Readings – Week 3
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Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Rachel Meyers Iowa State University, [email protected]
World Languages and Cultures Publications World Languages and Cultures 2017 A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Rachel Meyers Iowa State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/language_pubs Part of the European Languages and Societies Commons, Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, and the History of Gender Commons The ompc lete bibliographic information for this item can be found at http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ language_pubs/130. For information on how to cite this item, please visit http://lib.dr.iastate.edu/ howtocite.html. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the World Languages and Cultures at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in World Languages and Cultures Publications by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A New Examination of the Arch of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea Abstract The ra ch dedicated to Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus at Oea was an important component in that town’s building activity. By situating the arch within its socio-historical context and acknowledging the political identity of Oea and nearby towns, this article shows that the arch at Oea far surpassed nearby contemporary arches in style, material, and execution. Further, this article demonstrates that the arch was a key element in Oea’s Roman identity. Finally, the article bridges disciplinary boundaries by bringing together art historical analysis with the concepts of euergetism, Roman civic status, and inter-city rivalry in the Roman Empire. -
Balance and Decline of Trade in Early Andhra: (With Special Reference to Roman Contacts)
International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, Volume 4, Issue 1, January 2014 1 ISSN 2250-3153 Balance and Decline of Trade in Early Andhra: (With special reference to Roman contacts) Dr. G. Mannepalli * Faculty Member,Dept. of History & Archaeology, Acharya Nagarjuna University, Guntur, Andhra Pradesh Abstract- The history of early Indian trade also shows a distinct A few words may be said here with regarded to the influence preference for the study of long-distance trade-both over land of the ocean upon the life of the Andhra people close association and overseas –the study of exports and imports, especially their with the sea made the inhabitants of the coastal regions fearless possible identifications on a modern map. The other common and adventurous sailors. The idea conquering the sea always feature in this historiography is to present urban centers almost haunted them and the result was the discovery of a number of invariably as thriving commercial canters and to hold places hitherto unknown to them. Going there both as colonists commercial exchanges as the principal causative factor towards and traders they also widened the geographical horizon of Indian urbanization. Without belittling the importance of this civilization. Levi (pre -Aryan and pre- Dravidian) has pointed out conventional narrative approach to the history of trade; it must be that the sea-routes to the East from the ports of South India had emphasized that an understanding of trade and urban centers can come in to common use many centuries before the Christian era. hardly be delinked from the agrarian sector. Significantly Trade relations with the West also opened well before said era. -
Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire
26 Potter Chapter 2 Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire David Potter By the age of Cicero – the point at which they began to recognize the fact that they controlled a territorial empire and could raise revenue from it – the Ro- mans were accustomed to measure their power with criteria taken over whole- sale from Greek theory. In the De Legibus, Cicero says simply that senators ought to know the state of the army, the treasury, the allies, friends and tribu- taries of Rome and the nature of the attachment of each to Rome. For Cicero this is what it was to “know the State.”1 In these terms power is a function of income and manpower. Such a measurement, which, as we shall see, would have a long history going forward, was even then being amply employed by Gaius Caesar in his Gallic Wars, and had a long prior history in Greek thought. Caesar famously illustrated the power of the various Gallic and German tribes he subdued or