زﻣﺎﱏ ﻮردﱙ ﺳﯚراﱏ —Sorani Kurdish— A Reference Grammar with Selected Readings
W. M. Thackston ii CONTENTS
PHONOLOGY The Phonology of Sorani Kurdish...... 1 Stress ...... 3 The Writing System ...... 4
SUBSTANTIVES § 1. The Absolute State ...... 8 § 2. The Indefinite State ...... 8 § 3. The Definite State...... 9 § 4. Demonstratives...... 10 § 5. Attributive Adjectives: The Open Adjectival Izâfa...... 10 § 6. Possession: The Izâfa Construction...... 10 § 7. Attributive Adjectives with Demonstratives and Definites: The Close Izâfa Construction...... 11 § 8. Attributive Adjectives with Definite Nouns...... 12 § 9. Synopsis of Noun States...... 13 § 10. Personal Pronouns...... 15 § 10.1 Possessive Pronouns...... 15 § 11. Enclitic -îsh ...... 16 § 12. Cardinal Numbers ...... 17 § 12.1 Ordinal Numbers...... 18 § 12.2 Days of the Week ...... 18 § 12.3 Months of the Year and the Kurdish Calendar...... 18 § 13. Comparative and Superlative Adjectives ...... 19 § 14. Prepositions, Postpositions, Circumpositions ...... 20 § 14.1. Preposed Pronominal Prepositional Complements ...... 22
iii THE VERB § 15. Present Copulas...... 25 § 16. ‘To Have’ ...... 26 § 17. The Present Habitual/Progressive ...... 26 § 18. Verbs in -awa ...... 29 § 19. The Present Subjunctive...... 30 § 20. ‘To Want’ ...... 34 § 21. ‘To Be Able’...... 35 § 22. ‘To Remember’ ...... 36 § 23. Pronominal Objects of Verbs ...... 37 § 24. The Imperative ...... 38 § 25. The Simple Past (Intransitive)...... 40 § 26. The Past Habitual/Progressive (Intransitive)...... 41 § 27. The Simple Past (Transitive): The Ergative...... 42 § 27.1 The Ergative in South Sorani ...... 45 § 27.2 Pronouns as Logical Objects of Past Transitive Verbs ...... 46 § 27.3 Pronominal Prepositional Complements with Agent Affixes ...... 48 § 27.4 Displacement of a Possessive Pronoun by a Preposed Prepositional Complement...... 51 § 28. The Perfect Active Participle ...... 53 § 29. The Present Perfect Tense (Intransitive) ...... 53 § 29.1 The Present Perfect Tense (Transitive) ...... 54 § 30. The Past Perfect Tense (Intransitive) ...... 55 § 30.1 The Past Perfect Tense (Transitive) ...... 56 § 31. The Past Subjunctive...... 57 § 32. The Irrealis Mood...... 60 § 33. The Past Conditional ...... 61 § 34. The Passive Voice ...... 63 § 34.1 The Past Passive Participle...... 65 § 35. Postposed Verbal Complements...... 66 § 36. Factitive Verbs ...... 68
iv OTHER SYNTACTICAL FEATURES § 37. Expressions of Temporal Duration ...... 70 § 38. Subordinating Conjunctions...... 71 § 39. Relative Clauses ...... 72 § 40. Directional Nouns in -è ...... 75 § 41. Orthographic Peculiarities of Sorani Kurdish ...... 75 § 42. Vowel Contractions...... 77
Verb Tenses and Moods...... 78 Synopsis of Tenses and Moods ...... 85 Conditional Sentence Types...... 86 Conversion Table for the Sorani and Kurmanji Alphabets ...... 88
READINGS...... 91 (١) ﮔﯚﭬﺎرى ﴎوﻩ، «ﭘﻪﻧﺪى ﭘ ﺸ ﻴ ﺎن» ...... 92 (٢) ﳏﻪﻣﻪد رﻩﻣﻪزاﱏ، «ﺧﻮ ﻦ و ﺳ ﻴﻜﻪﺗﯚرﻩ» ...... 101 (٣) ﳏﻪﻣﻪد ﺣﻮﺳ ﻦ ﭘﺎﺳ ﻴﺎر، «ر ﻮى ﺗﻪﻣ ﻪڵ»...... 102 (۴) ﺋﻪﻧﻮﻩر رﻩوﺷﻪن، «ﺑﻮﻟﺒﻮل و ﺋ ﻮارﻩى ﻣﺎﺗﻪم»...... 104 (۵) ﻪﻻل ﻣﻪ ﺸﺎ، «ﮔﺎﺷﻪ ﺑﻪرد» ...... 108 (۶) ﯾﻮﺳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺮى، « ﳻ ﺋﻪدﻩﰉ: ﭘﻪﺧﺸﺎن» ...... 120 (٧) ﻓﻪرﻫﺎد ﺷ ﻛﻪﱃ، «ﺗﻪرم» ...... 122 (٨) ﶊﺪ ﻪﻣﻪ ﺻﺎ ﺢ ﺗﯚﻓ ﻖ، «ﭘﺎﺷﺎى ﻪوت ﻮڕﻩ»...... 129 (٩) ﶊﺪ ﻪﻣﻪ ﺻﺎ ﺢ ﺗﯚﻓ ﻖ، «ﺋﻪﲪﻪد ﭘﺎﺷﺎ»...... 142 (١٠) ﻫﻪژار، «ﻣﻦ و ﻣﻪم و زﯾﲎ ﺎﱏ»...... 149 (١١) ﻮردﺳﺎت...... 156 (١٢) ﻪ ت ...... 159 (۱۳) ﻧ ﲑﭬﺎن رزاﱏ ﺑﯚ The New Anatolian ...... 160
Kurdish–English Vocabulary ...... 163
v vi PREFACE
KURDISH BELONGS to the Western Iranian group of the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family. The two principal branches of modern literary Kurdish are (1) Kurmanji, the language of the vast majority of Kurds in Turkey, Syria, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, the area designated by Kurdish nationalists as “North Kurdistan,” with an estimated fifteen to seventeen million speakers, and (2) Sorani, the language of most Kurds in Iraq (four to six million speakers) and Iran (five to six million speakers), the area desig- nated as “South Kurdistan.” Although the two are closely related, Kurmanji and Sorani are not mutually intelligible and differ at the basic structural level as well as in vocabulary and idiom. Since Kurdish is fairly closely related to and has been massively influenced by Persian, the dominant literary and cultural language of the area for the last millennium, Kurdish is best approached with a basic knowledge of Persian. While Kurmanji is still far from being a unified, normalized, or standard- ized language, Sorani has been the second official language of Iraq since the creation of that country after World War I and has many decades of literary activity behind it. In Iran, Kurdish has never been accorded official status, but in Iranian Kurdistan there has been noteworthy publication in Kurdish, particularly after the Iranian revolution. The area in which Sorani is spoken in Iran is more or less the region designated as Kurdistan. Outside of that area, south to Kermanshah and east as far as Bijar, the language is known as Gorani, or South Sorani, which is a Mischsprache that is basically Persian in structure but Kurdish in vocabulary. The readings, chosen to give samples of a broad range of prose writing ranging from fairy tales to the internet, are provided with running glosses beneath the texts, and the glosses in the readings are also contained in the Kurdish–English vocabulary at the end of the book. Words considered to be absolutely basic vocabulary are not glossed in the notes, since it is assumed that these words either are known already or will be actively acquired by looking them up in the vocabulary in the back. Generally words are not glossed more than once in the notes because any word encountered a second vii SORANI KURDISH time should be learned actively. Words are glossed after the first instance only if they are considered rare enough to warrant being ignored for acquisi- tion. Because Sorani Kurdish dictionaries are not easily obtainable, I have made the vocabulary as large as possible. It contains around 4,000 words, which represent a basic working vocabulary for the language. For dictionaries of Sorani, the following may be consulted: Hazhâr, Hanbâna borîna: Farhang-i Kurdî–Fârsî, 2 vols. Tehran: Su- rûsh, 1368 [1989]. With definitions in both Kurdish and Persian, this is by far the most comprehensive dictionary of Kurdish, but Kurmanji words are also included without any differentiation. -for û; otherwise the orthography is stan وو instead of وُ Hazhâr uses dard. McCarus, Ernest N. Kurdish–English Dictionary, Dialect of Sulaima- nia. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1967. Qazzaz, Shafiq. The Sharezoor Kurdish–English Dictionary. Erbil: Aras, 2000. Sulaymân, Mustafâ. Ferhengî zarawey zanistî. Sulaymani, 2001. Wahby, Taufiq. A Kurdish–English Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966. An on-line Sorani dictionary is available at www.namonet.com.
viii The Phonology of Sorani Kurdish Vowels: î û i u e o a â
î is like the ‘ee’ in ‘beet’ and ‘tree,’ International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) [i], as in hîch [hitS] ‘nothing.’ i is like the ‘i’ in ‘bit,’ IPA [I], as in girtin [gIr»tIn] ‘to take’ e is like the ‘ai’ in ‘bait,’ IPA [e], without the y-offglide of English, as in hez [hez] ‘power’ a is like the ‘a’ in ‘bat,’ IPA [Q], as in tanaka [tQnQ»kQ] ‘tin can,’ ex- cept (1) in the sequence aw, where it is pronounced [´], (2) when it is followed in the same syllable by y, in which case it is pronounced [´], as in tanakakay [tQnQkQ»k´y] ‘his tin can,’ and (3) when it is fol- lowed by y but not in the same syllable, in which case it is pronounced [E], as in tanakayek [tQnQ»kEyek] ‘a tin can.’ û is like the ‘oo’ in ‘boot,’ IPA [u], as in gûr [guR] ‘calf’ u is like the ‘u’ in ‘put’ and ‘pull,’ IPA [U], as in gurg [gURg] ‘wolf’ o is like the ‘oa’ in ‘boat,’ IPA [o], without the w-offglide of English, as in goř [gor] ‘level’ â is like the ‘a’ in ‘father’ and ‘balm,’ IPA [A], as in gâ [gA] ‘cow’
Consonants: bilabial labiodental dental/alveolar palatal velar uvular glotto-pharyngeal plosive p t k q b d g fricative f s kh ḥ, h v z gh 1 SORANI KURDISH sh ch zh j nasal m n approximants w y flap, trill r, ř laterals l ł b is like the ‘b’ of English, IPA [b] ch is like the ‘ch’ in ‘church,’ IPA [tS] d is like the ‘d’ of English, IPA [d] f is like the ‘f’ of English, IPA [f] g is the hard ‘g’ of English in ‘go’ and ‘get,’ IPA [g] it rarely occurs ;غ gh is a voiced velar fricative, IPA [ƒ], like the Arabic ﰬ .word-initially and is usually replaced by kh in borrowed words (e.g gham ‘grief’ > kham); word-finally it is often in free variation with kh. h is like the ‘h’ of English, IPA [h] ḥ where it exists (according to regional dialect: fairly generalized in Iraq, rare in Iran), it is a voiceless pharyngeal fricative, IPA [ħ], like the otherwise it is not distinguished from h ; ح Arabic j is like the ‘j’ in ‘judge,’ IPA [dZ] k is like the ‘k’ of English, IPA [k] kh is a voiceless velar fricative, IPA [x], like the ch in German Bach and خ the Arabic l is a liquid ‘l’ [l] as in Persian, like the ‘l’ in ‘lee’ ł is like the dull ‘l’ of English in ‘all’ [¥]; in some areas it is a lateral fricative, like the ll of Welsh [¬]; it does not occur word-initially (cf. gul ‘leper’ with guł ‘flower’ and chil ‘forty’ with chił ‘stalk’) m is like the ‘m’ of English, IPA [m] n is like the ‘n’ of English, IPA [n]
2 PHONOLOGY p is like the ‘p’ of English, IPA [p] [IPA [q ,ق q is a voiceless uvular stop, like the Arabic r is a flap as in Persian and Italian, IPA [R]; does not occur word-initially ř and rr are trills, IPA [r], like the rr of Spanish (cf. khor [xoR] ‘sun’ with khoř [xor] ‘blood’ and bar [bQR] ‘breast’ with bař [bQr] ‘rug’); all initial r’s are trilled (verbal stems beginning with r are trilled re- gardless of prefixes, as in řoysht ‘he went’ and dařoysht ‘he was go- ing’) s is like the ‘s’ of English in ‘see,’ IPA [s] sh is like the ‘sh’ in ‘ship,’ IPA [S] t is like the ‘t’ of English, IPA [t] v is like the ‘v’ of English, IPA [v], but it is of rare occurrence in Sorani w is like the English ‘w’ except before e, i, and î, when it is a close back unrounded semivowel, IPA [µ], like the ‘u’ in French cuire and huit. y is like the ‘y’ of English, IPA [j] z is like the ‘z’ of English, IPA [z] zh is like the French ‘j’ and the ‘g’ in ‘beige,’ IPA [Z]
Stress. All nouns and adjectives are stressed on the final syllable: tanaká [tQnQ»kQ] ‘tin can,’ gawrá [g´w»RQ] ‘big’. When enclitic endings are added, stress remains on the final syllable of the base word: tanakáyèk [tQnQ»kEyek] ‘a tin can,’ tanakáyèk i gawrá [tQnQ»kEyeki g´w»rQ] ‘a big tin can.’ The definite suffix is stressed: tanakayaká [tQnQkEyQ»kQ] ‘the tin can.’ The hierarchy of stress in verbs is as follows: (1) The negative prefixes na- and nâ-, as in náchû [»nQtSu] ‘he didn’t go’ and nâ´che [»nAtSe] ‘he doesn’t go.’ (2) Preverbs like war-, hał-, and dâ-, as in wárgeřâm [»wQRgerAm] ‘I returned,’ háłdagirim [»hQ¬dQgIRIm] ‘I pick up,’ and dâ´nîshtim [»dAniS- tIm] ‘I sat down.’
3 SORANI KURDISH
(3) The modal prefixes (d)a- and bi- as in dábînim [»dQbinIm] ‘I see’ and bíbînim [»bIbinIm] ‘let me see.’ (4) When there are no prefixes on finite verbal forms, the final syllable of the verb stem is stressed, as in hâ´tin [»hAtIn] ‘they came’ and kírdibet- mânawa [»kIRdIbetmAn´wQ] ‘that we have opened it.’ (5) The infinitive is stressed on the final syllable, as in hâtín [hA»tIn] ‘to come.’
The Writing System The Kurdo-Arabic alphabet consists of the following letters: g گ (z ض) d د alif ا l ل (t ط) (z ذ) b ب ł ڵ (z ظ) r ر p پ m م ‘ ع ř ڕ t ت n ن gh غ z ز (s ث) w و f ف zh ژ j ج h ه v ڤ s س ch چ y ى q ق sh ش ḥ ح hamza ﺋـ k ك (s ص) kh خ Letters in parentheses are not normally used. Some writers occasionally “import” these specifically Arabic letters for use in words borrowed from Arabic, even though the vowels are written in the Kurdish manner. Thus, may , ـﺎﺳـﻪﺗـﻪن usually written ,( ـﺎ ّﺻـ ًﺔ khâsatan ‘especially’ (from the Arabic usually written ,(ﺧـــﻂ and khat ‘line’ (from the Arabic ; ـــﺎﺻـــﻪﺗـــﻪن be written There are very few doubled consonants in . ــــــﻪط may be written as , ــــــﻪت ﺷـــﺎ ـــ Kurdish; the few that exist are written with a double consonant, as in is almost always retained in Arabic words (ع) shâłłâ ‘God willing.’ ‘Ayn arab ‘Arab’); in Iraq the ‘ayn is usually‘ ـﻪرﻩب ma‘nâ ‘meaning’ and ﻣـﻪﻋـﻨـﺎ) pronounced as it is in Arabic; in Iran it is either a glottal stop or a prolonga- 4 PHONOLOGY tion of a preceding vowel, as in Persian. The vowels are written as follows: am ﺋﻪم a is written (1) word-initially with hamza + final h, as in دﻩم bar and ﺑـــــﻪر elsewhere with a final (or alone) h, as in (2) dam -âwât, or, al ﺋــــﺎوات â is written (1) word-initially with hamza + alif, as in âwât آوات ternatively, with alif-madda, as in bâr ر elsewhere with an alif, as in (2) e is written (1) word-initially with hamza + y with a caret above, as in ewâra ﺋ ﻮارﻩ ber ﺑ ﺮ elsewhere with y with a caret above, as in (2) imřo اﻣ و i is written (1) word initially as alif, as in ـﺮ elsewhere i is not indicated in the writing system, as in (2) girtin; it is the only vowel not indicated in ﮔــــﺮ ــــﻦ bir and the writing system (see below) îtir ﺋﻴﱰ î is written (1) word-initially with hamza + y, as in bîr ﺑﲑ elsewhere with y, as in (2) o is written (1) word-initially as hamza + vâv with a caret above, as in oda ﺋﯚدﻩ bor ﺑﯚر elsewhere with a wâw with a caret above, as in (2) -umed; alterna ﺋـﻮﻣـ ـﺪ u is written (1) word-initially as hamza + vâv, as in اوﻣــــــ ــــــﺪ tively initial u can be written as alif + vâv, as in umed bur ﺑﻮر elsewhere with one wâw, as in (2) .bûr ﺑﻮور û is written with two wâws, as in -attached directly to words end (ی) The vowel i of the izâfa is written as y ing in letters that join to the left. Thus, kurdakân i kurdistân i ‘erâq (‘the When added to . ـﻮردﻩﰷﱏ ـﻮردﺳـ ـﺘـﺎﱏ ـ ـﺮاق :Kurds of Iraqi Kurdistan’) is written words ending in letters that do not join to the left, the y is written in the .ﺗﻪﻧﻪﮐﻪی ﮔﻪورﻩﮐﻪ alone form, as in tanaka i gawraká, written ﻓـﺮۆﻛـﻪ or ﻓـ ۆﻛـﻪ The trilled ř is indicated by a caret over or under the r, as in fiřoka ‘airplane.’ Since all initial r’s are trilled, they are rarely marked.
