AUGUSTUS Augustus Was the First Emperor of Rome
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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Emperor Hirohito (1)” of the Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 27, folder “State Visits - Emperor Hirohito (1)” of the Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Ron Nessen donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 27 of The Ron Nessen Papers at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN ~ . .,1. THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN A Profile On the Occasion of The Visit by The Emperor and Empress to the United States September 30th to October 13th, 1975 by Edwin 0. Reischauer The Emperor and Empress of japan on a quiet stroll in the gardens of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo. Few events in the long history of international relations carry the significance of the first visit to the United States of the Em peror and Empress of Japan. Only once before has the reigning Emperor of Japan ventured forth from his beautiful island realm to travel abroad. On that occasion, his visit to a number of Euro pean countries resulted in an immediate strengthening of the bonds linking Japan and Europe. -
VESPASIAN. AD 68, Though Not a Particularly Constructive Year For
138 VESPASIAN. AD 68, though not a particularly constructive year for Nero, was to prove fertile ground for senators lion the make". Not that they were to have the time to build anything much other than to carve out a niche for themselves in the annals of history. It was not until the dust finally settled, leaving Vespasian as the last contender standing, that any major building projects were to be initiated under Imperial auspices. However, that does not mean that there is nothing in this period that is of interest to this study. Though Galba, Otho and Vitellius may have had little opportunity to indulge in any significant building activity, and probably given the length and nature of their reigns even less opportunity to consider the possibility of building for their future glory, they did however at the very least use the existing imperial buildings to their own ends, in their own ways continuing what were by now the deeply rooted traditions of the principate. Galba installed himself in what Suetonius terms the palatium (Suet. Galba. 18), which may not necessarily have been the Golden House of Nero, but was part at least of the by now agglomerated sprawl of Imperial residences in Rome that stretched from the summit of the Palatine hill across the valley where now stands the Colosseum to the slopes of the Oppian, and included the Golden House. Vitellius too is said to have used the palatium as his base in Rome (Suet. Vito 16), 139 and is shown by Suetonius to have actively allied himself with Nero's obviously still popular memory (Suet. -
Rebellious Legions and Senatorial Delegations: Tacitus’ Histories 1.19 and 1.74
Rebellious Legions and Senatorial Delegations: Tacitus’ Histories 1.19 and 1.74 Reports of the revolt of the Fourth and Twenty-Second Legions in Upper Germany during the first days of 69 prompted the Roman Senate to vote to send out a delegation. Tacitus discusses the make-up of this delegation in Histories 1.19.2. Members of the senate obviously were to participate, but there was also discussion secreto (Heubner 57; Sage ANRW II.33.2 899) as to whether Piso, newly adopted by Galba, should go “in order to add the prestige of a Caesar to the senate’s authority” (illi auctoritatem senatus, hic dignationem Caesaris laturus). The senate further resolved (placebat) to send Laco, the praetorian prefect, with the legati. Laco, however, refused (is consilio intercessit). At the end of Tacitus’ account we learn that the senate left the selection of the actual members of the delegation to Galba. The emperor consequently exposed the political nature of the delegation and the power struggles among the Romans by incompetently naming and then revising his list of envoys as they either begged to go or to stay in Rome, ut quemque metus uel spes impulerat. Otho recalled this delegation (1.74.2) after Galba’s murder and his own accession to power, only to send out another specie senatus (cf. Talbert 1984, 410), after adding praetorian guards per simulationem officii. In addition to being sent to the two legions in Upper Germany, Otho sent the delegation to the Italic Legion and an urban cohort stationed in Lugdunum. According to Tacitus, the praetorians were sent back without being granted the opportunity to “mix” (Damon 164) with the legions, although the senatorial envoys got to Vitellius and stayed with him longer than was justifiable (Chilver 137). -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
Who Was St. Helen, and Why Is There a Well Bearing Her Name in Farnhill ?