encountered by telling his readers how many of them there were or had been. Good of the Helvetians to have produced a census docu- ment (in Greek no less) attesting to the fact that there were 368,000 of them at the beginning of their migration. There were now a mere 110,000 going home. The Suebi, the most powerful of the Germans were said (a nice concession on Caesar’s part) to have controlled one hundred districts which each furnished 1000 men to fight each year – since the same warriors only fought every other year, this meant that there were at least 200,000 of them, and there were nearly 250,000 Gauls who came to the relief of Vercingetorix (including men from tribes such as the Nervii that Caesar claimed to have annihilated in recent years).2 A conception of state power as a function of demography and money would have been familiar to any Roman aristocrat who knew (as any Roman aristo- crat would have) the works of fifth-century Greek historians. -
Homework: Pax Romana
Homework: Pax Romana How did Roman government change over time? © Success Academy Charter Schools 2019 Pax Romana The following text was originally published by the History Channel and adapted by Newsela. Statue of Augustus Caesar in front of the bell tower of the Basilica of St. Apollinaris in Classe, in Ravenna, Italy Age of the Emperors After 450 years as a republic, Rome became an empire in the first century B.C.E. following the assassination of Julius Caesar. The long and triumphant reign of its first emperor, Augustus, began a golden age of peace and prosperity for nearly 200 years, known as the Pax Romana. He introduced various social reforms, won many military victories, and allowed Roman literature, art, architecture, and religion to flourish. Despite Augustus’s many reforms and strong leadership, the beginning of an empire meant that rule by the people was over. Under the authority of the emperor, the assemblies almost disappeared, and the Senate became less powerful. The Senate supported only the wishes of the emperor. Augustus held full authority, awarded by the Senate, and was given the ability to not only introduce legislation and veto laws but also to command the army. When he died, the Senate elevated him to the status of a god. Unlike in a republic or a democracy, each new emperor was chosen by heredity [ the passing down of a title through family ties ]. Therefore, for many years, future emperors were Augustus’s descendants, which included some less popular emperors. Nero was the last of Augustus’s descendants to rule Rome. -
The Cambridge Companion to Age of Constantine.Pdf
The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine offers students a com- prehensive one-volume introduction to this pivotal emperor and his times. Richly illustrated and designed as a readable survey accessible to all audiences, it also achieves a level of scholarly sophistication and a freshness of interpretation that will be welcomed by the experts. The volume is divided into five sections that examine political history, reli- gion, social and economic history, art, and foreign relations during the reign of Constantine, a ruler who gains in importance because he steered the Roman Empire on a course parallel with his own personal develop- ment. Each chapter examines the intimate interplay between emperor and empire and between a powerful personality and his world. Collec- tively, the chapters show how both were mutually affected in ways that shaped the world of late antiquity and even affect our own world today. Noel Lenski is Associate Professor of Classics at the University of Colorado, Boulder. A specialist in the history of late antiquity, he is the author of numerous articles on military, political, cultural, and social history and the monograph Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century ad. Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 The Cambridge Companion to THE AGE OF CONSTANTINE S Edited by Noel Lenski University of Colorado Cambridge Collections Online © Cambridge University Press, 2007 cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao˜ Paulo Cambridge University Press 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521818384 c Cambridge University Press 2006 This publication is in copyright. -
Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage
Liberty Coin Service Collector’s Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage (49 BC - AD 518) The Twelve Caesars - The Julio-Claudians and the Flavians (49 BC - AD 96) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Julius Caesar (49-44 BC) Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) Tiberius (AD 14 - AD 37) Caligula (AD 37 - AD 41) Claudius (AD 41 - AD 54) Tiberius Nero (AD 54 - AD 68) Galba (AD 68 - AD 69) Otho (AD 69) Nero Vitellius (AD 69) Vespasian (AD 69 - AD 79) Otho Titus (AD 79 - AD 81) Domitian (AD 81 - AD 96) The Nerva-Antonine Dynasty (AD 96 - AD 192) Nerva (AD 96-AD 98) Trajan (AD 98-AD 117) Hadrian (AD 117 - AD 138) Antoninus Pius (AD 138 - AD 161) Marcus Aurelius (AD 161 - AD 180) Hadrian Lucius Verus (AD 161 - AD 169) Commodus (AD 177 - AD 192) Marcus Aurelius Years of Transition (AD 193 - AD 195) Pertinax (AD 193) Didius Julianus (AD 193) Pescennius Niger (AD 193) Clodius Albinus (AD 193- AD 195) The Severans (AD 193 - AD 235) Clodius Albinus Septimus Severus (AD 193 - AD 211) Caracalla (AD 198 - AD 217) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Geta (AD 209 - AD 212) Macrinus (AD 217 - AD 218) Diadumedian as Caesar (AD 217 - AD 218) Elagabalus (AD 218 - AD 222) Severus Alexander (AD 222 - AD 235) Severus The Military Emperors (AD 235 - AD 284) Alexander Maximinus (AD 235 - AD 238) Maximus Caesar (AD 235 - AD 238) Balbinus (AD 238) Maximinus Pupienus (AD 238) Gordian I (AD 238) Gordian II (AD 238) Gordian III (AD 238 - AD 244) Philip I (AD 244 - AD 249) Philip II (AD 247 - AD 249) Gordian III Trajan Decius (AD 249 - AD 251) Herennius Etruscus -
Law and Empire in Late Antiquity
job:LAY00 17-10-1998 page:3 colour:0 Law and Empire in Late Antiquity Jill Harries job:LAY00 17-10-1998 page:4 colour:0 published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge cb2 1rp, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru, UK http://www.cup.cam.ac.uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, USA http://www.cup.org © Jill D. Harries 1999 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1999 Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Typeset in Plantin 10/12pt [vn] A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress cataloguing in publication data Harries, Jill. Law and empire in late antiquity / Jill Harries. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0 521 41087 8 (hardback) 1. Justice, Administration of – Rome. 2. Public law (Roman law) i. Title. KJA2700.H37 1998 347.45'632 –dc21 97-47492 CIP ISBN 0 521 41087 8 hardback job:LAY00 17-10-1998 page:5 colour:0 Contents Preface page vii Introduction 1 1 The law of Late Antiquity 6 Confusion and ambiguities? The legal heritage 8 Hadrian and the jurists 14 Constitutions: the emperor and the law 19 Rescripts as law 26 Custom and desuetude 31 2 Making the law 36 In consistory -
University of Cincinnati
UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI Date: 11-09-2006 I, Mark Andrew Atwood, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts in: The Department of Classics It is entitled: Trajan’s Column: The Construction of Trajan’s Sepulcher in Urbe This work and its defense approved by: Chair: Peter van Minnen William Johnson Trajan’s Column: The Construction of Trajan’s Sepulcher in Urbe A thesis submitted to the Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati In partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Classics of the College of Arts and Sciences 2006 By MARK ANDREW ATWOOD B.A., University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN 2004 Committee Chair: Dr. Peter van Minnen Abstract Eutropius (8.5.2) and Dio (69.2.3) record that after Trajan’s death in A.D. 117, his cremated remains were deposited in the pedestal of his column, a fact supported by archeological evidence. The Column of Trajan was located in urbe. Burial in urbe was prohibited except in certain circumstances. Therefore, scholars will not accept the notion that Trajan overtly built his column as his sepulcher. Contrary to this opinion, I argue that Trajan did in fact build his column to serve as his sepulcher. Chapter 1 examines the extensive scholarship on Trajan’s Column. Chapter 2 provides a critical discussion of the relevant Roman laws prohibiting urban burial. Chapter 3 discusses the ritual of burial in urbe as it relates to Trajan. Chapter 4 identifies the architectural precedent for Trajan’s Column and precedent for imperial burials in urbe. -
Anglo-Saxon Constitutional History
