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Turkey's Deep State
#1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation. -
The Functioning of Democratic Institutions in Turkey
http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 15272 21 April 2021 The functioning of democratic institutions in Turkey Report1 Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Co-rapporteurs: Mr Thomas HAMMARBERG, Sweden, Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group, and Mr John HOWELL, United Kingdom, European Conservatives Group and Democratic Alliance Summary The Monitoring Committee is deeply concerned about recent developments in Turkey which have further undermined democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Procedures seeking to lift the parliamentary immunity of a third of the parliamentarians (overwhelmingly from opposition parties), the attempt to close the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and the continued crackdown on its members put political pluralism and the functioning of democratic institutions at risk. The presidential decision of 20 March 2021 to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (CETS No.210, the Istanbul Convention) to combat violence against women and domestic violence is a regrettable step backwards, made without any parliamentary debate, which raises the question of the modalities of denunciation of conventions in democratic societies. The committee also urges the immediate release of Selahattin Demirtaş and Osman Kavala following the final judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. In order to reverse these worrying trends, the Turkish authorities should seize the opportunity of implementing the Human Rights Action Plan and revising the legislation on elections and political parties to take meaningful steps, put an end to the judicial harassment of opposition and dissenting voices, improve freedom of expression and media and restore the independence of the judiciary, in co-operation with the Council of Europe 1. -
Kurden in Europa: Ethnizität Und Diaspora Kapitel 8: Konkurrenzkategorie Religion*
www.yeziden-colloquium.de Kurden in Europa: Ethnizität und Diaspora Kapitel 8: Konkurrenzkategorie Religion* Birgit Ammann Die meisten Kurden gehören der sunnitischen Ausprägung des Islam, genauer bezeichnet der schafiitischen Rechtsschule,283 an (Antes 1997: 54; Werle & Kreile 1987: 34, 37), während Türken und Araber meistens der hanafitischen Schule angehören (Ibrahim 1998: 105; Hütteroth 1959: 277). In der iranischen Provinz Kermanshah, im irakischen Khana- qin sowie um die Städte Erbil und Kirkuk gibt es schiitische Kurden (Kreyenbroek 1996: 99). Wie sich im Laufe dieser Arbeit noch zeigen wird, spielt in kurdischen Zusammenhängen die, wenngleich minoritäre, Religionsgemeinschaft der Yeziden eine wichtige Rolle. Bei einem erheblichen Teil der in der Türkei lebenden Kurden handelt es sich um Aleviten, auf die ebenfalls noch detailliert eingegangen wird. Bis in die fünfziger Jahre des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts lebte unter den Kurden eine Min- derheit von Juden, die sich in ihrem religiösen Leben und ihrer Sprache, dem Aramäi- schen, von ihrer Umgebung unterschieden (Brauer 1993; Ammann. 1991a). Ähnliches gilt für verschiedene christliche Gruppen, die bis heute mit Kurden zusammenleben und sich jeweils als eigene Ethnien betrachten.284 Außerdem gibt es unter den Kurden Anhänger islamischer Orden wie die Naqshabandi und die Qadhi sowie Sekten wie die der Ahl-i Haqq und andere.285 Insgesamt hatten solche Gruppen in den kurdischen Gebieten immer besonderen Einfluß, in der Migration spielen sie, wie auch schiitische Kurden, kaum eine Rolle. Traditionell definieren sich viele Gruppen primär über ihre Religionszugehörigkeit. Reli- giöse Lehren schließen ethnische Definitionen teil- [255] weise sogar völlig aus. Der is- lamische Begriff der umma, der Gemeinschaft aller Gläubigen, geht beispielsweise in die- se Richtung. -
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey's
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey’s Kurdish Policy Ayşegül Aydin Cem Emrence turkey project policy paper Number 10 • December 2016 policy paper Number 10, December 2016 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-Europe- an dialogue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Studies Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transforma- tion of the European Union (EU); strategies for engaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging common strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TUSIAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
AKDENİZ ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ Abdullah
