Impeachment and Trial of William W
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Historic Failure of the Chicago School of Antitrust Mark Glick
Antitrust and Economic History: The Historic Failure of the Chicago School of Antitrust Mark Glick1 Working Paper No. 95 May 2019 ABSTRACT This paper presents an historical analysis of the antitrust laws. Its central contention is that the history of antitrust can only be understood in light of U.S. economic history and the succession of dominant economic policy regimes that punctuated that history. The antitrust laws and a subset of other related policies have historically focused on the negative consequences resulting from the rise, expansion, and dominance of big business. Antitrust specifically uses competition as its tool to address these problems. The paper traces the evolution of the emergence, growth and expansion of big business over six economic eras: the Gilded Age, the Progressive Era, the New Deal, the post-World War II Era, the 1970s, and the era of neoliberalism. It considers three policy regimes: laissez-faire during the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era, the New Deal, policy regime from the Depression through the early 1970s, and the neoliberal policy regime that dominates today and includes the Chicago School of antitrust. The principal conclusion of the paper is that the activist antitrust policies associated with the New Deal that existed from the late 1 Professor, Department of Economics, University of Utah. Email: [email protected]. I would like to thank members of the University of Utah Competition Group, Catherine Ruetschlin, Marshall Steinbaum, and Ted Tatos for their help and input. I also benefited from suggestions and guidance from Gérard Duménil’s 2019 seminar on economic history at the University of Utah. -
Committee on Appropriations UNITED STATES SENATE 135Th Anniversary
107th Congress, 2d Session Document No. 13 Committee on Appropriations UNITED STATES SENATE 135th Anniversary 1867–2002 U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2002 ‘‘The legislative control of the purse is the central pil- lar—the central pillar—upon which the constitutional temple of checks and balances and separation of powers rests, and if that pillar is shaken, the temple will fall. It is...central to the fundamental liberty of the Amer- ican people.’’ Senator Robert C. Byrd, Chairman Senate Appropriations Committee United States Senate Committee on Appropriations ONE HUNDRED SEVENTH CONGRESS ROBERT C. BYRD, West Virginia, TED STEVENS, Alaska, Ranking Chairman THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi ANIEL NOUYE Hawaii D K. I , ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania RNEST OLLINGS South Carolina E F. H , PETE V. DOMENICI, New Mexico ATRICK EAHY Vermont P J. L , CHRISTOPHER S. BOND, Missouri OM ARKIN Iowa T H , MITCH MCCONNELL, Kentucky ARBARA IKULSKI Maryland B A. M , CONRAD BURNS, Montana ARRY EID Nevada H R , RICHARD C. SHELBY, Alabama ERB OHL Wisconsin H K , JUDD GREGG, New Hampshire ATTY URRAY Washington P M , ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah YRON ORGAN North Dakota B L. D , BEN NIGHTHORSE CAMPBELL, Colorado IANNE EINSTEIN California D F , LARRY CRAIG, Idaho ICHARD URBIN Illinois R J. D , KAY BAILEY HUTCHISON, Texas IM OHNSON South Dakota T J , MIKE DEWINE, Ohio MARY L. LANDRIEU, Louisiana JACK REED, Rhode Island TERRENCE E. SAUVAIN, Staff Director CHARLES KIEFFER, Deputy Staff Director STEVEN J. CORTESE, Minority Staff Director V Subcommittee Membership, One Hundred Seventh Congress Senator Byrd, as chairman of the Committee, and Senator Stevens, as ranking minority member of the Committee, are ex officio members of all subcommit- tees of which they are not regular members. -
John W. Foster, Soldier and Politician by DANIELW
John W. Foster, Soldier and Politician By DANIELW. SNEPP Indiana’s sons have occupied a number of important gov- ernmental offices in Washington and diplomatic posts abroad. No Hoosier, however, has served his country longer or more faithfully than John Watson Foster. His public life spans a half century of diplomatic conflict in which the United States rose to the undisputed position of a world power. In the pres- ent generation, few, except students of diplomatic history and international law, have heard the name of John W. Foster or read his scholarly works on diplomacy and world peace. No published biography has yet recorded his achievements and no monument has been raised to perpetuate his memory. Nevertheless this obscure man was regarded by Ambassador James Bryce as “the most distinguished diplomat of our time,” and by Secretary of State Frelinghuysen as the most valuable man in foreign service in his day. Mr. Foster represented the United States upon more different missions of first rank than any other person, and was accordingly called by Chauncey M. DePew, “the handy-man of the State Department.” Andrew Johnson excepted, Foster served in one capacity or another under every president from Abraham Lincoln to Theodore Roosevelt. Diplomacy was to Foster not merely a calling, it was a profession. This article, however, is concerned only with that part of his life spent in Indiana. Foster’s English ancestry may be traced to the hardy tradespeople on his mother’s side and to the staunch yeoman class on his father’s side. The strain of the depression which followed on the heels of the Napoleonic Wars in England, fell most severely upon the middle class, great numbers of whom migrated to America. -
