by professionally quali- from a propagandist connotation and present fied citizens. From the Soviet Union, political them in a more genuine perspective. But the experts and researchers working for the Insti- crucial mission for these meetings was to tute of World Economy and International establish areas of concurring interests and to Relations and the Institute of U.S. and Cana- attempt to outline mutually acceptable solutions dian Studies, organizations closely linked to to the most acute problems: nuclear weapons Soviet policymaking circles, played key roles. -
Mikhail Gorbachev and His Role in the Peaceful Solution of the Cold War
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2011 Mikhail Gorbachev and His Role in the Peaceful Solution of the Cold War Natalia Zemtsova CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/49 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Mikhail Gorbachev and His Role in the Peaceful Solution of the Cold War Natalia Zemtsova May 2011 Master’s Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of International Affairs at the City College of New York Advisor: Jean Krasno ABSTRACT The role of a political leader has always been important for understanding both domestic and world politics. The most significant historical events are usually associated in our minds with the images of the people who were directly involved and who were in charge of the most crucial decisions at that particular moment in time. Thus, analyzing the American Civil War, we always mention the great role and the achievements of Abraham Lincoln as the president of the United States. We cannot forget about the actions of such charismatic leaders as Adolf Hitler, Josef Stalin, Winston Churchill, and Franklin D. Roosevelt when we think about the brutal events and the outcome of the World War II. Or, for example, the Cuban Missile Crisis and its peaceful solution went down in history highlighting roles of John F. -
Breakthrough Emerging New Thinking EDITORS - in - CHIEF Anatoly Gromyko • Martin Hellman
Breakthrough Emerging New Thinking EDITORS - IN - CHIEF Anatoly Gromyko • Martin Hellman EXECUTIVE EDITORS Craig Barnes • Alexander Nikitin SENIOR EDITORS Donald Fitton • Sergei Kapitza Elena Loshchenkova • William McGlashan Andrei Melville • Harold Sandler ONLINE EDITOR Olivia Simantob Breakthrough Emerging New Thinking Soviet and Western Scholars Issue a Challenge to Build a World Beyond War Walker and Company 720 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10019 Breakthrough/Poriv Copyright © 1988 by Beyond War Foundation A note about the online version of Breakthrough: the publisher grants permission for any or all of the book to be used for non-profit, educational purposes only. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocyping, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. First published in the United States of America in 1988 by the Walker Publishing Company, Inc. Published simultaneousely in Canada by Thomas Allen & Son, Canada, Limited, Markham, Ontario. Published online in 2001. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Title Breakthrough: Emerging New Thinking Includes references. 1. Nuclear arms control. 2. Security, International. 3. International relations. I. Gromyko, Anatolii Andreevich. II. Hellman, Martin E. JX 1974.7.B678 1988 327.1-74 87-23009 Breakthrough: Emerging New Thinking ISBN 0-8027-1026-3 ISBN 0-8027-1015-8 Printed in the United States of America 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 Published simultaneousely in the Soviet Union by Progress Publishing Company, Moscow. Dedication To our children and grandchildren Contents Acknowledgements x Preface: A Messgae to the Scientific Community xi Sergei P. -
The EU Border Mission at Work Around Transdniestria: a Win-Win Case?
