Rome and Romans During Civil Conflict in the Roman History

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Rome and Romans During Civil Conflict in the Roman History chapter 7 The War Comes Home: Rome and Romans during Civil Conflict in the Roman History Alex Imrie The murder of the emperor Pertinax by his praetorians on 28th March 193 CE shattered the fragile peace that had settled over Roman political life follow- ing the assassination of Commodus at the close of the preceding year (Cass. Dio 74[73].9.4–10.3).1 The Empire was faced with a second power vacuum within four months and, while the assassins of the final Antonine emperor seem to have had at least some inclination of whom they wanted to succeed Commodus, there was now no immediately apparent choice to assume the imperial throne.2 In the hours following Pertinax’ death, central Rome was to become the backdrop for an episode that Cassius Dio venomously labelled “a most disgraceful business and one unworthy of Rome” (74[73].11.3: ὅτε δὴ καὶ πρᾶγμα αἴσχιστόν τε καὶ ἀνάξιον τῆς Ῥώμης ἐγένετο).3 This was the so-called ‘auc- tion’ of the empire, in which an ambitious senator, Didius Julianus, bid against the Urban Prefect (and the slain Pertinax’ father-in-law) Flavius Sulpicianus for control of the Principate, with the praetorian guard as the deciding authority.4 Julianus was to win the contest with Sulpicianus, but his short reign was to be cast by Dio as an ignominious chapter in Rome’s history, ending with his murder shortly before the arrival of another claimant to the throne, Lucius Septimius Severus.5 In reading the Roman History for Julianus’ reign, however, it becomes clear that Dio was eager to demonstrate that neither he nor the ordo senatorius were the only parties to feel angered by the nature of the emperor’s rise or 1 Also see Hdn. 2.5. 2 For a brief outline of the circumstances surrounding Pertinax’ accession, see Ando 2012, 18–20; Champlin 1979. 3 All translations have been taken from Cary’s Loeb edition, some with minor adaptations. 4 Imrie 2018, 15–16; Bingham 2013, 43–44. 5 For a counterpoint to Dio’s version of events, see Leaning 1989, who notes the problem for Julianus’ legacy in featuring between Pertinax (whom Dio is openly more positive towards) and Septimius Severus, whose own propaganda was initially predicated on discrediting his rival in Rome. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/9789004434431_009 166 Imrie subsequent regime.6 Indeed, in his account of the period following Julianus’ accession, the author offers a vivid picture of the urban populace voicing their distaste for their new leader. In Dio’s version of events, while members of the Senate were careful to visit the new emperor and pay their respects on the morning after his confirmation, the wider populace was making its displeasure known. He describes how tensions finally flared later that day, as the emperor prepared to sacrifice to Janus in front of the senate-house; the urban plebs la- belled him a parricide and thief of the empire (74[73].13.3). Julianus’ initial re- sponse to this outburst was to offer the assembled mass some money, before ordering his troops to descend on the nearest bystanders when his proposal was loudly rebuffed. This act of violence only incited the mob further, accord- ing to Dio (74[73].13.4–5): καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπιπαρωξύνθη, καὶ οὐκ ἐπαύσατο οὔτε τὸν Περτίνακα ποθῶν οὔτε τὸν Ἰουλιανὸν λοιδορῶν οὔτε τοὺς θεοὺς ἐπιβοώμενος οὔτε τοὶς στρατιώταις ἐπαρώμενος, ἀλλὰ καίτοι πολλοὶ πολλαχοῦ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τέλος ὅπλα ἁρπάσαντες συνέδραμον, ἐς τὸν ἱππόδρομον, κἀνταῦθα διετέλεσαν ἐς τὸν Νίγρον τὸν Πεσκέννιον καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ ὄντας ἐπαμῦωαί σφισι δεόμενοι. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο τῇ τε κραυγῇ καὶ τῷ λιμῷ τῇ τε ἀγρυπίᾳ κακωθέντες διελύθησαν καὶ ἡσυχίαν ἦγον, τὰς ἔξωθεν ἐλπίδας ἀναμένοντες. That exasperated the populace all the more, and it did not stop express- ing its regret over Pertinax and abusing Julianus, invoking the gods and cursing the soldiers; but though many were wounded and killed in many parts of the city, they continued to resist. Finally, they seized arms and rushed together into the Circus, and there spent the night and the follow- ing day without food or drink, shouting and calling upon the remainder of the soldiers, especially Pescennius Niger and his followers in Syria, to come to their aid. Later, exhausted from all their shouting, by their fasting and their loss of sleep, they dispersed and kept quiet, awaiting the hoped- for deliverance from abroad. Following this account of mass civil disobedience, Dio describes Julianus’ subsequent attempts to curry favour with the disgruntled urban population, primarily by frequenting the theatre regularly and throwing numerous ban- quets (74[73].14.1–2). What is striking about the senator’s testimony here, even accounting for the hand of Xiphilinus throughout this section of the Roman 6 While Dio himself often seems to conflate his own interests with those of the senatorial order, there remains some question on how far the two can be viewed together. For contrast- ing views, see Scott 2015; Davenport 2012..