5 SORANI KURDISH The “dull l,” called lâm i qaław “fat l” in Kurdish, is indicated by a caret .qaław ﻗﻪ ﻪو over the l, as in The only illogicality in the system lies in the writing of the sequence ye, and , ﻣــﻪﯾــﻪك as though it were ya, as in nâmayek, written ,ﯾــﻪ which is written .dâyè. For this and other orthographic peculiarities and variants, see §41 داﯾﻪ The letters with their various initial, medial, final, and alone shapes are as follows (those marked with an asterisk do not connect to the left and are followed by an initial or alone form): NAME ALONE FINAL MEDIAL INITIAL ا ـﺎ ـﺎ ا *alif آ (alif + madda (initial only ﺋـ ـ ـ ء ء hamza ﺑـ ـ ـ ـﺐ ب b ﭘـ ـ ـ ـﭗ پ p ﺗـ ـ ـ ـﺖ ت t ﺛـ ـ ـ ـﺚ ث s ﺟـ ـﺠـ ـﺞ ج j ﭼـ ـﭽـ ـﭻ چ ch ﺣـ ـﺤـ ـﺢ ح ḥ ﺧـ ـﺨـ ـﺦ خ kh د ـﺪ ـﺪ د *d ذ ـﺬ ـﺬ ذ *z ر ـﺮ ـﺮ ر *r ڕ ـ ـ ڕ *ř ز ـﺰ ـﺰ ز *z ژ ـﮋ ـﮋ ژ *zh ﺳـ ـﺴـ ـﺲ س s ﺷـ ـﺸـ ـﺶ ش sh ﺻـ ـﺼـ ـﺺ ص s ﺿـ ـﻀـ ـﺾ ض z ﻃـ ـﻄـ ـﻂ ط t 6 PHONOLOGY ﻇـ ـﻈـ ـﻈـ ظ z ﻋـ ـﻌـ ـﻊ ع ‘ ﻏـ ـﻐـ ـﻎ غ gh ﻓـ ـﻔـ ـﻒ ف f ﭬـ ـﭭـ ـﭫ ڤ v ﻗـ ـﻘـ ـﻖ ق q ﻛـ ـﻜـ ـﻚ ك k ﮔـ ـﮕـ ـﮓ گ g ﻟـ ـﻠـ ـﻞ ل l ـ ـ ـ ـ ڵ ł ﻣـ ـﻤـ ـﻢ م m ﻧـ ـ ـ ـﻦ ن n و ـﻮ ـﻮ و *w ﻫـ ـﻬـ ـﻪ ه h ﯾـ ـ ـ ـﻰ ى y
Vowels: ﺋﻪ ـﻪ ـﻪ ه a ﺋﺎ ـﺎ ـﺎ ا â ﺋ ـ ـ ـ ـ ێ e ا _ _ _ i ﺋ ـ ـ ـ ـﻰ ى î ﺋﯚ ـﯚ ـﯚ ۆ o ﺋﻮ ـﻮ ـﻮ و u ﺋﻮو ـﻮو ـﻮو وو û
7 THE GRAMMAR OF SORANI KURDISH
SUBSTANTIVES
§ 1. The Absolute State of the Noun. A Kurdish noun in the absolute state, i.e. without any ending of any kind, gives a generic sense of the noun. It is also the “lexical” form of the noun, i.e. the form in which a noun is given in a vocabulary list or dictionary. The absolute state is normally used for the wafr وﻩﻓـﺮ ﺳـ ـ ـﻪ qâwa rash a ‘coffee is black’ and ﻗـﺎوﻩ رﻩﺷـﻪ generic sense, as in spî a ‘snow is white’.
§ 2. The Indefinite State. The sign of the indefinite singular (‘a, any, ﯾـــﻪك èk after consonants and- ـــﻚ .some’) is an unstressed enclitic -(y)èk (i.e -yèk after vowels) added to the end of the absolute singular noun. ’pyâwèk ‘a man ﭘﻴﺎو ﻚ < ’pyâw ‘man ﭘﻴﺎو ’rozhèk ‘a day رۆژ ﻚ < ’rozh ‘day رۆژ ’dargâyèk ‘a door دﻩرﮔﺎﯾﻪك < ’dargâ ‘door دﻩرﮔﺎ ’nâmayèk ‘a letter ﻣﻪﯾﻪك < ’nâma ‘letter ﻣﻪ Among the modifiers that demand that a following noun be indefinite are ’,har ‘each ﻫــﻪر chi ‘what?,’ and چ ’,hamû ‘every ﻫــﻪﻣــﻮو ’,chand ‘a few ــﻪﻧــﺪ as in chand pyâwèk a few men ﻪﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎو ﻚ hamû rozhèk every day ﻫﻪﻣﻮو رۆژ ﻚ ?chi lâpařayèk? what page چ ﻻﭘﻪڕﻩﯾﻪك har lâyèk each direction ﻫﻪر ﻻﯾﻪك The construction …i zor ‘many, a lot of’ also takes a preceding indefinite singular noun:
8 SUBSTANTIVES kurdèk i zor a lot of Kurds ﻮرد ﲃ زۆر pyâwèk i zor many men ﭘﻴﺎو ﲃ زۆر The indefinite plural is formed by adding -ân to the absolute singular. If the absolute singular ends in -â, the indefinite plural ending is -yân. Nouns with absolute singulars ending in -a, like nâma, form the indefinite plural by dropping the final -a and adding -ân. pyâwân (some) men ﭘﻴﺎوان < pyâw ﭘﻴﺎو dargâyân (some) doors دﻩرﮔﺎ ن < dargâ دﻩرﮔﺎ nâmân (some) letters ﻣﺎن < nâma ﻣﻪ amarîkîân (some) Americans ﺋﻪﻣﻪر ﻜ ﺎن < amarîkî ﺋﻪﻣﻪر ﲃ
§ 3. The Definite State. Singular nouns are made definite (‘the’) by adding the suffix -(a)ká (i.e. -aká after consonants, u, e, and î, and -ká after the vowels a, â, and o). The combination îaká often results in a vowel contrac- tion to eká, sometimes so spelled in Kurdish. pyâwaká the man ﭘﻴﺎوﻩﻛﻪ < pyâw ﭘﻴﺎو amarîkîaká the American ﺋﻪﻣﻪر ﻜ ﻪﻛﻪ < amarîkî ﺋﻪﻣﻪر ﲃ ktâwîaká the student ﻛﺘﺎوﯾﻪﻛﻪ < ktâwî ﻛﺘﺎوى deaká the village د ﻪﻛﻪ < de دێ dargâká the door دﻩرﮔ ﻛﻪ < dargâ دﻩرﮔﺎ nâmaká the letter ﻣﻪﻛﻪ < nâma ﻣﻪ The definite plural is made by adding (a)kân to the singular, i.e. by chang- ing the -(a)ká of the definite singular to -(a)kân. pyâwakân the men ﭘﻴﺎوﻩﰷن < pyâwaká ﭘﻴﺎوﻩﻛﻪ ktâwîakân the students ﻛﺘﺎوﯾﻪﰷن < ktâwîaká ﻛﺘﺎوﯾﻪﻛﻪ dargâkân the doors دﻩرﮔ ﰷن < dargâká دﻩرﮔ ﻛﻪ nâmakân the letters ﻣﻪﰷن < nâmaká ﻣﻪﻛﻪ
9 SORANI KURDISH § 4. Demonstratives. As attributive adjectives the demonstratives (‘this, am…(y)á, and ﺋــــــﻪم…(ﯾـــــــ)ـﻪ that’) envelop the nouns they modify. ‘This’ is -aw…(y)á. The forms of nouns enveloped by demonstra ﺋـــﻪو…(ﯾــــ)ـﻪ that’ is‘ tives are the absolute singular and the indefinite plural. am pyâwâná these men ﺋﻪم ﭘﻴﺎواﻧﻪ ,am pyâwá this man ﺋﻪم ﭘﻴﺎوﻩ < pyâw ﭘﻴﺎو am ktâwîâná these students ﺋﻪم ﻛﺘﺎو ﻧﻪ ,am ktâwîá this student ﺋﻪم ﻛﺘﺎوﯾﻪ < ktâwî ﻛﺘﺎوى am dargâyâná these doors ﺋﻪم دﻩرﮔﺎ ﻧﻪ ,am dargâyá this door ﺋﻪم دﻩرﮔﺎﯾﻪ < dargâ دﻩرﮔﺎ aw nâmâná those letters ﺋﻪو ﻣﺎﻧﻪ ,aw nâmayá that letter ﺋﻪو ﻣﻪﯾﻪ < nâma ﻣﻪ ﺋــﻪوﻩ ’,amâná ‘these ﺋــﻪﻣــﺎﻧــﻪ ’,amá ‘this ﺋــﻪﻣــﻪ The demonstrative pronouns are ’.awâná ‘those ﺋﻪواﻧﻪ awá ‘that,’ and
§ 5. Attributive Adjectives: The Open Adjectival Izâfa. The attributive adjective following a noun that is (1) absolute singular, (2) indefinite singu- lar, or (3) indefinite plural is linked to the noun by the unstressed vowel i added directly to words ی called the izâfa vowel). The izâfa is written as) .after non-joining letters ی that end in joining letters or an alone hotel i bâsh good hotel1 ﻫﯚﺗ ﲆ ش | hotelèk i bâsh a good hotel ﻫﯚﺗ ﻠ ﲃ ش ⎨ | hotelân i bâsh (some) good hotels ﻫﯚﺗ ﻼﱏ ش ⎩ nâma i drezh long letter ﻣﻪى در ﮋ ⎧ | nâmayèk i drezh a long letter ﻣﻪﯾﻪﰽ در ﮋ ⎨ | nâmân i drezh (some) long letters ﻣﺎﱏ در ﮋ ⎩
§ 6. Possession: The Izâfa Construction. The same izâfa vowel i links the two parts of a possessive construction and is equivalent to the English ‘of.’ ktâwîakân i qutâbkhâna- the students of a school ﻛﺘﺎوﯾﻪﰷﱏ ﻗﻮ ﲞﺎﻧﻪﯾﻪك yèk
1 This also has the generic sense, as in “good hotels are hard to find” or “a good hotel is hard to find.” It contrasts with the following indefinite hotelek i bâsh, as in “there is a good hotel on the corner.” 10 SUBSTANTIVES deaká i aw pyâwá that man’s village د ﻪﻛﻪى ﺋﻪو ﭘﻴﺎوﻩ mâłakân i pyâwakân i the houses of the men of ﻣﺎ ﻪﰷﱏ ﭘﻴﺎوﻩﰷﱏ د ﻪﻛﻪ deaká the village dargâká i châykhânaká the door of the teahouse دﻩرﮔ ﻛﻪى ﺎﳜﺎﻧﻪﻛﻪ darsakân i am ktâwá the lessons of this book دﻩرﺳﻪﰷﱏ ﺋﻪم ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ
§ 7. Attributive Adjectives with Demonstratives and Definites: The Close Izâfa Construction. When noun-adjective constructions are envel- oped by the demonstratives or modified by the definite suffix, the linking vowel changes to a. The indefinite is, of course, excluded from this cate- gory. hotel a bâsh}aká the good hotel} ﻫﯚﺗ ﺷﻪﻛﻪ ⎧ ⎨ am {hotel a bâsh}á this good hotel ﺋﻪم ﻫﯚﺗ ﺷﻪ ⎩ pyâw a amarîkî}aká the American man} ﭘﻴﺎوﻩ ﺋﻪﻣﻪر ﻜ ﻪﻛﻪ ⎧ ⎨ aw {pyâw a amarîkî}á that American man ﺋﻪو ﭘﻴﺎوﻩ ﺋﻪﻣﻪر ﻜ ﻪ ⎩ darsân a âsân}aká the easy lessons} دﻩرﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺋﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪﻛﻪ ⎧ ⎨ am {darsân a âsân}á these easy lessons ﺋﻪم دﻩرﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺋﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ⎩ darsân a sakht}aká the hard lessons} دﻩرﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻪﺧ ﻪﻛﻪ ⎧ ⎨ aw {darsân a sakht}á those hard lessons ﺋﻪو دﻩرﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻪﺧ ﻪ ⎩
If the noun in a close-izâfa construction ends in -a, the linking a is omitted, as in the following: qutâbkhâna ibtidâî}akân1 the elementary schools} ﻗﻮ ﲞﺎﻧﻪ اﺑﺘﺪاﺋﻴﻪﰷن châykhâna gawra}ká the big teahouse} ﺎﳜﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻪورﻩﻛﻪ am {châykhâna gawra}yá this big teahouse ﺋﻪم ﺎﳜﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻪورﻩﯾﻪ natawa yekgirtû}akân the United Nations} ﻧﻪﺗﻪوﻩ ﯾﻪﻛﮕﺮﺗﻮوﻩﰷن ibtidâekân. For the contraction îa > e, see اﺑــﺘــﺪاﺋــ ــﲀن ibtidâîakân may contract to 1 §42. 11 SORANI KURDISH The envelopment of the demonstrative is extendable indefinitely and in- cludes all matter immediately related to a demonstrative phrase. bo twânîn i am {dyârî in order to enable this ﺑـــﯚ ﺗـــﻮاﻧـــ ـــﲎ ﺋـــﻪم د رى ـــﺮدﱏ kirdin i jegâ i Mîr Gaw- clarification of Mir ﺟ ﮕﺎى ﻣﲑ ﮔﻪورﻩﯾﻪ ra}yá Gawra’s position
Close izâfa constructions may be mixed with open izâfa constructions, as in the following: châykhâna gawraká} i the big teahouse on the} ـﺎﳜـﺎﻧـﻪ ﮔـﻪورﻩﻛـﻪى ﺳـﻪر ﺷـﻪﻗـﺎﻣـﻪ sar {shaqâm a sarakî- major street in town ﺳﻪرﻩ ﻴﻪﻛﻪى ﺷﺎر aká} i shâr
§ 8. Attributive Adjectives with Definite Nouns. Attributive adjectives modifying definite nouns also are linked to the noun by the izâfa vowel i, but the placement of the definite suffix, both singular and plural, is variable. darsakân i sakht ⎫ | دﻩرﺳﻪﰷﱏ ﺳﻪﺧﺖ | darsân a sakhtaká ⎬the hard lessons1 | دﻩرﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻪﺧ ﻪﻛﻪ | ⎭ dars a sakhtakân دﻩرﺳﻪ ﺳﻪﺧ ﻪﰷن
Noun–adjective constructions in which the izâfa is embedded (the second and third examples above), where plural and definite suffixes fall at the end of the izâfa “string,” represent a very close connection, inseparable in the mind of the speaker, between noun and adjective.
