ARAM, 8 (1996), 189-199 EXTERNAL TRADE

EXTERNAL TRADE OF BILAD AL-SHAM IN THE EARLY ABBASID PERIOD

NICOLA A. ZIADEH

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

The Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean are two water bodies which, from time immemorial, experienced exchange of trade along their coasts. Appar- ently from very early times some trade had trickled from the one sea to the other; these commercial relations grew with time. There is, however, a land bridge which separated them: Bilad al-Sham and a strip of land in Egypt made direct sea – passage between the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean impossi- ble. It is obvious that crossing this short distance in Egypt should prove to be the easier of the two land blocks. But the Red Sea is a treacherous water body. In the first place it abounds in coral-rief barriers, especially along the Arabian coasts. Secondly pirates find in it prosperous nests, when the grip of the state in Egypt loosens; this is, to my mind, is one reason why land routes from Yaman to the Hijaz prospered late in the fifth and sixth century A.D., when Byzantine authority in Egypt slackened; pirates infested the Red Sea. Thirdly there are many periods in the year when strong winds blow from both Egypt and the Peninsula southwards and collect strength at Bab al-Mandab bottle – neck, which thwarts the vessels of ancient times; they will have to spend lengths of time waiting at Aden or along the Horn of Africa.1 Bilad al-Sham – Iraq barrier, on the other hand, although much longer and more difficult to trespass, provides merchants with numerous towns and mar- kets along the road where goods could be exchanged, and profits realised. Be- sides, once merchants arrive at the southern reaches of the Land of the Two Rivers they have a choice of either going south to the Arab-Persian Gulf (to the Indian Ocean) or continuing their land journey over a track almost 11,000 k/ms long, to China, with points of contact with merchants coming from the northern lands carrying their goods – furs, hides, wax etc – for sale. Thus they could augment their own loads of merchandise.

1 I heard the following story told in Jordan. A friend of Amir (later King) Abdullah of Jordan paid him a visit one day, and after a while he took leave from the Amir, because as he said he was expecting a sailing vessel with his cargo to arrive at Aqaba. The Amir told him that the boat could not arrive before three weeks. However he insisted on leaving, went to Aqaba to find a cable waiting for him saying that the vessel is delayed for three weeks because of the strong winds blowing from the north. The friend was surprised, but then he was reminded that the Amir was a Hijazi and knew the nature of the winds of the Red Sea. 190 N.A. ZIADEH

This is not the place to tell the story of the various attacks carried by the ancient empires from the East to occupy Bilad al-Sham for various purposes such as securing raw materials and the control of trade routes which traverse this land bridge; suffice it here to mention that the rulers of Ancient Persia deemed it worth while their effort to construct a royal road from Sardis (in Asia Minor) to Susa (in south – west Iran) to facilitate the movements of both armies and caravans. But this trans-Asian route could suffer set-backs when wars and troubles ensued between people or states along it. Thus we find that a parallel sea-route seems to have developed, which was rather active in the fifth and sixth centu- ries A.D. with Ceylon (Sri Lanka) as its focal point; and this route, which ex- panded eastwards with time became a very important one in days to come, so as to reach modern Indonesia and Southern China Sea. In the first two centuries of the Christian Era the long land route, which came to be known, some time in the nineteenth century, as the Silk Route, car- ried voluminous trade because rather amicable relations did, more or less, pre- vail along it among the empires which sat across it. They were the Late Ming Dynasty of China (A.D. 25-220); the Kushan Empire of North India and Af- ghanistan (c.A.D. 40-220); the Parthian Empire which ruled Iran, Iraq and their neighbours (c.250 B.C.-A.D.226). They all encouraged trade although occasional wars were never ruled out.2 The situation deteriorated when fighting broke out occasionally between the Parthians and the Romans along the Euphrates in the second and third centu- ries, yet trade was carried on via Palmyra until its destruction at the hands of Aurelian in A.D.273. With the Arabs emerging from the Peninsula and after their vast conquests a new situation came into existence. Though the conquests themselves disrupted trade routes for some times, eventually the lands between Central Asia and the Mediterranean were now under one ruler. The accession of the Abbasids to power in A.D.750 coincided, in its early period, say till circa 930, with a pe- riod of stability under the Tang Dynasty in China (A.D.618-906) a situation which was encouraging for traders to pursue their activities in, more or less, a usual way.