Recommended publications
  • The Cambridge Companion to Age of Constantine.Pdf
    The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine offers students a com- prehensive one-volume introduction to this pivotal emperor and his times. Richly illustrated and designed as a readable survey accessible to all audiences, it also achieves a level of scholarly sophistication and a freshness of interpretation that will be welcomed by the experts. The volume is divided into five sections that examine political history, reli- gion, social and economic history, art, and foreign relations during the reign of Constantine, a ruler who gains in importance because he steered the Roman Empire on a course parallel with his own personal develop- ment. Each chapter examines the intimate interplay between emperor and empire and between a powerful personality and his world. Collec- tively, the chapters show how both were mutually affected in ways that shaped the world of late antiquity and even affect our own world today. Noel Lenski is Associate Professor of Classics at the University of Colorado, Boulder. A specialist in the history of late antiquity, he is the author of numerous articles on military, political, cultural, and social history and the monograph Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century ad. Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S Edited by Noel Lenski University of Colorado Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao˜ Paulo Cambridge University Press 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521818384 c Cambridge University Press 2006 This publication is in copyright.
    [Show full text]
  • Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage
    Liberty Coin Service Collector’s Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage (49 BC - AD 518) The Twelve Caesars - The Julio-Claudians and the Flavians (49 BC - AD 96) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Julius Caesar (49-44 BC) Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) Tiberius (AD 14 - AD 37) Caligula (AD 37 - AD 41) Claudius (AD 41 - AD 54) Tiberius Nero (AD 54 - AD 68) Galba (AD 68 - AD 69) Otho (AD 69) Nero Vitellius (AD 69) Vespasian (AD 69 - AD 79) Otho Titus (AD 79 - AD 81) Domitian (AD 81 - AD 96) The Nerva-Antonine Dynasty (AD 96 - AD 192) Nerva (AD 96-AD 98) Trajan (AD 98-AD 117) Hadrian (AD 117 - AD 138) Antoninus Pius (AD 138 - AD 161) Marcus Aurelius (AD 161 - AD 180) Hadrian Lucius Verus (AD 161 - AD 169) Commodus (AD 177 - AD 192) Marcus Aurelius Years of Transition (AD 193 - AD 195) Pertinax (AD 193) Didius Julianus (AD 193) Pescennius Niger (AD 193) Clodius Albinus (AD 193- AD 195) The Severans (AD 193 - AD 235) Clodius Albinus Septimus Severus (AD 193 - AD 211) Caracalla (AD 198 - AD 217) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Geta (AD 209 - AD 212) Macrinus (AD 217 - AD 218) Diadumedian as Caesar (AD 217 - AD 218) Elagabalus (AD 218 - AD 222) Severus Alexander (AD 222 - AD 235) Severus The Military Emperors (AD 235 - AD 284) Alexander Maximinus (AD 235 - AD 238) Maximus Caesar (AD 235 - AD 238) Balbinus (AD 238) Maximinus Pupienus (AD 238) Gordian I (AD 238) Gordian II (AD 238) Gordian III (AD 238 - AD 244) Philip I (AD 244 - AD 249) Philip II (AD 247 - AD 249) Gordian III Trajan Decius (AD 249 - AD 251) Herennius Etruscus
    [Show full text]
  • University of Cincinnati
    UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI Date: 11-09-2006 I, Mark Andrew Atwood, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts in: The Department of Classics It is entitled: Trajan’s Column: The Construction of Trajan’s Sepulcher in Urbe This work and its defense approved by: Chair: Peter van Minnen William Johnson Trajan’s Column: The Construction of Trajan’s Sepulcher in Urbe A thesis submitted to the Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati In partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Classics of the College of Arts and Sciences 2006 By MARK ANDREW ATWOOD B.A., University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN 2004 Committee Chair: Dr. Peter van Minnen Abstract Eutropius (8.5.2) and Dio (69.2.3) record that after Trajan’s death in A.D. 117, his cremated remains were deposited in the pedestal of his column, a fact supported by archeological evidence. The Column of Trajan was located in urbe. Burial in urbe was prohibited except in certain circumstances. Therefore, scholars will not accept the notion that Trajan overtly built his column as his sepulcher. Contrary to this opinion, I argue that Trajan did in fact build his column to serve as his sepulcher. Chapter 1 examines the extensive scholarship on Trajan’s Column. Chapter 2 provides a critical discussion of the relevant Roman laws prohibiting urban burial. Chapter 3 discusses the ritual of burial in urbe as it relates to Trajan. Chapter 4 identifies the architectural precedent for Trajan’s Column and precedent for imperial burials in urbe.
