Old Elites in a New Republic: The Reconversion of Ottoman Bureaucratic Families in Turkey (1909-1939) Olivier Bouquet

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Olivier Bouquet

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Old Elites in a New Republic: The Reconversion of Ottoman Bureaucratic Families in Turkey (1909 – 1939)

Olivier Bouquet

ustafa Kemal Atatürk, together with the other early Kemalist leaders, as well as their supporters, promoted a radically republican ideology that has increasingly come under scholarly scrutiny in the past decades. One new way of looking at this revo- lutionary era emphasizes the importance of social evolutions from the final Ottoman period and the beginning of the republican era, processes of change that took place at a slower pace and are less easy to perceive than the violent and spectacular events surrounding the Turkish national struggle for independence. True, the new order in Turkey eectively propa- gated equality and social mobility, organizing the transition from an ancien régime order to a meritocratic society based on a new national bourgeoisie. Moreover, the Kemalist ocers who set up the new regime in the aftermath of the independence war ( – ) were openly hostile to the prominent senior dignitaries who had served the sultan. As a result, they forced them to retire and to give up their administrative positions. However, the clear disruption of the bureaucratic apparatus did not necessarily imply the complete eradication of the previ- ous ocial state nobility, since none had really existed under Ottoman rule. This had been imperial policy, which depended on the sultans for both dynastical continuity and territorial integrity. Practically, the Sublime Porte had tolerated, maintained, or even promoted pre- Studies of Ottoman nobilities into the eighteenth century, before launching their integration into the new Tanzimat administration ( – ). Benefiting from this Ottomanization policy, promi- nent notables navigated the reforms in such a way that they could secure ocial positions in Istanbul for their sons and grandsons. Moreover, insofar as the imperial state was unchal- South Asia, Africa and lenged in supervising the ongoing changes aecting the organization of socioprofessional Comparative the Middle East activities, that is, the emergence of journalists, lawyers, or academics as elements of the new elite, old established families used their positions to organize their reconversion at the mar- x-1426755 gins of the classical administrative sphere. As a result, when the republican regime was set up, they were seen as traditional political elites (keepers of the adab, culture nurtured through Vol. 31, No. 3, 2011 doi 10.1215/1089201 informal education and training) as well as specialists in strategic branches connected with scientific and technical evolutions. Some of them had organized excellent educational oppor- © 2011 by Duke University Press tunities in European universities for their heirs. In libraries and clubs, Ottoman gentlemen were oered profitable knowledge, in particular proficiency in French, English, or German.

I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Edhem Eldem and Sinan Kuneralp for their useful suggestions and comments. I also owe a debt of thanks to Amy Singer for her corrections and 588 decisive editorial engagement. When they eventually returned to Istanbul, eighteenth century had progressively emerged they had excellent credentials, beyond those all over the empire, benefiting from the decreas- 589 of most of the new bureaucrats. Consequently, ing financial and political control of the central far from being rejected for civil service as ostra- state over its territories. Suce it to mention cized dignitaries had been initially, they were here that the Baban ruled a large frontier area promoted through the new ocial apparatus as in Iraq, the Bedirhan ensured their supremacy diplomats, professors, or even politicians. Even over a great part of eastern Anatolia, and the if the Kemalists never admitted it ocially, the Çapanzâde had extended their influence over

new system was in fact based partly on the co- a large territory from central Anatolia to the 1939)

optation of existing elites, who maintained their Mediterranean coast. – Bouquet

Republic: social privileges. Some decades later, with the Even if the Tanzimat centralization policy (1909 beginning of the multiparty era, some members put an end to dynastic powers, some families New Olivier of old Ottoman families became deputies in the maintained their local influence and their so- a in

Turkey regions their ancestors had ruled in the previ- cial prestige. The same was true in Istanbul, in

ous centuries. Interestingly enough, the republi- where the state practically encouraged nepo- Elites

can regime sustained two opposing tendencies: tism, albeit ocial decisions were put forward Old Families a declared antipathy toward Ottoman bureau- to restrain it. At least  percent of the grand cratic elites and the eective use of their heirs muftis originated from ulema families; most of to organize the state. the civil servants had a father who served the state; and more than one- quarter of the pashas Bureaucratic The Ottomans: were pashas’ sons. Ocially, the title “pasha” Dynasty, Aristocracies, Nobilities was considered a personal reward and was given The Ottoman state was embedded in dynastic to career ocials as much as it was oered as Ottoman

continuity to such an extent that it ocially op- a testimony of gratitude to notables who had of

posed transferring ocial ranks and state privi- proved their loyalty to the imperial dynasty. In leges from father to son. The highest ranks and part, it had become a family honor character- titles (such as vizier and pasha) were considered ized by high levels of intermarriage: if a state Reconversion

inalienable, since they were conferred intuitu ocial married a pasha’s daughter, it was likely

personae by the sultan. True, some old nobilities that he himself would be honored with the title. The persisted: Sharifian families and their represen- However, such outstanding sociopolitical re- tatives (the nakibüleşraf ); traditional Romanian production rates did not pave the way for the lords (boyars), who had been maintained after emergence of any kind of state nobility: not the conquest of Rumelia; and Phanariot fami- only could most families hardly count pashas lies, who claimed prestigious Byzantine origins. beyond two or three successive generations, None of them could legitimately claim any sort but a grand vizier of humble or even unknown of territorial control within Ottoman domains. origins (such as Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha in Indeed, the Ottoman Empire was indivisible. the first case and İbrahim Edhem Pasha in the From this perspective, the official institution second) was far more likely to be honored with of the Khedivial dynasty in Egypt marked a a prestigious rank than the son of a vizier who watershed, when the Sublime Porte acknowl- had just reached the position of governor was. edged the hereditary control of Mehmet Ali’s Within the Ottoman state, there were no privi- family over the province of Egypt in . This leges or long- consolidated familial prestige that was partly the result of a process in which some the sultan could not put to a resolute end if he prominent, albeit unofficial, dynasties in the deemed it necessary. Conversely, if an English