The Farnhill “Shelley Well” – the origin of this odd name Time and again have I pondered and sifted my thought in the prison of the night. From “Elene” by Cynewulf What is the Shelley Well ? For those of you that don’t know, “Shelley Well” is the local name for the stone trough, fed by a spring, and located on the road-side in front of Spout House, in High Farnhill. Fig 1: The curiously-named Shelley Well It’s an odd name, and some people in the village will tell you that it is properly called St. Helen’s Well. Of course this immediately poses two questions: who was St. Helen, and why is there a well bearing her name in Farnhill ? This article aims to offer some possible answers. Who was St. Helen ? It’s not an easy question to answer, because: There’s an historical St. Helen, the mother of the Roman emperor Constantine the Great. There’s also a mythologized St. Helen, where the basic facts associated with the historical Helen have been re-imagined, to provide a British origin. And, most confusingly, there’s a mythological Helen, whose mythology has subsequently been used to create an almost certainly imaginary early Welsh saint. The historical St. Helen, the mother of Constantine the Great Helen, or more correctly Helena, was born around 250AD, probably in Asia Minor, and was the daughter of an inn-keeper1. Around 270AD she married Constantius Chlorus, a Roman general. They had a one son, Constantine, who was born in 272 (or perhaps 274), but were divorced in 289 when Constantius made a politically advantageous marriage to the daughter of the emperor of the western half of the Roman empire, Maximian. -
Great Cloud of Witnesses.Indd
A Great Cloud of Witnesses i ii A Great Cloud of Witnesses A Calendar of Commemorations iii Copyright © 2016 by The Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of The Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America Portions of this book may be reproduced by a congregation for its own use. Commercial or large-scale reproduction for sale of any portion of this book or of the book as a whole, without the written permission of Church Publishing Incorporated, is prohibited. Cover design and typesetting by Linda Brooks ISBN-13: 978-0-89869-962-3 (binder) ISBN-13: 978-0-89869-966-1 (pbk.) ISBN-13: 978-0-89869-963-0 (ebook) Church Publishing, Incorporated. 19 East 34th Street New York, New York 10016 www.churchpublishing.org iv Contents Introduction vii On Commemorations and the Book of Common Prayer viii On the Making of Saints x How to Use These Materials xiii Commemorations Calendar of Commemorations Commemorations Appendix a1 Commons of Saints and Propers for Various Occasions a5 Commons of Saints a7 Various Occasions from the Book of Common Prayer a37 New Propers for Various Occasions a63 Guidelines for Continuing Alteration of the Calendar a71 Criteria for Additions to A Great Cloud of Witnesses a73 Procedures for Local Calendars and Memorials a75 Procedures for Churchwide Recognition a76 Procedures to Remove Commemorations a77 v vi Introduction This volume, A Great Cloud of Witnesses, is a further step in the development of liturgical commemorations within the life of The Episcopal Church. These developments fall under three categories. First, this volume presents a wide array of possible commemorations for individuals and congregations to observe. -
From Charlemagne to Hitler: the Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and Its Symbolism
From Charlemagne to Hitler: The Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and its Symbolism Dagmar Paulus (University College London) [email protected] 2 The fabled Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire is a striking visual image of political power whose symbolism influenced political discourse in the German-speaking lands over centuries. Together with other artefacts such as the Holy Lance or the Imperial Orb and Sword, the crown was part of the so-called Imperial Regalia, a collection of sacred objects that connotated royal authority and which were used at the coronations of kings and emperors during the Middle Ages and beyond. But even after the end of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, the crown remained a powerful political symbol. In Germany, it was seen as the very embodiment of the Reichsidee, the concept or notion of the German Empire, which shaped the political landscape of Germany right up to National Socialism. In this paper, I will first present the crown itself as well as the political and religious connotations it carries. I will then move on to demonstrate how its symbolism was appropriated during the Second German Empire from 1871 onwards, and later by the Nazis in the so-called Third Reich, in order to legitimise political authority. I The crown, as part of the Regalia, had a symbolic and representational function that can be difficult for us to imagine today. On the one hand, it stood of course for royal authority. During coronations, the Regalia marked and established the transfer of authority from one ruler to his successor, ensuring continuity amidst the change that took place. -
Tetrarch Pdf, Epub, Ebook
TETRARCH PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Ian Irvine | 704 pages | 05 Feb 2004 | Little, Brown Book Group | 9781841491998 | English | London, United Kingdom Tetrarch PDF Book Chapter Master Aetheon of the 19th Chapter of the Ultramarines Legion was rumoured to be Guilliman's choice to take up the role of the newest Prince of Ultramar. Eleventh Captain of the Ultramarines Chapter. After linking up with the 8th Parachute Battalion in Bois de Bavent, they proceeded to assist with the British advance on Normandy, providing reconnaissance for the troops. Maxentius rival Caesar , 28 October ; Augustus , c. Year of the 6 Emperors Gordian dynasty — Illyrian emperors — Gallic emperors — Britannic emperors — Cookie Policy. Keep scrolling for more. Luke Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Cesar, Pontius Pilate being governor of Judea, and Herod being tetrarch of Galilee, and his brother In the summer of , Tetrarch got their first taste at extensive touring by doing a day east coast tour in support of the EP. D, Projector and Managing Editor. See idem. Galerius and Maxentius as Augusti of East and West. The four tetrarchs based themselves not at Rome but in other cities closer to the frontiers, mainly intended as headquarters for the defence of the empire against bordering rivals notably Sassanian Persia and barbarians mainly Germanic, and an unending sequence of nomadic or displaced tribes from the eastern steppes at the Rhine and Danube. This category only includes cookies that ensures basic functionalities and security features of the website. Primarch of the Ultramarines Legion. The armor thickness was increased to a maximum of 16mm using riveted plating, and the Henry Meadows Ltd. -