1 These three examples all have the same meaning in English, but they connote دﻩرﺳـﻪﰷﱏ ﺳـﻪﺧـﺖ .different aspects of noun-adjective linkage to the speaker of Kurdish darsakân i sakht are the lessons (about which we already know), which happen to be darsân a sakhtaká دﻩرﺳـﺎﻧـﻪ ﺳـﻪﺧـ ـﻪﮐـﻪ .hard, not necessarily in contrast to anything else دﻩرﳻ ﭼــﻮارﻩم و دهرﳻ ــﻪوﺗــﻪم دﻩرﺳــﺎﻧــﻪ points out the specific lessons that are hard, as in dars i chwâram u dars i hawtam darsân a sakhtaká i am ktâwán ﺳـﻪﺧـ ـﻪﮐـﻪى ﺋـﻪم ﻛـﺘـﺎوﻩن dars دﻩرﺳـﻪ ﺳـﻪﺧـ ـﻪﰷن ”.lesson four and lesson seven are the hard lessons in this book“ dars a âsânakân دﻩرﺳــﻪ ﺋــﺎﺳــﺎﻧــﻪﰷن ,a sakhtakân is “the hard lessons” as opposed to, say “the easy lessons,” where the adjectives “hard” and “easy” are inextricably linked to “lessons,” i.e. we are considering “hard-lessons” vs. “easy-lessons.” 12 SUBSTANTIVES guł i sûr ‘red flower, rose.’ If the speaker is ﮔــﻮ ــﻰ ﺳــﻮور A good example is thinking of a flower that simply happens to be red, say a red carnation, the ,gułaká i sûr ﮔـﻮ ـﻪﻛـﻪى ﺳـﻮور gułèk i sûr, the definite is ﮔـﻮ ـ ـﲃ ﺳـﻮور indefinite is gułân i sûr, and the definite plural is ﮔــــــــﻮ ﱏ ﺳــــــــﻮور the indefinite plural is gułakân i sûr. If by guł i sûr the speaker means the ‘rose,’ in ﮔـــﻮ ـــﻪﰷﱏ ﺳـــﻮور guł a ﮔـــﻮ ـــﻪ ﺳـــﻮور ـــﻚ which case sûr is inseparable from guł, the indefinite is ﮔــﻮ ــﻪ is guł a sûraká, the indefinite plural is ﮔــﻮ ــﻪ ﺳــﻮورﻩﻛــﻪ sûrèk, the definite .guł a sûrakân ﮔـــﻮ ـــﻪ ﺳـــﻮورﻩﰷن guł a sûrân, and the definite plural is ﺳـــﻮوران Similar close constructions are the following: mezhûnûs a ‘arabakân the Arab historians ﻣ ﮋووﻧﻮوﺳﻪ ﻪرﻩﺑﻪﰷن Here we are considering only Arab historians, not historians who happen to .mezhûnûsakân i ‘arab ﻣ ﮋووﻧﻮوﺳﻪﰷﱏ ﻪرﻩب be Arabs, who would be qutâbî a kurdakân the Kurdish students ﻗﻮ ﺑﻴﻪ ﻮردﻩﰷن Similarly here only students who are Kurdish are under consideration. The students who happen to be Kurdish, but not as an exclusive category, would .qutâbîakân i kurd ﻗﻮ ﺑﻴﻪﰷﱏ ﻮرد be
§ 9. Synopsis of Noun States. SINGULAR PLURAL ⎧ ktâw ‘book’ — ﻛﺘﺎو ⎨ absolute — ’nâma ‘letter ﻣﻪ ⎩ ⎧ ktâwèk ktâwân ﻛﺘﺎوان ﻛﺘﺎو ﻚ ⎨ indefinite nâmân ﻣﺎن nâmayèk ﻣﻪﯾﻪك ⎩ ⎧ ktâwaká ktâwakân ﻛﺘﺎوﻩﰷن ﻛﺘﺎوﻩﻛﻪ ⎨ definite nâmakân ﻣﻪﰷن nâmaká ﻣﻪﻛﻪ ⎩ demon- ⎧ am ktâwá am ktâwâná ﺋﻪم ﻛﺘﺎواﻧﻪ ﺋﻪم ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ ⎨ am nâmâná ﺋﻪم ﻣﺎﻧﻪ am nâmayá ﺋﻪم ﻣﻪﯾﻪ ⎩ strative
LOOSE-IZÂFA NOUN-ADJECTIVE CONSTRUCTIONS
⎧ ktâw i gawra — ﻛﺘﺎوى ﮔﻪورﻩ ⎨ absolute — nâma i drezh ﻣﻪی در ﮋ ⎩
13 SORANI KURDISH
indefi- ⎧ ktâwèk i gawra ktâwân i gawra ﻛﺘﺎواﱏ ﮔﻪورﻩ ﻛﺘﺎو ﲃ ﮔﻪورﻩ ⎨ nâmân i drezh ﻣﺎﱏ در ﮋ nâmayèk i drezh ﻣﻪﯾﻪﰽ در ﮋ ⎩ nite ⎧ ktâwaká i gawra ktâwakân i gawra ﻛﺘﺎوﻩﰷﱏ ﮔﻪورﻩ ﻛﺘﺎوﻩﻛﻪى ﮔﻪورﻩ⎨ definite nâmakân i drezh ﻣﻪﰷﱏ در ﮋ nâmaká i drezh ﻣﻪﮐﻪی در ﮋ ⎩ am ktâwân a ﺋﻪم ﻛﺘﺎواﻧﻪ -am ktâw a gaw ﺋﻪم ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ ⎧ demon- | gawrayá ﮔﻪورﻩﯾﻪ rayá ﮔﻪورﻩﯾﻪ ⎨ strative | am nâmân a drezhá ﺋﻪم ﻣﺎﻧﻪ در ﮋﻩ am nâma drezhá ﺋﻪم ﻣﻪ در ﮋﻩ ⎩
CLOSE-IZÂFA NOUN-ADJECTIVE CONSTRUCTIONS
— ktâw a gawra ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ ﮔﻪورﻩ ⎧ absolute ⎨ — nâma drezh ﻣﻪ در ﮋ ⎩ ktâw a gawrân ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ ﮔﻪوران ktâw a gawrayèk ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ ﮔﻪورﻩﯾﻪك ⎧ -indefi ⎨ nâma drezhân ﻣﻪ در ﮋان nâma drezhèk ﻣﻪ در ﮋ ﻚ ⎩ nite ktâw a gawrakân .1 ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ ﮔﻪورﻩﰷن ⎧ ktâw a gawraká ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ ﮔﻪورﻩﻛﻪ | ktâwân a gawraká .2 ﻛﺘﺎواﻧﻪ ﮔﻪورﻩﻛﻪ | definite ⎨ | 1. nâma drezhakân ﻣﻪ در ﮋﻩﰷن | nâma drezhaká ﻣﻪ در ﮋﻩﻛﻪ ⎩ nâmân a drezhaká .2 ﻣﺎﻧﻪ در ﮋﻩﻛﻪ am ktâw a gawrâná ﺋﻪم ﮐﺘﺎوﻩ -am ktâw a gaw ﺋﻪم ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ ⎧ demon- | ﮔﻪوراﻧﻪ rayá ﮔﻪورﻩﯾﻪ ⎨ strative | am nâma drezhâná ﺋﻪم ﻣﻪ در ﮋاﻧﻪ am nâma drezhá ﺋﻪم ﻣﻪ در ﮋﻩ ⎩
§ 10. Personal Pronouns. The independent personal pronouns are as fol- lows: ema we ﺋ ﻤﻪ min I ﻣﻦ (.ewa you (pl ﺋ ﻮﻩ (.to you (sing ﺗﯚ awân they ﺋﻪوان aw he, she, it ﺋﻪو The independent personal pronouns are used as (1) subjects of equational sentences:
14 SUBSTANTIVES .Min kurdim. I’m a Kurd ﻣﻦ ﻮردم.
(2) emphatic subjects of verbs and topics of topic-comment sentences: .Aw hât; ewa náhâtin. He came; you didn’t ﺋﻪو ﻫﺎت، ﺋ ﻮﻩ ﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻦ. Min awim balâwa giring For me, that’s not ﻣﻦ ﺋﻪوم ﺑﻪﻻوﻩ ﮔﺮ ﮓ ﻧﻴﻪ. niya. important. and (3) emphatic possessors in an izâfa string: ktâwaká i min my book ﻛﺘﺎوﻩﻛﻪى ﻣﻦ nîshtimânaká i ema our homeland ﻧ ﺸ ﻧﻪﻛﻪى ﺋ ﻤﻪ For pronominal objects of verbs, see §23.
§ 10.1. Possessive Pronouns. The normal possessive pronouns are un- stressed enclitics added to the noun. They take the following forms: AFTER CONSONANTS AFTER VOWELS mân-´ ﻣﺎن m-´ م mân-´ ﻣﺎن im-´ م tân-´ ن t-´ ت tân-´ ن it-´ ت yân-´ ن y-´ ی yân-´ ن î-´ ی Examples of possessive pronouns with kuř ‘son’ and pâra ‘money’: pârámân ﭘﺎرﻩﻣﺎن pârám ﭘﺎرﻩم kúřmân ﻮڕﻣﺎن kúřim ﻮڕم pârátân ﭘﺎرﻩ ن pârát ﭘﺎرﻩت kúřtân ﻮڕ ن kúřit ﻮڕت pâráyân ﭘﺎرﻩ ن pâráy ﭘﺎرﻩی kúřyân ﻮڕ ن kúřî ﻮڕی ,kúřim ـــــﻮڕم) The enclitic possessive pronouns may be added to the absolute pârakám), or the indefinite ﭘـﺎرﻩﮐـﻪم ,kuřakám ـﻮڕﻩﮐـﻪم) pârám), the definite ﭘـﺎرﻩم pâráyekim) forms of the noun. When added to the ﭘـــﺎرﻩﯾـــﻪﰼ ,kúřekim ـــﻮڕ ـــﲂ) absolute, the noun has a figurative meaning; for actual, concrete meanings pâra) you can hold in ﭘـــــــــﺎرﻩ) the definite form is used. For instance, money pâram is ﭘـﺎرﻩم pârakám ‘my money,’ while ﭘـﺎرﻩﻛـﻪم your hand you would call figurative, more like ‘my wealth.’ Someone who writes for a living can be qałamî ‘his pen,’ but what he ﻗـــﻪ ـــﻪﱉ said to earn his livelihood by means of qałamakay ‘his pen.’ Compare and ﻗــﻪ ــﻪﻣــﻪﻛــﻪى actually holds in his hand is contrast the following: 15 SORANI KURDISH
FIGURATIVE ACTUAL ,pârakát your (real) money ﭘﺎرﻩﻛﻪت pârat your money, your ﭘﺎرﻩت wealth your cash kuřakám my (real) son ﻮڕﻩﻛﻪم ”kuřim my son, “sonny ﻮڕم nânakámân our bread ﻧﻪﻛﻪﻣﺎن nânmân our livelihood ﳕﺎن mâłakátân your house ﻣﺎ ﻪﻛﻪ ن mâłtân your home ﻣﺎ ﺘﺎن
Exceptions to the general rule. Prominent exceptions to the general forma- birâ ـﺮا ’,dâyik ‘mother داﯾـﻚ ’,bâwk ‘father وك) tion are the family members nâw ‘name.’ When modified و khwayshk ‘sister’) and ﺧـﻮﻩ ـﺸـﻚ brother’ and‘ by pronominal possessives, these nouns are the reverse of the formation khwayshkakám are used to ﺧـﻮﻩ ـﺸـﻜـﻪﻛـﻪم Birâkám and ـﺮ ﻛـﻪم .described above address or refer to anyone other than one’s real brothers and sisters, who are (Nâwî means ‘his (real وى .khwayshkim ﺧــــﻮﻩ ــــﺸــــﲂ birâm and ــــﺮام called nâwakáy, which means ‘his name’ in the sense وﻩﻛــﻪى name,’ as opposed to of a label or sobriquet given to someone, not his actual name. When possessives are added to the indefinite form of the noun, they mean ktâwekit ‘a ﮐـﺘـﺎو ـﮑـﺖ ’,kuřekim ‘a son of mine ـﻮڕ ـﲂ .a … of mine,’ &c., e.g‘ .qalamekî ‘a pen of his,’ &c ﻗﻪ ﻣ ﮑﯽ book of yours,’ and
§ 11. Enclitic -îsh. The enclitic particle -îsh (‘too, also, even’ and often equivalent to a simple raised voice inflection in English) is added to nouns, noun–adjective phrases and pronouns. It cannot follow a finite verb form. When added to words ending in vowels, -îsh loses its own vowel in favor of the preceding vowel, becoming ’sh. When added to words that have an en- clitic pronoun attached, -îsh intervenes between the noun and pronoun. mínîsh I/me too ﻣ ﺶ < min I/me ﻣﻦ ema’sh we/us too ﺋ ﻤﻪش < ema we/us ﺋ ﻤﻪ bâwkîshî his father too وﻛ ﴙ < bâwkî his father وﰽ pâraká’shyân their money ﭘﺎرﻩﻛﻪﺷ ﻴﺎن < pârakáyân their money ﭘﺎرﻩﻛﻪ ن too
16 SUBSTANTIVES rafîqakânîshim even my رﻩﻓ ﻘﻪﰷﻧ ﺸﻢ < rafîqakânim my friends رﻩﻓ ﻘﻪﰷﱎ friends
§ 12. Cardinal Numbers. The cardinal numbers are as follows: bîst 20 ٢٠ ﺑ ﺴﺖ yek 1 ١ ﯾﻪك bîst u yek 21 ٢١ ﺑ ﺴﺖ و ﯾﻪك dû 2 ٢ دوو bîst u dû 22 ٢٢ ﺑ ﺴﺖ و دوو se 3 ٣ ﺳ .bîst u se, &c 23 ٢٣ ﺑ ﺴﺖ و ﺳ chwâr 4 ٤ ﭼﻮار sî 30 ٣٠ ﳻ penj 5 ٥ ﭘ ﺞ sî u yek 31 ٣١ ﳻ و ﯾﻪك shash 6 ٦ ﺷﻪش sî u dû 32 ٣٢ ﳻ و دوو ḥawt 7 ٧ ﻪوت .sî u se, &c 33 ٣٣ ﳻ و ﺳ hasht 8 ٨ ﻫﻪﺷﺖ chil 40 ٤٠ ﻞ no 9 ٩ ﻧﯚ panjâ 50 ٥٠ ﭘﻪﳒﺎ da 10 ١٠ دﻩ shast 60 ٦٠ ﺷﻪﺳﺖ yânza 11 ١١ ﺰﻩ ḥaftâ 70 ٧٠ ﻪﻓ ﺎ dwânza 12 ١٢ دوا ﺰﻩ hashtâ 80 ٨٠ ﻫﻪﺷ ﺘﺎ syânza 13 ١٣ ﺳ ﻴﺎ ﺰﻩ nawad 90 ٩٠ ﻧﻪوﻩد chwârda 14 ١٤ ﭼﻮاردﻩ sad 100 ١٠٠ ﺳﻪد pânza 15 ١٥ ﭘﺎ ﺰدﻩ hazâr 1000 ١٠٠٠ ﻫﻪزار shânza 16 ١٦ ﺷﺎ ﺰﻩ dûhazâr 2000 ۲۰۰۰ دوو ﻫﻪزار ḥavda 17 ١٧ ﻪﭬﺪﻩ sehazâr 3000 ۳۰۰۰ ﺳ ﻫﻪزار hazhda 18 ١٨ ﻫﻪژدﻩ chwârhazâr, &c 4000 ٤٠٠٠ ﭼﻮار ﻫﻪزار nozda 19 ١٩ ﻧﯚزدﻩ
All words having to do with time and instance follow the cardinal number immediately in the absolute state: dû rozh two days دوو رۆژ shash mâng six months ﺷﻪش ﻣﺎ ﮓ sad sâł a hundred years ﺳﻪد ﺳﺎڵ With other words the cardinal number is followed by a classifier, which is followed by the singular noun in the absolute state, as in Persian. The most common classifiers, and those which can be used, practically speaking, for sar ﺳــﻪر nafar for people, and ﻧــﻪﻓــﻪر ,dâna for things داﻧــﻪ almost anything are 17 SORANI KURDISH for animate beings other than people. chwâr dâna ktâw four books ﭼﻮار داﻧﻪ ﻛﺘﺎو penj nafar five people ﭘ ﺞ ﻧﻪﻓﻪر da sar mař ten sheep دﻩ ﺳﻪر ﻣﻪڕ
§ 12.1 Ordinal numbers. The ordinal numbers are formed from the cardi- nal numbers plus the suffix -(h)am, as follows: ḥawtam ﻪوﺗﻪم yekam 7th ﯾﻪﻛﻪم 1st hashtam ﻫﻪﺷ ﺘﻪم dûham 8th دووﻫﻪم 2nd noham ﻧﯚﻫﻪم seham 9th ﺳ ﻬﻪم 3rd daham دﻩﻫﻪم chwâram 10th ﭼﻮارﻩم 4th yânzaham ﺰﻩﻫﻪم penjam 11th ﭘ ﻪم 5th .dwânzaham, &c دوا ﺰﻩﻫﻪم shasham 12th ﺷﻪﺷﻪم 6th
§ 12.2 Days of the Week and Months of the Year. The days of the week, :shamma, are as follows ﺷﻪﳑﻪ made up mostly of cardinal numbers and chwârshamma Wednesday ﭼﻮارﺷﻪﳑﻪ shamma Saturday ﺷﻪﳑﻪ penjshamma Thursday ﭘ ﺠﺸﻪﳑﻪ yekshamma Sunday ﯾﻪ ﺸﻪﳑﻪ jum‘a Friday ﺟﻮﻣﻌﻪ dûshamma Monday دووﺷﻪﳑﻪ seshamma Tuesday ﺳ ﺸﻪﳑﻪ
§ 12.3 Months of the Year and the Kurdish Calendar. The traditional months of the year, which correspond to the signs of the zodiac, are as fol- lows: TÂWISTÂN SUMMER وﺳ ﺘﺎن BAHÂR SPRING ﺑﻪﻫﺎر –pushpař Cancer, June 22 ﭘﻮﺷ ﭙﻪڕ –khâkalêwa Aries, March 21 ﮐﻪﻟ ﻮﻩ April 20 July22 –galâwezh Leo, July 23 ﮔﻪﻻو ﮋ gulân ﮔﻮﻻن bânamař or ﻧﻪﻣﻪڕ Taurus, April 21–May 21 August 22 kharmânân Virgo, August ﻪرﻣﺎ ن –jozardân Gemini, May 22 ﺟﯚزﻩردان June 21 23–September 22 18 SUBSTANTIVES ZISTÂN WINTER زﺳ ﺘﺎن XAZÂN AUTUMN ﻪزان -bafrânbâr Capricorn, Decem ﺑﻪﻓﺮاﻧﺒﺎر –razbar Libra, September 23 رﻩزﺑﻪر October 22 ber 22–January 20 rebandân Aquarius, January ر ـﺒﻪﻧﺪان -galâ ﮔﻪﻻر ﺰان khazałwar or ﻪزﻩ ﻮﻩر rezân Scorpio, October 23– 21–February 19 –rashama Pisces, February 20 رﻩﺷﻪﻣﻪ November 21 sarmâwaz Sagittarius, March 20 ﺳﻪرﻣﺎوﻩز November 22–December 21
The names of the Western (Roman) months are as follows: tamûz July ﺗﻪﻣﻮوز kânûn i dûham January ﰷﻧﻮوﱏ دووﻫﻪم âb August ﺋﺎب shubât February ﺷﻮ ت aylûl September ﺋﻪﯾﻠﻮول âdâr March ﺋﺎدار tishrîn i yekam October ﴩﯾﲎ ﯾﻪﮐﻪم nîsân April ﻧ ﺴﺎن -tishrîn i dûham Novem ﴩﯾﲎ دووﻫﻪم âyâr May ﺋﺎ ر ber ﻪز ﺮان ḥuzayrân or ﺣﻮزﻩ ﺮان kânûn i yekam December ﰷﻧﻮوﱏ ﯾﻪﮐﻪم ḥazîrân June
The recently instituted “Kurdish era” dates from 612 B.C., and the Kurdish nawroz, the vernal equinox, on or ﻧــــــــــﻪورۆز year, like the Iranian, begins on about March 21.