1. The figure for the grand muftis is from Norman Itz- On the fathers of civil servants, see Joseph S. Szyliow- kowitz and Joel Shinder, “The Office of Şeyh ül- Islam icz, “Changes in the Recruitment Patterns and Career- and the Tanzimat: A Prosopographic Enquiry,” Middle Lines of Ottoman Provincial Administrators during the Eastern Studies 7 (1972): 98. See also Madeleine Zilfi, Nineteenth Century,” in Studies on Palestine during the “Elite Circulation in the Ottoman Empire: Great Mol- Ottoman Period, ed. Moshe Ma’oz (Jerusalem: Magnes, las of the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of the Economy 1975), 279. and Social History of the Orient 26 (1983): 320, 326 – 27. family, as depicted by Somerset Maugham, had submitted as criteria of merit and loyalty to the 590 to wait at least three generations before its new sultan. As a matter of fact, the central adminis- status was acknowledged, high social considera- tration did not see any contradiction in encour- tion was an immediate possibility for someone aging both personal abilities among newcomers honored with imperial distinction. Privilege in and inherited cultural dispositions. In other the Ottoman world was not a question of time words, the Ottoman state was less ideologically and patience; it was a consequence of sultanic organized by a strong opposition between meri- support and professional success. tocracy and nepotism than it was oriented to- The imperial reluctance to create a cen- ward the use of competences, whoever might Comparative tral state nobility was accompanied by a prag- embody them, in the context of a shortage of matic attitude to the integration of local nota- human resources. This partly explains why the Studies of bles. The Sublime Porte was willing to recruit Young Turk leaders, who adamantly claimed

well- qualified notables throughout Ottoman that they would destroy the ancien régime, took domains in order that they in turn encourage into account less the distinction between sons South Asia, loyalty to the sultan within their own networks. of pashas and recently promoted employees Africa and the As a result, this Ottomanization process en- than the degree of loyalty both had previously Middle East couraged some prominent families to nurture manifested to the sultan. What was to be swept a specific culture of civil service based both was addressed not as ocial nobility but as an on the valorization of linguistic abilities and imperial clique. on the acquisition of new and specialized dis- ciplines, such as economics, political science, Impact of the Revolution of 1908, or law. This was especially true for diplomats. Effects of the Independence War Etienne and Paul Musurus benefited greatly The Young Turks leaders of the upheaval of from the education that their father (Constan-  , as well as the bureaucrats who organized tin Musurus [ – ], ambassador in London) the subsequent administrative purges, modeled had provided them. Because they had studied themselves on prominent figures of the French both French and English in prestigious Euro- Revolution. Those among them who were ac- pean universities, they had acquired what the quainted with the works of Louis Antoine de Sublime Porte considered excellent credentials. Saint- Just or Nicolas de Condorcet often com- This family capital associated with their father’s pared the Turkish army to the nation en armes, influence helped them acquire their respective at a time when the “Marseillaise” (the French positions of first and second secretary at the national anthem) could be heard in the streets London embassy. of Istanbul. Mustafa Kemal himself was well As revealed by the careful examination of versed in French history to such an extent that biographical questionnaires submitted to the he could easily deliver a speech on the revolu- Sicill- i Ahval Commission created in  , state tion of   , making a great impression on the employees were careful to mention educational French delegation gathered at a feast for  Ju- experience as much as they were their ances- ly. At the very beginning of the revolution of tors who had held imperial positions. The in-  , the Committee of Union and Progress formation they provided to the commission was acted exactly like a vigilance committee. It had

2. Olivier Bouquet, Les pachas du sultan: Essai sur les 4. Olivier Bouquet, “L’autobiographie par l’État sous 6. Paul Dumont and Jean- Louis Bacqué- Grammont, agents supérieurs de l’État ottoman (1839 – 1909) (Lou- les derniers Ottomans,” Turcica 38 (2006): 251 – 79. La Turquie et la France à l’époque d’Atatürk (Paris: vain: Peeters, 2007); Bouquet, “All the Sultan’s Pashas: French Institute of Anatolian Studies, 1981), 99 – 102. 5. Hamit Bozarslan, “Révolution française et Jeunes Ottoman Civil Officials and the Imperial State,” Inter- Turcs (1908 – 1914),” Revue du Monde musulman et national Journal of Turkish Studies 14, nos. 1 – 2 (2008): de la Méditerranée, nos. 52 – 53 (1989): 160 – 72; Bo- 25 – 45. zarslan, “Les Courants de pensée dans l’Empire otto- 3. Olivier Bouquet, “Être Prince de Samos: Désir de man, 1908 – 1918” (PhD diss., École des Hautes Études légation, imaginaire dynastique et ordre de la carri- en Sciences Sociales, Paris, 1992), 148 – 50; François ère chez Étienne et Constantin Musurus,” in Insulari- Georgeon, “Ahmed Ağaoğlu, un intellectuel turc ad- tés ottomanes, ed. Nicolas Vatin and Gilles Veinstein mirateur des Lumières et de la Révolution,” Revue du (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 2004), 277 – 93. Monde musulman et de la Méditerranée, nos. 52 – 53 (1989): 186 – 97. a number of ministers arrested, as well as princi- man minister regained any equivalent position pal members of the palace sta. The committee under the republic. Prominent dignitaries were 591 intended to avoid further escapes such as those forced to retire or were exiled or even executed, of Selim Melhame and İzzet Pasha and other depending on the extent to which they were im- old regime pashas; the minister of war, Ali Rıza, plicated in implementing previous anti- Kemalist was admonished by the people gathered around measures. On  November   the dignitary his mansion (konak ); Memduh Pasha, the min- Ali Kemal Bey was kidnapped in Istanbul and ister of the interior, was asked publicly in the sent to Izmit, where Nurettin Pasha had trans-

pages of the Tanin, the pro- Unionist newspaper, ferred his headquarters as commander of the 1939)

whether he had any right to collect his salary; first army; the commander pushed the captive – Bouquet

Republic: and Zeki Pasha, who owned many houses, oce into the arms of a howling mob, which lynched (1909 buildings, and storehouses in Istanbul, tried to him. Indeed, Ali Kemal was the perfect target: New Olivier buy his freedom by oering to pay back part of he had continually acted to destroy the national a in

 Turkey what he had obtained in the past. These cases movement, and he had criticized extensively the in

were not isolated; the data show that more than Committee of Union and Progress and person- Elites

two- thirds of the ambassadors were relieved of ally attacked Mustafa Kemal in his newspaper, Old  Families their duties. Presumably, those who remained Peyam- i Sabah. More than anyone, Ali Kemal in their positions were not prominent enough to represented the ancien régime apparatus: he be identified and charged as strong supporters had been interior minister in a government of of the “red sultan.”  Damad Ferid Pasha, a sultan’s son- in- law who Bureaucratic However, diplomatic relationships with had been accused of propitiating the victorious European nations were too important a matter allies to save the Ottoman throne. Ali Kemal to be taken up by inexperienced civil servants. was himself a son- in- law of one of Abdülhamid Ottoman

