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Polityk Roku 2012 W Polsce I Na Świecie
Warszawa, grudzień 2012 BS/176/2012 POLITYK ROKU 2012 W POLSCE I NA ŚWIECIE Znak jakości przyznany CBOS przez Organizację Firm Badania Opinii i Rynku 11 stycznia 2012 roku Fundacja Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej ul. Żurawia 4a, 00-503 Warszawa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] http://www.cbos.pl (48 22) 629 35 69 Koniec roku to okres bilansów i podsumowań, a także różnych rankingów i plebiscytów, które – w mniej lub bardziej poważny sposób – rozstrzygają, komu należy się tytuł osobowości roku w tej lub innej dziedzinie. Podobnie jak w ubiegłych latach, w grudniowym sondażu1 pytaliśmy Polaków, kto − ich zdaniem – w mijającym roku 2012 zasłużył na miano polityka roku. Respondenci sami wymieniali nazwiska kandydatów spośród znanych im polityków krajowych oraz – na tej samej zasadzie – wskazywali najbardziej zasłużonego przedstawiciela światowej sceny politycznej. POLITYK ROKU 2012 W POLSCE Pytanie otwarte, jakie zadaliśmy Polakom brzmiało: „Któremu z polskich polityków należy się, Pana(i) zdaniem, miano polityka roku 2012? Chodzi o człowieka, który najlepiej działał, zrobił najwięcej w interesie kraju, społeczeństwa, ludzi takich jak Pan(i)”. Prawie trzy piąte ankietowanych (58%) nie umiało wskazać żadnego polityka, który by na takie wyróżnienie zasłużył. Większą grupę wśród nich stanowiły osoby, które uznały, że żaden ze znanych im przedstawicieli sceny politycznej nie zasługuje na taki tytuł (odpowiedzi: „nie ma takiego”, „żaden” lub inny sposób wyrażenia negatywnej opinii – 33%). Co czwarty badany stwierdził, że żadne nazwisko nie przychodzi mu na myśl, bo nie interesuje się polityką, nie zna polityków, czy po prostu trudno mu odpowiedzieć na to pytanie. Pozostali respondenci wymienili w sumie pięćdziesiąt nazwisk polityków, z których jednak tylko siedmiu uzyskało przynajmniej po 2% głosów. -
8 Pologne Extremistes
COESIO NET EUROPEAN COHESION AND TERRITORIES RESEARCH NETWORK EXTREMIST RIGHT IN POLAND Paper by Nikolay MARINOV Director François Bafoil CNRS – Sciences Po/CERI Collège Universitaire de Sciences Po – Campus de Dijon Polish extreme right fractions experienced a relatively unexpected short-lived period of electoral success in the beginning of the 21st century. This gain of public opinion approval lies on a superimposition of processes that were set in motion in Polish society throughout the transition period. For six years between 2001 and 2007, parties like the overtly extremist League of Polish families (LPR) and the populist left-right swinger Self-Defense (Samoobrona – SO), attracted media attention with the unpredictability of their electoral performance and controversy of the stances they were advocating, until a brief period in government for the first when a series of scandals exhausted their popularity and ballot box support withdrew to such an extent that even a promising environment consisting of an economic crisis could not help the extreme right resurrect from the little glorifying existence in oblivion. A contributing factor for their recent demise is the ascension of the populist right-wing Law and Justice party that diverted the more moderate elements of the electoral base. As the Polish extreme right is widely considered in the current political arrangement as practically defunct, it is legitimate to explore the way in which its presence contributed in shaping the political debate in post-communist Poland. The League of Polish families is a political party which traces its roots back to a neo-nazi racist movement founded in the early 1990s by the young Roman Giertych, he himself being a third generation of extreme right politician. -
Poland by Piotr Arak, Piotr Żakowiecki
Poland by Piotr Arak, Piotr Żakowiecki Capital: Warsaw Population: 38 million GNI/capita, PPP: $23,930 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 National Democratic 3.25 3.50 3.25 3.25 2.75 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.75 Governance Electoral Process 2.00 2.00 2.00 1.75 1.50 1.25 1.25 1.25 1.50 1.50 Civil Society 1.50 1.25 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 Independent Media 2.25 2.25 2.00 2.25 2.25 2.25 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.75 Local Democratic 2.25 2.25 2.00 1.75 1.75 1.75 1.75 1.50 1.50 1.50 Governance Judicial Framework 2.25 2.50 2.25 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.75 and Independence Corruption 3.00 3.00 2.75 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.50 3.50 3.50 Democracy Score 2.36 2.39 2.25 2.32 2.21 2.14 2.18 2.18 2.21 2.32 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. If consensus cannot be reached, Freedom House is responsible for the final ratings. The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 3
COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS - MODULE 3 (2006-2011) CODEBOOK: APPENDICES Original CSES file name: cses2_codebook_part3_appendices.txt (Version: Full Release - December 15, 2015) GESIS Data Archive for the Social Sciences Publication (pdf-version, December 2015) ============================================================================================= COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS (CSES) - MODULE 3 (2006-2011) CODEBOOK: APPENDICES APPENDIX I: PARTIES AND LEADERS APPENDIX II: PRIMARY ELECTORAL DISTRICTS FULL RELEASE - DECEMBER 15, 2015 VERSION CSES Secretariat www.cses.org =========================================================================== HOW TO CITE THE STUDY: The Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (www.cses.org). CSES MODULE 3 FULL RELEASE [dataset]. December 15, 2015 version. doi:10.7804/cses.module3.2015-12-15 These materials are based on work supported by the American National Science Foundation (www.nsf.gov) under grant numbers SES-0451598 , SES-0817701, and SES-1154687, the GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, the University of Michigan, in-kind support of participating election studies, the many organizations that sponsor planning meetings and conferences, and the many organizations that fund election studies by CSES collaborators. Any opinions, findings and conclusions, or recommendations expressed in these materials are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding organizations. =========================================================================== IMPORTANT NOTE REGARDING FULL RELEASES: This dataset and all accompanying documentation is the "Full Release" of CSES Module 3 (2006-2011). Users of the Final Release may wish to monitor the errata for CSES Module 3 on the CSES website, to check for known errors which may impact their analyses. To view errata for CSES Module 3, go to the Data Center on the CSES website, navigate to the CSES Module 3 download page, and click on the Errata link in the gray box to the right of the page. -
Political Communication in Germany and Poland
Political Communication in Germany and Poland Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades eines Doktors der Philosophie an der Philosophischen Fakultät der Technischen Universität Dresden vorgelegt von Ewa Anna Musiałowska geb. am 27.01.1980 in Wrocław Betreuer: Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Donsbach, Technische Universität Dresden Gutachter: 1. Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Donsbach, Technische Universität Dresden 2. Prof. Dr. Lutz M. Hagen, Technische Universität Dresden 3. Prof. Dr. Beata Ociepka, Uniwersytet Wrocławski/Polen 1 Political Communication in Germany and Poland Termin der Verteidigung: 16.07.2008 2 Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 6 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER 1 | TRENDS IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION 13 1.1. CHANGING PATTERNS OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION 13 1.1.1. HOMOGENIZATION : AMERICANIZATION AND GLOBALIZATION 16 1.1.2. MODERNIZATION AND SECULARIZATION 17 1.1.3. MEDIATIZATION OF POLITICS AND ITS INDICATORS 19 1.2. COMPARATIVE RESEARCH ON POLITICAL COMMUNICATION 23 1.3. UNEXPLORED FIELD OF COMPARATIVE RESEARCH ON POLITICAL COMMUNICATION 27 CHAPTER 2 | COMPARING POLITICAL SYSTEMS 33 2.1. COMPARING PARTY SYSTEMS 33 2.1.1. PARTY SYSTEM IN POLAND 33 2.1.2. PARTY SYSTEM IN GERMANY 46 2.1.3. CONCLUSIONS 52 2.2. COMPARING ELECTORAL SYSTEMS 54 2.2.1. ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN POLAND 55 2.2.2. ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN GERMANY 59 2.2.3. CONCLUSIONS 62 2.3. COMPARING POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 63 2.3.1. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN POLAND 64 2.3.2. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN GERMANY 66 2.3.3. CONCLUSIONS 68 CHAPTER 3 | COMPARING MEDIA SYSTEMS 70 3.1. THREE MODELS OF MEDIA AND POLITICS 70 3.2. MEDIA SYSTEM IN POLAND 75 3.2.1. NEWSPAPER INDUSTRY IN POLAND 76 3.2.2. -
The 2000 Presidential Election in Poland
