Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) - the Lives of the Twelve Caesars, Volume 3
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Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: the Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Classics Honors Projects Classics Department Spring 5-2-2014 Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome Joseph V. Frankl Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors Part of the Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons, and the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Frankl, Joseph V., "Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The eV spasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome" (2014). Classics Honors Projects. Paper 19. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/classics_honors/19 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classics Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Negotiating Julio-Claudian Memory: The Vespasianic Building Program and the Representation of Imperial Power in Ancient Rome By Joseph Frankl Advised by Professor Beth Severy-Hoven Macalester College Classics Department Submitted May 2, 2014 INTRODUCTION In 68 C.E., the Roman Emperor Nero died, marking the end of the Julio-Claudian imperial dynasty established by Augustus in 27 B.C.E (Suetonius, Nero 57.1). A year-long civil war ensued, concluding with the general Titus Flavius Vespasianus seizing power. Upon his succession, Vespasian faced several challenges to his legitimacy as emperor. Most importantly, Vespasian was not a member of the Julio-Claudian family, nor any noble Roman gens (Suetonius, Vespasian 1.1). -
Cato, Roman Stoicism, and the American 'Revolution'
Cato, Roman Stoicism, and the American ‘Revolution’ Katherine Harper A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Arts Faculty, University of Sydney. March 27, 2014 For My Parents, To Whom I Owe Everything Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................... i Abstract.......................................................................................................................... iv Introduction ................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter One - ‘Classical Conditioning’: The Classical Tradition in Colonial America ..................... 23 The Usefulness of Knowledge ................................................................................... 24 Grammar Schools and Colleges ................................................................................ 26 General Populace ...................................................................................................... 38 Conclusions ............................................................................................................... 45 Chapter Two - Cato in the Colonies: Joseph Addison’s Cato: A Tragedy .......................................... 47 Joseph Addison’s Cato: A Tragedy .......................................................................... 49 The Universal Appeal of Virtue ........................................................................... -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
Brutus, Cassius, Judas, and Cremutius Cordus: How
BRUTUS, CASSIUS, JUDAS, AND CREMUTIUS CORDUS: HOW SHIFTING PRECEDENTS ALLOWED THE LEX MAIESTATIS TO GROUP WRITERS WITH TRAITORS by Hunter Myers A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford, Mississippi May 2018 Approved by ______________________________ Advisor: Professor Molly Pasco-Pranger ______________________________ Reader: Professor John Lobur ______________________________ Reader: Professor Steven Skultety © 2018 Hunter Ross Myers ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Dr. Pasco-Pranger, For your wise advice and helpful guidance through the thesis process Dr. Lobur & Dr. Skultety, For your time reading my work My parents, Robin Myers and Tracy Myers For your calm nature and encouragement Sally-McDonnell Barksdale Honors College For an incredible undergraduate academic experience iii ABSTRACT In either 103 or 100 B.C., a concept known as Maiestas minuta populi Romani (diminution of the majesty of the Roman people) is invented by Saturninus to accompany charges of perduellio (treason). Just over a century later, this same law is used by Tiberius to criminalize behavior and speech that he found disrespectful. This thesis offers an answer to the question as to how the maiestas law evolved during the late republic and early empire to present the threat that it did to Tiberius’ political enemies. First, the application of Roman precedent in regards to judicial decisions will be examined, as it plays a guiding role in the transformation of the law. Next, I will discuss how the law was invented in the late republic, and increasingly used for autocratic purposes. The bulk of the thesis will focus on maiestas proceedings in Tacitus’ Annales, in which a total of ten men lose their lives. -