As a result, the newly appointed ambassadors II’s most influential ministers, Zeki Pasha, the of

were mostly diplomats who had been educated commander of the imperial arsenal. Having in imperial schools (the School of Public Ad- studied in Paris and fluent in French, Ali Kemal ministration in the case of Mehmed Rifat Pasha embodied the privileged palace clique member, Reconversion

or İbrahim Hakkı Pasha) and had pursued ca- as opposed to the popular and provincial cul-

reers under the tutelage of recently dismissed ture on which the Kemalist leaders claimed to The diplomats (respectively, Turhan Pasha in St. model themselves. Petersburg, Tevfik Pasha in Berlin). Moreover, Indeed, Mustafa Kemal proved more radi- after the purges of   had expelled large seg- cal in his vision than the Unionists: he consid- ments from the imperial administration, some ered the Ottoman polity to be no more than prominent pashas organized a comeback. This personal rule (saltanat- i şashiye ). Republican was the case not only for those who had been equality was the best way to put an end to the expelled under Abdülhamid II (such as Ahmed intrinsically unequal political society on which Muhtar Pasha or Mehmed Kâmil Pasha). Some the imperial regime was built and to establish major Hamidian ministers also regained high the peoples’ state (halkın devleti ). In December positions: Mehmed Said Pasha became grand   he proclaimed that the “government of the vizier, and Ahmed Tevfik Pasha was promoted people” should be founded entirely on a “clear to be ambassador in London. sociological base” comprising all social classes In comparison, the independence war of the nation. In   the constitution insti- had a greater impact on the recruitment of ad- tuted into law the principle of the equality of ministrative and political elites. Almost no Otto- all Turks. In a clear rejection of the Marxist no-

7. Ahmet Kansu, The Revolution of 1908 in Turkey (Lei- 9. So was called Sultan Abdülhamid II in Western Eu- 11. Bernard Lewis, Islam et laïcité: La naissance de la den: Brill, 1997), 130 – 33. rope after the intercommunal massacres in Bulgaria Turquie moderne (Paris: Fayard, 1988), 407. in 1876 that he was blamed for by statesmen such as 8. Proportion calculated by using the data provided Gladstone. by Sinan Kuneralp, Son Dönem Osmanlıı Erkân ve Ricali (1839 – 1922) (The Dignitaries and High Officials 10. On this opposition, see Şerif Mardin, “Power, Civil of the Late Ottoman Times [1839 – 1909]) (Istanbul: Society, and Culture in the Ottoman Empire,” Com- Isis, 1999), 45 – 48. parative Studies in Society and History 11 (1969): 270. tion of social classes, the economic sovereignty Atatürk, president of the Turkish Republic. In 592 of the nation was to rely on the positive inter-   the School of Public Administration was action among four social segments: merchants, transferred from Istanbul to Ankara. craftspeople, workers, and peasants. In this context, the old bureaucratic The tabula rasa ottomana: Ideological Expressions elites were the first targets, and their immedi- and Reconfiguration of Elites ate dismissal was put forward as a prerequisite This Ottoman tabula rasa, far from affected for building the new nation. Indeed, Mustafa solely by military resistance, originated from Kemal had a deep distrust of the civil bureauc- an ideological consideration elaborated before Comparative racy as a whole; he was convinced that civil serv- the First World War. As Şerif Mardin puts it, na- ants considered themselves to be emanations tionalist intellectuals were sincerely convinced Studies of of the sultan’s person and acted to safeguard that the chances for upward occupational mo-

their own petty interests. Surely, retired gov- bility were limited in Ottoman society, that it ernors such as Mazhar Müfit (Kansu) or Bekir was almost impossible for humble peasants and South Asia, Sami (Kunduh) or former ambassadors such as rank- and- file soldiers to rise to the highest gov- Africa and the Alfred Rüstem had followed him since the very ernment positions, and that the provincial ad- Middle East beginning of the national movement. However, ministration was dominated by hereditary and these were exceptions. During the initial stages cosmopolitan bureaucratic elites. Prominent of the independence war, Mustafa Kemal con- nationalist intellectuals such as Ziya Gökalp stantly informed the Istanbul government that (  –  ) and Yusuf Akçura (  –  
) de- the civil bureaucrats were not only indierent picted the ruling elite as far too fascinated by to the national eorts but were actually actively Western standards and not interested in serving undermining them. the nation. Istanbul regularly fell under Mizancı Consequently, once the war was over, he Murad’s harsh criticism as a declining city re- convinced the National Assembly to pass a law grettably ruled by a corrupt clique. Earnest re- enacted on  October   rendering all civil formers described it as “the Byzantine whore” functionaries of the new state temporarily job- and accused it of sucking the resources of poor less. The law stipulated that each ministry could but honest Anatolia. The time had come to re- select from among its former civil functionar- place old bureaucrats with vigorous Anatolian ies a new cadre of civil bureaucrats. This law elites who would take charge and benefit the na- was followed by the establishment of various tion’s future. “liquidation” (tasfiye ) boards. All the palace of- No doubt, the administration was to be ficials were dismissed at once and without ex- based officially on popular self- rule, but the ception. Later on, other radical measures were prospect of a democratic agenda was not de- implemented: in   a list (yüzellilikler listesi ) sirable for most intellectuals and the military. was drawn up naming approximately 
 peo- The prominent nationalist ideologues with so- ple who were charged with passing intelligence cial roots in the provincial middle classes were to the enemy and, consequently, sentenced to deeply reluctant to support any kind of popular exile, and in November   ancien régime ti- representation. Indeed, they feared such an ex- tles such as pasha were suppressed and family perience would result in a dangerous upheaval names instituted. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, general and would therefore jeopardize the new regime. of the Ottoman Empire, became Mustafa Kemal Moreover, Gökalp had traced a clear opposition

12. Ibid., 409. 15. Mardin, Jön, 109 – 35; Bozarslan, “Les courants,” 255.

13. Metin Heper, The State Tradition in Turkey (North- 16. Bozarslan, “Les courants,” 155 – 56. gate, UK: Eothen, 1985), 53 – 55.