Fertile in Tyrants Call for Papers
‘A Province Fertile in Tyrants’ Representations of Roman Emperors and Usurpers on the Island of Britain from the Second Century AD Onwards Call for Papers Statue of Constantine the Great near York Minster (work of Philip Jackson, 1998) In around 415 AD, Saint Jerome, from his retreat in Jerusalem, described the Isle of Britain, at the other end of the Roman world, as a ‘province fertile in tyrants’: ‘Britannia fertilis provincia tyrannorum’ (Jerome, Ep. 133). A century later, the monk Gildas repeated this phrase, ascribing it mistakenly to Porphyry, in his admonitory De Excidio Britanniae (§4.4.). Indeed, from the end of the second century AD onwards, numerous usurpations originated among the legions stationed on the Island. We can cite Clodius Albinus (193-197), Carausius (286-293), his assassin and successor Allectus (293-296), Magnus Maximus (383-388) and finally, in rapid succession, Marcus (406-407), Gratian (407) and Constantine III (407-411). On a completely different level, but remarkably similar in the way he was perceived by posterity, Constantine I (306-337), son of Constantius Chlorus, was proclaimed emperor at York in 306 and launched his imperial bid for power in Britain; the usurpers at the end of the fourth, beginning of the fifth century were keen to drape themselves in his mantle. The history and posterity of those emperors and usurpers will be the object of a one day (or more, if response to this call for papers warrants it) symposium, to be held in Boulogne-sur-Mer on Friday, February 9th 2018 (and the following day if necessary). -
Vespasian's Apotheosis
VESPASIAN’S APOTHEOSIS Andrew B. Gallia* In the study of the divinization of Roman emperors, a great deal depends upon the sequence of events. According to the model of consecratio proposed by Bickermann, apotheosis was supposed to be accomplished during the deceased emperor’s public funeral, after which the senate acknowledged what had transpired by decreeing appropriate honours for the new divus.1 Contradictory evidence has turned up in the Fasti Ostienses, however, which seem to indicate that both Marciana and Faustina were declared divae before their funerals took place.2 This suggests a shift * Published in The Classical Quarterly 69.1 (2019). 1 E. Bickermann, ‘Die römische Kaiserapotheosie’, in A. Wlosok (ed.), Römischer Kaiserkult (Darmstadt, 1978), 82-121, at 100-106 (= Archiv für ReligionswissenschaftW 27 [1929], 1-31, at 15-19); id., ‘Consecratio’, in W. den Boer (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain. Entretiens Hardt 19 (Geneva, 1973), 1-37, at 13-25. 2 L. Vidman, Fasti Ostienses (Prague, 19822), 48 J 39-43: IIII k. Septembr. | [Marciana Aug]usta excessit divaq(ue) cognominata. | [Eodem die Mati]dia Augusta cognominata. III | [non. Sept. Marc]iana Augusta funere censorio | [elata est.], 49 O 11-14: X[— k. Nov. Fausti]na Aug[usta excessit eodemq(ue) die a] | senatu diva app[ellata et s(enatus) c(onsultum) fact]um fun[ere censorio eam efferendam.] | Ludi et circenses [delati sunt. — i]dus N[ov. Faustina Augusta funere] | censorio elata e[st]. Against this interpretation of the Marciana fragment (as published by A. Degrassi, Inscr. It. 13.1 [1947], 201) see E. -
THE PRINCIPATE – LIFEBELT, OR MILLSTONE AROUND the NECK of the EMPIRE? John Drinkwater* the Augustan Principate Was the Produc
THE PRINCIPATE – LIFEBELT, OR MILLSTONE AROUND THE NECK OF THE EMPIRE? John Drinkwater* The Augustan Principate was the product of crisis – a response to the challenges that precipitated the fall of the Republic. The Principate worked because it met the political needs of its day. There is no doubt that it saved the Roman state and the Roman Empire: it was a lifebelt. But it was not perfect. In its turn it precipitated more challenges that had to be responded to – more crises – in particular that known as the ‘third century Crisis’. In the long run it was a problem as much as a solution: a millstone as much as a lifebelt. In the end, it had to go. I will brie y deal with the Principate as a problem, and then suggest a new way of discerning the strains that brought about its demise. The Principate was created by Augustus and continued by the Julio- Claudians. However, there is a case for arguing that the Principate had still to establish itself as ‘the of\ ce of emperor’ as late as the death of Nero. The continuing challenges and responses that created and developed the Principate sometimes also broke it open to show its workings, and what contemporaries made of it. Thus Plutarch reports that in A.D. 68, Galba, on his way from Spain to take up power in Rome, entertained a group of senators in southern Gaul. Though he could have used the imperial furniture and servants sent to him by the Praetorian Prefect, Nymphidius Sabinus, initially he chose not to, which was remarked upon favourably by his guests.1 Galba’s modesty is explicable in various ways but, following Wiedemann’s appreciation of Galba’s family pride, I believe that he rejected this ‘family silver’ basically because it was the silver of an alien family.2 Galba, born in 3 B.C., had lived under all the Julio-Claudian rulers.