EXPLOSION OF POPULATION

During the period under review the area under Abbasid rule, whether real as at the beginning, or ephemeral as it developed after the first decades of the

2 V.E. Smith, Oxford History of India, (ed. P. Spears), (Oxford, 1958), 146-156; Lucy Boulnois, The Silk Road, (trans. from French by Demis Chamberlain), (New York, 1996), 60-73; Simkin, The Traditional Trade of Asia, (Oxford, 1968), 28-35, 38-48, 85f. EXTERNAL TRADE 191 tenth century, witnessed two developments which enhanced trade and com- merce. The first was a population explosion and the second was creation of numerous petty-states; some were practically independent, while others recog- nized a nomminal authority of the “Caliph”. The population explosion as such resulted from the movements of numerous nomadic tribes, both Arabs and others, into the newly created state. Tribes of smaller numbers moved from their arid areas seeking fortunes, or at least bet- ter living conditions, under the wings of the new rulers. Besides, numbers of Turks, in particular, sought service at the new courts, even before al-Mutasim (A.D.833-842) recruited Turks for the caliphal army and had them transferred to his new capital at Samarra. Other junior potentates followed suite. This was the beginning of the sweep of the Turks (Mongols) into the area some time later.2a Within the area itself one may consider the moves of Banu Aqil and Banu Kilab within Bilad al-Sham and the Peninsula, and the migration of the Kurds from the Zagros Mountains and Asia Minor south and south west as falling within this category. The second factor which caused this explosion is the numerous slaves that arrived from practically every corner of the earth – they were black, white and yellow. They were imported in large numbers to do various jobs in the great palaces. The Zanj who worked in the fertile parts of al-Sawad in southern Iraq (whether they were slaves or paid laborers)5 were so numerous that when they revolted it took the Abbasid caliphate fourteen years (869-883) to bring them to submission; any way after destroying the productive lands and the canals in the region. The preempted area was occupied by people coming from numer- ous places, far and near. The other development was the creation of new cities, and the repair of delapidated older ones, as camp towns and centres for administration. Then such towns served, when time came, as capitals of the newly created states and princedoms. The Abbasid Caliphal domain came to be studdied with fairly large and prosperous cities such as Nisapur, Ferghanah, Samarqand, Bukhara, Herat, Ray, Basra, Kufa and Damascus – let alone Baghdad itself. Each of those, and many others, became, at one time or another, a capital, a trade center or a place of learning. And most of them had their mosques, palaces, schools, qaysariyyas, and caravansaries. Most of such building were monu-

2a See David Morgan, The Mongols, (Oxford, 1986), passim. 3 Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphate, (London and New York, 1986), 285-308. 4 M.A. Shaban, Islamic History, A New Interpretation 2 A.D.750-1055 (A.H.132-448), (Cam- bridge, 1976), 100-102; Kennedy, 250-266. 5 Ibn Khurdadhbah, al-Masalik, 92; A.Metz, The Renaissance of Islam, 354-6, (Ar. transla- tion), vol. II 158-159, 372. 192 N.A. ZIADEH ments of art and architecture. Capitals, contained besides armies, numerous government officials and retainers. Such cities demanded supplies of different nature, and large quantities thereof. When soldiery is considered their needs go beyond those of the ordinary citizens; their attire, equipment and arms; their horses and the saddles for the animals, are only simple examples. Town people and courts and courtiers are prone to consume luxury goods, which merchants were prepared to supply. The wheel of commerce and trade turned heavily in order to meet the demand.