Outline 9/15/2020 ROMAN LAW PROCEDURE OUTLINE (cont’d); SOURCES OF LAW OUTLINE I. Procedure: The Formula as a Device for Expanding the Law 1. The basic idea of a formula, using the formula for the actio certae creditae pecuniae, the action for a money debt of a fixed amount: “Let Octavius be judge (Octavius iudex esto).” This clause is called the ‘nomination’ (nominatio). “If it appears that N.N. [the Roman equivalent of our ‘D(efendant)’] ought to give 10,000 sesterces [a Roman coin and unit of account, close to $10,000 worth of silver in modern values] to A.A. [the Roman equivalent of our ‘P(laintiff)’] (Si paret Numerium Negidium [NmNm] Aulo Agerio [A°A°] HS X milia dare opportere).” This clause is called the ‘claim’ (intentio). “Let the judge condemn N.N. [to pay] A.A. 10,000 sesterces; if it does not appear let him absolve (Iudex NmNm A°A° HS X milia condemnato; si non paret absolvito).” This clause is called the ‘condemnation’ (condemnatio). The possible formulae were not without limit. They had to be contained in the edict of the praetor, which he announced when he took office. Each praetor’s edict tended to follow that of previous praetors, and the edict developed over time. Its contents were finally fixed in the reign of Hadrian, probably in 131 AD, when it became known as the ‘perpetual edict’. 2. The formula as a mechanism for legal development. Expanding by pleading, once more the actio certae creditae pecuniae: “Let Octavius be judge (Octavius iudex esto) [Nomination (nominatio)]. -
Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 79 (1989) 181–187 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt Gmbh, Bonn
RONALD SYME A LOST LEGATE OF AQUITANIA aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 79 (1989) 181–187 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 181 A LOST LEGATE OF AQUITANIA. I. Revision of a familiar text often has wide repercus- sions. By paradox it may even cause a fact to be extruded and passed over by scholars in the sequel. Such has been the fate in the recent time of Salvius Valens, a governor of Aquitania who in the Digest receives a rescript from Antoninus Pius (48.7.2.2) and who stood as PIR1 S 116. His name occurred as the second (following Vindius Ve- rus) in the list of jurists favoured by Pius, according to the text in the Historia Augusta (12.1). For centuries it abode without question until 1870, when Mommsen saw that something was out of order: the great Julian omitted, P. Salvius lulianus (cos. 148).1) Error was patent, and so was the remedy. Author or copyist had amalgamated two ju-rists, Salvius Julianus and Aburnius Valens. The latter, registered by the Digest as successor to Javolenus Priscus in leadership of the Sabinian School, benefits from epigraphic testimony to nomenclature and early career, being L. Fulvius C.f. Pup. Aburnius Valens, quaestor to Hadrian about the year 125.2) * * * II. Forfeiting a place among the counsellors of an empe- ror, Salvius Valens the legate of Aquitania has suffered occlusion. He could not secure admission to two recent ca- __________ 1) Duly cited by Dessau in PIR1 S 116. 2) On Aburnius (registered as PIR2 F 526), who has failed to attract much attention, see 'The Jurists Approved by Antoninus Pius', forthcoming. -
THE SEVERAN DYNASTY Brian Campbell
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-30199-2 - The Cambridge Ancient History: Second Edition: Volume XII: The Crisis of Empire, A.D. 193–337 Edited by Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey and Averil Cameron Excerpt More information CHAPTER 1 THE SEVERAN DYNASTY brian campbell i. the background and accession of septimius severus After Commodus had been strangled on the evening of 31 December 192, the main instigators of the deed, Aemilius Laetus the praetorian prefect and Eclectus the chamberlain, immediately approached Pertinax. This was a wise choice. Pertinax held the eminent positions of consul II and prefect of the city, and a long career that had included the frequent command of soldiers and the governorship of four consular provinces had earned him a distinguished reputation. He sent a friend to check that Commodus was dead, and probably was genuinely unaware of any plan to kill the emperors.1 Despite some reservations among senators about Pertinax’sorigins as the son of an ex-slave, there was general approbation, especially since, in contrast to Commodus, Pertinax attempted to play down the autocratic and dynastic aspects of his position. Styling himself ‘princeps senatus’, he refused to name his wife Augusta or his son Caesar. In Pertinax’s view the purple was not his to bestow on others. He was affable and approachable; his integrity and benevolence in the conduct of his imperial duties contributed to an atmosphere free from terror, where freedom of speech could flourish. Informers were punished; the death penalty for treason was not invoked; public affairs were efficiently managed in the interests of the state.