§ 13. Comparative and Superlative Adjectives. The comparative degree ﮔــﻪورﻩ ــﺮ < ’gawra ‘big ﮔــﻪورﻩ .tir, e.g- ــﺮ of the adjective is made by suffixing zyâ ز garmtir ‘warmer,’ and ﮔــﻪرﻣــﱰ < ’garm ‘warm ﮔــﻪرم ’,gawratir ‘bigger zyâtir ‘more.’ The preposition of comparison is la, as in the ز ــﺮ < ’much‘ following examples. -Amřo la dwene sârdtir a. Today is colder than yes ﺋﻪﻣ ۆ دو ﺳﺎرد ﺮﻩ. terday. .Ama l’ awa châktir a. This is better than that ﺋﻪﻣﻪ وﻩ ﻛﱰﻩ. -tirîn. Superlative ad- ـــﺮ ـــﻦ The superlative degree is formed by suffixing jectives so formed precede the nouns they modify, as in sârdtirîn rozh the coldest day ﺳﺎرد ﺮ ﻦ رۆژ 19 SORANI KURDISH châktirîn shitân the best things ﻛﱰ ﻦ ﺷ ﺘﺎن jwântirîn mindâł the most beautiful child ﺟﻮاﻧﱰ ﻦ ﻣ ﺪاڵ
§ 14. Prepositions, Postpositions, Circumpositions. Certain prepositions, ,da ‘to, in, into’ and la ‘by, to دﻩ ’,ba ‘in, at ﺑـﻪ in particular the prepositions in, at’ and ‘from,’ occur as circumpositions that envelop the complement, that is, the preposition itself marks the beginning of the prepositional phrase, and the end of the complement is marked by a postpositional ele- ment like -awa, -(d)â, or -râ. la dûrawa from afar دوورﻩوﻩ la khoawa by itself, by oneself ﺧﯚﻩوﻩ da arzîdâ on the ground دﻩ ﺋﻪرزﯾﺪا la khor’â by itself, by oneself ﺧﯚرا la nîwashawdâ in the middle of the night ﻧﻴﻮﻩﺷﻪودا l’ am wakhtádâ at this time م وﻩﺧ ﻪدا The d of dâ is often dropped, particularly but not necessarily after n, giving -’â, as in la Kurdistân’â in Kurdistan ﻮردﺳ ﺘﺎ la nâwcha i Sorân’â in the district of Soran و ﻪى ﺳﯚرا la shwenawârakân i in the monuments of the ﺷـــﻮ ـــﻨـــﻪوارﻩﰷﱏ ﺣـــ ـــﻪى nâḥiya i Khormâl’îsh’â Khormal region too ﺧﯚرﻣﺎﻟ ﺸﺎ (la pâsh’â after(wards ﭘﺎﺷﺎ lagał min’â with me ﮔﻪڵ ﻣ ﺎ The postpositional element does not usually, in and of itself, add anything substantial to the meaning of the prepositional phrase, and most preposi- tions occur without the postpositional element without any significant change in meaning—with the important exception of la…dâ ‘in, at’ and la…awa ‘from,’ where the postpositions define the meaning of la. When la lacks the postpositional element, the meaning must be ascertained from con-
20 SUBSTANTIVES text. Common prepositions and circumpositions: -labâbat …awa concern ﺑﻪت ...ـﻪوﻩ pe) to; with, by ﭘ ) ba ﺑﻪ (instrumental) ing, about labâra i …awa concerning رﻩى ...ـﻪوﻩ babe …awa without ﺑﻪ …ـﻪوﻩ labât i instead of ﰏ ,badam …awa along with ﺑﻪدﻩم …ـﻪوﻩ labin beside ﻦ while, during labiret i instead of ﺮ ﱴ -balâ i …awa in the opin ﺑﻪﻻى …ـﻪوﻩ ladam …dâ behind دﻩم …دا ion of lagał …(dâ) with, together ﮔﻪڵ …(دا) bape i according to ﺑﻪﭘ ﻰ bar la before (temporal) with ﺑﻪر lalâyan …awa by (passive ﻻﯾﻪن …ـﻪوﻩ -baraw i …dâ in the direc ﺑﻪرﻩوى ...دا tion of agent) lanâw within و baraw in front of, toward ﺑﻪرﻩوﻩ ,lanew …dâ between ﻧ ﻮ …دا bardam before, in the face ﺑﻪردﻩم of among lapenâw i …dâ for the ﭘ ﺎوى …دا be without bejiga la …awa except for sake of ﺑ ﺠﮕﻪ ...ـﻪوﻩ laraw i with respect to رﻩوى bo for ﺑﯚ ;lare i …awa by means of رێ …ـﻪوﻩ da (te) on, in دﻩ ( ) dagał with for دﻩﮔﻪڵ laregâ …dâ for the sake ر ﮕﺎ …دا dwâ i after دواى jiga la except for, aside of ﺟﮕﻪ ;lasar on, on top of ﺳﻪر from la (le) in, from according to (ﻟ ) lazher …dâ under ژ ﺮ …دا la …(dâ) in, at …(دا) nâw between, among و la …awa from, than …ـﻪوﻩ newân between, among ﻧ ﻮان ,labar …(dâ) in front of ﺑﻪر …(دا) pâsh after ﭘﺎش before (pesh before (spacial ﭘ ﺶ labar …awa because of ﺑﻪر …ـﻪوﻩ wak like وﻩك ,labayn i …dâ between ﺑﻪﯾﲎ …دا among
§ 14.1. Preposed Pronominal Prepositional Complements. When pro-
21 SORANI KURDISH nouns are complements of prepositions, they occur as enclitics unless they are to be particularly stressed. Pronominal compliments may be either pre- posed, i.e. added to the word preceding the preposition, or postposed, i.e. added to the preposition itself. When the following prepositions have enclit- ic complements, either pre- or postposed, they change their forms as fol- lows: pe ﭘ ba becomes ﺑﻪ da becomes te دﻩ le ﻟ la becomes (è (see §35 below- ێ à becomes- ـﻪ All prepositions may take an independent pronoun as complement, as in ﻟـ la min ‘from me.’ If the pronoun is enclitic, the preposition changes to ﻣـﻦ ’,lem ‘from me ﻟـــ ـــﻢ le. When the enclitic pronoun is postposed the phrase is and such phrases with postposed complements generally occur as tag phrases, i.e. falling after the verb, or at the end of a clause or sentence. When the prepositional phrase falls before the verb, or before the end of a ,im le- ـﻢ ﻟـــــــ clause or sentence, the enclitic pronoun is usually preposed as and the enclitic pronoun must be attached to some available preverbal mat- ter. For instance, in the sentence pirsyârèk la rafîqakay he asks a question of his ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﻚ رﻩﻓ ﻘﻪﻛﻪى دﻩﰷ dákâ friend if rafîqakay is changed to a pronoun and the prepositional phrase is a tag, the sentence becomes pirsyârèk dákâ ley he asks a question of him ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﻚ دﻩﰷ ﻟ ﻰ Normally, however, the prepositional phrase would have a preposed com- plement as pirsyârèkî le dákâ he asks a question of him ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﲃ ﻟ دﻩﰷ In the sentence pirsyârèk la min dákâ he asks a question of me ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﻚ ﻣﻦ دﻩﰷ min ‘me’ is stressed, but it could be expressed with an enclitic pronoun (and
22 SUBSTANTIVES therefore not particularly stressed) as pirsyârèkim le dákâ he asks a question of me ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﲂ ﻟ دﻩﰷ
It is important to realize that, for Kurdish speakers, the preposed enclitic pronoun is inextricably linked to the word to which it is attached—i.e., in the example above pirsyârèkim must be pronounced as one word. If there is any pause, the place for it is between the pronoun and the preposition. Other examples are: .l’ awân gwe dágirim > I’m listening to them وان ﮔـﻮێ دﻩﮔـﺮم > ﮔـﻮ ـﻴـﺎن ﻟـ .gweyân le dágirim دﻩﮔﺮم .dargâ bikanawa bo min > Open the door for me دﻩرﮔـﺎ ـﻜـﻪﻧـﻪوﻩ ﺑـﯚ ﻣـﻦ > دﻩرﮔـﺎم ﺑـﯚ .dargâm bo bikanawa ﻜﻪﻧﻪوﻩ pûłaka l’ aw war dagire > He takes the money from ﭘـــﻮو ـــﻪﻛـــﻪ و وﻩر دﻩﮔـــﺮێ > .pûłakay le war dagire. him ﭘﻮو ﻪﻛﻪى ﻟ وﻩر دﻩﮔﺮێ .qsa bikam bo to > qsat bo Let me tell you a story ﻗـﺴـﻪ ـﻜـﻪم ﺑـﯚ ﺗـﯚ > ﻗـﺴـﻪت ﺑـﯚ .bikam ﻜﻪم .ama bíłem ba to > amat pe Let me say this to you ﺋـﻪﻣـﻪ ﺑـ ـ ـﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺗـﯚ > ﺋـﻪﻣـﻪت ﭘـ .bíłem ﺑ ﻢ. râwchîyèk henday namâ- A hunter almost came راوﭼـﻰﯾـﻪك ﻫـ ـﻨـﺪﻩى ﻧـﻪﻣـﺎوﻩ ـﮕـﺎﺗـﻪ wa bigâtà rewî > râwchî- upon the fox > A hunter ر ـﻮى > راوﭼـﻰﯾـﻪك ﻫـ ـﻨـﺪﻩى .yèk henday namâwa biy- almost came upon it ﻧﻪﻣﺎوﻩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎ . gâtè. bałkû shitèk bidâtà min > Maybe he’ll give me ﺑــﻪ ــﻜــﻮو ﺷــ ــ ــﻚ ﺑــﺪاﺗــﻪ ﻣــﻦ > .bałkû shitèkim bidâtè. something ﺑﻪ ﻜﻮو ﺷ ﲂ ﺑﺪا .qsa dakâ dagał to > qsat He speaks with you ﻗـﺴـﻪ دﻩﰷ دﻩﮔـﻪڵ ﺗـﯚ > ﻗـﺴـﻪت .dagał dakâ دﻩﮔﻪڵ دﻩﰷ aw balâ i minawa giring- He is more important to ﺋـﻪو ﺑـﻪ ﻻى ﻣـ ـﻪوﻩ ﮔـﺮ ـﮕـﱰﻩ > ﺋـﻪوم .tir a > awim balâwa me ﺑﻪﻻوﻩ ﮔﺮ ﮕﱰﻩ giringtir a.
Similar is the construction involved in the idiom khaw- le kawtin—literal- -kha ـﻪوى ﻟـ ﻛـﻪوت ly “for sleep to fall on (someone)”—‘to fall asleep,’ as in 23 SORANI KURDISH -khawim le nákawt ‘I didn’t/could ـﻪوم ﻟـ ﻧـﻪﻛـﻪوت ’,wî le kawt ‘he fell asleep n’t fall asleep.’ In this construction the person upon whom sleep falls is expressed by a pronominal enclitic on khaw-; if a 3rd-person “subject” is expressed, the resumptive construction is used, as in ,.kichakân khawyân le kawt the girls fell asleep (lit ﻛ ﻪﰷن ﻪو ن ﻟ ﻛﻪوت “the girls—sleep fell upon them”)
In all the previous examples, the preposed complement has preceded the preposition immediately, and generally this is the position it takes. How- ever, a preposed complement separated from the preposition by other matter also occurs. Dabe khewatèkim la dara- They will have to pitch a دﻩ ﺧـ ـﻮﻩﺗـ ـﲂ دﻩرﻩوﻩى ﺷـﺎر wa i shâr bo hałbidan. tent for me outside the ﺑﯚ ﻫﻪ ﺒﺪﻩن. city.
For the special cases in which preposed postpositional complements dis- place enclitic possessive pronouns, see §27.4.
24 THE VERB
§ 15. Present Copulas. The present-tense copulas (‘am, is, are’) consist of the following enclitics: POSTCONSONANTAL POSTVOCALIC yn- ﻦ m- م în- ﻦ im- م n- ن (y(t- ى، ﯾﺖ in- ن (î(t- ى، ﯾﺖ n- ن ya- ﯾﻪ in- ن a- ه :’l’era ‘here ﻟ ﺮﻩ kurd ‘Kurdish’ and ﻮرد Examples are with ⎧ kúrdim ‘I am Kurdish’ kúrdîn ‘we are Kurdish’ ﻮرد ﻦ ﻮردم | ⎫ kúrdî ﻮردى | ’kúrdin ‘you are Kurdish ﻮردن ’you are Kurdish‘ ⎬ ⎨ ⎭ kúrdît ﺮدﯾﺖ | | ’kúrdin ‘they are Kurdish ﻮردن ’kúrda ‘s/he is Kurdish ﻮردﻩ ⎩ ⎧ l’erám ‘I am here’ l’eráyn ‘we are here’ ﻟ ﺮﻩ ﻦ ﻟ ﺮﻩم | ⎫ l’eráy ﻟ ﺮﻩی | ’l’erán ‘you are here ﻟ ﺮﻩن ’you are here‘ ⎬ ⎨ ⎭ l’eráyt ﻟ ﺮﻩﯾﺖ | | ’l’erán ‘they are here ﻟ ﺮﻩن ’l’eráya ‘s/he is here ﻟ ﺮﻩﯾﻪ ⎩
When the 3rd-person possessive enclitic (-î/-y) is followed by the 3rd- person copula (-a), a special form, -yatî, is used. .ktâw-a. It’s a book ﻛﺘﺎوﻩ. .ktâwî > ktâwyatî. his book > It’s his book ﻛﺘﺎوى > ﻛﺘﺎوﯾﻪﰏ.
The negative copula is formed on the base níy-: níyîn we are not ﻧﻴﲔ níyim I am not ﻧﲓ níyin you are not ﻧﲔ níyî(t) you are not ﻧﲕ، ﻧﻴ ﺖ níyin they are not ﻧﲔ níya he/she/it is not ﻧﻴﻪ
25 SORANI KURDISH § 16. ‘To Have.’ There is no verb in Kurdish equivalent to the English verb ‘to have.’ Kurdish expresses possession through the following formula: noun possessed (indefinite or absolute) + possessive pronoun + háya/níya (present) or hábû/hanábû (past) or some form of the verb bûn ‘to be’ .Pirsyârèkim háya. I have a question ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﲂ ﻫﻪﯾﻪ. .Pirsyârèkim hábû. I had a question ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﲂ ﻫﻪﺑﻮو. .Pârat háya. You have money ﭘﺎرﻩت ﻫﻪﯾﻪ. Ktâwèk i bâshî níya. He doesn’t have a good ﻛﺘﺎو ﲃ ﳽ ﻧﻴﻪ. book. .Qałamânmân hábû. We had some pens ﻗﻪ ﻪﻣﺎﳕﺎن ﻫﻪﺑﻮو. Chand kuřtân háya? How many sons do you ﻪﻧﺪ ﻮڕ ن ﻫﻪﯾﻪ؟ have? Zor pârayân hanábû. They didn’t have much زۆر ﭘﺎرﻩ ن ﻫﻪﻧﻪﺑﻮو. money. .Tâqa kuřekî dabe. He has an only son ﻗﻪ ﻮڕ ﲃ دﻩ .