George Edmunds of Vermont: Republican Half-Breed
As much as any U. S. Senator of the post-Civil War genera tion, George F. Edmunds represents the character, ideas, and influence of a particular wing of the Republican Party.... George Edmunds of Vermont: Republican Half-Breed By RICHARD E. WELCH, JR. AMONG the major New England politicians of the post-Civil War J-\. generation, one of the more elusive is George F. Edmunds of Vermont. A United States senator torm 1866 to 1891, he was recognized by leaders of both parties as one of the hardest workers iri the senate and perhaps its ablest constitutional lawyer. After his retirement from politics, he was a highly successful corporation lawyer, a prominent spokesman for the Anti-Imperialist movement of 1898-1900, and a family monarch until his death in 1919 at the age of ninety-one. His was a full and an active life, but it has received little attention from historians. There exists no biography of Edmunds, nor even a biographi cal notice later than the publication of the Dictionary of American Biography in 1931. He has faded into the shadow-land reserved for the footnote figures of American history. One reason for this is the absence of a collection of "Edmunds Papers." There is a strong correlation between the size of a man's documentary legacy and the fascination he holds for historians. Ed munds left orders that all his personal papers be burned upon his death, and they were. There are, of course, other possible reasons for Edmunds' neglect by the historical profession. The biographer who seeks a colorful subject would not find Edmunds attractive. -
“Mcconnell Majorities” in Supreme Court Decision-Making
PRESIDENT-SHOPPING FOR A NEW SCALIA: THE ILLEGITIMACY OF “MCCONNELL MAJORITIES” IN SUPREME COURT DECISION-MAKING J. Stephen Clark* WASHINGTON, June 29—By the slimmest of margins, the Supreme Court today ended its decades of protecting abortion rights and overruled Roe v. Wade,1 the 1973 decision that established abortion as a constitutional right.2 The breaking news one day in June 2019 is the demise of Roe v. Wade. By a vote of 5-4, the Supreme Court has overruled the precedent and left the protection of abortion rights to the sole discretion of lawmakers. There had been no majority for such a decision until President Trump had the chance to make two appointments to the Court. One of those appointees wrote the majority opinion. Perhaps fittingly, the author of the opinion was the successor to the late Justice Antonin Scalia, who strove for this goal more vigorously than any member of the Court since 1973. Of course, every supporter of abortion rights realizes that the Trump appointee now sits on the High Court only because President Obama’s nominee for the same seat was ignored by the Senate for eleven months. The overruling of Roe is directly traceable to that stonewalling and its mastermind—the majority leader, Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky. Why should supporters of abortion rights accept the legitimacy of a Court decision handed down by a bare majority that owes its fifth vote to Mitch McConnell’s Supreme Court Justice? The answer is that they would not, nor should they. Contrary to McConnell’s repeated claims, his posture of determined inaction * Professor of Law, Albany Law School. -
New York's Political Resurgence
April 8, 2015 New York’s political resurgence by JOSHUA SPIVAK New York, once a center of America's political world, long ago fell on hard times. Where the state was once practically guaranteed a slot on at least one of the presidential tickets, it has been many years since a New Yorker was a real contender for the presidency. And the record in Congress has been even worse — there the state always underperformed. But that may all be changing in a hurry. Former Senator Hillary Clinton (D-N.Y.) is the overwhelming favorite for the Democratic presidential nomination and now, thanks to the retirement of Sen. Harry Reid, (D-Nev.), Sen. Chuck Schumer (N.Y.) is the likely next Democratic Leader in the Senate. For the first time in decades, the Empire State may be a state on the political rise. Schumer’s ascension may be the biggest break with history. For the better part of a century, New York was the presidential incubator. But the state has never been particularly successful in Congress. No New Yorker has ever served as Senate Majority or Minority Leader. It had one Minority Whip — the first one ever, back in 1915. Since then, no other New Yorker has served in the top two positions in the upper chamber. New Yorkers haven’t exactly grabbed the reigns in the House either — the state has only elected two Speakers of the House — the last one, Theodore Pomeroy, left office in 1869. Even the lower leadership positions have been bereft of New Yorkers. The state has provided one House Majority Leader — the very first one, Sereno Payne. -