    [Show full text]
  • Publius Septimius Severus, Roman Emperor
    PUBLIUS SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, ROMAN EMPEROR By Bill Markham Called the African Emperor, not because he was black. He was of Phoenician background (his father was Punic and his mother Roman/Italian). The Phoenicians colonized parts of North Africa and founded Carthage in about 800 BCE. Carthage and Rome fought the Punic wars of the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE, with Rome being the victor. Carthage was destroyed in 146 BCE. Born in Lepcis Magna, North Africa, 145AD The ruins of this city can still be seen. Severan Dynasty Began with Severus‟ accession to power and ended in 235 CE with the murder of Alexander Severus, his great-nephew. Both Alexander Severus and his mother, Julia Mamaea, were murdered. Early Career Made a senator by the Roman Emperor, Marcus Aurelius. Quaestor of Sardinia and then a Tribune. (Quaestor was any public official responsible for finance and administration in various areas of the government and the military. Tribune was an officer elected by the plebeians to protect their rights from arbitrary acts of the patrician magistrates.) Married Julia Domna (his second wife, a Syrian) – they had two sons, Caracalla and Geta. Appointed commander of the Legions in Pannonia by Commodus. Commodus, Emperor (177–192) He was the son of Marcus Aurelius, whose reign was mostly taken up in war with the Germans. Marcus Aurelius wrote his Meditations at this time. Was not such an able administrator as was his father. Spent a lot of his time fighting as a gladiator in the arena – he never lost. Lavished and spoilt the Praetorian Guard so as to remain in power.
    [Show full text]
  • THE SEVERAN DYNASTY Brian Campbell
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-30199-2 - The Cambridge Ancient History: Second Edition: Volume XII: The Crisis of Empire, A.D. 193–337 Edited by Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey and Averil Cameron Excerpt More information CHAPTER 1 THE SEVERAN DYNASTY brian campbell i. the background and accession of septimius severus After Commodus had been strangled on the evening of 31 December 192, the main instigators of the deed, Aemilius Laetus the praetorian prefect and Eclectus the chamberlain, immediately approached Pertinax. This was a wise choice. Pertinax held the eminent positions of consul II and prefect of the city, and a long career that had included the frequent command of soldiers and the governorship of four consular provinces had earned him a distinguished reputation. He sent a friend to check that Commodus was dead, and probably was genuinely unaware of any plan to kill the emperors.1 Despite some reservations among senators about Pertinax’sorigins as the son of an ex-slave, there was general approbation, especially since, in contrast to Commodus, Pertinax attempted to play down the autocratic and dynastic aspects of his position. Styling himself ‘princeps senatus’, he refused to name his wife Augusta or his son Caesar. In Pertinax’s view the purple was not his to bestow on others. He was affable and approachable; his integrity and benevolence in the conduct of his imperial duties contributed to an atmosphere free from terror, where freedom of speech could flourish. Informers were punished; the death penalty for treason was not invoked; public affairs were efficiently managed in the interests of the state.
    [Show full text]
  • ROMAN JURISTS and the CRISIS of the THIRD CENTURY A.D. in the ROMAN EMPIRE by LUKAS DE BLOIS
    ROMAN JURISTS AND THE CRISIS OF THE THIRD CENTURY A.D. IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE By LUKAS DE BLOIS In this paper I would like to discuss the following questions: did the crisis of the third century A.D. in the Roman Empire finish the strong position of jurists and juridically skilled bureaucrats at the Roman imperial court? Did this crisis usher in the end oftheir scholarly production? The period ofthe Severan dynasty, which preceded the Third Century crisis, has always been regarded as the great age of juridically trained administrators, when Rome's most noted jurists of all time, all of them equites. were appointed to important posts and dominated the imperial council. At least three of them, Papinian, Messius, and Ulpian, became praefecti praetorio'. Even though most of the praetorian prefects during the early third century were not lawyers, the influence of jurists was out of all proportion to their numbers and to the length of time during which they were praetorian prefects2• After about A.D. 240, however, original scholarly work of learned jurists almost vanished from the earth and military men took the lead in the imperial council and in other key positions. Why did this happen? Severan emperors regularly appointed two praetorian prefects, a military man next to a jurist or an administrator. This was just a matter of practical expediency, not a fixed system3• The jurists among the men they appointed belonged to a kind of learned group, within which the younger ones borrowed ideas from their predecessors and which produced books and treatises that have become classics' in Roman law.