§ 17. The Present Habitual/Progressive. The present habitual tense corre- sponds to the English simple present used for habitual action (‘I go’), pro- gressive action (‘I’m going’), and the future (‘I’ll go, I’m going to go’1). It is formed from the present stem of the verb with a prefixed modal marker, which receives the stress, and the following suffixed personal endings. CONSONANT STEMS VOWEL STEMS -im -în -m -yn -î(t) -in -y(t) -n -e(t) -in -â(t)/-(t) -n The inherent (t) shown for the 2nd- and 3rd-persons singular is characteris- tic of literary Kurdish and seldom appears in the more informal spoken lan-
1 Unlike Kurmanji, Sorani Kurdish has no future tense. The future may be ex- pressed periphrastically (“I want to go,” e.g.), but normally the future sense is gained from context. 26 THE VERB guage. It is recovered, however, when any enclitic or suffix is added to the verb form (see §18 below). á-; in most other dialects the ﺋـــﻪ The modal prefix in Sulaymani Kurdish is dá-. Since otherwise verbs are conjugated identically in دﻩ modal prefix is all varieties of Sorani Kurdish, the modal marker will be shown in this book as dá-, and examples will be given with á- or dá- as they occur in the texts from which they have been taken. Examples of the conjugation of verbs with present stems ending in a consonant are as follows (examples are -ch- ‘go’ and -nûs- ‘write’): ’nûsîn ‘to write ﻧﻮوﺳﲔ ’chûn ‘to go ﭼﻮون dánûsîn دﻩﻧﻮوﺳﲔ dánûsim دﻩﻧﻮوﰟ dáchîn دﻩ ﲔ dáchim دﻩ 1 dánûsît دﻩﻧﻮوﺳ ﺖ⎧ dáchît دﻩﭼ ﺖ⎧ 2 ⎨ dáchin ⎨ dánûsin دﻩﻧﻮوﺳﻦ دﻩﭼﻦ 1 dánûsî دﻩﻧﻮوﳻ ⎩ dáchî دﻩﭼﯽ ⎩ dánûset دﻩﻧﻮوﺳ ﺖ⎧ dáchet دﻩﭼ ﺖ⎧ dánûsin دﻩﻧﻮوﺳﻦ ⎨ dáchin دﻩﭼﻦ ⎨ 3 dánûse دﻩﻧﻮوﺳ ⎩ dáche دﻩﭼ ⎩
In the negative, the modal marker á- is replaced by stressed nâ´- (< na + a-). nânûsîn ﻧﻮوﺳﲔ nânûsim ﻧﻮوﰟ nâchîn ﲔ nâchim nânûsin ﻧﻮوﺳﻦ (nânûsî(t ﻧﻮوﺳ ﺖ nâchin ﭼﻦ (nâchî(t ﭼ ﺖ nânûsin ﻧﻮوﺳﻦ (nânûse(t ﻧﻮوﺳ ﺖ nâchin ﭼﻦ (nâche(t ﭼ ﺖ The negative of the modal marker dá- is náda-: nádanûsîn ﻧﻪدﻩﻧﻮوﺳﲔ nádanûsim ﻧﻪدﻩﻧﻮوﰟ nádachîn ﻧﻪدﻩ ﲔ nádachim ﻧﻪدﻩ nádanûsin ﻧﻪدﻩﻧﻮوﺳﻦ (nádanûsî(t ﻧﻪدﻩﻧﻮوﺳ ﺖ nádachin ﻧﻪدﻩﭼﻦ (nádachî(t ﻧﻪدﻩﭼ ﺖ nádanûsin ﻧﻪدﻩﻧﻮوﺳﻦ (nádanûse(t ﻧﻪدﻩﻧﻮوﺳ ﺖ nádachin ﻧﻪدﻩﭼﻦ (nádache(t ﻧﻪدﻩﭼ ﺖ
The negative of the Sulaymani habitual is occasionally used as an emphatic
1Henceforth the second- and third-person singular forms will normally be given as dáche(t), with only the literary form in Arabic script but دﻩﭼـ ـﺖ dáchî(t) and دﻩﭼـ ـﺖ with both forms in transcription. 27 SORANI KURDISH ﻧــــــــﻮوﰟ negative in dialects that normally have the negative in náda-, as in -ná ﻧـــﻪدﻩﻧـــﻮوﰟ nânûsim ‘I don’t ever write’ (which would then contrast with qaydè nâkâ ‘it doesn’t matter at ﻗـــــﻪﯾـــــﺪێ ﰷ danûsim ‘I’m not writing’) and all.’ For verbs with stems ending in a vowel, the personal endings combine kirdin ‘to do,’ present ــﺮدن ,with stems in -a, -o, and -e as follows (examples gařân ﮔــﻪڕان ;-ro رۆ royshtin ‘to go away,’ present stem رۆ ــﺸــﱳ ;-ka ﻛــﻪ stem gaře-). The only forms that show changes in the ﮔـﻪڕێ to turn,’ present stem‘ stem vowel are the 3rd-person singular of the -a- and -o- stems, which change to -â(t) and -wâ(t) respectively. A-STEMS dákayn دﻩﻛﻪ ﻦ dákam دﻩﻛﻪم dákan دﻩﻛﻪن (dákay(t دﻩﻛﻪﯾﺖ dákan دﻩﻛﻪن (dákâ(t دﻩﰷ(ت) ﺧــــــﺴــــــﱳ Common verbs conjugated in the present tense like kirdin/ka- are da- ‘to دﻩ /dân دان ’,ba- ‘to carry ﺑـــﻪ /birdin ـــﺮدن ’,kha- ‘to throw ـــﻪ /khistin ’.ga- ‘to reach ﮔﻪ /gayshtin ﮔﻪ ﺸﱳ give,’ and O-STEMS dároyn دﻩرۆ ﻦ dárom دﻩرۆم dáron دﻩرۆن dároyt دﻩرۆﯾﺖ dáron دﻩرۆن (dárwâ(t دﻩروا(ت) ﺷــــﻮردن shitin (or ﺷــــﱳ kho- ‘to eat’ and ﺧــــﯚ/khwârdin ﺧــــﻮاردن Like ro- are ’.sho- ‘to wash ﺷﯚ/(shurdin Verbs with present stems in -e, of which there are many, keep the theme vowel unchanged throughout the conjugation, and in the 3rd-person singu- lar nothing is added other than the inherent -t. E-STEMS dágařeyn دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﲔ dágařem دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻢ dágařen دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻦ (dágařey(t دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻰ، دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﺖ dágařen دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻦ (dágaře(t دﻩﮔﻪڕێ، دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﺖ Like gaře- are all verbs with infinitives ending in -ân. 28 THE VERB hâtin ‘to come’ (present ﻫـــــﺎ ـــــﻦ One verb with a peculiar present tense is -ye). In Sulaymani Kurdish the present stem, ye-, is regularly conju- ﯾـــﻪ stem gated but without the modal marker a-. In most other dialects, particularly Iranian varieties, the present stem combines with the modal marker da- to become de-. The two variants are conjugated in the present as follows: SULAYMANI NON-SULAYMANI deyn د ﲔ dem د ﻢ yeyn ﯾﻪ ﻦ yem ﯾﻪم den د ﻦ (dey(t د ﻰ، د ﺖ yen ﯾﻪن (yey(t ﯾﻪى، ﯾﻪﯾﺖ den د ﻦ (de(t دێ(د ﺖ) yen ﯾﻪن (ye(t ﯾﻪ(ت) The negative is regularly conjugated on the stem nâye-: nâyeyn ﯾﻪ ﻦ nâyem ﯾﻪم nâyen ﯾﻪن (nâyey(t ﯾﻪی، ﯾﻪﯾﺖ nâyen ﯾﻪن (nâye(t ﯾﻪ، ﯾﻪت
§ 18. Verbs in -awa. Many Kurdish verbs end with the suffix -awa, which -mân ‘to re ﻣــــــﺎن has the following basic meanings: (1) ‘again, back, re-,’ as witin ‘to و ــﻦ/gotin ﮔــﯚ ــﻦ ’,mânawa ‘to be left behind ﻣــﺎﻧــﻪوﻩ < ’main, be left gařân ‘to ﮔـﻪڕان ’,witinawa ‘to say again, repeat وﺗـﻨـﻪوﻩ/gotinawa ﮔـﯚﺗـﻨـﻪوﻩ < ’say kirdinawa ‘to ــﺮدﻧــﻪوﻩ gařânawa ‘to return,’ (2) ‘open,’ as in ﮔــﻪڕاﻧــﻪوﻩ < ’turn sûr-kirdin ﺳـﻮور ـﺮدن open,’ and (3) to give a nuance of meaning to a verb, as sûr-kirdinawa ‘to sauté.’ This said, it should ﺳــــﻮور ــــﺮدﻧــــﻪوﻩ < ’to make red‘ also be noted that -awa often adds nothing of any real lexical significance to the verb but gives a perfective aspect instead. All such verbs are regularly conjugated. With verbs ending in -awa, the -awa suffix is added after the personal ending, as in dargâ dakamawa I(’ll) open the door دﻩرﮔﺎ دﻩﻛﻪﻣﻪوﻩ dágařenawa you/they(’ll) return دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻨﻪوﻩ Second- and third-person forms always recover the t inherent in the per- sonal endings before -awa, as in dágařetawa he’ll return دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﺘﻪوﻩ
29 SORANI KURDISH dakaytawa you open دﻩﻛﻪﯾﺘﻪوﻩ
:kirdinawa are as follows ﺮدﻧﻪوﻩ gařânawa and ﮔﻪڕاﻧﻪوﻩ Full inflections of dágařeynawa دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻪوﻩ dágařemawa دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻤﻪوﻩ dágařenawa دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻨﻪوﻩ dágařeytawa دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻪوﻩ dágařenawa دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﻨﻪوﻩ dágařetawa دﻩﮔﻪڕ ﺘﻪوﻩ dákaynawa دﻩﻛﻪﯾﻨﻪوﻩ dákamawa دﻩﻛﻪﻣﻪوﻩ dákanawa دﻩﻛﻪﻧﻪوﻩ dákaytawa دﻩﻛﻪﯾﺘﻪوﻩ dákanawa دﻩﻛﻪﻧﻪوﻩ dákâtawa دﻩﰷﺗﻪوﻩ
§ 19. The Present Subjunctive. Like the present habitual, the present sub- junctive is formed from the present stem of the verb and the personal suf- fixes. The modal marker for the subjunctive is bí-. kirdinawa ﺮدﻧﻪوﻩ chûn ﭼﻮون bíkaynawa ﻜﻪﯾﻨﻪوﻩ bíkamawa ﻜﻪﻣﻪوﻩ bíchîn ﲔ bíchim ﻢ bíkanawa ﻜﻪﻧﻪوﻩ bíkaytawa ﻜﻪﯾﺘﻪوﻩ bíchin ﻦ (bíchî(t ﻰ، ﻴﺖ bíkanawa ﻜﻪﻧﻪوﻩ bíkâtawa ﲀﺗﻪوﻩ bíchin ﻦ (bíche(t ، ﺖ
In compound verbs, the bí- prefix is optional, and when it is omitted the lack of a modal prefix identifies the verb as subjunctive. The modal prefix is regularly omitted with close compound verbs with prefixes like war- and hał-. bâng (bí)kayn ﮓ ﻜﻪ ﻦ bâng (bí)kam ﮓ ﻜﻪم bâng (bí)kan ﮓ ﻜﻪن (bâng (bí)kay(t ﮓ ﻜﻪﯾﺖ bâng (bí)kan ﮓ ﻜﻪن (bâng (bí)kâ(t ﮓ ﲀ(ت) wargirîn وﻩرﮔﺮ ﻦ wargirim وﻩرﮔﺮم wargirin وﻩرﮔﺮن (wargirî(t وﻩرﮔﺮى، وﻩرﮔﺮﯾﺖ wargirin وﻩرﮔﺮن (wargire(t وﻩرﮔﺮێ، وﻩرﮔﺮ ﺖ When the preceding word ends in a vowel and the verb stem begins with a 30 THE VERB single consonant, the vowel of the modal prefix may be elided, giving, e.g., (wâ b’zânim I think (lit., if I know thus وا ﺰاﱎ am wushayá b’nûsîn let’s write this word ﺋﻪم ووﺷﻪﯾﻪ ﺑﻨﻮوﺳﲔ This feature is not represented in the Kurdo-Arabic writing system. The negative prefix for the subjunctive is ná-, which replaces bí- where it occurs. nákayn ﻧﻪﻛﻪ ﻦ nákam ﻧﻪﻛﻪم náchîn ﻧﻪ ﲔ náchim ﻧﻪ nákan ﻧﻪﻛﻪن (nákay(t ﻧﻪﻛﻪى، ﻧﻪﻛﻪﯾﺖ náchin ﻧﻪﭼﻦ (náchî(t ﻧﻪﭼﻰ، ﻧﻪﭼ ﺖ nákan ﻧﻪﻛﻪن (nákâ(t ﻧﻪﰷ(ت) náchin ﻧﻪﭼﻦ (náche(t ﻧﻪﭼ ، ﻧﻪﭼ ﺖ The present subjunctive of the verb bûn ‘to be’ is based on the stem b-. It occurs both with and without the bí- prefix with the following conjugations:
WITHOUT PREFIX WITH PREFIX bíbîn ﺑﺒﲔ bíbim ﺑﱬ bîn ﺑﲔ bim ﰈ bíbin ﺑﱭ (bíbî(t ﺑﱮ، ﺑﺒ ﺖ bin ﻦ (bî(t ﰉ، ﺑ ﺖ bíbin ﺑﱭ (bíbe(t ﺑ ، ﺑﺒ ﺖ bin ﻦ (be(t ، ﺑ ﺖ
When the verb means ‘to be’ the bí- prefix is omitted, but when it means ‘to ’nîzîk-bûn ‘to get near ﻧــﲒ ــﻦ ﺑــﻮون become’ or is part of a compound verb like -âshkirâ-bûn ‘to be revealed’ in the following examples, the bí ﺋـﺎﺷـﮑـﺮا ﺑـﻮون or prefix is present. -Mirov nâbe nâhumed be. One should not be despon ﻣﺮۆڤ ﻫﻮﻣ ﺪ . dent. Náyândawerâ nîzîk i They didn’t dare get near ﻧــﻪ ﻧــﺪﻩو ــﺮا ﻧــﲒ ــﲃ ﻣــﺎ ــﻪﰷﻧــﻴــﺎن .mâłakânyân bibinawa. their houses ﺑ ﻪوﻩ. Dátirse rozhèk bet am She fears there will come دﻩ ـﺮﺳـ رۆژ ـﻚ ﺑـ ـﺖ ﺋـﻪم ﳖـ ـﲎﯾـﻪ nihenîá âshkirâ bibe. a day this secret will be ﺋﺎﺷﻜﺮا ﺑ . revealed.
The present subjunctive of hâtin ‘to come’ is regularly conjugated on the stem be- (for *bíye-). Note that the 3rd-person singular subjunctive of hâtin is identical to the 3rd-person singular subjunctive of bûn, i.e. both are be(t).
31 SORANI KURDISH hâtin ﻫﺎ ﻦ beyn ﺑ ﲔ bem ﺑ ﻢ ben ﺑ ﻦ (bey(t ﺑ ﻰ، ﺑ ﺖ ben ﺑ ﻦ (be(t ، ﺑ ﺖ The verbs henân ‘to bring’ and heshtin ‘to let’ have subjunctives formed both on the regular stems bíhen- and bíheł- and on the contracted stems ben- and beł-: REGULAR SUBJUNCTIVE CONTRACTED SUBJUNCTIVE henân ﻫ ﻨﺎن benîn ﺑ ﲔ benim ﺑ ﲌ bíhenîn ﲠ ﻨﲔ bíhenim ﲠ ﲌ benin ﺑ ﲍ (benî(t ﺑ ﺖ bíhenin ﲠ ﲍ (bíhenî(t ﲠ ﻨ ﺖ benin ﺑ ﲍ (bene(t ﺑ ﺖ bíhenin ﲠ ﲍ (bíhene(t ﺑ ﺖ heshtin ﻫ ﺸﱳ bełîn ﺑ ﲔ bełim ﺑ ﻢ bíhełîn ﲠ ﲔ bíhełim ﲠ ﻢ bełin ﺑ ﻦ (bełî(t ﺑ ﻴﺖ bíhełin ﲠ ﻦ (bíhełî(t ﲠ ﻴﺖ bełin ﺑ ﻦ (bełe(t ﺑ ﺖ bíhełin ﲠ ﻦ (bíhełe(t ﲠ ﺖ The present subjunctive is used in the following instances: (1) independently—i.e. not dependent upon a preceding construction—as a deliberative (English ‘should’). In literary style, the interrogative particle .âyâ often introduces the construction ﺋﺎ Âyâ pâshawpâsh bígaře- Should he retrace his ﺋﺎ ﭘﺎﺷﻪوﭘﺎش ﮕﻪڕ ﺘﻪوﻩ؟ tawa? steps? ?Sbaynî bem? Should I come tomorrow ﺳ ﺒﻪﯾﲎ ﺑ ﻢ؟ ?Dargâ bíkaynawa? Should we open the door دﻩرﮔﺎ ﻜﻪﯾﻨﻪوﻩ؟ (2) in the 1st persons as a cohortative (‘let me, let’s’) and in the 3rd per- sons as a hortatory (‘let him…, may he …’). The 1st-person is often pre- .(’wára (‘c’mon وﻩرﻩ ceded by bâ or .Bâ bíroyn. C’mon, let’s go ﺮۆ ﻦ. Wára, fełèkî le bikayn. C’mon, let’s play a trick وﻩرﻩ، ﻓ ﲃ ﻟ ﻜﻪ ﻦ. on him. .Nábetà dî. May it not happen ﻧﻪﺑ ﻪ دى. 32 THE VERB .Dâ-binîshinawa. Let them sit back down داﺑﻨ ﺸ ﻨﻪوﻩ.
(3) as complement to all verbs and constructions of wanting (see §20), ability (see §21), necessity, etc. .Amawe bíchimà mâłe. I want to go home ﺋﻪﻣﻪوى ﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ . .Datwânim bítbînim. I can see you دﻩﺗﻮاﱎ ﺑﺘ ﲌ. Pewîst a ka sar i l’ aw It is necessary for her to ﭘـ ـﻮ ـﺴـ ـﺘـﻪ ﻛـﻪ ﺳـﻪرى و ﻣـﺮۆﭬـﻪ -mirov a kiłołá bídât ka pay a visit to that mis ﻛ ﯚ ﻪ ﺑﺪات ﻛﻪ ﺎوﻩڕواﱏ ﺋﻪﰷ. châwařwânî akâ. erable man who is wait- ing. Pewîst níya ka bíłem… It is not necessary that I ﭘ ﻮ ﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑ ﻢ … say… bar l’ awaî ‘before’ and ﺑـــــــﻪر وﻩى after a number of conjunctions like (4) ba be awaî ‘without’1 ﺑﻪ ﺋﻪوﻩى …bar l’ awaî biche… before he goes/went ﺑﻪر وﻩى … …bar l’ awaî ewa dâ- before you sit/sat down ﺑﻪر وﻩى ﺋ ﻮﻩ داﺑﻨ ﺸﻦ … binîshin… .Ba be awaî qsa bikâ, Without speaking, he left ﺑﻪ ﺋﻪوﻩى ﻗﺴﻪ ﲀ، رۆ ﺸﺖ. roysht. ba be awaî bitbîne… without his/her seeing ﺑﻪ ﺋﻪوﻩى ﺑﺘ … you…
(5) in the protasis of a possible conditional: ,Ama agar betà dî, atwânîn If this should come about ﺋـﻪﻣـﻪ ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪر ﺑـ ـ ـﻪ دى، ﺋـﻪﺗـﻮاﻧـﲔ …bíłeyn… we can say that ﺑ ﲔ … .Agar bitawe, datwânî. If you want to, you can ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﺑﺘﻪوێ، دﻩﺗﻮاﱏ.