COMMODOTIES

The one single commodity which was most often sought was silk. Silk ma- terial first arrived in Iraq and Bilad al-Sham in the second century A.D. The cloth, which came from China was dyed in Syrian, and especially Lebanese cities, in various shades of purple and soon caught the imagination of people of authority or wealth. Its possible disappearance from markets often caused a crisis.6 The rise of the Sassanid empire (AD226-641), and its recurrent wars with the Byzantines, successors of the Romans, caused many such crises, espe- cially when silk garments became the official attire of the Royal household and the prelates of the church. And when even princes and churchmen in the West took to it, and Byzantium became the main centre of exporting it to the West, the Byzantines were especially concerned about securing the cloth. The Sassanid had control of the land route to china, but because the central parts of this route were not especially safe, the sea-route, via Ceylon, became extremely important, and the Sassanid were especially jealous of maintaining control of this route so as to monopolize the silk trade. The Sassanids were ready to conclude treaties with the Romans first, and the Byzantines later, in order to secure both the monopoly and the market. Thus in AD 297 a treaty was concluded between Diocletian and Paris the Sassanid which made Nisibin the only town for entry of silk to the Romans. In AD 408/9 a new treaty was drawn, between the Byzantines and the Sassanid, in which Raqqah on the Euphrates and Artashat (Artaxata) were added to Nisibin. In AD 562 Justianian concluded a new treaty with the Sassanid king Chosres according to which only Nisibin and Daro were the ports of entry for the silk.7 This treaty guaranteed the arrival of silk to Byzantiume for 50 years. By the sixth century silk cocoons had already reached the Near East, and silk cloth was produced in Lebanon, but Justinian (A.D.527-565) decreed that silk manufacturing and dying was to be a Byzantine monopoly. Hence silk workshops in Bilad al-Sham became idle.

6 Boulnois, the Silk – 117ff. 7 Ibid., 119,146. EXTERNAL TRADE 193

Although silk was locally available, Chinese silk continued to be of a supe- rior quality and thus was in great demand. Besides, local production could not meet all the demand. It should be noted here that Constantinople attempted to secure the import of silk (from Ceylon) via the state of Axum (in Abyssinia), which had grown to be the great commercial entrepot in the western parts of the Indian Ocean, but to no avoid. It is quite likely that an unspoken agreement existed between Axum and the Sassanids to the effect trade in silk would remain a Sassanian monopoly, while the Axumites would be free to deal with spices and perfumes through the Red Sea or via South Arabia, irrespective of their sources which had, by then, included Indonisia.8 We find, taking various factors and situations into account, that the west (i.e the Mediterranean and adjacent lands) exported to the Far East olive oil, am- ber, coral, wines, cloth, glass, frankincense, tortoise-shell, cereals, gold, pearls, African tusk and dates. India, and lands beyond, sent, on the other hand, Indian steel (originally the ore had been brought from East Africa), copper, timber, rice, Indian fats, sugar, Lapis-Lazuli, cotton and rubies.9 Trade in slaves was undoubtedly one of the most lucrative occupation of the period, as it was referred to earlier in this paper.10