Corporate Personhood(S): the Incorporation of Novel Persons in American Law, Society, and Literature, 1870-1914
Corporate Personhood(s): The Incorporation of Novel Persons in American Law, Society, and Literature, 1870-1914 By Eugene Francis McCarthy A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Rhetoric in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Marianne Constable, Chair Professor Samera Esmeir Professor Bryan Wagner Spring 2016 © Copyright 2016 Eugene Francis McCarthy All rights reserved Abstract Corporate Personhood(s): The Incorporation of Novel Persons in American Law, Society, and Literature, 1870-1914 by Eugene Francis McCarthy Doctor of Philosophy in Rhetoric University of California, Berkeley Professor Marianne Constable, Chair Recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions in Citizens United (2010) and Hobby Lobby (2014) have brought the concept of corporate personhood into mainstream discourse. By and large, the public reaction to corporate personhood has ranged from confused disapproval to partially informed outrage. The general suspicion focuses on the belief that individual persons are using the corporate form to cover up their own misdeeds and to shield themselves from personal liability. My investigation into the origin and nature of corporate personhood in the United States supports these suspicions. This study reveals that the legal fiction of corporate personhood has functioned as a prosthesis for natural persons from its inception in American law and society. This legal fiction’s foundations, history, and social impact are more complex and controversial than many contemporary critics suspect. In this dissertation, I explain corporate personhood’s origins in U.S. law and society so that we may better understand how this paradoxical person functions in American culture. -
1 White, Andrew Dickson. Autobiography of Andrew Dickson
White, Andrew Dickson. Autobiography of Andrew Dickson White. 2 vols. New York: Century Co., 1905. Volume I PART I-ENVIRONMENT AND EDUCATION Chapter I. Boyhood in Central New York — 1832-1850 The " Military Tract " of New York. A settlement on the headwaters of the Susquehanna. Arrival of my grandfathers and grandmothers. Growth of the new settlement. First recollections of it. General character of my environment. My father and mother. Cortland Academy. Its twofold effect upon me. First schooling. Methods in primary studies. Physical education. Removal to Syracuse. The Syracuse Academy. Joseph Allen and Professor Root; their influence; moral side of the education thus obtained. General education outside the school. Removal to a "classical school "; a catastrophe. James W. Hoyt and his influence. My early love for classical studies. Discovery of Scott's novels. "The Gallery of British Artists." Effect of sundry conventions, public meetings, and lectures. Am sent to Geneva College ; treatment of faculty by students. A " Second Adventist" meeting; Howell and Clark; my first meeting with Judge Folger. Philosophy of student dissipation at that place and time 3 Chapter II. Yale and Europe — 1850-1857 My coup d'etat. Removal to Yale. New energy in study and reading. Influence of Emerson, Carlyle, and Ruskin. Yale in 1850. My disappointment at the instruction; character of president and professors; perfunctory methods in lower-class rooms; "gerund-grinding" vs. literature; James Hadley — his abilities and influence; other professors; influence of President Woolsey, Professors Porter, Silliman, and Dana; absence of literary instruction ; character of that period from a literary point of view ; influences from fellow-students. -
CHAIRMEN of SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–Present
CHAIRMEN OF SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–present INTRODUCTION The following is a list of chairmen of all standing Senate committees, as well as the chairmen of select and joint committees that were precursors to Senate committees. (Other special and select committees of the twentieth century appear in Table 5-4.) Current standing committees are highlighted in yellow. The names of chairmen were taken from the Congressional Directory from 1816–1991. Four standing committees were founded before 1816. They were the Joint Committee on ENROLLED BILLS (established 1789), the joint Committee on the LIBRARY (established 1806), the Committee to AUDIT AND CONTROL THE CONTINGENT EXPENSES OF THE SENATE (established 1807), and the Committee on ENGROSSED BILLS (established 1810). The names of the chairmen of these committees for the years before 1816 were taken from the Annals of Congress. This list also enumerates the dates of establishment and termination of each committee. These dates were taken from Walter Stubbs, Congressional Committees, 1789–1982: A Checklist (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985). There were eleven committees for which the dates of existence listed in Congressional Committees, 1789–1982 did not match the dates the committees were listed in the Congressional Directory. The committees are: ENGROSSED BILLS, ENROLLED BILLS, EXAMINE THE SEVERAL BRANCHES OF THE CIVIL SERVICE, Joint Committee on the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, LIBRARY, PENSIONS, PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS, RETRENCHMENT, REVOLUTIONARY CLAIMS, ROADS AND CANALS, and the Select Committee to Revise the RULES of the Senate. For these committees, the dates are listed according to Congressional Committees, 1789– 1982, with a note next to the dates detailing the discrepancy. -