1 Bar l’ awaî is always followed by the present subjunctive; the proper tense for English translation is gained from context. In English ‘without’ is followed by a gerund, but in Kurdish it is followed by a subjunctive clause, which is necessarily personal. 33 SORANI KURDISH Agar bet u hez i atom bo If it should be that the ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪر ﺑـ ـﺖ و ﻫـ ـﺰى ﺋـﻪﺗـﯚم ﺑـﯚ shař u kushtâr u la nâw power of the atom be ﺷـﻪڕ و ـﻮﺷـ ـﺘـﺎر و و ـﺮدن ﺑـﻪ ,birdin ba kâr bíhenre… used for war, slaughter ﰷر ﲠ ﲊێ … and destruction…
§ 20. ‘To Want.’ The Kurdish verb corresponding to the English verb ‘want’ is wîstin (present stem we-). The construction that serves as the pres- ent tense of this verb is compounded of the prefix (d)á- (negative ná-) + possessive pronoun enclitic + -awe. The full inflection of the present tense is as follows: AFFIRMATIVE PRESENT dámânawe دﻩﻣﺎﻧﻪوێ dámawe دﻩﻣﻪوێ dátânawe دﻩ ﻧﻪوێ dátawe دﻩﺗﻪوێ dáyânawe دﻩ ﻧﻪوێ dáyawe دﻩﯾﻪوێ NEGATIVE PRESENT námânawe ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﻪوێ námawe ﻧﻪﻣﻪوێ nátânawe ﻧﻪ ﻧﻪوێ nátawe ﻧﻪﺗﻪوێ náyânawe ﻧﻪ ﻧﻪوێ náyawe ﻧﻪﯾﻪوێ PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE bímânawe ﲟﺎﻧﻪوێ bímawe ﲟﻪوێ bítânawe ﺑﺘﺎﻧﻪوێ bítawe ﺑﺘﻪوێ bíyânawe ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪوێ bíyawe ﺑﻴﻪوێ When the complement, or logical object, of wîstin (i.e. what one wants) pre- cedes the verb, the “subject” pronominal enclitics are usually attached to the complement, and the verb is the invariable 3rd-person singular (d)awe (neg- ative nâwe). The full present “conjugation” of this construction is:
AFFIRMATIVE NEGATIVE mân nâwe- ﻣﺎن وێ im nâwe- م وێ mân dáwe- ﻣﺎن دﻩوێ im dáwe- م دﻩوێ tân nâwe- ن وێ it nâwe- ت وێ tân dáwe- ن دﻩوێ it dáwe- ت دﻩوێ yân nâwe- ن وێ î nâwe- ى وێ yân dáwe- ن دﻩوێ î dáwe- ى دﻩوێ 34 THE VERB as in the following examples: .Awám awe. I want that ﺋﻪوﻩم ﺋﻪوێ Am shitânáy nâwe. He doesn’t want these ﺋﻪم ﺷ ﺘﺎﻧﻪى وێ things. All verbal complements of ‘want’ are in the subjunctive, as in the following paradigm of ‘want to go’: dámânawe bíchîn دﻩﻣﺎﻧﻪوێ ﲔ dámawe bíchim دﻩﻣﻪوێ ﻢ dátânawe bíchin دﻩ ﻧﻪوێ ﻦ (dátawe bíchî(t دﻩﺗﻪوێ ﻴﺖ dáyânawe bíchin دﻩ ﻧﻪوێ ﻦ (dáyawe bíche(t دﻩﯾﻪوێ ﺖ Other examples are as follows: .Atawe nâmayèk binûsî. You want to write a letter ﺋﻪﺗﻪوێ ﻣﻪﯾﻪك ﺑﻨﻮوﳻ. .Ayawe ktâwèk bikře. He wants to buy a book ﺋﻪﯾﻪوێ ﻛﺘﺎو ﻚ ﻜ ێ. .Damânawe nâmayèk binû- We want to write a letter دﻩﻣﺎﻧﻪوێ ﻣﻪﯾﻪك ﺑﻨﻮوﺳﲔ. sîn. Atânawe pirsyârèk bikan? Do you (pl) want to ask a ﺋﻪ ﻧﻪوێ ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﻚ ﻜﻪن؟ question? .Náyânawe dars bikhwe- They do not want to study ﻧﻪ ﻧﻪوێ دﻩرس ﲞﻮ ﲍ. nin.
Wîstin is conjugated as a transitive verb in the past (see §27 below).
ﺗــــﻮان twânîn (pres. stem ﺗــــﻮاﻧــــﲔ To Be Able.’ The verb ‘to be able’ is‘ .21 § twân-). Twânîn is regularly conjugated in the present, and it is necessarily followed by a subjunctive complement. Below is given the full present con- jugation, affirmative and negative, of ‘can/can’t say’: dátwânîn bíłeyn دﻩﺗﻮاﻧﲔ ﺑ ﲔ dátwânim bíłem دﻩﺗﻮاﱎ ﺑ ﻢ dátwânin bíłen دﻩﺗﻮا ﻦ ﺑ ﻦ (dátwânî(t) bíłey(t دﻩﺗﻮاﻧ ﺖ ﺑ ﺖ dátwânin bíłen دﻩﺗﻮا ﻦ ﺑ ﻦ (dátwâne(t) bíłe(t دﻩﺗﻮاﻧ ﺖ ﺑ ﺖ nâtwânîn bíłeyn ﺗﻮاﻧﲔ ﺑ ﲔ nâtwânim bíłem ﺗﻮاﱎ ﺑ ﻢ nâtwânin bíłen ﺗﻮا ﻦ ﺑ ﻦ (nâtwânî(t) bíłey(t ﺗﻮاﻧ ﺖ ﺑ ﺖ 35 SORANI KURDISH nâtwânin bíłen ﺗﻮا ﻦ ﺑ ﻦ (nâtwâne(t) bíłe(t ﺗﻮاﻧ ﺖ ﺑ ﺖ ﺑـﺘـﻮاﻧـ ـﺖ ,(bítwânî(t ﺑـﺘـﻮاﻧـ ـﺖ ,bítwânim ﺑـﺘـﻮاﱎ :The subjunctive is regularly formed ,(nátwânî(t ﻧــﻪﺗــﻮاﻧــ ــﺖ ,nátwânim ﻧــﻪﺗــﻮاﱎ :bítwâne(t), &c., negative subjunctive &c. Twânîn is conjugated as a transitive verb in the past (see §27 below). la bîr ﺑـﲑ ﺑـﻮون To Remember.’ The idiom used for ‘to remember’ is‘ .22 § bûn, literally “to be in the mind.” The construction of the idiom, like the present of wîstin, depends upon whether or not there is preposed matter. NOTHING PREPOSED WITH PREPOSED MATTER mân la bîr a- ـﲈن ﺑﲑﻩ im la bîr a- ـﻢ ﺑﲑﻩ la bîrmân a ﺑﲑﻣﺎﻧﻪ la bîrim a ﺑﲑﻣﻪ tân la bîr a- ـﺘﺎن ﺑﲑﻩ it la bîr a- ـﺖ ﺑﲑﻩ la bîrtân a ﺑﲑ ﻧﻪ la bîrit a ﺑﲑﺗﻪ yân la bîr a- ـﻴﺎن ﺑﲑﻩ î la bîr a- ـﻰ ﺑﲑﻩ la bîryân a ﺑﲑ ﻧﻪ la bîrî a ﺑﲑﯾﻪ
Simple ‘I remember,’ ‘you remember,’ &c. (without mentioning what one la ﺑـﲑم ﻧـﻴـﻪ la bîrit a, &c. (negative ﺑـ ﺗﲑـﻪ ,la bîrim a ﺑـﲑﻣـﻪ remembers) are la bîrit níya). However, if anything is preposed to the ﺑــﲑت ﻧــﻴــﻪ ,bîrim níya construction, that is, what one remembers, the enclitic pronouns are de- tached from bîr and attached to the preposed matter, as in the following: .Aw rozhânám la bîr a. I remember those days ﺋﻪو رۆژاﻧﻪم ﺑﲑﻩ.
Hence, the prepositional phrase is actually -m la bîr, where the complement to la bîr, -(i)m, has been preposed, or placed before the preposition. Other examples are the following: Nâwimî la bîr níya. He doesn’t remember my وﱉ ﺑﲑ ﻧﻴﻪ. name. Wałâm i pirsyârakát la bîr You didn’t remember the وﻩ ﱉ ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎرﻩﻛﻪت ﺑﲑ .nábû. answer to the question ﻧﻪﺑﻮو. Other constructions involving bîr are -î ba bîrâ hâtin and -î bîr kawtinawa ‘to remember,’ all of which usually take preposed pronominal enclitics. Wât ba bîrâ hât ka… Thus you remembered وات ﺑﻪ ﺑﲑا ﻫﺎت ﻛﻪ … that… 36 THE VERB .Shitèkim hât ba bîrâ. I remembered something ﺷ ﲂ ﻫﺎت ﺑﻪ ﺑﲑا. Dâykyân kawtawa bîr. They remembered their دا ﻜ ﺎن ﻛﻪوﺗﻪوﻩ ﺑﲑ. mother. -wakû shitèkyân bîr kawti- as though they remem وﻩ ﻮو ﺷ ﻜ ﺎن ﺑﲑ ﻛﻪوﺗﺒ ﻪوﻩ. betawa bered something and la bîr chûn ‘to forget.’ .Nâw i aw pyâwám la bîr I forgot that man’s name وى ﺋﻪو ﭘﻴﺎوﻩم ﺑﲑ ﭼﻮو. chû. -Shitèkit la bîr chû? Did you forget some ﺷ ﻜﺖ ﺑﲑ ﭼﻮو؟ thing?
§ 23. Pronominal Objects of Verbs. Direct-object pronouns of verbs in the present tense and the present subjunctive mood are normally enclitics at- tached to some part of the verbal conglomerate (i.e. the verb, any preverbal prefixes, compounding agent). Identical to the possessive enclitic pronouns, the direct-object pronouns are as follows: AFTER CONSONANTS AFTER VOWELS mân-´ ﻣﺎن m-´ م mân-´ ـﲈن im-´ ـﻢ tân-´ ن t-´ ت tân-´ ـﺘﺎن it-´ ـﺖ yân-´ ن y-´ ى yân-´ ـﻴﺎن î-´ ـﻰ The enclitic pronouns are attached in the following order: 1. If the verb is compound, the pronoun object is added to the preverb:1 .bângim dákan. They are calling me ﮕﻢ دﻩﻛﻪن. .warî dágirîn. We’ll take it up وﻩرى دﻩﮔﺮ ﻦ. .Aḥmad hałyân dágire. Ahmad will pick them up ﺋﻪﲪﻪد ﻫﻪ ﻴﺎن دﻩﮔﺮێ. .ferî ábim. I’ll learn it ﻓ ﺮى ﺋﻪﰈ.
1A preverb may be (1) a noun like bâng ‘call’ as in bâng kirdin ‘to call,’ (2) an adjective like âshkirâ ‘obvious’ as in âshkirâ kirdin ‘to clarify,’ or (3) a directional element like war ‘up’ as in war-girtin ‘to take up.’ 37 SORANI KURDISH 2. If the verb is not compound, the pronoun object is added to the model prefix (á-, dá-, bí-) or the negative prefix (nâ-, ná): .dáyânbîne. He’ll see them دﻩ ﻧﺒ . .dátbînim. I’ll see you دﻩﺗﺒ ﲌ. .nâynâsim/náydanâsim. I don’t know him ﯾﻨﺎﰟ، ﻧﻪﯾﺪﻩ ﰟ. .nâykřim. I’m not going to buy it ﻜ م. .amawe bíykřim. I want to buy it ﺋﻪﻣﻪوێ ﺑﻴﻜ م. Haz akam bíynerimawa bo I’d like to send it to a ﻫﻪز ﺋﻪﻛﻪم ﺑﻴ ﺮﻣﻪوﻩ ﺑﯚ رﻩﻓ ﻘ ﲂ. rafîqèkim. friend of mine. Rû bikaynà wiłâtèk kas Let’s go to a country روو ﻜﻪﯾﻨﻪ و ﺗ ﻚ ﻛﻪس .namânnâse. where nobody knows us ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﺎﺳ .
§ 24. The Imperative. The singular imperative of verb stems ending in vowels is formed from bí- + the present stem. The plural imperative is ex- actly like the 2nd-person plural subjunctive. As in the subjunctive of close compound verbs, the bí- prefix is usually omitted; in open compounds it is generally found but may be omitted.
INFINITIVE PRES. STEM SINGULAR IMPERATIVE PLURAL IMPERATIVE bíkan ﻜﻪن bíka ﻜﻪ -kirdin ka bíron ۆن bíro ۆ -royshtin ro -tawâw ﺗﻪواو (ﺑـ)ﻛﻪن -tawâw ﺗﻪواو (ﺑـ)ﻛﻪ -tawâw- tawâw-ka kirdin (bi)ka (bi)kan
If the present stem ends in a consonant, the singular imperative is formed from bí- + present stem + -a. The plural imperative is identical to the 2nd- person plural subjunctive. bíbin ﺑﱭ bíba ﺑﺒﻪ -bûn b bíchin ﻦ bícha1 ﻪ -chûn ch bícho and ــــﯚ .In addition to bícha, chûn has several alternative imperatives, viz 1 .bíchora ﯚرﻩ 38 THE VERB bígirin ﮕﺮن bígira ﮕﺮﻩ -girtin gir bínûsin ﺑﻨﻮوﺳﻦ bínûsa ﺑﻨﻮوﺳﻪ -nûsîn nûs gwe-(bi)girin ﮔﻮێ (ﺑـ)ﮔﺮن gwe-(bi)gira ﮔﻮێ (ﺑـ)ﮔﺮﻩ -gwe-girtin gwe-gir dâ-(bi)nîshin دا(ﺑـ)ﻧ ﺸﻦ dâ-(bi)nîsha دا(ﺑـ)ﻧ ﺸﻪ dâ-nîshtin dâ-nîsh wis-bin وس ﻦ wis-ba وس ﺑﻪ -wis-bûn wis-b
Note the irregular singular imperatives of birdin, dân, khistin, and the total- ly irregular imperative of hâtin: bíban ﺑﺒﻪن bíbara ﺑﺒﻪرﻩ -birdin ba bídan ﺑﺪﻩن bídara ﺑﺪﻩرﻩ -dân da bíkhan ﲞﻪن bíkhara ﲞﻪرﻩ -khistin kha wárin وﻩرن wára وﻩرﻩ -hâtin ye The bí- prefix of the imperative takes pronominal direct objects exactly like the subjunctive prefix: Ba châw i khot bímbîna See (me) with your own ﺑﻪ ﺎوى ﺧﯚت ﲟﺒ ﻪ ﭼﯚن chon pyâwèkim! eyes what kind of man I ﭘﻴﺎو ﲂ! am! Bíyhena lagał khot! Bring him/her/it with ﳱ ﻨﻪ ﮔﻪڵ ﺧﯚت! you!
.da دﻩ Imperatives are often preceded by the “attention-getting” particle The negative imperative prefix is má-, which replaces bí- where it occurs. !Mágrî! Don’t cry ﻣﻪﮔﺮى! !Máyhena! Don’t bring it ﻣﻪﳞ ﻨﻪ! !Dâ-mánîsha! Don’t sit down داﻣﻪﻧ ﺸﻪ!
§ 25. The Simple Past (Intransitive). The simple past (preterite) of in- transitive verbs is formed by adding unstressed personal suffixes to the past stem of the verb. The past stem is derived by deleting the -(i)n ending of the infinitive, e.g., hâtin > hât-, bûn > bû-.
39 SORANI KURDISH
AFTER CONSONANTS AFTER VOWELS -im -în -m -yn -î(t) -in -y(t) -n — -in — -n ﺑـــﻮون ’,hâtin ‘to come ﻫـــﺎ ـــﻦ Examples of the simple past inflection are from ’.mân ‘to remain ﻣﺎن gayîn ‘to arrive’ (int.), and ﮔﻪﯾﲔ ’,bûn ‘to be bûyn ﺑﻮو ﻦ bûm ﺑﻮوم hâtîn ﻫﺎﺗﲔ hâtim ﻫﺎﰎ bûn ﺑﻮون (bûy(t ووﯾﺖ hâtin ﻫﺎ ﻦ (hâtî(t ﻫﺎﺗ ﺖ bûn ﺑﻮون bû ﺑﻮو hâtin ﻫﺎ ﻦ hât ﻫﺎت mâyn ﻣﺎ ﻦ mâm ﻣﺎم gayîyn ﮔﻪﯾﻴﲔ gayîm ﮔﻪﱘ mân ﻣﺎن (mây(t ﻣﺎﯾﺖ gayîn ﮔﻪﯾﲔ (gayîy(t ﮔﻪﯾﻴ ﺖ mân ﻣﺎن mâ ﻣﺎ gayîn ﮔﻪﯾﲔ gayî ﮔﻪﱙ The negative is formed by prefixing ná-: nábûyn ﻧﻪﺑﻮو ﻦ nábûm ﻧﻪﺑﻮوم náhâtîn ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﲔ náhâtim ﻧﻪﻫﺎﰎ nábûn ﻧﻪﺑﻮون (nábûy(t ﻧﻪﺑﻮوﯾﺖ náhâtin ﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻦ (náhâtî(t ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗ ﺖ nábûn ﻧﻪﺑﻮون nábû ﻧﻪﺑﻮو náhâtin ﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻦ náhât ﻧﻪﻫﺎت námâyn ﻧﻪﻣﺎ ﻦ námâm ﻧﻪﻣﺎم nágayîyn ﻧﻪﮔﻪﯾﻴﲔ nágayîm ﻧﻪﮔﻪﯾﲓ námân ﻧﻪﻣﺎن (námây(t ﻧﻪﻣﺎﯾﺖ nágayîn ﻧﻪﮔﻪﯾﲔ (nágayîy(t ﻧﻪﮔﻪﯾﻴ ﺖ námân ﻧﻪﻣﺎن námâ ﻧﻪﻣﺎ nágayîn ﻧﻪﮔﻪﯾﲔ nágayî ﻧﻪﮔﻪﱙ The t of the 2nd-person singular form is recovered if the verb has any suf- fixed ending like -awa or the directional suffix -à. For example, the verbs hâtinawa ‘to come back’ and chûnà mâl ‘to go home’ are conjugated as fol- lows: chûynà mâł ﭼﻮوﯾﻨﻪ ﻣﺎڵ chûmà mâł ﭼﻮوﻣﻪ ﻣﺎڵ hâtînawa ﻫﺎﺗ ﻪوﻩ hâtimawa ﻫﺎﲤﻪوﻩ chûnà mâł ﭼﻮوﻧﻪ ﻣﺎڵ chûytà mâł ﭼﻮوﯾﺘﻪ ﻣﺎڵ hâtinawa ﻫﺎﺗﻨﻪوﻩ hâtîtawa ﻫﺎﺗ ﻪوﻩ chûnà mâł ﭼﻮوﻧﻪ ﻣﺎڵ chûà mâł ﭼﻮوﻩ ﻣﺎڵ hâtinawa ﻫﺎﺗﻨﻪوﻩ hâtawa ﻫﺎﺗﻪوﻩ
§ 26. The Past Habitual/Progressive (Intransitive). The past habitual (‘I used to go’) and progressive (‘I was going’) is formed by adding the habitu- 40 THE VERB al/progressive prefix (d)á- to the simple past. dágayîyn دﻩﮔﻪﯾﻴﲔ dágayîm دﻩﮔﻪﯾﲓ dáhâtîn دﻩﻫﺎﺗﲔ dáhâtim دﻩﻫﺎﰎ dágayîn دﻩﮔﻪﯾﲔ (dágayîy(t دﻩﮔﻪﯾﻴ ﺖ dáhâtin دﻩﻫﺎ ﻦ (dáhâtî(t دﻩﻫﺎﺗ ﺖ dágayîn دﻩﮔﻪﯾﲔ dágayî دﻩﮔﻪﱙ dáhâtin دﻩﻫﺎ ﻦ dáhât دﻩﻫﺎت For past habituals in á-, the negative is formed by prefixing ná- to the affir- mative, but, unlike the present, the negative prefix does not combine with the modal prefix: náagayîyn ﻧﻪﺋﻪﮔﻪﯾﻴﲔ náagayîm ﻧﻪﺋﻪﮔﻪﯾﲓ náahâtîn ﻧﻪﺋﻪﻫﺎﺗﲔ náahâtim ﻧﻪﺋﻪﻫﺎﰎ náagayîn ﻧﻪﺋﻪﮔﻪﯾﲔ (náagayîy(t ﻧﻪﺋﻪﮔﻪﯾﻴ ﺖ náahâtin ﻧﻪﺋﻪﻫﺎ ﻦ (náahâtî(t ﻧﻪﺋﻪﻫﺎﺗ ﺖ náagayîn ﻧﻪﺋﻪﮔﻪﯾﲔ náagayî ﻧﻪﺋﻪﮔﻪﱙ náahâtin ﻧﻪﺋﻪﻫﺎ ﻦ náahât ﻧﻪﺋﻪﻫﺎت For past habituals in dá-, the negative is regularly formed by prefixing ná- to the affirmative: nádahâtîn ﻧﻪدﻩﻫﺎﺗﲔ nádahâtim ﻧﻪدﻩﻫﺎﰎ nádahâtin ﻧﻪدﻩﻫﺎ ﻦ (nádahâtî(t ﻧﻪدﻩﻫﺎﺗ ﺖ nádahâtin ﻧﻪدﻩﻫﺎ ﻦ nádahât ﻧﻪدﻩﻫﺎت nádagayîyn ﻧﻪدﻩﮔﻪﯾﻴﲔ nádagayîm ﻧﻪدﻩﮔﻪﯾﲓ nádagayîn ﻧﻪدﻩﮔﻪﯾﲔ (nádagayîy(t ﻧﻪدﻩﮔﻪﯾﻴ ﺖ nádagayîn ﻧﻪدﻩﮔﻪﯾﲔ nádagayî ﻧﻪدﻩﮔﻪﱙ As in the present tense, in the Suleymani dialect the marker is á-, and it is used as both past habitual and past progressive; in other dialects the marker is dá-.