    [Show full text]
  • Readings – Week 3
    Readings – Week 3 Anonymous, Epitome de caesaribus (Epitome of the Caesars), 16.1-20.10 [Epit. Caes. 16.1– 20.10] 16. Marcus Aurelius Antonius ruled eighteen years. 2. He showed himself to possess all virtues and a celestial character, and was thrust before public calamities like a defender. For indeed, if he had not been born to those times, surely, as if with one fall, all of the Roman state would have collapsed. 3. Since there was never rest from arms, and wars were raging through all Oriens, Il- lyricum, Italy, and Gallia, and there were earthquakes not without the destruction of cities, inun- dations of rivers, numerous plagues, species of locusts which infested fields, there is almost nothing by which mortals are accustomed to be vexed with the most serious difficulties that is able to be described which did not rage while he was ruling. 4. I believe that it has been be- stowed by divine providence that, when the law of the universe or nature produces or something else unknown to men, they are appeased by the counsels of honest men as by the remedies of medicine. 5. With a new kind of benevolence, he admitted his own relative, Lucius Annius Verus, to a share of power. This is the Verus who, while journeying between Altinum and Concordia, died, in the eleventh year of power, as a result of a surge of blood, a disorder which the Greeks call apoplexy. 6. He was a poet, mostly of tragedies, studious, of a rugged and lascivious character. 7. After Lucius’ demise, Marcus Antoninus controlled the state alone.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reforms of Trajan and the End of the Pre–Neronian Denarius
    AIIN, 61 (2015), pp. 21–42 THE REFORMS OF TRAJAN AND THE END OF THE PRE–NERONIAN DENARIUS Numismatists habitually attribute the creation of Roman imperial coinage to Augustus, and commonly refer to imperial currency as ‘Augustan’.1 Consequently any changes to the imperial coinage tend to be regarded as adulterations of this original ‘Augustan system’. The changes that took place under Nero, for example, are usually treated as the first signs of thoughtless manipulation of this system, and in addition these changes are understood as evidence of the empire’s financial weakness.2 The same is claimed of Trajan’s changes to the denarius and aureus.3 However, other interpretations of these changes are possible, and this paper attempts to set out evidence to support the argument that the Neronian and Trajanic reforms are linked, and that both were attempts to establish a stable currency. It is quite clear that Nero’s role in establishing a stable currency has been understated or completely misunderstood. Thanks to new compositional and metrological studies it is now possible to appreciate the importance of the Neronian reforms.4 It was the Neronian aureus and denarius standards, and not the Augustan, that persisted through the first and second centuries. As far as the precious metal issues are concerned, the Neronian coinage marked the beginning of a new era. Subsequent emperors continued to maintain these standards (with one 1 HARL 1996: 73–96. 2 CRAWFORD 1978: 151–2; WALKER 1978: 110–14; DUNCAN–JONES 1994: 221 n. 35. 3 BOLIN 1958: 201; WALKER 1978: 151–3.