Hic Tacitus Lapis: Voice, Audience, and Space in Early Roman Verse-Epitaphs
HIC TACITUS LAPIS: VOICE, AUDIENCE, AND SPACE IN EARLY ROMAN VERSE-EPITAPHS A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Allison Catherine Boex August 2014 © 2014 Allison Catherine Boex HIC TACITUS LAPIS: VOICE, AUDIENCE AND, SPACE IN EARLY ROMAN VERSE-EPITAPHS Allison Catherine Boex, Ph. D. Cornell University 2014 This dissertation sets out to investigate the content, role, and effects of ancient Roman grave-inscriptions; I argue that Roman gravestones and their inscriptions were intended to serve as metonymic markers, stand-ins for their deceased subjects in the land of the living, allowing the dead to engage with the living and the living with the dead. As many previous studies of Roman grave-inscriptions have been undermined by the fact that their authors attempt to address the entire body of Roman epitaphs (a corpus too large and diverse to allow productive study of its entirety), this dissertation focuses on a smaller corpus, the forty-nine extant verse-inscriptions generally assigned to the Roman Republic. In investigating these epitaphs, I focus on the effects of the reading-act and the related issues of voice, audience, and space; my approach is informed by the works of Svenbro (1993) and Vallette-Cagnac (1997) on the reading- act in ancient Greece and Rome respectively, Sourvinou-Inwood’s (1995) study of voice in ancient Greek epitaphs, and Lowrie’s (2006) work on deixis and its effects on the reader’s perception of presence and absence. I argue that the reading-act of the passer-by activates a depiction of the deceased’s life, tied to the stone as the metonymic marker of the deceased; it is through this depiction that the figure of the deceased can engage, implicitly and explicitly, with the living upon each reading of the inscription. -
Handout Name Yourself Like a Roman (CLAS 160)
NAME YOURSELF LIKE A ROMAN Choose Your Gender 0 Roman naming conventions differed for men and women, and the Romans didn’t conceive of other options or categories (at least for naming purposes!). For viri (men): Choose Your Praenomen (“first name”) 1 This is your personal name, just like modern American first names: Michael, Jonathan, Jason, etc. The Romans used a very limited number of first names and tended to be very conservative about them, reusing the same small number of names within families. In the Roman Republic, your major options are: Some of these names (Quintus, Sextus, • Appius • Manius • Servius Septimus, etc.) clearly originally referred • Aulus • Marcus • Sextus to birth order: Fifth, Sixth, Seventh. Others are related to important aspects of • Decimus • Numerius • Spurius Roman culture: the name Marcus probably • Gaius • Postumus • Statius comes from the god Mars and Tiberius from the river Tiber. Other are mysterious. • Gnaeus • Publius • Tiberius But over time, these names lost their • Lucius • Quintus • Titus original significance and became hereditary, with sons named after their • Mamercus • Septimus • Vibius father or another male relative. Choose Your Nomen (“family name”) 2 Your second name identifies you by gens: family or clan, much like our modern American last name. While praenomina vary between members of the same family, the nomen is consistent. Some famous nomina include Claudius, Cornelius, Fabius, Flavius, Julius, Junius, and Valerius. Side note: if an enslaved person was freed or a foreigner was granted citizenship, they were technically adopted into the family of their “patron,” and so received his nomen as well. De Boer 2020 OPTIONAL: Choose Your Cognomen (“nickname”) Many Romans had just a praenomen and a nomen, and it was customary and polite to address a 3 person by this combo (as in “hello, Marcus Tullius, how are you today?” “I am well, Gaius Julius, and you?”). -
THE MADNESS of the EMPEROR CALIGULA (Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus) by A