TRADE ROUTES IN BILD AL-SHAM

Two main routes ran between Bilad al-Sham and Mesopotamia. One began at Baghdad, and went along the Tigris, passed Mosul and at Balis crossed the river to Sinjar then to Nisibin, Ras Ain, Raqqah, Mombij, from where it reached Aleppo, Hama and Homs. Its branches then reached various towns and sea ports. An extension from Damascus crossed Tiberias and Ramalah to Egypt. The second route left Baghdad and sidling with the Euphratés eastern bank till Hit, where, crossing the river went direct to Damascus, across the desert.11 Another branch went from Hit to Aleppo and Antioch. From Aleppo two routes joined it with Armenia and al-Jazirah al-Furatiyyah.12 A number of mountainous routes crossed the eastern reaches of the Taurus conected the Thughur towns with Amid (modern Diarbakr) and hence to the 8 Simkin, 54-72; Boulnois, 139-147; Smith, 92,160. 9 ZOK)« U«—œ WK ¨åÍbMN« jO;«Ë dLô« d« 5 W—U«Ë Wd« ‚dD« —uDò ¨…œU“ ôuI ∏∑≠∏≥ ©±π∑µ® ¨l«d« œbF« ¨vËô« WM« ¨WOdF« …de'«Ë . 10 Metz, 354-356 ªπ≤ ¨pU*« ¨t–«œd s« . 11 Metz, 492-494 ª≤≤∞≠≤±∏ ¨Ã«d)« ¨dHF s W«bÁ . 12 ¨©Â±π∏µØ‡±¥∞µ ËdO® ¨©œ«u fO—uÂË fOd dOA WLd® ¨WOÁdA« Wö)« Ê«bK ¨!«d ±µ∏ ¨±±≥ ¨≤µ M. Lombard, L’Islam dans sa première grandeur (VIIIe - XIe Siècle), (Paris, 1971), 38-39. 194 N.A. ZIADEH

Lands of the Rum, i.e. Byzantium.13 Of the other routes followed by Arab ar- mies on their campaigns against the Byzantines two were what one might call trodden tracks – Darb al-Hadath via Mar’ash through to Malatya and the route of Cilician Gates which began at Tarsus. This was the postal route and the one followed by especial emmisaries of both the Caliph and the Baselins of Con- stantinople.14 Al-Muqaddasi, the tenth century most observant geographer, mentions routes crossing the Syrian Desert (Badiyat al-Sham) and enumerates nine routes which eventually terminate in Mecca and three which lead to the Shami cities.15 One should keep in mind that the configuration of Bilad al-Sham gave ac- cess to merchants at the Mediterranean ports to dispatch their goods fairly eas- ily to the inner towns. Almost every port faced a saddle, between two minor, or even major ridges, which enabled beasts of burden to cross them fairly eas- ily. Seleucia Maris (Sweidiyya) via Antioch to Aleppo; Lataqiyya to Hama; Tripoli to Homs; Sidon to Damascus and its southern neighbourhood; Acre to Marj ibn Amir, the Beisan area and Jordan; Jaffa to Jerusalem; and Gazza to southern Palestine and the land of the Nabateans. The only port which was partially blocked from its hinterland, the Beqaa was Beirut – the mountain ridge rising immediately to the east of the city was snow – bound for about three months in winter. Hence, and until fairly recent times, Sidon acted on behalf of Beirut as port fro the southern Beqa and Da- mascus and its surroundings.

BILAD AL-SHAM: IMPORTS AND EXPORTS

Bilad al-Sham had been known from time immemorial to produce a number of minor arts and crafts with which it supplied its own people in particular, and its neighbors. These included wrought iron, ploughs, knives, and in particular blades for swords and daggers. Besides, various kinds of brass and copper utensils for various kinds of service, domestic and others, were manufactured in Damascus. Craftsmen needed raw material – in principle iron are and copper. Bilad al- Sham has never been rich in minerals, especially these two. Limited amounts of iron are existed in Lebanon, in al-Sharah mountains in southern Jordan and in the neighborhood of Busra, in the Hawran. Besides, these mines had been nearly exhausted throughout the ages.