    [Show full text]
  • The Images of Septimius Severus a Thesis Submitted in Partial Satisfa
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Methods of Remembrance: The Images of Septimius Severus A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by James Dean Inglis June 2011 Thesis Committee: Professor Michele R. Salzman, Chairperson Professor Steven Chrissanthos Professor Randolph Head Copyright by James Dean Inglis 2011 The Thesis of James Dean Inglis is approved ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgements The work I have produced in this thesis is the culmination of long hours spent in conversation with many of my colleagues at the University of California Riverside. I owe a special note to Kyle McStay and Colin Whiting, both of whom helped me grapple with the questions arising from my investigations. Their eagerness to support the pursuit of academic knowledge has propelled me to complete this work. Colin's efforts to read the many versions of my conclusion alone are worthy of great appreciation. My colleague from the English department, Claire Nava, may also not be forgotten. I am gratified by her help editing my syntax. I also owe a deep debt of gratitude to Professor Michele Salzman. Her efforts to read, edit, reread, and re-edit my Thesis have opened my eyes to the idiosyncrasies that appear repeatedly in my writing. I only hope that after all her laborious work I have been able to express my ideas with clarity. iv To my friends and loved ones:
    [Show full text]
  • A Rescript of Septimius Severus and Caracalla to the Coloni of the Imperial Estate at Tymion
    TOR HAUKEN – CUMHUR TANRIVER – KAZIM AKBIYIKOĞLU A NEW INSCRIPTION FROM PHRYGIA A Rescript of Septimius Severus and Caracalla to the coloni of the Imperial Estate at Tymion aus: Epigraphica Anatolica 36 (2003) 33–44 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn A NEW INSCRIPTION FROM PHRYGIA A Rescript of Septimius Severus and Caracalla to the coloni of the Imperial Estate at Tymion The inscription was discovered close to the village Susuzören (also known as Susuzköy) which is located southeast of Usak, west of Sivaslı (Sebaste) and north of Sülümenli (Blaundos). The inscription is identical with the inscription which William Tabbernee refers to in his article “Portals of the Montanist New Jerusalem: The Discovery of Pepouza and Tymion”, Journal of Early Christian Studies 11:1, 2003, 87–94, esp. pp. 87–89. Tabbernee’s article includes a map of the area. According to Tabbernee’s report the stone had been unearthed in 1975 in a field some 2.2 km southeast of Susuzören at a small place known as Saraycık. The farmer had reused the slab as a step at the entrance to his house. Later in 1998 the stone was brought to the Usak Archaeological Museum where it is now part of its valuable epigraphic collection. On the basis of the ethnic Tymiorum in l. 10 Tabbernee identified Tymion, one of the two Montanist centres of Phrygia (Pepouza being the other). The inscrip- tion has thus contributed to solving the widely debated question of where these centres were to be located. This article will not address the question of Montanism apart from pointing to the fact that on the basis of the evidence of the inscription imperial coloni must have made up a significant proportion of the followers of the Montanist creed.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Methods of Remembrance: The Images of Septimius Severus Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7zp4t1kt Author Inglis, James Dean Publication Date 2011 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Methods of Remembrance: The Images of Septimius Severus A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by James Dean Inglis June 2011 Thesis Committee: Professor Michele R. Salzman, Chairperson Professor Steven Chrissanthos Professor Randolph Head Copyright by James Dean Inglis 2011 The Thesis of James Dean Inglis is approved ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgements The work I have produced in this thesis is the culmination of long hours spent in conversation with many of my colleagues at the University of California Riverside. I owe a special note to Kyle McStay and Colin Whiting, both of whom helped me grapple with the questions arising from my investigations. Their eagerness to support the pursuit of academic knowledge has propelled me to complete this work. Colin's efforts to read the many versions of my conclusion alone are worthy of great appreciation. My colleague from the English department, Claire Nava, may also not be forgotten. I am gratified by her help editing my syntax. I also owe a deep debt of gratitude to Professor Michele Salzman. Her efforts to read, edit, reread, and re-edit my Thesis have opened my eyes to the idiosyncrasies that appear repeatedly in my writing.
    [Show full text]
  • Roman Emperor
    ARTICLE https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-019-0366-y OPEN Statistical reliability analysis for a most dangerous occupation: Roman emperor Joseph Homer Saleh1* ABSTRACT Popular culture associates the lives of Roman emperors with luxury, cruelty, and debauchery, sometimes rightfully so. One missing attribute in this list is, surprisingly, that this mighty office was most dangerous for its holder. Of the 69 rulers of the unified Roman d d 1234567890():,; Empire, from Augustus ( . 14 CE) to Theodosius ( . 395 CE), 62% suffered violent death. This has been known for a while, if not quantitatively at least qualitatively. What is not known, however, and has never been examined is the time-to-violent-death of Roman emperors. This work adopts the statistical tools of survival data analysis to an unlikely population, Roman emperors, and it examines a particular event in their rule, not unlike the focus of reliability engineering, but instead of their time-to-failure, their time-to-violent-death. We investigate the temporal signature of this seemingly haphazardous stochastic process that is the violent death of a Roman emperor, and we examine whether there is some structure underlying the randomness in this process or not. Nonparametric and parametric results show that: (i) emperors faced a significantly high risk of violent death in the first year of their rule, which is reminiscent of infant mortality in reliability engineering; (ii) their risk of violent death further increased after 12 years, which is reminiscent of wear-out period in reliability engineering; (iii) their failure rate displayed a bathtub-like curve, similar to that of a host of mechanical engineering items and electronic components.
    [Show full text]