14. Şerif Mardin, Jön Türklerin Siyasi Fikirleri, 1895 – 1908 (The Political Ideas of the Young Turks, 1895 – 1908), 6th ed. (Istanbul: İletişim, 1999). See also Kemal H. Karpat, Turkey’s Politics: The Transition to a Multi- Party System (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959), 5. between the working classes to be united in the neglected to acquire technical and scientific new nation and the republican elites that would skills introduced by industrial and commercial 593 take charge of ruling the state. Between these changes. In contrast, military ocers extended two categories, it was hoped that an indigenous their traditional monopoly over the activities of merchant and industrial bourgeoisie (milli bur- pacification and repression to include modern juvazi ) would gradually emerge to boost the disciplines such as cartography and engineer- national economy and help Turkey attain full ing. As a result, they both enlarged and diver- economic independence. sified their positions within the state apparatus.

In this agenda, there was no role for old Presumably, this new polyvalence paved the way 1939)

bureaucrats. Held responsible for letting in for their political leadership between June   – Bouquet

Republic: the Allied powers in November  , they had and October  ; that two of the most powerful (1909 hastened to disavow the nationalists. They had leaders (Enver and Cemal Pashas) of this period New Olivier signed the Treaty of Sèvres in August  , caus- were generals proved that technical specializa- a in

Turkey ing the split of the empire. Altogether they were tion had prepared military ocers to assume in 

epitomized in the figure of Grand Vizier Ahmed bureaucratic functions. Moreover, military Elites

Tevfik Pasha, who as minister of foreign aairs pashas were seen by most Turkish citizens as Old Families (
–  ) was satirized as “ministre étranger more connected with the new meritocratic re- aux aaires” and who was, by  , an old and publican ideology than the civil administrators impotent man, symbol of an obsolete ancien ré- themselves were. Certainly, the revolution of gime society. In comparison, intellectuals and   had been characterized as a demonstra- Bureaucratic journalists were engaged by the military to glo- tion by middle- rank ocers. Specific examples rify the new national heroes. As a matter of fact, cited to bolster claims of great social mobility the Kemalist commanders emerged from the were often selected from among military fig- Ottoman

war as unrivaled leaders. According to the na- ures: Atatürk’s father was a petty ocial, and of

tionalist press, they had fulfilled their mission Enver Pasha’s a bridge keeper. The other mem- remarkably, fighting for the embattled nation bers of the Young Turk triumvirate — Talat and for almost eight years. The most prestigious of Cemal Pashas — were also of humble origin. As Reconversion

them, Mustafa Kemal, had shown great courage far as I know, no quantitative study exists to es-

in the Dardanelles battle before becoming a tablish whether the early republican literature The charismatic and unchallenged leader. His lieu- was correct in drawing such an opposition in tenant, İsmet Pasha, had tenaciously fought at terms of social mobility between military and Lausanne in   and had demonstrated how civil servants. However, the evidence shows that a soldier could also be a tough and successful two major evolutions took place at this time. diplomat. However, this military hegemony First, the drafting of military figures into over the political scene, far from being the sole politics proved eective as far as it was encour- emanation of the national movement, built on a aged by the new republican power. Mustafa process started at least half a century earlier. Kemal wanted a clear distinction to be estab- During the Tanzimat and the Hamidian lished between the state and the nation. Since era, higher administrative offices (ministers, the former was essentially embodied by the governors- general, and ambassadors) were military and the latter by elected deputies, he monopolized by civil bureaucrats. The precise insisted on keeping the army out of politics and study of their education and formation reveals forced the commanders who had entered the that they were so entangled in traditional scribal Grand National Assembly and had subsequently training and tasks that they unfortunately embarked on a political career to give up their

17. Mardin, “Power,” 277. 19. Bouquet, Les pachas, 107 – 43.

18. Zafer Toprak, Türkiye’de Ekonomi ve Toplum 20. For an analysis of the factors that prompted sol- (1908 – 1950): Milli İktisat- Milli Burjuvazi (Economy diers to enter the political arena during this period, and Society in Turkey [1908 – 1950]: National Eco- see Dankwart A. Rustow, “The Military,” in Political nomy — National Bourgeoisie) (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Modernization in Japan and Turkey, ed. Dankwart A. Yurt Yayınları, 1995), 12 – 13. Rustow and Robert E. Ward (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1964), 352 – 88. military functions. On  December   a law of geographical background than the Ottoman 594 to end military involvement in politics was voted higher civil servants, who had failed to previ- by the assembly and affected all command- ously embody the social diversity of the empire. ers, even prominent leaders such as Ali Fuat As the sociological data show, the changes do Cebesoy and Kâzim Karabekir, who abandoned not reveal a dramatic break with the past; true, their military commands. Atatürk himself was the sons of high ocials were more and more seen only once in uniform, and İsmet İnonü, attracted by professional activities such as law, who applied for his retirement from the army medicine, trade, or banking, and the state of- in   , never. A second evolution occurred ficials themselves were partly recruited from Comparative where the tabula rasa planned against Ottoman families of other professional backgrounds, as bureaucrats, far from being a matter of princi- data provided by Ali G. Baltaoğlu for valis de- Studies of ple, eventually resulted in the destruction of the monstrates (see table ).

imperial state nobility.