13 ≤µ ¨!«d . 14 ±∞≤≠±∞∞ ¨pU*« ¨t–«œd s« ª±∂∂≠±∂¥ ¨!«d . 15 ≤µ≤ ≠ ≤¥∏ ¨rOUI« s« ¨wbI*« . EXTERNAL TRADE 195

Traders had to provide the furnaces with their need. So the iron are was brought from Marash, the nearest source to Bilad al-Sham, form the Arrajana mines (near the sources of Tigris and the Euphrates), from Armenia and from Azerbaijan. But the Damascene blades needed steel. This was imported from as far as India. This steel had been imported from East Africa, treated in and exported, even as far as Bilad al-Sham via the Arabian Gulf or Yaman.16 I am inclined to believe that the appellation “Indian Swords” used for these blades manufactured in Yemen must have originated from the fact that Yaman also imported Indian steel for its sword blades. For securing copper for utensils, Bilad al-Sham depended, besides what Lebanon could contribute especially to Damascus, on import of the raw mate- rial from Arrajona, the mines of River Khabur (a tributary of the Euphrates) and Cyprus.17 Al-Muqaddsi, desiring to show the workmanship of the Damascene crafts- manship says the doors of the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus were made of gilded copper.18 The magnitude of the export of one particular kind of copper utensils, the large cauldrons each capable of holding about fifty litres may be inferred from the report of Nasir-i-Khisraw who said al-Fustat alone had 5,000 such cauldrons, adding that they were of Damascene work.19 Bilad al-Sham, with its cities and its population having been used to the charms of clothes they imported their linen from Egypt.20 This had been an Egyptian especially since the times of the Pharoas. But luxurious cloth came to Bilad al-Sham from as far as Basra and Tustur and even lands beyond.21 What Bilad al-Sham exported included cotton material, as cotton was grown in the north around Aleppo, in Cilicia, in the Euphrates valley, in the Jordan valley and around Damascus, Marj ibn Amir, and around Ramleh.22 A fairly large amount of corn and other cereals found their way into Arabia, and even Iraq, when al-Sawad, the basket-bread of Iraq was left almost completely un- productive by the Zanj revolt.23

16 Metz, 442. 17 M. Lombard, Les métaux dans l’ancien monde du Ve au XIe siècle, (Paris, the Hague, 1974), 180ff. 18 ±µ∏ ¨wbI*« . 19 ±∞¥ ¨©±π∑∞ ¨ËdO® ¨©»UA)« w WLd® ¨WUdH ©Â±∞≥π ؇ ¥≥± u® Ëd dU . 20 Metz, 459-60; Lombard, L’Islam, 182-183. 21 ≤± ¨©ËdO® ¨dd(« a—U w ÊUM —Ëœ ¨»UN f—u . Boulnois, 181-184; Lombard, L’Is- lam, 185. 22 Metz, 459-460. 23 (177¨rOUI« s« ¨wbI*« ª©VK …œU® ≤π∞≠≤∏≤ ¨≤à ¨Ê«bK« rF ¨ÍuL(« uÁU WOdH« WLd«® ±∏∞ . 196 N.A. ZIADEH

Bilad al-Sham reverted to the production of silks and in the 10th century Damascus and Antioch could supply Constantinople with some of its needs in luxiourously produced silks.24 Besides cotton material was sent to Egypt in exchange for linen cloth.25 Material needed for dying were exported from Bilad al-Sham, particularly saffron and kermez, although bigger quantities of this brand were brought from Armenia and then sent to Egypt.26 Sugar cane was widely spread in Bilad al-Sham, and the production of sugar was already in practice, with especial concentration in Tripoli, Beirut, Sidon and Acre. There seems also that some sugar was exported to the West.27 We have a report that the first consignment of sugar reached Venice in 996. Two fruits from Bilad al-Sham enjoyed a reputation in the whole area – grapes and apples. With grapes developed the fame of Bilad al-Sham for wines which were exported as for as India,28 and Shami apples were the desired fruits at any table anywhere.29 Bilad al-Sham is supposed to be one of the earliest places where the olive tree developed. Olive oil was especially desired in Egypt, which hardly pro- duced any. With olive oil went soap manufacture; both products found their way into Egypt, Iraq, Arabia and other areas.30 The pages of al-Ibn Hawqal, al-Maqdisi and al-Masudi (in Murij al-Dhahab) abound in the names of fruits and vegetables which seem to have reached the area during the period of the 8th to 10th centuries.31 It is rather of especial interest to the historian to find out that the Najdi- camel (one hump camel) was widely produced in northern Syria and al-Jaizira al-Furatiyya, but apparently this was just enough for local needs. I have not come across references to the export of these camels.32 On the contrary the Shami horse, of the steppers was most welcome in Ara- bia, together with horses from Asia Minor. I am inclined to believe that these supplemented the vast demand for horses India needed, as these horses did not breed in India, and if they did it was a poor thing. Indian Rajahs and men of position were keen on having smart horses on festive occasions.33