THE MADNESS OF THE EMPEROR CALIGULA (Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus) by A. T. SANDISON, B.Sc., M.D. Department of Pathology, the University and Western Infirmaty, Glasgow THROUGHOUT the centuries the name of Caligula has been synonymous with madness and infamy, sadism and perversion. It has been said that Marshal Gilles de Rais, perhaps the most notorious sadist of all time, modelled his behaviour. on that of the evil Caesars described by Suetonius, among whom is numbered Caligula. Of recent years, however, Caligula has acquired his apologists, e.g. Willrich; so also, with more reason, has the Emperor Tiberius, whose reputation has been largely rehabilitated by modern scholarship. Our knowledge of the life of Caligula depends largely on Suetonius, whose work D)e vita Caesarum was not published, until some eighty years after the death of Caligula in A.D. 41. Unfortunately that part ofTacitus's Annals which treated of the reign. of Caligula has been lost. Other ancient sources are Dio Cassius, whose History of Rome was written in the early third century and, to a lesser extent, Josephus, whose Anht itates Judaicac was published in A.D. 93, and Philo Jqdaeus, whose pamphlet Legatio ad- Gaium and In Flaccum may be considered as contemporary writings. It seems probable that all these ancient sour¢es are to some extent prejudiced and highly coloured. Suetonius's Gaius Caligula in De vita Caesarum is full of scabrous and sometimes entertaining stories, on some ofwhich little reliability can be plat-ed. Nevertheless, the outlines of Caligula's life-history are not in doubt, and a usefiul summary is given by Balsdon (i949) in the Oxford-Classical Dictionary. -
Vespasian's Apotheosis
VESPASIAN’S APOTHEOSIS Andrew B. Gallia* In the study of the divinization of Roman emperors, a great deal depends upon the sequence of events. According to the model of consecratio proposed by Bickermann, apotheosis was supposed to be accomplished during the deceased emperor’s public funeral, after which the senate acknowledged what had transpired by decreeing appropriate honours for the new divus.1 Contradictory evidence has turned up in the Fasti Ostienses, however, which seem to indicate that both Marciana and Faustina were declared divae before their funerals took place.2 This suggests a shift * Published in The Classical Quarterly 69.1 (2019). 1 E. Bickermann, ‘Die römische Kaiserapotheosie’, in A. Wlosok (ed.), Römischer Kaiserkult (Darmstadt, 1978), 82-121, at 100-106 (= Archiv für ReligionswissenschaftW 27 [1929], 1-31, at 15-19); id., ‘Consecratio’, in W. den Boer (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain. Entretiens Hardt 19 (Geneva, 1973), 1-37, at 13-25. 2 L. Vidman, Fasti Ostienses (Prague, 19822), 48 J 39-43: IIII k. Septembr. | [Marciana Aug]usta excessit divaq(ue) cognominata. | [Eodem die Mati]dia Augusta cognominata. III | [non. Sept. Marc]iana Augusta funere censorio | [elata est.], 49 O 11-14: X[— k. Nov. Fausti]na Aug[usta excessit eodemq(ue) die a] | senatu diva app[ellata et s(enatus) c(onsultum) fact]um fun[ere censorio eam efferendam.] | Ludi et circenses [delati sunt. — i]dus N[ov. Faustina Augusta funere] | censorio elata e[st]. Against this interpretation of the Marciana fragment (as published by A. Degrassi, Inscr. It. 13.1 [1947], 201) see E. -
Suetonius on Augustus: a New Commentary
Histos 11 (2017) lxii–lxvi REVIEW SUETONIUS ON AUGUSTUS: A NEW COMMENTARY D. Wardle, Suetonius: Life of Augustus. Translated with Introduction and Historical Commentary. Clarendon Ancient History Series. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. Pp. 616. Hardback, £100.00/Paperback, £35.00. ISBN 978-0-19- 968646-9. n so far as Greek and Roman history has been traditionally studied through the accounts of the ‘great’ historians, Herodotus, Thucydides, IPolybius, Livy, or Tacitus, the ‘historical commentary’ has been and remains one of the principal aids to the study of ancient history. But paradoxically, one of the periods of history regarded as most central to the understanding of the Roman world, the reign of Augustus, has to be approach- ed without the guidance of a historian regarded as ‘great’: Tacitus deliberately started his Annales with the death of Augustus, the useful narrative of Cassius Dio is separated from its subject matter by nearly two centuries and has suffered at the hands of epitomators, and Suetonius as a biographer had an agenda different from that of writing ‘history’. If that for long has been an excuse for taking Suetonius less than seriously as a historical source, this prejudice cannot survive Wardle’s admirable commentary. Commentaries on this Life there have been before, from Shuckburgh in 1896 to Louis in 2010, including Carter’s helpful edition for the Bristol Classical Press of 1981.1 But all of these have been brief and light-touch, offering the basic steering necessary for a student. What Wardle offers is at a wholly different scale, with nearly 500 pages of commentary, as well as forty pages of introduction, to thirty-seven pages of text (in translation). -
Women in Livy and Tacitus