South Asia, Table 1. The sociological diversity of the The Pashas of the Republic Republican elites (1923 – 38) Africa and the As a matter of fact, the republic put an end to Occupations of valis’ fathers % Middle East the mechanisms of reproduction at work under the empire. However, the new regime did not Territorial civil ocials 9.1 really initiate an open class society. As George Lawyers and judiciary employees 20.5 S. Harris has shown for the Ministry of Foreign Military and military employees 14.4 Aairs, the disruption of the old apparatus was Financial employees 14.4 limited, because “new men” were added very Religious 6.0 slowly and during Atatürk’s lifetime and hardly Teachers 2.3 at all in the upper ranks of the ministry. Indeed, Mayors 2.3 this ministry remained a closely knit elite corps Notables 11.3 in which the system of school, family, and elite solidarity continued to operate. However, Craftsmen and merchants 8.4 the overall republican administrative elites Peasants and farmers 3.8 came from much more diverse provincial back- Other 7.5 grounds. While half of the Hamidian pashas Source: Ali G. Bataoğlu, Atatürk, 
–  . were born in Istanbul, less than one- quarter of the governors- general (vali s) appointed between On the one hand, less than  percent of   and   were born there. A few decades the valis had a father who had served as a pro- later, the geographical domination of Istanbul vincial administrator under the Ottomans but had decreased even further: in 
 only  never as an imperial vali himself; only four of percent of the potential administrators study- them were sons of governors, and five of them ing either at the Faculty of Political Sciences or sons of pashas. On the other hand, the evi- at the Faculty of Law, both located in Ankara, dence indicates that the replacement of the old were born in Istanbul; in the first half of the bureaucratic elite was far from complete: not  s, one- third of the highest- ranking ocials only had more than half of the valis had a public originated from Istanbul, Ankara, or Izmir. service background, but most of them had pre- By and large, the republican senior bureaucrats viously been Ottoman civil ocials. Noticeably were more representative of the nation in terms enough, the new sociology of the republican

21. Andrew Mango, Atatürk, 2nd paperback ed. (Lon- 23. Ali G. Baltaoğlu, Atatürk Dönemi Valileri (29 Ekim 25. On sons of high officials, see Frederick W. Frey, don: John Murray, 2004), 400. 1923 – 10 Kasım 1938) (The Governors General during The Turkish Political Elite (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, the Atatürk Era [29 October 1923 – 10 November 1938]) 1965), 140. On state officials, see Dodd, “Social and 22. George S. Harris, “Bureaucratic Reform: Atatürk (Ankara: Ocak Yayınları, 1988), 57. Educational Background,” 272. and the Turkish Foreign Service,” Journal of the Amer- ican Institute for the Study of Middle Eastern Civiliza- 24. For 1954, see A. T. J. Matthews, Emergent Turkish 26. Baltaoğlu, Atatürk, 106, 109. tion 1 (1980 – 81): 39 – 51. Administrators (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1955), 18. On the 1960s, see Clement H. Dodd, “The Social and Educational Background of Turkish Offi- cials,” Middle Eastern Studies 2 (1965): 273. state did not correspond at all to the sociologi- loyalty or sympathy to the nationalist cause or cal base Atatürk had ocially put forward: only had waited a long time before joining it. How- 595 . percent of the valis had a father who was a ever, they eventually crept back into the service merchant, craftsman, worker, or peasant. In- after the massive purges of  . Such continu- deed, the majority of the republican territorial ity had specific administrative causes. A large leaders derived from the Ottoman civil ocial- number of the experienced Ottoman dignitar- dom. This reproduction of bureaucratic elites ies were seen as competent civil servants:  per- revealed similarities with the composition of cent of the aforementioned valis had graduated

the National Assembly. According to Frederick either from the School of Public Administration 1939)

W. Frey, nearly three- quarters of the deputies ( percent) or the Faculty of Law ( percent), – Bouquet

Republic: elected between   and 
were in the same whereas only
percent of them had not had any (1909 occupations as their fathers and
 percent of academic training. In any case, the republic had New Olivier the ocials had fathers who were ocials (in no eective means to recruit or train a new gen- a in

Turkey the government, the military, or the educational eration of bureaucrats who would replace the in

establishment). In contrast, only  percent of previous one within a limited amount of time. Elites

the “professionals” (in law, medicine, etc.) had Last, the very nature of administrative activities Old Families fathers who were professionals, partly because did not require any turnover of sta. these occupations were not as well represented True, modernity and Westernization were at the end of the Ottoman period as they were proclaimed. True, too, the bureaucrats had to in the first decades of the republic. However, the move to Ankara and give up wearing the fez. Bureaucratic confusion of political power and administrative Yet whatever the regime, the traditional admin- functions that had previously characterized the istrative environment remained the same: the Ottoman civil ocialdom was progressively de- oces were similarly organized around repeti- Ottoman

creasing: whereas government employees repre- tive tasks, and the functionaries continued to of

sented  percent of the deputies of the first as- devote their lives to document- producing rou- sembly in  , they constituted only percent tines with little room for individual initiative as of those elected in 
. they played the role of investigating clerks and Reconversion

enjoyed the cultural value granted to literacy

Continuous Ottoman Realities: and scribal skills. References to the imperial The Careers, Names, and Titles past still permeated daily administrative life. The imperial order had not completely disap- The title of pasha, for instance, continued to peared, even if intensive eorts had been made be used despite Atatürk’s stated willingness to continuously to ruin it. The professional ranks suppress the title, as the following encounter of low- or middle- level administrators had demonstrates: “One evening Ataturk rounded never really been broken. A close scrutiny of on a minister and scolded him for using it. ‘You biographical data gathered by Baltaoğlu helps will please not call me Pasha any more. Is that establish to what degree the vast majority of the clear?’ To which the minister replied: ‘I promise governors- general who had been promoted in not to do it again, Pasha.’”  the first years of the regime were long- trained Indeed, the title survived until the pashas Ottoman administrators. About  of the   were all dead. Even as late as  , Ambassador valis in service between   and   had Zeki Kuneralp still called the most prestigious of even attained the rank of governor (mutasarrıf ) them, Prime Minister İsmet Inönü, “my pasha” during the decade following the revolution of (paşam ).  Coupled with family names and vari-  . Certainly, some of them were promoted ous social distinctions, it delineated a clear because they had been unquestioning followers symbolic distance from the rest of Turkish re- of Mustafa Kemal during the independence war. publican society. For instance, the author Sezai, Others, however, had not shown any particular a son of Sami Pasha, was still known as Sami