n°21, janvier 2010 Daria Isachenko Université Humboldt de Berlin & Université de Magdeburg The EU border mission at work around Transdniestria: a win-win case? Until recently little was known about Transdniestria, a small piece of territory situated between Moldova and Ukraine. What was mostly known is that this place is a “diplomatically isolated haven for transnational criminals and possibly terrorists”, a “black hole” making “weapons, ranging from cheap submachine guns to high-tech missile parts”.1 In brief, it is a “gunrunner’s haven”, where “just about every sort of weapon is available” upon request.2 Moreover, to arms production and smuggling, many experts add human trafficking and drug smuggling.3 Transdniestria as an informal state appeared on the scene in the early 1990s as the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse. Since then, Transdniestria remains a contested territory which officially belongs to Moldova, but has managed to create its own attributes of statehood, seeking international recognition. The claim to statehood of this entity presents a great challenge to Moldova’s territorial integrity, whose officials mostly view this statelet as a puppet, created by the “certain circles” in the Kremlin with the sole purpose of keeping Moldova under Russia’s sphere of influence. Since no progress was made in settling this “frozen” conflict over the years, Moldova started to search for allies in the West. By 2005 the Moldovan government managed to persuade the European Union to 1 G. P. Herd, “Moldova and the Dniestr region: contested past, frozen present, speculative futures?”, Central and Eastern Europe Series, 05/07, Conflict Studies Research Centre, Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, Febuary 2005. -
Force and Accommodation in World Politics/By Stanley E
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Spangler, Stanley E. Force and accommodation in world politics/by Stanley E. Spangler . p. cm. "June 1991." Includes bibliographical references and index. l. United States-Foreign relations-Soviet Union. 2. Soviet Union-Foreign relations--United States. 3. United States-Foreign relations-1945- . 4. Soviet Union-Foreign relations-1945- . 5. Pacific settlement of international disputes. I. Title. E183.8 .S65S627 1991 327 .73047--dc 20 91-17932 CIP DISCLAIMER This publication was produced in the Department of Defense school environment in the interest of academic freedom and the advancement of national defense-related concepts . The views expressed in this publication are those ofthe author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department ofDefense or the United States government. This publication has been reviewed by security and policy review authorities and is cleared forpublic release. For Sale by the Superintendent of Documents US Government Printing Office Washington, DC 20402 ii To My Mother andFather John Haroldand WinifredSpangler THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK Contents Chapter Page DISCLAIMER . ii FOREWORD . vii ABOUT THE AUTHOR . ix PREFACE . xi INTRODUCTION . xiii Notes . xx Part 1 Factors Inhibiting Accommodative Diplomacy since World War II 1 Bargaining with Threats and Incentives: The Nature of Positive Diplomacy . 3 2 Kerman, Containment, and Carrots . 23 3 Historical Analogies, the Containment Paradigm, and the Role of Inducements . 47 4 Other Impediments to Conciliation: Rhetoric, Politics, and Personality . 67 5 Global Change and Superpower Cooperation . 101 v Chapter Page Part 2 Case Studies 6 Quemoy Crisis of 1958 . 143 7 Berlin Crisis of 1958--59 . -
Soviet-Third World Relations : " the Economic Bind "
FINAL REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : SOVIET-THIRD WORLD RELATIONS : " THE ECONOMIC BIND " AUTHOR : Elizabeth K . Valkenie r CONTRACTOR : The Trustees of Columbia University in the Cit y of New Yor k PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Robert L . Belkna p COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 624- 2 The work leading to this report was supported in whole or i n part from funds provided by the National Council for Sovie t and East European Research . Summary SOVIET-THIRD WORLD RELATIONS : THE ECONOMIC BIN D Elizabeth Kridl Valkenie r This report examines the strains and binds that have recentl y appeared in Soviet-Third World economic relations . Their sources ar e p ricipally three : (a) the failure of the USSR to become a viabl e trade partner and an adequate aid donor ; (b) the emergent discre panc y between Soviet economic interests and di plomatic goals ; (c) th e Soviet ado p tion of a far less hostile attitude toward capitalis t institutions in the development process and toward the Western rol e in the world economy . New p erc e p tions on these three issues have no t as yet produced any startling departures in Soviet policy . Never- theless, they produce ambiguities and dilemmas that weaken the Sovie t posture and operations in the Third World . During most of the post-Stalin ex pansion into the Third Worl d there had been a congruence between economic activities, politica l objectives and Marxist theory -- all being aimed at undermining, i f not liquidating, the Western presence . -