AKDENİZ ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ Abdullah KÜTÜK DEMOKRATİK HUKUK DEVLETİ ve HÜKÜMET SİSTEMLERİ PERSPEKTİFİNDEN TÜRK ANAYASAL TARİHİNDE CUMHURBAŞKANLIĞI Kamu Hukuku Ana Bilim Dalı Yüksek Lisans Tezi Antalya, 2012 AKDENİZ ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ Abdullah KÜTÜK DEMOKRATİK HUKUK DEVLETİ ve HÜKÜMET SİSTEMLERİ PERSPEKTİFİNDEN TÜRK ANAYASAL TARİHİNDE CUMHURBAŞKANLIĞI Danışman Yrd. Doç. Dr. İbrahim Uğur ESGÜN Kamu Hukuku Ana Bilim Dalı Yüksek Lisans Tezi Antalya, 2012 Akdeniz Universitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitiisii MiidiiLrltiliine, Abdullah KUTOK'ffn bu gahgmasr jtirimiz tarafindan Kamu Huhrku Ana Bilim Dah Yiiksek Lisans Programt tezi olarak kabul edilmigtir. Baekan()q4rprc^tl) i ttq* tu6[]N hJ.a"q.o.. Yy-- Ar"rJ ro&U Uye(Brnlqneer) ' VrJ'O'c'&-' 1J"'li',l- YTLNAL uy" ' wJ.Drc,.bf ' ?kit.^.ef 9\{"-'{"'"; rezBaelrg: be,^-Vr-h\- "Xrir* bQ,hh vq T-rsr'vrdz C'^t'*$"!'"$ P<rs5ekh(.'oAen f:-fu' A^^"Y/>^t Onay : Yukandaki imzalann, adr gegen 6$etim iiyelerine ait oldulunu onaylanm. Tez Savunma Tarlrri Ut.tOAtzotz MezuniyetTarihi :l*6.tZOtZ Prof.Dr. Mehmet $EN Miidiir İ Ç İ N D E K İ L E R K I S A L T M A L A R L İ S T E S İ .................................................................................. iv Ö Z E T ..................................................................................................................................... vi S U M M A R Y ....................................................................................................................... vii G İ R İ Ş .................................................................................................................................... -
The Mechanisms for Terrorizing Minorities: the Capital Tax and Work Battalions in Turkey During the Second World War
Çetinog˘lu: The Mechanisms for Terrorizing Minorities 15 The Mechanisms for Terrorizing Minorities: The Capital Tax and Work Battalions in Turkey during the Second World War Sait Çetinog˘lu Two policies against non- Muslim minorities implemented during the Second World War by the Turkish government are analyzed in this essay: (1) the Capital Tax (Varlik Vergisi) implemented as a means of economic destruction of these minorities from November 1942 to March 1944 and (2) the mobiliza- tion of minority young men aged 18 to 45 into the so- called work battalions (amele taburlari) from May 1941 to September 1942 as a reprise of the work battalions during World War I. The motivations, conditions, and implemen- tation of both antiminority measures are examined and their consequences discussed. The Capital Tax The Varlik Vergisi constitutes a dark chapter in the history of modern Tur- key. It was implemented during 1942 – 44 under the pretext of controlling the price of goods and preventing accumulation of capital in a few hands, even though the very same government had taken no measures to stop the expansion of a black market and consequent increase of illegal profits in the previous two years. Passed under the pretext of public complaints, this measure implemented a devastating economic destruction policy against non- Muslim minorities through heavy taxation, confiscation of properties, and exile of members of these groups to work camps. The aim was to destroy the economic and cultural base of these minorities, loot their properties and means of livelihood, and, at the same time, “turkify” the economy of Turkey. -
The Decline of the Military's Political Influence in Turkey
The decline of the military’s political influence in Turkey By Anwaar Mohammed A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of Master of Philosophy Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham August 2014 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The political role of Turkey’s military has been declining with the strengthening of the civilian institutions and the introduction of new political factors. Turkey’s political atmosphere has changed towards civilian control of the military. The research focuses on analysing the various political factors and their impact on the political role of the military. The military’s loss of political influence in handling political challenges will be assessed against the effectiveness of the military’s political ideology. The shift in civil-military relations will be detected through the AKP’s successful political economy and popular mandate. The EU as an external factor in dismantling the military’s political prerogatives will be assessed. Greece’s route toward democratization of its civil-military relations compared to Turkey. -
Turkey's Republican People's Party and the EU
DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION Toni Alaranta DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION After 17 years of the Islamic-conservative AKP’s electoral hegemony, the secular-nationalist Republican People’s Party (CHP) achieved significant success in the recent municipal elections, and is now increasingly challenging President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The secular-nationalist political discourse has traditionally advanced the idea of making Turkey a modern nation-state closely attached to the West, yet the West is also seen as a potential threat. The CHP identifies itself as a social-democratic party, and is now trying to build a wide pro-democratic platform based on a social market economy and fundamental rights. The party’s strong secularist and Turkish nationalist core has made it difficult for the CHP to gain support among the Kurds and religious conservatives, and this remains challenging. Strong nationalism and suspicion about the West are deeply ingrained in Turkey’s political culture. On the other hand, in order to be inherently coherent, the secular-nationalist vision requires an ideological attachment to the Western world. Stemming from these premises, under the CHP’s government, Turkey’s foreign policy would likely prioritize good relations with the West, and re-invigorate the country’s EU prospect. TONI ALARANTA Senior Research Fellow European Union Research Programme Finnish Institute of International Affairs ISBN 978-951-769-627-2 ISSN 2242-0444 Language editing: Lynn Nikkanen The Finnish Institute of International Affairs is an independent research institute that produces high-level research to support political decisionmaking and public debate both nationally and internationally. -