27. Ibid., 115–16. 30. Lord Kinross, Atatürk, the Rebirth of a Nation, 2nd 31. Zeki Kuneralp, Sadece Diplomat (Simply Diplomat) ed. (Nicosia, Cyprus: K. Rustem and Brother, 1981), (Istanbul: Isis, 1999), 22. 28. Frey, Turkish Political Elite, 181. 473n2. 29. Baltaoğlu, Atatürk, 289 – 352. paşa- zâde Sezai (Sezai, son of Sami Pasha).  man families continued to pass their days in 596 True, when the reform of family names was im- their mansions. There they continued their plemented in  , references to pasha ances- social habits and favorite occupations. For in- tors were automatically suppressed. However, stance, Mehmed Abdülhalim, a son of former since the paşa- zâde (Pasha- descendants) had grand vizier Mehmed Said Halim Pasha and a reconverted their imperial privileges into meri- member of the Egyptian dynasty, was a devoted tocratic dispositions, they found a profitable collector of rare books and played a variety of way to show to what extent they were sincerely musical instruments. His cousins and others willing to be part of the nation by preferring constituted a distinguished and closed society, Comparative Turkish names. consisting of a limited number of aristocratic In doing so, they did not abandon the households in which a specific class conscious- Studies of enduring social prestige associated with their ness crystallized. However, they were not ex-

names. In fact, they were oered a wide range clusively involved in a life of card games and of diversified onomastic choices. They could evening receptions. Certainly, many prominent South Asia, appropriate either the name of the father (e.g., senior dignitaries were pushed aside by the new Africa and the Ali Haydar Midhat, son of Midhat Pasha; Cevad regime. Yet when they felt that the nationalist Middle East Şakir, son of Şakir Pasha; or Asaf Derviş, son of ground was no longer shifting under their feet, Derviş Pasha) or a name prevalent in the fam- they invested more energy in helping their sons ily (Fuad adopted a name — Köprülü — borne by follow in their footsteps. They cautiously culti- his so- called ancestors, that is, the grand viziers vated their networks and nurtured and trans- Meh med and Ahmed Köprülü). Some major formed their abilities into a set of diversified local dynasties, such as the Baban, the Bedirhan, and valuable skills. In these families, ocials the Menemencioğlu, and the Karaosmanoğlu, were gradually turning into intellectuals, scien- did likewise. A second onomastic choice to con- tists, doctors, and artists. One might recall, for sider, albeit less easy to perceive, was distinctive example, that Abidin Dino and Nazım Hikmet, as well. Following a trend begun in the previ- the most important poets of their time, were ous century, particularly in the family of the both descendants of pashas. One might also khedive, it consisted in attributing the same note the professional conversion patterns of name along successive generations, such as Zeki those who had had access to Western literature among the descendants of Mustafa Zeki Pasha, and arts when studying in European schools. Muhtar among those of Gazi Ahmed Muhtar, Among the numerous examples of these pasha- or Midhat among those of the aforementioned descendants were the Ahmed Tevfik Pasha- zâde, Ahmed Midhat. The less popular the name (for who successfully embarked on engineering ac- instance Edhem), the more it served to evoke a tivities; the Şakir Pasha- zâde, who counted vari- famous dignitary (Grand Vizier İbrahim Edhem ous talented novelists and painters among their Pasha) and was a mark of distinction (see fig. ). ranks; and the aforementioned İbrahim Edhem Pasha- zâde, who nurtured as many writers and Serving the Republic artists in the first half of the twentieth century While civil servants were exchanging the com- as they had produced competent administrators fort of Istanbul for the continental austerity of during the Tanzimat and Hamidian eras. Ankara, the pashas did not willingly leave the One of İbrahim Edhem’s sons, Osman imperial city. Even if those among them who Hamdi Bey ( –  ), had even paved the had shown deep loyalty to the banished impe- way for this slow- pace reconversion. After long rial family had no other choice but to leave the years of study in Paris and a short career as a country, most of the old and prestigious Otto- civil administrator, he was oered the opportu-

32. İbrahim Alâettin Gövsa, Türk Meşhurları Ansiklope- 33. Murat Belge, Boğaziçi’nde Yalılar, İnsanlar (Man- daughter of Dr. Emin Pasha; Dr. Safiye Ali, daughter of disi (Encyclopaedia of Famous Turks) (Istanbul, Yedigün sions and People on the Bosphorus) (Istanbul: İletişim Ali Kırat Pasha; Safiye Hüseyin Elbi, daughter of Ad- Neşriyatı, 1946), 354; Ekrem Çakıroğlu, ed., Yaşamlary´ Yayınları, 1997). miral Ahmed Pasha; and the painter Sabiha Bozcalı, ve Yapıtlarıyla Osmanlılar Ansiklopedisi (Encyclopaedia daughter of Admiral Rüştü Pasha. 34. Many other examples could be given, such as the of the Ottomans, with Their Lives and Works), 2 vols. journalist and caricaturist Sermet Muhtar Alus, son (Istanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 1999), 2:501. of Muhtar Pasha; the poet Şükûfe Nihal Başar, grand- Figure 1. Onomastic reproduction of Ottoman families. The descendants of Grand Vizier ˙Ibrahim Edhem Pasha 597 İbrahim Edhem Pasha | | | | | Mustafa Mazlum Osman Hamdi İsmail Galib Halil Nesib | |

Edhem Azize = İsmail Hakkı 1939)

| – Bouquet

Republic:

| | | | | (1909 Fatma Galibe Edhem İbrahim Vedad Hakkı Ömer Sedad Hakkı Osman Sadi Hakkı New Olivier | a in

Turkey

| | in Ceyda Edhem Elites

Source: Genealogical tree constituted with the help of Edhem Eldem. Old Families

nity to learn about ancient sculpture and was state apparatus. Numan Menemencioğlu, who subsequently recruited to supervise the creation had started his diplomatic career as third sec- of the Ottoman Museum and of the School of retary in Vienna in  , just after his gradua- Bureaucratic Fine Arts. His engagement with the preser- tion from Lausanne University, became an am- vation of the unique archaeological heritage bassador in   and minister of foreign aairs spread over the Ottoman domains established between   and  .  Hilmi Kâmil Bayur Ottoman

his scientific reputation. He was so successful in and Yusuf Hikmet Bayur, the son and grand- of

this activity that he was honored as a member son of Grand Vizier Mehmed Kâmil Pasha, also of the Académie des inscriptions et belles let- attained major diplomatic positions. Even the tres in Paris and received the title doctor honoris members of ostracized families were allowed Reconversion

causa from the universities of Oxford and Lon- to reintegrate themselves into the bureaucracy. don. Later on, many of his nephews and nieces Less than twenty years after the assassination The followed a similar path: they studied in Europe, of the aforementioned Ali Kemal, İsmet İnönü became far more involved in arts than in poli- did not consider it a problem to recruit his son tics, and contributed to the cultural diversifica- to the Ministry of Foreign Aairs. Obviously, tion of the family by writing poetry or music. the Turkish president did not have reason to After receiving an excellent education at the regret his choice, for Zeki Kuneralp became Conservatory of Paris, Cemal Reşit Rey became one of Turkey’s most successful and best- loved an important conductor and composer, and his diplomats and served two terms as ambassador sister Semine Argeşo distinguished herself as a in London. Similarly, İsmail Hakkı Okday, a sul- violinist. The family also specialized in academ- tan’s son- in- law and a son of the aforementioned ics, particularly history (İsmail Galib), archeol- grand vizier Ahmed Tevfik Pasha, transformed ogy (Halil Edhem, Edhem Hamdi, Mübarek his imperial allegiance into republican loyalty. Galib), and architecture (Sedad Eldem).  He had secretly ventured out of the palace to Old, established families not only were join the fighting nationalists and displayed ex- oered valuable opportunities to pursue other cellent linguistic abilities among other creden- careers, but some also kept positions within the tials, all of which gained him easy admission