§ 27. The Simple Past (Transitive): The Ergative. The simple past tense of transitive verbs is formed from the past stem of the verb and an agent af- fix—the ergative construction.1 The agent affixes are identical to the enclitic
1 In ergative-type constructions what we think of as the subject is the “agent” (or “logical subject”) and what we think of as the direct object is the “patient” (for Sora- ni we will also call it “logical object”). In ergative languages that also have case, the agent is in an oblique case (and/or otherwise marked) and the patient is in the nomi- native (or subjective) case with the verb agreeing in number (and gender if applica- 41 SORANI KURDISH possessive pronouns: mân- ﻣﺎن i)m)- م tân- ن i)t)- ت yân- ن î/-y- ى The agent affix usually precedes the verb and is attached to some preverbal matter (more about which shortly) to give the following “conjugation” of khwârdin ‘to eat.’ mân khwârd- ﻣﺎن ﺧﻮارد im khwârd- م ﺧﻮارد tân khwârd- ن ﺧﻮارد it khwârd- ت ﺧﻮارد yân khwârd- ن ﺧﻮارد î khwârd- ى ﺧﻮارد If only the verb is expressed, or only the verb and its logical subject, the agent affixes are added to the end of the past stem, as khwârdmân ﺧﻮاردﻣﺎن khwârdim ﺧﻮاردم khwârdtân ﺧﻮارد ن khwârdit ﺧﻮاردت khwârdyân ﺧﻮارد ن khwârdî ﺧﻮاردى If anything other than the verb is expressed, then the agent is affixed to the first available preverbal matter—“available preverbal matter” includes the following categories in hierarchical order: (1) the negative prefix, as in .(námkhwârd I didn’t eat (it ﻧﻪﳐﻮارد .(nátdît you didn’t see (him/her/it ﻧﻪﺗﺪﯾﺖ ble) with the patient. In Kurmanji Kurdish, for example, where a distinction between independent subject and oblique pronouns has been retained, the subject pronoun for ‘he’ is ew, and the oblique ‘him’ is wî; the subject ‘I’ is ez, and the oblique ‘me’ is min. ‘He saw me’ in Kurmanji is wî ez dîtim (where dîtim agrees with the patient ez), and ‘I saw him’ is min ew dît. Sorani, having lost independent oblique pronouns, resorts to pronominal enclitics to express the agent. An oversimplification is to think of the ergative as a passive (e.g., ‘the dog bit the man’ expressed as ‘by the dog the man was bit’), but it is important to realize that speakers of ergative-type languages by no means think of the construction as passive (particularly since Sorani Kurdish has a passive, see §34 below). 42 THE VERB .(náynûsî he didn’t write (it ﻧﻪﯾﻨﻮوﳻ
Full inflection of the negative past tense of khwârdin is as follows: námânkhwârd ﻧﻪﻣﺎﳔﻮارد námkhwârd ﻧﻪﳐﻮارد nátânkhwârd ﻧﻪ ﳔﻮارد nátkhwârd ﻧﻪﲣﻮارد náyânkhwârd ﻧﻪ ﳔﻮارد náykhwârd ﻧﻪﳜﻮارد (2) the progressive prefix, as in .(dámnûsî I was writing (it دﻩﻣ ﻮوﳻ .(daybast he was tying (it دﻩﯾﺒﻪﺳﺖ Full inflection of the progressive past tense of khwârdin is as follows: dámânkhwârd دﻩﻣﺎﳔﻮارد dámkhwârd دﻩﳐﻮارد dátânkhwârd دﻩ ﳔﻮارد dátkhwârd دﻩﲣﻮارد dáyânkhwârd دﻩ ﳔﻮارد dáykhwârd دﻩﳜﻮارد (3) a compounding preverb as in .(hałimgirt. I took (it ﻫﻪ ﻤﮕﺮت .darîhenâ he took (it) off/out دﻩرﳞ ﻨﺎ Full inflections of the past tenses of hał-girtin ‘to pick up’ and nâma-nûsîn ‘to write letters’ are as follows: hałmângirt ﻫﻪ ﲈ ﮕﺮت hałimgirt ﻫﻪ ﻤﮕﺮت hałtângirt ﻫﻪ ﺘﺎ ﮕﺮت hałitgirt ﻫﻪ ﺘﮕﺮت hałyângirt ﻫﻪ ﻴﺎ ﮕﺮت hałîgirt ﻫﻪ ﻴﮕﺮت nâmamân nûsî ﻣﻪﻣﺎن ﻧﻮوﳻ nâmam nûsî ﻣﻪم ﻧﻮوﳻ nâmatân nûsî ﻣﻪ ن ﻧﻮوﳻ nâmat nûsî ﻣﻪت ﻧﻮوﳻ nâmayân nûsî ﻣﻪ ن ﻧﻮوﳻ nâmay nûsî ﻣﻪى ﻧﻮوﳻ (4) the logical object (patient) of the verb, as in .nâmakám nûsî. I wrote the letter ﻣﻪﻛﻪم ﻧﻮوﳻ. .aw kâráy nákird. He didn’t do that ﺋﻪو ﰷرﻩى ﻧﻪ ﺮد.
43 SORANI KURDISH When the logical object is modified by the enclitic -îsh/-ysh ‘too, also,’ the enclitic comes between the logical object and the agent affix: birâkân i zhinakáyshî He invited his wife’s ﺮ ﰷﱏ ژﻧﻪﻛﻪ ﴙ ﮓ ﺮد. bâng kird. brothers also.
(5) a prepositional phrase other than temporal or manner,1 as in .Bo rafîqèkyân nûsî. They wrote it to a friend ﺑﯚ رﻩﻓ ﻘ ﻜ ﺎن ﻧﻮوﳻ. Ba pewîstim zânî bíyân- I considered it necessary ﺑﻪ ﭘ ﻮ ﺴ ﱲ زاﱏ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻨﻮوﲰﻪوﻩ و nûsimawa u châpyân to write them down and ﺎﭘﻴﺎن ﻜﻪم. bikam. get them printed.
Generally speaking, the only things to which the agent affix cannot be joined are (1) the expressed logical subject to which the agent affix refers (pyâwaká witî ‘the man said’), (2) temporal adverbs and phrases like ‘to- day’ and ‘at that time,’ and (3) prepositional phrases of manner (generally ba ﺑــﻪ ﭘــﻪ ’,ba tûřaîawa ‘in anger ﺑــﻪ ﺗــﻮوڕﻩﺋــﻴــﻪوﻩ with the preposition ba) like ’.ba hała ‘in error ﺑﻪ ﻫﻪ ﻪ pala ‘in haste,’ and An overtly expressed logical subject in no way obviates the necessity for a third-person agent affix, but the agent affix cannot be attached to the logi- cal subject. -Kâbrâ i pîr diramakânî The old gent took the dir ﰷ ﺮاى ﭘﲑ درﻩﻣﻪﰷﱏ وﻩرﮔﺮت. wargirt. hems. .Kuřakân ba minyân wit. The boys said to me ﻮڕﻩﰷن ﺑﻪ ﻣ ﻴﺎن وت. .Min ba kuřakânim wit. I said to the boys ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻮڕﻩﰷﱎ وت. Each and every transitive verb in the past tense must have its own agent affix, i.e. one agent affix cannot serve more than one verb. For exam- rûy kird u gutî (‘he faced him and said’), the رووى ـﺮد و ﮔـﻮﰏ ple, in the phrase first agent affix, -y, serves only the verb rû-kird; the second verb, gut, must also have an agent affix, and since there is no preposed matter, the affix is on the end of the verb.
1 Prepositional phrases with pronominal complements present a special problem. See §27.3 below. 44 THE VERB When a phrase consists only of an expressed logical subject (agent), prep- ositional matter to which the agent affix cannot be attached, and verb, then the agent affix is attached to the verb: …kichaká ba tûřaîawa the girl said angrily ﻛ ﻪﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮوڕﻩﺋﻴﻪوﻩ وﰏ … witî…
§ 27.1. The Ergative in South Sorani. In North Sorani the past tense of all transitive verbs is made on the ergative model with agent affixes as de- scribed above. In South Sorani, however, a split has occurred. Generally, the ergative construction has been displaced by the non-ergative construc- tion on the model of intransitive past verbs (and doubtlessly under the influ- ence of Persian). However, the older ergative construction has remained for certain figurative expressions. Although the ergative is theoretically avail- able for any past transitive verb, its use may produce a statement on the fig- urative plane that sounds “funny” or odd—i.e. a figurative use that really mâł sûtin ﻣــﺎڵ ﺳــﻮو ــﻦ has no conventional application. For instance, the verb ‘to burn someone’s house’ may have an actual, literal application, as in mâłaká i Dârâ sûtim I burned Dara’s house ﻣﺎ ﻪﻛﻪى دارا ﺳﻮوﰎ down or it may have a figurative application, as in ”mâłaká i Dârâm sût “I burned Dara’s house ﻣﺎ ﻪﻛﻪى دارام ﺳﻮوت but here, since it is ergative, it is figurative and really means “I ruined him,” -nân-khwârdin ‘to eat bread’ may be ei ن ﺧــــــﻮاردن I did him in.” The verb“ ther actually ‘to eat (some) bread’ or figuratively ‘to break bread, have a meal, enjoy someone’s hospitality.’ On the actual level the past tense is nân khwârdim, as in .nân khwârdim I ate bread ن ﺧﻮاردم while on the figurative level the past tense is nânim khwârd, as in Latak ewa nânim khwârd. I broke bread with you (I ﺗﻪك ﺋ ﻮﻩ ﱎ ﺧﻮارد enjoyed your hospitality).
North Sorani, with no such differentiation, expresses these two examples as 45 SORANI KURDISH mâłaká i Dârâm sûtâ and nânim khwârd in all situations (nân khwârdim is meaningless in North Sorani).
§ 27.2. Pronouns as Logical Objects of Past Transitive Verbs. With past transitive verbs, when the agent affix precedes the verb, enclitic pronominal logical objects are attached to the past stem of the verb, but the enclitics used are the subject endings for the intransitive past,1 as in the following paradigm of the verb âgâ-kirdin ‘to inform’ with the 3rd-person singular agent affix -y. âgây kirdîn he informed us ﺋ ﮔﺎى ﺮد ﻦ âgây kirdim he informed me ﺋ ﮔﺎى ﺮدم âgây kirdin he informed you ﺋ ﮔﺎى ﺮدن âgây kirdî(t) he informed you ﺋ ﮔﺎى ﺮدﯾﺖ âgây kirdin he informed them ﺋ ﮔﺎى ﺮدن âgây kird he informed him/her ﺋ ﮔﺎى ﺮد A 3rd-person singular logical object is not overtly expressed with a pronom- inal suffix since it is implicit in the zero ending of the verb (as in the second example below). námdîtî(t) I didn’t see you ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾﱴ، ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ námdît I didn’t see him/her/it ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾﺖ hałitgirtin you picked them up ﻫﻪ ﺘﮕﺮ ﻦ (námândîtin we didn’t see you (pl ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﯾﱳ dátânkeshân you (pl) were pulling them دﻩ ﻜ ﺸﺎن With a 3rd-person plural inanimate logical object, the verb optionally agrees ﰷ ــﺮاى ﭘــﲑ درﻩﻣــﻪﰷﱏ وﻩرﮔــﺮت ,in number with the logical object. In the example kâbrâ i pîr diramakânî wargirt ‘the old gent took the dirhems,’ the verb -wargirtin to agree with the plural logical object. Simi وﻩرﮔــﺮ ــﻦ could also be larly, in the sentence .Pyâwèk ktâwakânî křî(n). A man bought the books ﭘﻴﺎو ﻚ ﻛﺘﺎوﻩﰷﱏ ﻛ ى (ﻛ ﻦ) the verb křî may agree with the plural logical object as křîn. With 1st- and
1 Another way of analyzing this pattern is to think of the past transitive verb dît as meaning “saw him/her/it.” Similarly, dîtim means “saw me,” dîtî(t) means “saw you.” The logical subjects of these verbs must be expressed by agent affixes. 46 THE VERB 2nd-person logical objects and with animate 3rd persons, the verb perforce agrees with the object in both number and person. When the agent affix does not precede the verb (i.e. if only the verb, or verb + logical subject, and no other element is present), the logical subject agent affix is suffixed to the verb first, and the logical object follows the agent affix except for the 3rd-person singular agent. When the logical subject is 3rd-person singular, the order is reversed: the logical object cedes the logical subject. In the table below are all available forms using dîtin ‘to see’ as an example; the logical objects are given in boldface. Again, a 3rd- person singular logical-object pronoun is not expressed; it is built into the verb. me you him/her us you them دﯾ ـﻤﻦ دﯾ ـﻤﻦ — دﯾﱲ دﯾ ـﻤﻴﺖ — I saw dîtimî(t) dîtim dîtimin dîtimin دﯾﺘﱳ — دﯾﺘ ﲔ دﯾ ﺖ — دﯾ ﱲ you saw dîtitim dîtit dîtitîn dîtitin دﯾ ﲎ دﯾ ﲎ دﯾﺘ ﲎ دﯾﱴ دﯾﺘ ﱴ دﯾ ـﻤﯽ s/he saw dîtimî dîtîtî dîtî dîtînî dîtinî dîtinî دﯾ ﻦ دﯾ ﻦ — دﯾ ن دﯾ ﻧ ﺖ — we saw dîtmânî(t) dîtmân dîtmânin dîtmânin دﯾ ﺎ ﻦ — دﯾ ﺎﻧﲔ دﯾ ﺎن — دﯾ ﺎﱎ you saw dîttânim dîttân dîttânîn dîttânin دﯾ ﺎ ﻦ دﯾ ﺎ ﻦ دﯾ ﺎﻧﲔ دﯾ ﺎن دﯾ ﺎﻧ ﺖ دﯾ ﺎﱎ they saw dîtyânim dîtyânî(t) dîtyân dîtyânîn dîtyânin dîtyânin me you him/her us you them ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾﱳ ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾﱳ — ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾﺖ ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ — I didn’t see námdîtî(t) námdît námdîtin námdîtin ﻧﻪﺗﺪﯾﱳ — ﻧﻪﺗﺪﯾﺘﲔ ﻧﻪﺗﺪﯾﺖ — ﻧﻪﺗﺪﯾﱲ you didn’t see nátdîtim nátdît nátdîtîn nátdîtin ﻧﻪﯾﺪﯾﱳ ﻧﻪﯾﺪﯾﱳ ﻧﻪﯾﺪﯾﺘﲔ ﻧﻪﯾﺪﯾﺖ ﻧﻪﯾﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ ﻧﻪﯾﺪﯾﱲ s/he didn’t see náydîtim náydîtî(t) náydît náydîtîn náydîtin náydîtin
47 SORANI KURDISH ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﯾﱳ ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﯾﱳ — ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﯾﺖ ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ — we didn’t see námândîtî(t) námândît námândîtin námândîtin ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﱳ — ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﺘﲔ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﺖ — ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﱲ you didn’t see nátândîtim nátândît nátândîtîn nátândîtin ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﱳ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﱳ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﺘﲔ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﱲ they didn’t see náyândîtim náyândîtî(t) náyândît náyândîtîn náyândîtin náyândîtin In South Sorani the situation is altogether different. Since, with the few ex- ceptions noted above, the ergative construction has been lost, transitive verbs are regularly conjugated exactly like intransitives, and pronominal ob- jects are added directly to the end of the verb form—all on the Persian model. The normal forms for South Sorani are as follows (note that the nor- mal South Sorani third-person plural ending is -an instead of -in): me you him/her us you them دﯾ ـﻤﻴﺎن د ﳣﺘﺎن — دﯾ ـﻤﯽ دﯾ ـﻤﺖ — I saw dîtimit dîtimî dîtimtân dîtimyân دﯾﺘ ﻴﺎن — دﯾﺘ ن دﯾﺘ ﱴ — دﯾﺘ ﱲ you saw dîtîtim dîtîtî dîtîtmân dîtîtyân دﯾ ﺎن دﯾ ﺎن دﯾ ن دﯾﱴ دﯾ ﺖ دﯾﱲ s/he saw dîtim dîtit dîtî dîtmân dîttân dîtyân دﯾﺘ ﻴﺎن دﯾﺘ ﺘﺎن — دﯾﺘ ﲎ دﯾﺘ ﺖ — we saw dîtînit dîtînî dîtîntân dîtînyân دﯾﺘ ﺎن — دﯾ ن دﯾ ﲎ — دﯾ ﲌ you saw dîtinim dîtinî dîtinmân dîtinyân دﯾﺘﻪﻧﻴﺎن دﯾﺘﻪﻧﺘﺎن دﯾﺘﻪﳕﺎن دﯾﺘﻪﱏ دﯾﺘﻪﻧﺖ دﯾﺘﻪﱎ they saw dîtanim dîtanit dîtanî dîtanmân dîtantân dîtanyân
§ 27.3. Pronominal Prepositional Complements with Agent Affixes. In past transitive verbs the space normally available for a preposed pronominal complement is taken by the agent affix. In this case, the preposition and its complement are split—the preposition precedes the verb, and the comple- ment of the preposition is “bumped” to the end of the verb, but the pronouns 48 THE VERB used are the endings used for intransitive past verbs (-im/-m, -î(t)/-y(t), —, -în/-yn, -in/-n, -in/-n). Note especially that when the prepositional comple- ment is 3rd-person singular, nothing is added to the verb stem. Since the past verb has built-in logical objects, these logical objects are used in such constructions as prepositional complements. The example .Pirsyârèkmân le dakâ. He asks a question of us ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﻜﲈن ﻟ دﻩﰷ.