Latvia 1988-2015: a Triumph of the Radical Nationalists
The Baltic Centre of Historical and Socially Political Studies Victor Gushchin Latvia 1988-2015: a triumph of the radical nationalists Political support of the West for Latvian radical nationalism and neo-Nazismand the import of this ideology into Latvia after the West’s victory in the Cold War. Formation of a unipolar world led by the USA, revision of the 1945 Yalta and Potsdam treaties and the 1975 Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe as main reasons for the evolution of the Republic of Latvia of May 4th, 1990,from elimination of universal suffrage to relapse of totalitarianism: establishment of the so-called «Latvian Latvia», Russophobia, suppression of ethnic minority rights, restriction of freedom of speech and assembly, revision of the outcome of World War Two and propaganda of neo-Nazism. Riga 2017 UDK 94(474.3) “19/20” Gu 885 The book Latvia 1988-2015: a triumph of the radical nationalists» is dedicated to Latvia’s most recent history. On May 4, 1990, the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Council) of the Latvian SSR adopted the Declaration on the Restoration of Independence of the Latvian Republic without holding a national referendum, thus violating the acting Constitution. Following this up on October 15, 1991, the Supreme Soviet deprived more than a third of its own electorate Latvia 1988 - 2015: of the right to automatic citizenship. As a result, one of the most fundamental principles of a triumph of the radical nationalists democracy, universal suffrage, was eliminated. Thereafter, the Latvian parliament, periodically re-elected in conditions where a signif- icant part of country’s inhabitants lack the right to participate in elections, has been adopting Book 1. -
Chronology End of the Cold War in Europe
Chronology End of the Cold War in Europe (This chronology was compiled by the National Security Archive staff in April 1998 for the conference “The End of the Cold War in Europe, 1989: ‘New Thinking’ and New Evidence) 1987 January 12 - Jaruzelski meets with Pope John Paul II in Italy, Jaruzelski's first official visit to the West since the imposition of martial law in Poland. (Dawisha, p. 283, Foreign, p. 300) January 20 - The USSR stops jamming the BBC. (Garthoff, 304) January 21 - The CPSU Politburo discusses withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan. Foreign Minister Shevardnadze advocates only a partial withdrawal and massive support of the Najib regime. Prime Minister Nikolai Ryzhkov categorically demands a complete withdrawal. Gorbachev proposes "to pull it off within two years." (The Archive of Gorbachev Foundation) January 22 - The CPSU Politburo discusses "acceleration" in upgrading the machine- building industries. (The Archive of the Gorbachev Foundation) January 27 - At a meeting of the Central Committee Gorbachev surprises members with his description of the country as being one of "developing socialism," rather than the stock phrase, "developed socialism," and with approvals of "real elections" and secret ballots. This provides an opening wedge for the introduction of democratic procedure. (Matlock, 64; Garthoff, 303) January 29 - The CPSU Politburo holds discussions on the results of the Warsaw conference of CC secretaries of Comecon countries. The participants point at the growing pro-Western orientation of Eastern Europe. Anatoly Dobrynin argues against "over dramatizing the nuances in the behavior of Honecker." Gorbachev agrees that "they should remain friends." (The Archive of the Gorbachev Foundation) February 10 - The USSR announces that it has pardoned 140 prisoners convicted of subversive activities. -
The Transformation of Practices of Soviet Speechwriters from the Brezhnev Era to the Early Perestroika Period
Speechwriting als Beruf: The Transformation of Practices of Soviet Speechwriters from the Brezhnev Era to the Early Perestroika Period By Yana Kitaeva Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Supervisor: Alexander Astrov Second Reader: Marsha Siefert CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2019 Copyright Notice Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection ii Abstract The aim of this thesis is to offer a new perspective within the field of Soviet Subjectivity through the concept of the kollektiv proposed by Oleg Kharkhordin and applied to the case study of Soviet Secretary General‘s speechwriters from Brezhnev to Gorbachev. Namely, I examine the transformations in speechwriting practices of the kollektiv in the 1970s and 1980s. The kollektiv underwent a process of routinization in the early Brezhnev era, establishing a system of collective writing intended merely to transmit Party directives. This routine, which the contemporaries had described as numbing and uninspiring, had completely changed under Gorbachev. Practically, the routine of the speechwriting had become the continuous process of the creation of new ideas under the supervision of the Secretary General in the mid-1980s.