Populist Democracy and Post-War Modernism
chapter four Populist Democracy and Post-war Modernism With the 14 May elections an important step [was] taken in a revolution that is far more important than anything that had been accomplished previously in our country . It used to be that only one person ruled and only a few hundred participated in politics. With our democratic revolution, with one leap, millions and millions of citizens acquired the vote and . became real citizens. Adnan Menderes, Cumhuriyet, 2 February 19601 With the landslide election victory of the Democratic Party (dp) on 14 May 1950, Turkey’s early republican period came to a decisive end. Abandoning the secular authoritarianism, statist economic policies and nationalist isolationism of the Republican Peoples’ Party during the previous two decades, the dp regime promoted populist democracy, private enterprise and a more ambitious regional role for Turkey in the post-war international order. The initial Western-orientated cul- tural politics of the nation (as established by Atatürk in the 1930s) did not change, but the meaning of ‘Western’ in the nation’s collective consciousness shifted considerably from ‘European’ to ‘American’. Owing to her strategic importance for the American policies of contain- ing communism and Soviet expansion during the Cold War, Turkey was included in the Marshall Plan of 1947 and admitted to nato in 1952. American governmental and private agencies poured generous packages of development aid and technical assistance into Turkey to modernize her agriculture, industries and transportation network. Images of John Deere tractors in rural Anatolia or Mack trucks on the newly built roads across the country still offer vivid symbols of the mechanization of agriculture and the switch from railways to highways in the 1950s. -
Growth, Poverty Reduction, and Inequality
32691 At the Frontlines of Public Disclosure Authorized Development Reflections from the World Bank Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized EDITED BY INDERMIT S. GILL & TODD PUGATCH Public Disclosure Authorized THE WORLD BANK At the Frontlines of Development Reflections from the World Bank At the Frontlines of Development Reflections from the World Bank Edited by Indermit S. Gill and Todd Pugatch Washington, D.C. © 2005 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington,DC 20433 Telephone 202-473-1000 Internet www.worldbank.org E-mail [email protected] All rights reserved. 123408070605 The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Board of Exec- utive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work.The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other informa- tion shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of the World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions: The material in this work is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law.The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission promptly. For permission to photocopy or reprint any part of this work, please send a request with complete information to the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA, telephone 978-750-8400, fax 978-750-4470, www.copyright.com. -
Guidelines on Political Party Regulation 2Nd Edition
Strasbourg, 14 December 2020 CDL-AD(2020)032 Study No. 881/2017 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) GUIDELINES ON POLITICAL PARTY REGULATION 2ND EDITION Approved by the Council of Democratic Elections at its 69th online meeting (7 October 2020) and Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 125th online Plenary Session (11-12 December 2020) on the basis of comments by OSCE/ODIHR Core Group of Experts on Political Parties Mr Josep Maria CASTELLA ANDREU (Member, Spain) Mr Pieter van DIJK (Expert, Former Member, the Netherlands) Mr Nicolae ESANU (Substitute Member, Republic of Moldova) Mr Ben VERMEULEN (Member, the Netherlands) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2020)032 - 2 - Table of contents I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 5 II. POLITICAL PARTIES: THEIR IMPORTANCE, FUNCTIONS AND REGULATION ............ 7 1. The classification and importance of political parties and their functions ........................ 7 2. Three dimensions ........................................................................................................... 8 3. Two models ..................................................................................................................... 9 III. PRINCIPLES ...................................................................................................................