35. On Osman Hamdi Bey’s career, see Edhem Eldem, 36. On Sedad Eldem’s career, see Edhem Eldem, Bülent “An Ottoman Archaeologist Caught between Two Tanju, and Uğur Tanyeli, ed., Sedad Hakkı Eldem I. Gen- Worlds: Osman Hamdi Bey (1842 – 1910),” in Archae- çlik Yılları (Sedad Hakkı Eldem I: The Early Years) (Is- ology, Anthropology, and Heritage in the Balkans tanbul: Osmanlı Bankası, 2008). and Anatolia: The Life and Times of F. W. Hasluck, 37. Yücel Güçlü, Eminence Grise of the Turkish Foreign 1878 – 1920, ed. David Shankland (Istanbul: Isis Press, Service: Numan Menemencioğlu (Ankara: Grafiker, 2004), 1:121 – 49. 2002). into the republic’s diplomatic service, where he Saraçoğlu, the Turkish prime minister between 598 served at the rank of consul general.    and  . Indeed, matrimonial exchange Indeed, diplomacy aorded a significant between Ottoman families and republican elites opportunity for families of the old bureaucracy played an important role in the emergence of to convert themselves into part of the new ad- a new state nobility, mixing the social prestige ministration. Most of their members were flu- cultivated by the former with the political prom- ent in at least one European language and were inence acquired by the latter. closely connected with European aristocrats whom they had previously met in universities in Back to Politics: Comparative Bern, Lausanne, Berlin, Paris, or London. It is Arts and Literature as Republican Credentials doubtful whether students educated in Turkish The various strategies discussed above were not Studies of university faculties had comparable social and the only means by which members of the old of-

linguistic fluency or were part of similar net- ficial elites could recover positions. People with works.  Moreover, the republican meritocratic talents in scientific, academic, or artistic fields South Asia, ideology had a limited impact on the recruit- not only contributed to the building of the na- Africa and the ment process. The Kemalist administration tion and regained elite positions; their abilities Middle East had so many international challenges to deal also led to political power. Eventually, some old with (e.g., the question of the Bosporus and the Ottomans were considered too important to be Dardanelles and the settlement of the Turkish ignored. Consequently, they were oered o- claims over Mosul and Hatay) that it had no cial positions. Abdülhak Hamid (
 –   ) was choice but to rely on trained Ottoman gentle- typical of those who returned to politics in this men when setting up its diplomatic apparatus.  way. The son of an ambassador in Tehran and Pragmatically, the Turkish state used the old also well versed in historiography, he followed established families in the same way Ottoman both bureaucratic and literary careers, first, as diplomacy had used Greek families during the an embassy diplomat in Brussels in  , and second half of the eighteenth century.  second, as a prolific poet and a playwright. He As in Ottoman times, these families saw was known for the new verse styles he intro- matrimonial alliances as a useful way to re- duced and for a Western way of looking at Turk- gain their positions within the state apparatus. ish poetry. He became a senator in  , at a Prominent dignitaries who had been forced to time when his most famous theater works were retire might propose that their daughters marry being staged in Istanbul. In   the Senate influential ocials or politicians. Makbûle, a was suppressed and he left the country. In  , daughter of the aforementioned Mehmed Kâmil however, he returned to Istanbul, where he was Pasha, married a military ocial who finished elected to the parliament and maintained his his career as a divisional general. Notably, her post there until the end of his life in   . When own daughter also married a military ocial, he died, the regime oered him a special trib- who was a candidate for the elected president ute by organizing a national funeral. of the Senate.  In the same way, Hatice Saadet, In a similar way, the Ottoman adminis- a granddaughter of Ahmed Zühtü Pasha, min- trators who had attained academic tenure or ister of education and minister of finances dur- enjoyed artistic fame in the last years of the ing the reign of Abdülhamid II, married Şükrü empire did not wait long before considering

38. See Şefik Okday, Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e: 40. As an example of this continuity, see Esat Cemal 42. Yılmaz Öztuna, Devletler ve Hânedanlar: Türkiye Padişah Yaveri İki Sadrazam oğlu anlatıyor (From the Paker, Siyasi Tarihimizde Kırk Yıllık Hariciye Hatıraları (1074 – 1990) (States and Dynasties : Turkey [1074 – Ottomans to the Republic: The Explanations of Two (Forty Years of Foreign Memoirs in Our Political His- 1990]), 2nd ed. (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, Aides- de- camps of the Emperor and Sons of Grand tory), 2nd ed. (Istanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, 2000). 1996), 711. Vizier) (Istanbul: n.p., 1988). 41. Carter V. Findley, Bureaucratic Reform in the Otto- 43. Müfid Edkal, Bizans Metropolünde İlk Türk Köyü 39. Baltaoğlu, Atatürk, 208. On the first students who man Empire: The Sublime Porte, 1789 – 1922 (Princeton, Kadiköy (Kadiköy, First Turkish Village in the Byzantine were funded by the Turkish government, see Kansu NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980), 91. Metropolis) (Istanbul: Kadiköy Belediye, 1996), 297. Şarman, Türk Promethe’ler: Cumhuriyet’in Öğrencileri Avrupa’da (1925 – 1945) (The Turkish Prometheus : The Students of the Republic in Europe [1925 – 1945]) (Istan- bul: Türkiye İş Bankası), 2005. opportunities to enter politics under the re- ered around the “red sultan.” During the early public. Among these families, the Köprülüs republican period, their social reputation did 599 and the Karaosmaoğlus remarkably embodied not prevent them from nurturing special abili- this transition. Fuad Köprülü (  –  ) and ties and gaining increasing influence. In   Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu ( –  ), who Fuad Köprülü was made undersecretary of state pursued outstanding careers in education and at the Ministry of National Education. In   journalism, respectively, represented a particu- he was elected deputy. In the same year, Yakup larly qualified and talented generation. They Kadri Karaosmanoğlu started a diplomatic

earned their reputations not by boasting of the career that took him to embassies in Tehran,