THE 2000 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN POLAND Krzysztof Jasiewic z Washington and Lee University The National Council for Eurasian and East European Researc h 910 17 th Street, N.W . Suite 300 Washington, D .C. 20006 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator : Krzysztof Jasiewicz Council Contract Number : 8L5-08g Date : July 9, 200 1 Copyright Informatio n Scholars retain the copyright on works they submit to NCEEER . However, NCEEER possesse s the right to duplicate and disseminate such products, in written and electronic form, as follows : (a) for its internal use; (b) to the U .S. Government for its internal use or for dissemination to officials o f foreign governments; and (c) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Ac t or other law or policy of the U .S. government that grants the public access to documents held by th e U.S. government. Additionally, NCEEER has a royalty-free license to distribute and disseminate papers submitted under the terms of its agreements to the general public, in furtherance of academic research , scholarship, and the advancement of general knowledge, on a non-profit basis. All paper s distributed or disseminated shall bear notice of copyright. Neither NCEEER, nor the U .S . Government, nor any recipient of a Contract product may use it for commercial sale . ' The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council fo r Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U .S . Department of State under Title VIII (The Soviet-East European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended) . -
Dossier for the TDIP Delegation to Warszawa, November 2006
TDIP Secretariat Temporary Committee on the alleged use of European countries by the CIA for the transport and illegal detention of prisoners Dossier for the TDIP delegation to Warszawa, November 2006 The dossier was prepared by the TDIP Secretariat. Please note, that some of the information is available in Polish language only (indicated with Polish flag). Please be aware that information provided in this section is fully accessible only from the electronic version as it contains many internet links and documents pasted into the text. An official responsible for the visit coordination: Tomasz BAŃKA (tel. 31484) List of Content: 1. INTRO TO THE ALLEGED EXISTENCE OFA CIA PRISON IN POLAND ........ 2 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 2 The accusation ....................................................................................................................... 2 Grounds of the accusation........................................................................................................ 2 Polish authorities' investigation and their position towards the accusation ...................................... 3 Poland's response to the Council of Europe; ............................................................................... 3 Non-governmental investigations in Poland ................................................................................ 4 Input of Polish media into investigations ................................................................................... -
Rae & Kulesza: Poland's Turn to the Right (PDF)
www.transform-network.net paper january 2017 Czesław Kulesza & Gavin Rae The Law and Justice Party and Poland’s Turn to the Right paper | january 2017 The Law and Justice Party and Poland’s Turn to the Right Czesław Kulesza & Gavin Rae It has been over a year since the conservative Law and Justice party (PiS) took over complete gov- ernmental control in Poland. The presidential election won by Andrzej Duda in May 2015 and the victory of PiS five months later, gave party’s leader Jarosław Kaczyński almost total control of the state. Czesław Kulesza and Gavin Rae analyse the right’s rise to power and describe how the left must take on the difficult task of formulating a coherent alternative to this takeover. Czesław Kulesza, a political advisor, is active in the social- Gavin Rae is a sociologist living and working in Poland and ist and trade union movement in Poland. He is a Member concentrating on Polish politics, society, and economy as of the Board of the think-tank Naprzód (Forward). well as Central and Eastern Europe. He is the author of “Poland’s Return to Capitalism. From the Socialist Bloc to the European Union (2007)” and “Privatising Capital. The Commodification of Poland’s Welfare State (2015)” and a founding member of the think-tank Naprzód (Forward). Imprint 2017 transform! european network for alternative thinking and political dialogue 25, Square de Meeûs 1050 Brussels Belgium This work by transform! is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at office (at) transform-network.net. -
Plik88cb.Pdf
Zał ącznik do zarz ądzenia Nr 21/05 Wójta Gminy Ko ścierzyna z dnia 14 wrze śnia 2005r. SKŁAD Obwodowych komisji wyborczych w gminie Ko ścierzyna Obwodowa komisja Nr 1 w Wielkim Klinczu Lp Imi ę i Nazwisko Nazwa podmiotu uprawnionego 1. Urszula Wencka Urz ąd 2. Władysław Jach KW J. K. M. 3. Wiesław Syczewski KW Andrzej Lepper 4. Włodzimierz D ąbrowski KW Jarosław Kalinowski 5. Łukasz Okoniewski KW Zbigniew Religa 6. Mirela Dufke KW Jan Pyszko 7. Jerzy Niemczyk KW Gabriel Janowski 8. Honorata Ruchniewicz KW Leszek Bubel 9. El Ŝbieta Brzezi ńska KW Henryka Bochniarz Obwodowa komisja Nr 2 w Niedamowie Lp Imi ę i Nazwisko Nazwa podmiotu uprawnionego 1. Danuta Szczepa ńska Urz ąd 2. Lidia Kleinszmidt KW Jarosław Kalinowski 3. Joanna Grosz KW Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz 4. Łukasz Pobłocki KW Marek Borowski 5. Adrian Szczepa ński KW J. K. M 6. Halina Kwidzi ńska KW Andrzej Lepper 7. Ludwik Ciepli ński KW Gabriel Janowski 8. Agnieszka Wdowiak KW Leszek Bubel 9. Sławomira Aleksandrzak KW Donald Tusk Obwodowa komisja Nr 3 w Nowym Klinczu Lp Imi ę i Nazwisko Nazwa podmiotu uprawnionego 1. Dorota Brys Urzad 2. Krzysztof Literski KW Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz 3. Andrzej Wencki KW Marek Borowski 4. Ewa Chajewska KW Maciej Giertych 5. Małgorzata Jonack KW Jan Pyszko 6. Ewelina Ciepli ńska KW Gabriel Janowski 7. Mateusz Kulaszewicz KW Leszek Bubel 8. Mirosław Simon KW Henryka Bochniarz 9. Jarosław Litwin KW Donald Tusk Obwodowa komisja Nr 4 w Stawiskach Lp Imi ę i Nazwisko Nazwa podmiotu uprawnionego 1. śywicka Anna Urz ąd 2. Władysław Kuczkowski KW J. -
06 Moroska:Layout Tud.Qxd
www.ssoar.info Two faces of Polish populism: the causes of the success and fall of Self Defence and the League of Polish Families Moroska, Aleksandra; Zuba, Krzysztof Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: Hannah-Arendt-Institut für Totalitarismusforschung e.V. an der TU Dresden Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Moroska, A., & Zuba, K. (2010). Two faces of Polish populism: the causes of the success and fall of Self Defence and the League of Polish Families. Totalitarismus und Demokratie, 7(1), 123-147. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-321806 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. -
The Centenary of the Warsaw School of Economics
Coins issued in 2006 Coins issued in 2006 National Bank of Poland Reverse: In the central part, stylized image of the globe, in the background on the left-hand side, stylized image of the logo of SGH. At the bottom: stylized image of the facade of the School, CoinsCoins an inscription, 1906-2006 below. At the top, a semicircular inscription, SZKO¸A G¸ÓWNA HANDLOWA W WARSZAWIE (Warsaw School of Economics). – The Centenary face value 200 z∏ metal 900/1000Au of the Warsaw School finish proof diameter 27.00 mm of Economics – weight 15.50 g mintage 8,000 pcs Obverse: On the right-hand side, image of the Eagle established as the State Emblem of the Republic of Poland. Above the Eagle, the notation of the year of issue, 2006. On the face value 2 z∏ left-hand side, stylized image of the Eagle from the banner of metal CuAl5Zn5Sn1 alloy the Warsaw School of Economics. An inscription, finish standard RZECZPOSPOLITA / POLSKA / 200 Z¸ below. The Mint’s m diameter 27.00 mm mark,––w , under the Eagle’s left leg. weight 8.15 g Reverse: In the central part, stylized image of the logo of SGH; mintage 1,000,000 pcs below, an inscription, 1906-2006. At the bottom, a stylized image of the facade of the School. An inscription on the rim SZKO¸A G¸ÓWNA HANDLOWA W WARSZAWIE (Warsaw School Obverse: An image of the Eagle established as the State of Economics). Emblem of the Republic of Poland. On both sides of the Eagle, the notation of the year of issue, 20-06. -
Waldemar Pawlak Deputy Prime Minister of Poland
Curriculum Vitae Waldemar Pawlak Deputy Prime Minister of Poland Prime Minister of Poland 4th and 6th Prime Minister of the Third Republic of Poland In office June 5, 1992 – July 10, 1992 President Lech Wałęsa Preceded by Jan Olszewski Succeeded by Hanna Suchocka In office October 26, 1993 – March 6, 1995 President Lech Wałęsa Marek Borowski Deputy Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz Preceded by Hanna Suchocka Succeeded by Józef Oleksy Deputy Prime Minister of Poland Incumbent Assumed office November 16, 2007 Lech Kaczyński President Bronisław Komorowski Prime Minister Donald Tusk Minister of Economy of Poland Incumbent Assumed office November 16, 2007 President Lech Kaczyński Prime Minister Donald Tusk Deputy Adam Szejnfeld Preceded by Piotr Woźniak 2nd and 5th President of the Polish People's Party In office 1991 – 1997 Preceded by Roman Bartoszcze Succeeded by Jarosław Kalinowski Incumbent Assumed office 29 January 2005 Preceded by Janusz Wojciechowski Member of the Sejm Incumbent Assumed office 18 June 1989 Constituency 16 – Płock Personal details September 5, 1959 (age 51) Born Model, Masovian Voivodeship, People's Republic of Poland Political party Polish People's Party Spouse(s) Elżbieta Pawlak Profession Mechanician, farmer, teacher Deputy Prime Minister W. Pawlak at the World Economic Forum on Europe and Central Asia in Istanbul 2008 Waldemar Pawlak [valˈdɛmar ˈpavlak] ( listen) (born 5 September 1959 in Model, Masovian Voivodeship) is a Polish politician. He twice served as Prime Minister of Poland, briefly in 1992 and again from 1993 to 1995. Since November 2007, he has been Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Economy. Pawlak is the only person who held the office of Prime Minister twice during the Third Republic (i.e.