24 ≤± ¨ÊUM —Ëœ ¨»UN . 25 Metz, 459-461. 26 ª©219 WOdH« WLd«® ±∏∞ wbI*« ª±≤¥ ¨qÁu s« . Metz 437. 27 Metz 435 (181, 219 WOdH« WLd«® ±∏∞ ¨±∂≤ ¨wbI*« ª≤µ¥ ¨≤µ∞ qÁu s« . 28 Metz, 435 (219 Ë 177 WOdH« WLd«® ±∏∞ ¨±∂∞ ¨wbI*« . 29 Metz, 434. 30 Metz (181, 193, 219 WOdH« WLd«® ±∏∞ ¨±∑¥ ¨±∂≤ ¨wbI*« . 31 Metz, 431 ªUbF UË ≤∞≥ ¨wbI*« l«d . 32 Metz, 456-7; Lombard, L’Islam, 168-169. 33 Metz, 356-6; Lombard, L’Islam, 169-170; ±¥µ ¨wbI*« . EXTERNAL TRADE 197

The Amanus and Lebanese mountains supplied Egypt with timber, but the area continuously imported timber from India and Europe.34 One feels the relief authors had when paper came into use in the world of Islam. Damascus and Tiberias were amongst the centres of its production al- ready early in the tenth century, and according to Nasir-i-Khisraw Tripoli pro- duced paper when he visited it early in the eleventh century.3 Great as the amounts or quantities which were exchanged in the goods men- tioned above show their extent. Some kinds of merchandise excited wider ap- petites and covered longer stretches of land, some times they exited only appe- tites. Gold, slaves and spices and perfumes were more attractive and, needless to say more lucrative. The very expanse of the Islamic state made it possible for various markets of slaves to send their goods, and the empire, with its cities, courts, soldiery, farmlands could absorb the goods. For not only households demanded serv- ants, the various rulers and leaders had their ghulams as a bodyguard. Slaves came from slavic countries, Turkish slaves of numerous discription came from Central Asia and beyond. Besides, there was the black slave, which was brought from Africa. There were centres where slaves were castigated – the most conspicuous were Cordora, Verdun, Prague, Armenia, Khwarism and Aswan.36 Merchandise in materia medica, perfumes and spices reached a peak during this period. Firstly there was great deal of interest in food and its preparation; secondly hospitals and physicians were in need of all this stiff for the treat- ments of their patients. Thirdly the affluent society which was a symptoms of the age, demanded the use of fairly big amounts of perfumes and frankincense at home. Again it must be remembered that churches adopted the use of frank- incense in their services and needed quite large amounts in Byzantium and the west.37 Slaves from East Africa were collected at the Isle of Socotoro and trans- ferred along the Arabian Land route to the Hijaz, Bilad al-Sham and further afield. Bilad al-Sham acted as a centre for slaves coming from parts of Europe via Byzantin.38