Xavier University Exhibit Honors Bachelor of Arts Undergraduate 2021-5 Women in Livy and Tacitus STEPHEN ALEXANDER PREVOZNIK Xavier University, Cincinnati, OH Follow this and additional works at: https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Recommended Citation PREVOZNIK, STEPHEN ALEXANDER, "Women in Livy and Tacitus" (2021). Honors Bachelor of Arts. 46. https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab/46 This Capstone/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate at Exhibit. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Bachelor of Arts by an authorized administrator of Exhibit. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Women in Livy and Tacitus By Stephen Prevoznik Prevoznik 1 Introduction Livy and Tacitus are both influential and important Roman authors. They have written two of the most influential histories of Rome. Livy covers from the founding of Rome until the Reign of Augustus. Tacitus focuses on the early empire, writing from the end of Augustus’ reign through Nero. This sets up a nice symmetry, as Tacitus picks up where Livy stops. Much has been written about the men they include, but the women also play an important role. This essay plans to outline how the women in each work are used by the authors to attain their goals. In doing so, each author’s aim is exposed. Livy: Women as Exempla Livy’s most famous work, Ab Urbe Condita, is meant to be read as a guide. -
Una-Theses-0191.Pdf
RHET ORIO AL COLOR IN THE ANNALS OF ':L1AC ITUS • BOOKS I - VI. A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School Of the University of Minnesota Harold Omer Burgess In Partial ""L1lfillment of the requireme nts for the degree of .·' ·. ~:. Master of Arts, 1913. .... .. ,c Cf ~ cf ~ ( l (CC ~Cc c' I c1 I : I :. :~/: ~ :'c! !\~ :' .'~•,,,•: /•\ c Cl f I I ICC C ! ~ ·. ( •. .·. : . : '. : ( (ff( 11 1 I I 11 II ( ( C f I I I It I I I Cff I f(C I I I I 4 I t -1- Bibliography. Mer ivale;· The Rcmans Under the Empire. Gould; T~ e Tragedy of the Caesars. ~ruttwell;History of Roman Literature. werrero; Characters and Events of Roman History. Jerome;: The Tacitean Tiberius ;· Classical Philology, Vol. VII, o. 3. Fu~rneaux;· Annals of Ta01tus- cc'c ! 1 ' c't !•: •, ,• (fC ff( ( C Cc II C ( CI f CCC It t f(C f (f( f Cf Ct t I -2- 0UTLINE . I. Introduction 1. General statement. II. Body I. Division of subject (a) Difference between real Tiberius and Taci tean Tiberius. (b) Motives of Tacitus in misrepresenting Tiberius (c) Rhetorical methods used. 1. B1nts, innuendos, Sneers. 11- Motives ascrioed for actions. 111- Manipulation of Stress and Reticence. lV- use of the Gossip of the capital. V- Facial Expressions. Vl- Invented Episodes. Vll- Mere assertions. Vlll- Generalizations unsunported bY facts. III. Conclusion~ Concrete example of how Tacitus appl\ ~ : :t',~f': ~qrk · T «/ :"'~~:· , ('rt r ' '' r < ' c •,• • cal color in at tribut ine the death or 'Q-er~n.i(!1Jf3r' ......... -
Manuel II Palaiologos' Point of View
The Hidden Secrets: Late Byzantium in the Western and Polish Context Małgorzata Dąbrowska The Hidden Secrets: Late Byzantium in the Western and Polish Context Małgorzata Dąbrowska − University of Łódź, Faculty of Philosophy and History Department of Medieval History, 90-219 Łódź, 27a Kamińskiego St. REVIEWERS Maciej Salamon, Jerzy Strzelczyk INITIATING EDITOR Iwona Gos PUBLISHING EDITOR-PROOFREADER Tomasz Fisiak NATIVE SPEAKERS Kevin Magee, François Nachin TECHNICAL EDITOR Leonora Wojciechowska TYPESETTING AND COVER DESIGN Katarzyna Turkowska Cover Image: Last_Judgment_by_F.Kavertzas_(1640-41) commons.wikimedia.org Printed directly from camera-ready materials provided to the Łódź University Press This publication is not for sale © Copyright by Małgorzata Dąbrowska, Łódź 2017 © Copyright for this edition by Uniwersytet Łódzki, Łódź 2017 Published by Łódź University Press First edition. W.07385.16.0.M ISBN 978-83-8088-091-7 e-ISBN 978-83-8088-092-4 Printing sheets 20.0 Łódź University Press 90-131 Łódź, 8 Lindleya St. www.wydawnictwo.uni.lodz.pl e-mail: [email protected] tel. (42) 665 58 63 CONTENTS Preface 7 Acknowledgements 9 CHAPTER ONE The Palaiologoi Themselves and Their Western Connections L’attitude probyzantine de Saint Louis et les opinions des sources françaises concernant cette question 15 Is There any Room on the Bosporus for a Latin Lady? 37 Byzantine Empresses’ Mediations in the Feud between the Palaiologoi (13th–15th Centuries) 53 Family Ethos at the Imperial Court of the Palaiologos in the Light of the Testimony by Theodore of Montferrat 69 Ought One to Marry? Manuel II Palaiologos’ Point of View 81 Sophia of Montferrat or the History of One Face 99 “Vasilissa, ergo gaude...” Cleopa Malatesta’s Byzantine CV 123 Hellenism at the Court of the Despots of Mistra in the First Half of the 15th Century 135 4 • 5 The Power of Virtue.