Presidential Handwriting, 1/5/1977 (1)” of the Presidential Handwriting File at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box C54, folder “Presidential Handwriting, 1/5/1977 (1)” of the Presidential Handwriting File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box C54 of The Presidential Handwriting File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON , MEDAL OF FREEDOM CANDIDATES Art & Architecture v Alexander Calder* '~Georgia O'Keefe* Norman Rockwell Athletics v"Joe DiMaggio Business J. Willard Marriott, Sr. Scholarship & Education ~orman E. Borlaug vwill and Ariel Durant v Bruce Catton Science & Engineering v/John Bar de en* /James D. Watson Theology & Religion Spencer Kimball Communications Lowell Thomas* Vermont C. Royster Labor 'v I. w. Abel Law v Judge Henry Friendly Erwin N. Griswold Literature /Archibald MacLeish* '<James Michener* II National Security / \ .· Arleigh Burke Y/Omar Nelson Bradley * Wilber M. Brucker Performing Arts \_./Irving Berlin ~ing Crosby (Harry Lillis) v Arthur Fiedler* Mrs. Jouett Shouse Public Service George S. Aiken Mike Mansfield John Sherman Cooper Henry Cabot Lodge George Pratt Shultz* Medicine Rene Dubos Jonas Salk Albert Sabin *Denotes candidates who drew heavy support from within the White House staff . -
Roscoe Conkling Bruce and the District of Columbia's Public
Abstract Title of Thesis: Roscoe Conkling Bruce and the District of Columbia's Public Schools, 1906 to 1921 Name of degree candidate: Douglas Eugene Pielmeier Degree and Year: Master of Arts, 1992 Thesis directed by: Professor Louis R. Harlan, Department of History Roscoe Conkling Bruce presided over the District of Columbia's black public schools from 1906 to 1921. His administration has provided a microcosm of the African- American struggle against segregation. Bruce's decisions and actions produced a clamor from a divided black community. The debate focused upon the direction of education for African-Americans yet failed to produce a consensus. The divided public both hindered and scarred Bruce's administration. Bruce owed his position to the influence of Booker T. Washington. Washington desired to extend his hegemony over blacks and education and Bruce as head of the black public schools would solidify the Tuskeegeean's influence in the District. Bruce had worked with washington at Tuskegee and echoed the Wizard's views on industrial education. However, the support of Washington was a double-edged sword. On the one hand, his political machine provided resources and support not available to most blacks; on the other hand, this support pigeonholed Bruce into a reliance upon Washington since the opposition to Washington extended to encompass Bruce. The assistant superintendent lacked the strength to stand alone against his detractors. The opposition, led by W. Calvin Chase, editor of the Washington Bee, sniped and fought with Bruce throughout his tenure with the District's schools. Curriculum, hiring and firing, as well as Bruce's personal life were used adroitly by Chase to help topple Bruce. -
Mckinley Revised
THE PRESIDENT FROM CANTON by Grant Segall Greeting the nation from his front porch in Canton, nursing his frail wife, sporting scarlet carnations from a foe, soft-peddling his views, the dapper little William McKinley seemed like the quintessential Victorian. The impression deepened when assassin Leon Czolgosz from Cleveland froze him in time and Teddy Roosevelt rough-rode into the Progressive era. But McKinley launched what became known as the American Century. He helped make a former colony a colonizer and the world’s biggest manufacturer. He planned the Panama Canal and the Open Door policy toward China. He promoted labor rights, mediation and arbitration. He created the White House’s war room, press briefings and press receptions. He also started a century-long rise in presidential power. Future President Woodrow Wilson wrote in 1900, “The president of the United States is now, as of course, at the front of affairs, as no president, except Lincoln, has been since the first quarter of the 19th century.” McKinley broadened a Republican base that mostly dominated until 1932. While he quaintly campaigned from his porch, innovative backers paid the way of an estimated 750,000 visitors from around the country. They also used early polls and movies. Historian Allan Peskin of Cleveland State University once told The Plain Dealer, “McKinley was the first modern president.” Biographer Kevin Phillips wrote, “The Progressive era is said to begin with Teddy Roosevelt, when in fact McKinley put in place the political organization, the antimachine spirit, the critical party realignment, the cadre of skilled GOP statesmen..., the firm commitment to popular and economic democracy and the leadership needed.” 1 Supporters called him the Idol of Ohio.