34 Lombard, L’Islam, 176 ¨∂≥ ¨pUL*«Ë pU*« »U ¨Íd"Dô« . 35 Lombard, L’Islam, 190-192; Metz, 467-468; ¥¥∏ ¨Ëd dU (219-220 ±∏±≠±∏∞ ¨wbI*« WOdH« WLd«® . 36 Metz, 156ff; ªµ≥± ¨µ∞≤ ≠ ¥∏±≠¥∏∞ ¨¥∑± ¨!«d . 37 Lombard, L’Islam, 193-5 ©±∏ gU® ≥∏∏ ¨!«d . A.M. Watson, Agricultural innovation in the Early Islamic World, (Cambridge, 1983), 15 (no. 6), 24 (nos 5 & 6), 31 (no. 4), 42 (no. 2), 155 (no. 13). 38 Metz 156ff. ªµ≥± ¨µ∞≤ ¨¥∏±≠¥∏∞¨¥∑± ¨!«d . 198 N.A. ZIADEH

GOLD AND INTERNATIONAL TRADERS

During the 7th-8th centuries the Arab-Muslims came into possession of large hoards of gold which temples and churches had been accumulating throughout the ages. Besides, some came from ancients tombs particularly Egyptian. Above all, later, new sources of gold were mined from the Altai and Ural mounts, and also from Allagi in the Sudan and from East Africa. But the real source of both gold and gold dust came in fairly large quantities from the Western Sudan. This was carried across the great Sahara and distributed via Andalusia, Sicily and Egypt to all neighboring countries. The wealth of Egypt in particular under the early Fatimids was largely due to this source. The cen- tres of gold trade were, in the East Basra and Khwarism (Khiva). But the turn- ing of gold into items of decoration had two centres in the Eat, Damascus and Baghdad. Prior to the Islamic conquests Iran and lands east used silver for coinage, while Byzantinum used gold for the same purpose. This situation did not change after the conquests and lasted fro some time – there was the dinar in the West and the dirham in the East. In the eleventh century the Banou Hilal and Banu Salim established them- selves in Libya and Tunisia. About the same time the Normanes settled in Sic- ily and southern Italy. These two occurrences stopped the flow of gold from the West Sudan to the East. It is probably this led to the financial crisis which Egypt witnessed under the late Fatimids. But the Altai, the Ural and the East african sources continued to supply the East with its need of gold. Local merchants did always carry trade between neighboring countries. But it is the international traders who draw our attention in the period under con- sideration, as well in other times. Ibn Khurdadhbeh mentions an important group of traders he calls al- Radhaniya. According to him they spoke Arabic, Persian, Greek, Ifranji (he must mean French) and Andalusian (I suppose Spanish – Arabic). They traded from East to West and from West to East. They began their journey from Faranja (France) carrying slaves and materia medica in particular. They crossed Africa to al-Qulzum (and al Farma). Then they went either to Bilad al- Sham and hence to Constantinople (via Antioch) and Baghdad; or else (some) continued their journey via the Red Sea, the Indian Ocean and China Sea, sell- ing their goods and bringing back perfumes, spices and eastern materia medica. Groups of them returned across the Asiatic land route, while others returned by sea, the same way to the west.40

39 Lombard, Métaux, 211-222. 40 ±µµ ≠ ±µ¥ ¨W–«œd s« . EXTERNAL TRADE 199

CONCLUDING REMARKS

1. Until the sixth century traders of Bilad al-Sham controlled, as merchants, trade with the West, and had their colonies in Gaul and Northern Italy. The Arab-Muslim conquests disrupted this for some time. But in the tenth century Shami traders regained their position 2. Although Bilad al-Sham suffered as a result of the tumultuous political life it experienced, it managed to develop its economy. The revenue the coun- try paid in the tenth century amounted to 39m dirhams, which has been esti- mated by Archiballd Lewis at about 2m dinars.41 3. Baghdad lost quite a bit of its place as a trade centre, but remained a great centre of consumption. After the Zanj revolt the Mosul-Basra route shifted eastwards. 4. The Armenian – Bilad al-Sham route almost monopolized trade to Egypt. There were Shami merchant residing in Constantinople.42

41 Lewis, 174. 42 Lombard, L’Islam, 216; A. Lewis, Naval Power, 168.