1939)

fame of their families but by contributing to the Prague, The Hague, and Bern. Both Köprülü – Bouquet

Republic: development of modern Turkish scholarship. and Karaosmanoğlu did so well in their respec- (1909 Köprülü was appointed professor of literature at tive fields that when Turkey started experiment- New Olivier Istanbul University in  . In   he founded ing with multiparty politics after World War II, a in

Turkey the Institute of Turcology, before becoming the the new political leaders seriously believed that in

head of the Turkish History Committee in  . these prominent figures had a positive role to Elites

He taught the history of civilization at the Is- play in the post- Kemalist state. On June  
Old Families tanbul Academy of Fine Arts and became dis- Köprülü was one of the four deputies who sub- tinguished professor in   . Meanwhile, he mitted a memorandum to the parliamentary established a new theory according to which party demanding that multiparty politics be the military- political expansion of medieval implemented. In 
 he was chosen minister of Bureaucratic Anatolian frontiers was primarily the result of foreign aairs. Meanwhile, Karaosmanoğlu con- the demographic pressure of Turkish tribes. tinued his diplomatic career, but after the mili- To Köprülü, the Ottoman state was essentially tary takeover of May  , he became a member Ottoman

a Turkish state. This original interpretation of of the Constituent Assembly before reentering of

the Ottoman conquest was considered by prom- the National Assembly. inent historians such as Lucien Febvre and Marc In the same way that Köprülü’s and Bloch to be such an innovation that Köprülü Karaosmanoğlu’s scientific and artistic reputa- Reconversion

was invited to lecture at conferences in major tions had launched their administrative careers,

European universities. Karaosmanoğlu did not two decades later their newly acquired promi- The enjoy similar international fame. However, in nence in the state apparatus contributed to the his own country he was considered one of its reconversion of their Ottoman local prestige most important novelists and was also a repub- into democratic power; it was no coincidence lican ideologist. As a result of his support for that Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu and Fevzi the Kemalists during the independence war, he Lütfi Karaosmanoğlu (  –  ) were elected became deputy from   to  , during which deputies in the regions where their family had time he also wrote his most important novels. previously established a strong influence. Elec- True, the impressive pedigrees of these tion after election, some major notable families héritiers (heirs) still represented serious draw- regained the local positions they had lost either backs in the view of some radical republicans; under the Ottomans or during the Kemalist era. it was a well- known fact that the Köprülüs had In doing so, they acquired renewed prestige. produced five grand viziers under the Ottomans Among local elites were İsmail Hakkı Mumcu in and that the Karaosmanoğlus had extended Amasya, Mehmet Âtıf Tüzün in Rize, and Meh- their influence in a large area around Manisa met Nazif Ergin in Sivas. Indeed, the establish- at the end of the seventeenth century. Subse- ment of democracy in Turkey, far from being quently, however, their families did not attain solely conducted by republican meritocrats, also such prominent positions under the last sultans. resulted from the work of reestablished Otto- Nor did they join the palace clique that gath- man notables. 

44. Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, Zoraki Diplomat 45. Baltaoğlu, Atatürk, 310, 313, 319. in The Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East, (Strained Diplomat) (Istanbul: İnkılap Kitabevi, 1955). ed. William Roe Polk and Richard L. Chambers (Chi- 46. I am referring here to Albert Hourani’s seminal cago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 41 – 68. essay “Ottoman Reform and the Politics of Notables,” Conclusion assimilated themselves into republican elites 600 Certainly, the Ottoman bureaucracy was noth- and cultivated their imperial past as a source of ing like the imperial aristocracies instituted in social prestige. Later on, in the  s, they even Austria, Prussia, or Russia, since ocial titles started to become involved in the renewal of Ot- could not be transmitted from father to son. toman history, either as publishers or as acade- Moreover, the prominent Hamidian dignitaries micians. Today, few of them nostalgically look were viewed by the fathers of the Turkish nation back to old times, although they know to what as a privileged nobility to be erased to facilitate degree their ancestors ruled the empire, and the building of the republican state. This is one they sometimes display great erudition when Comparative reason why the imperial family had to wait years questioned about the sultan’s pashas. before being allowed back into Turkey: 
 Studies of for the female members and   for the male  members. Meanwhile, the old established bu- reaucrats, or a majority of them, had to retire, South Asia, but without suering compulsory exile. They Africa and the did not fade away but maintained themselves Middle East among the elites, partly because they had pro- gressively taken up valuable new activities under the last sultans. Noticeably, this pattern was suc- cessfully organized at the margins of the bu- reaucracy; the Ottoman state — in a way similar to that adopted later by the republican adminis- tration — played a decisive economic and social role to such an extent that it could easily extend its own authority into fields apparently outside of its direct control. True, the Kemalist administration was es- tablished as part of a radical revolutionary ideol- ogy. Yet the generals who ventured into politics were as pragmatic in running the administra- tion as the previous Ottomans bureaucrats who had taught them how to exercise power were. Ideologically and practically, the Turkish state had nothing to do with totalitarianism; far from deeming it necessary to destroy a complete seg- ment of the society as a prerequisite for estab- lishing full control over the masses, the republi- cans vested old families with the right to explore their competences and make use of their abili- ties. As a result, the families who promoted the Kemalist project were acknowledged as loyal to the regime; they were even generously compen- sated by recovering ocial positions and politi- cal functions. To adopt a larger historical per- spective, within a century, notable families both

47. Sami N. Özedim, Atatürk Devrimi Kronolojisi (Chro- nology of the Atatürk Revolution) (Ankara: Çankaya Belediyesi, 1996), 138 – 39. See also Osman Selahed- din Osmanoğlu, ed., Ali Vâsıb Efendi: Bir Şehzadenin Hâtırâtı (Ali Vâsıb Efendi: Memoirs of a Prince) (Istan- bul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2004).