(present tense), can be viewed diagrammatically as follows:
Pirsyârek -mân le dákâ TENSE
PRESENT prepositional phrase with preposed complement But in the past tense—‘he asked a question of us’—the agent affix takes the place that would be occupied by the preposed complement to the prepo- sition, so the complement of the preposition is removed to the end of the verb stem, .Pirsyârèkî le kirdîn.1 He asked a question of us ﺮﺳ ﻴﺎر ﲃ ﻟ ﺮد ﻦ.
Pirsyârek -î le kird -în PAST TENSE Agent Prepositional affix phrase
In another example,
1 Or, the incomplete sequence pirsyârek-le-kird- can be thought of as meaning “asked-a-question-of” and the personal ending -în supplies the “object” “us.” Such an approach is probably closer to how native speakers “feel” all such constructions involving a preposition + verb. In the next example, bo-nârd- is certainly felt to mean “sent-to” and -in supplies the “object” “them.” Even in the present-tense example bo-dánerim is felt to mean “I-am-sending-to” and the preposed -yân sup- plies the object “them.” Native speakers do not seem to feel that -yân bo really “go together” as a coherent unit in any way separable from the verb; they think of bo- dánerim as the coherent unit and feel that the proper place to pause is between -yân and bo, not between bo and dánerim. To a certain extent, in the minds of native speakers bo-nârdin is not felt to differ substantially from hał-girtin or any other compound verb. 49 SORANI KURDISH aw ktâwânáyân bo I’m sending those books to ﺋﻪو ﻛﺘﺎواﻧﻪ ن ﺑﯚ دﻩﻧ ﺮم. dánerim. them. the preposition bo has its complement -yân preposed:
aw ktâwâná -yân bo dánerim
prepositional phrase with preposed complement
In the past, however, the agent affix -(i)m takes the place of the complement of the preposition. The complement is deferred to the end of the verb stem and is changed from -yân to -in, giving .aw ktâwânám bo nârdin. I sent those books to them ﺋﻪو ﻛﺘﺎواﻧﻪم ﺑﯚ ردن.
aw ktâwâná -m bo nârd -in
agent prepositional affix phrase
When the first available element to which an agent affix can be attached is a preposition, the complement of the preposition is “bumped,” as in the fol- lowing: dâykyân boy sûr kirdin- their mother fried it for دا ﻜ ﺎن ﺑﯚى ﺳﻮور ﺮدﻧﻪوﻩ و awa u boy dâ-nân. them and set it down ﺑﯚى دا ن. before them.
agent affix
dâykyân bo -y sûr kird -in -awa
prepositional phrase
Here the -y on boy in both parts of the sentence is the agent affix referring to dâykyân and the -in in kirdinawa and dâ-nân furnishes the complement of the preposition bo. Another example is as follows:
50 THE VERB pârakáy le girtim u pey he took the money from ﭘﺎرﻩﻛﻪى ﻟ ﮔﺮﰎ و ﭘ ﻰ وﰎ … witim… me and said to me…
prepositional prepositional phrase phrase
Pâraká -y le girt -im u pe -y wit -im
agent agent affix affix Here the -y on pâraká and on pe is the agent affix (‘he’), and the -im suffix in the verbs girt and wit are complements to the prepositions le and pe respectively. Other examples are as follows: dargâyân kirdawa bo min They opened the door for دﻩرﮔﺎ ن ﺮدﻩوﻩ ﺑﯚ ﻣﻦ (ﺑﯚم) > .bom) > dargâyân bo kir- me) دﻩرﮔﺎ ن ﺑﯚ ﺮدﻣﻪوﻩ dimawa pûłakay wargirt l’ ema He took the money from ﭘﻮو ﻪﻛﻪى وﻩرﮔﺮت ﻟ ﻤﻪ (ﻟ ﲈن)> .lemân) > pûłakay le us) ﭘﻮو ﻪﻛﻪى ﻟ وﻩر ﺗﮔﺮﲔ wargirtîn .amámân wit ba to (pet) > We said this to you ﺋﻪﻣﻪﻣﺎن وت ﺑﻪ ﺗﯚ (ﭘ ﺖ) > (amámân pe witî(t ﺋﻪﻣﻪﻣﺎن ﭘ وﺗ ﺖ .witim pet > pem witî(t) I said to you وﰎ ﭘ ﺖ > ﭘ ﻢ وﺗ ﺖ .qsam kird bo ewa I told you a story ﻗﺴﻪم ﺮد ﺑﯚ ﺋ ﻮﻩ (ﺑﯚ ن) > botân) > qsam bo kirdin) ﻗﺴﻪم ﺑﯚ ﺮدن .gwem girt l’ aw (ley) > I listened to him ﮔﻮ ﻢ ﮔﺮت و (ﻟ ﻰ) > ﮔﻮ ﻢ ﻟ gwem le girt ﮔﺮت .witî ba awân (peyân) > He said to them وﰏ ﺑﻪ ﺋﻪوان (ﭘ ﺎن) > ﭘ ﻰ و ﻦ pey witin
Since the ergative construction is not in normal use in South Sorani, the placement of these pronouns is quite the reverse of North Sorani. Therefore, while in North Sorani pey witim means ‘he said to me,’ in South Sorani it means ‘I said to him.’ Bot kirdim means ‘you did it for me’ in North Sorani but ‘I did it for you’ in South Sorani, and bomân kirdin means ‘we did it for 51 SORANI KURDISH you/them’ in North Sorani but ‘you/they did it for us’ in South Sorani.
§ 27.4. Displacement of a Possessive Pronoun by a Preposed Preposi- tional Complement. Similar to the displacement of a prepositional comple- ment by the agent affix is the displacement of a possessive pronoun by a preposed prepositional complement. In a construction such as the following: châwim ba rafîqakânim My eye fell upon my ﺎوم ﺑﻪ رﻩﻓ ﻘﻪﰷﱎ ﻛﻪوت. kawt. friends. if the noun rafîqakânim is replaced by a pronoun, turning the phrase into -yân pe, the preposed prepositional complement “bumps” the possessive -im from its position on châw to the end of the verb, as: châwyân pe kawtim my eye fell upon them ﺎو ن ﭘ ﻛﻪوﰎ
prepositional phrase châw -yân pe kawt -im
modifies
The endings on the verb in such situations are the verbal personal endings, not the possessives. The first-person shows no difference, of course, but the other persons are distinguished, as in the following: châwyân ba min kawt > their eye fell upon me ﺎو ن ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪوت > ﺎوم ﭘ châwim pe kawtin ﻛﻪو ﻦ châw -im pe kawt -in
modifies
In a combination of the principles given in this and the preceding para- graphs, when a possessive pronoun would be followed by an agent affix, the possessive pronoun may also be “bumped” to the end of a past transitive verb (turning into the intransitive past subject pronouns in the process), as in .kuř a korpaká’y dîtim. He saw my infant son ﻮڕﻩ ﻛﯚرﭘﻪﻛﻪى دﯾﱲ. 52 THE VERB .kuř a korpaká’mân dîtî(t). We saw your infant son ﻮڕﻩ ﻛﯚرﭘﻪﻛﻪﻣﺎن دﯾﺘ ﺖ. .kuř a korpakân’yân dîtîn. They saw our infant sons ﻮڕﻩ ﻛﯚرﭘﻪﰷﻧﻴﺎن دﯾﺘﲔ. -kuř a korpa ـﻮڕﻩ ﻛـﯚرﭘـﻪﻛـﻪﱉ دﯾـﺖ The first example could also be expressed as kám’î dît, but the combination of possessive pronoun + agent affix is gen- erally avoided. Hence the “bumped” possessive.
§ 28. The Perfect Active Participle. The perfect active participle is formed by adding -û to the past stem of the verb. With past stems that end in vowels the participle takes the form -w. CONSONANT STEMS VOWEL STEMS INFINITIVE PARTICIPLE INFINITIVE PARTICIPLE mâw ﻣﺎو < mân ﻣﺎن hâtû ﻫﺎﺗﻮو < hâtin ﻫﺎ ﻦ rûdâw رووداو < rû-dân روودان tegayshtû ﺗ ﮕﻪ ﺸ ﺘﻮو < te-gayshtin ﺗ ﮕﻪ ﺸﱳ křîw ﻛ ﯾﻮ < křîn ﻛ ﻦ kirdûawa ﺮدووﻩوﻩ < kirdinawa ﺮدوﻩوﻩ In meaning the perfect active participle corresponds roughly to the English tegayshtû ﺗــ ــﮕــﻪ ــﺸــ ــﺘــﻮو ’,hâtû ‘having come ﻫــﺎﺗــﻮو :present perfect participle kirdûawa ‘having opened,’ &c. Transitivity ـــــــــﺮدووﻩوﻩ ’,having understood‘ křîw means ‘having ﻛـــ ﯾـــﻮ .and intransitivity are retained in the participle, i.e bought’ in the active sense, not ‘bought’ in the passive sense. (For the per- fect passive participle, see §34.1 below.) The perfect active participle is principally used to form the present perfect ﭘـــﺎﺷـــﻜـــﻪوﺗـــﻮو) tense (see §29 below), but it can also be used both adjectivally ,dânîshtû ‘having sat down داﻧــ ــﺸــ ــﺘــﻮو ’,pâshkawtû ‘fallen behind, backward nustû ‘having gone to sleep, asleep’) and nominally ﻧــــﻮﺳــــ ــــﺘــــﻮو seated,’ and .(’rû-dân ‘to happen, take place روودان > ’rûdâw ‘event رووداو)
§ 29. The Present Perfect Tense (Intransitive). The present perfect tense of intransitive verbs is formed from the perfect active participle plus the -mân ‘to remain’ (perfect active partici ﻣـــﺎن present copulas. Examples from (hâtû ﻫــﺎﺗــﻮو hâtin ‘to come’ (perfect active participle ﻫــﺎ ــﻦ mâw) and ﻣــﺎو ple are:
53 SORANI KURDISH hâtûyn ﻫﺎﺗﻮو ﻦ hâtûm ﻫﺎﺗﻮوم mâwîn ﻣﺎو ﻦ mâwim ﻣﺎوم hâtûn ﻫﺎﺗﻮون (hâtûy(t ﻫﺎﺗﻮوﯾﺖ mâwin ﻣﺎون (mâwî(t ﻣﺎوﯾﺖ hâtûn ﻫﺎﺗﻮون hâtûa ﻫﺎﺗﻮوﻩ mâwin ﻣﺎون mâwa ﻣﺎوﻩ The negative is formed by prefixing ná- náhâtûyn ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﻮو ﻦ náhâtûm ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﻮوم námâwîn ﻧﻪﻣﺎو ﻦ námâwim ﻧﻪﻣﺎوم &c.
Verbs ending in -awa are conjugated as follows. Note especially the infixed -t- in the 3rd-person singular. hâtûynawa ﻫﺎﺗﻮوﯾﻨﻪوﻩ hâtûmawa ﻫﺎﺗﻮوﻣﻪوﻩ mâwînawa ﻣﺎوﯾﻨﻪوﻩ mâwimawa ﻣﺎوﻣﻪوﻩ hâtûnawa ﻫﺎﺗﻮوﻧﻪوﻩ hâtûytawa ﻫﺎﺗﻮوﯾﺘﻪوﻩ mâwinawa ﻣﺎوﻧﻪوﻩ mâwîtawa ﻣﺎوﯾﺘﻪوﻩ hâtûnawa ﻫﺎﺗﻮوﻧﻪوﻩ hâtûatawa ﻫﺎﺗﻮوﻩﺗﻪوﻩ mâwinawa ﻣﺎوﻧﻪوﻩ mâwatawa ﻣﺎوﻩﺗﻪوﻩ
For general purposes, the present perfect tense of Kurdish is equivalent to the English present perfect (‘I have come’). It is in all respects the exact mâwa ﻣـﺎوﻩ and آﻣـﺪﻩام = hâtûm ﻫـﺎﺗـﻮوم) equivalent of the Persian past narrative -and this means that in Kurdish the present perfect is used in sit ,(ﻣـﺎﻧـﺪﻩاﺳـﺖ = uations where an action or change of state in the past is felt to be of par- ticular relevance to a present situation.
§ 29.1. The Present Perfect Tense (Transitive). The present perfect tense of transitive verbs is made from the agent affixes plus the past participle plus the 3rd-pers. pres. copula (-a), as in khwardin ‘to eat’ and křîn ‘to buy.’ mân khwârdûa- ﻣﺎن ﺧﻮاردووﻩ im khwârdûa- م ﺧﻮاردووﻩ tân khwârdûa- ن ﺧﻮاردووﻩ it khwârdûa- ت ﺧﻮاردووﻩ yân khwârdûa- ن ﺧﻮاردووﻩ î khwârdûa- ى ﺧﻮاردووﻩ mân křîwa- ﻣﺎن ﻛ ﯾﻮﻩ im křîwa- م ﻛ ﯾﻮﻩ tân křîwa- ن ﻛ ﯾﻮﻩ it křîwa- ت ﻛ ﯾﻮﻩ yân křîwa- ن ﻛ ﯾﻮﻩ î křîwa- ى ﻛ ﯾﻮﻩ ـﺮدﻧـﻪوﻩ Verbs in -awa have a -t- inserted between the copula a and -awa, as in 54 THE VERB ’.dozînawa ‘to discover دۆزﯾﻨﻪوﻩ kirdinawa ‘to open’ and mân kirdûatawa- ﻣﺎن ﺮدووﻩﺗﻪوﻩ im kirdûatawa- م ﺮدووﻩﺗﻪوﻩ tân kirdûatawa- ن ﺮدووﻩﺗﻪوﻩ it kirdûatawa- ت ﺮدووﻩﺗﻪوﻩ yân kirdûatawa- ن ﺮدووﻩﺗﻪوﻩ î kirdûatawa- ى ﺮدووﻩﺗﻪوﻩ mân dozîwatawa- ﻣﺎن دۆزﯾﻮﻩﺗﻪوﻩ im dozîwatawa- م دۆزﯾﻮﻩﺗﻪوﻩ tân dozîwatawa- ن دۆزﯾﻮﻩﺗﻪوﻩ it dozîwatawa- ت دۆزﯾﻮﻩﺗﻪوﻩ yân dozîwatawa- ن دۆزﯾﻮﻩﺗﻪوﻩ î dozîwatawa- ى دۆزﯾﻮﻩﺗﻪوﻩ
When nothing else is available to which the agent affixes may be joined, they fall on the participle and are followed by the 3rd-person singular copu- -khwâr ﺧـﻮاردن la -a (except the 3rd singular, which has the form -yatî1), as in :křîn ﻛ ﻦ din and khwârdûmâna ﺧﻮاردووﻣﺎﻧﻪ khwârdûma ﺧﻮاردووﻣﻪ khwârdûtâna ﺧﻮاردوو ﻧﻪ khwârdûta ﺧﻮاردووﺗﻪ khwârdûyâna ﺧﻮاردوو ﻧﻪ khwârdûyatî ﺧﻮاردووﯾﻪﰏ křîwmâna ﻛ ﯾﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ křîwima ﻛ ﯾﻮﻣﻪ křîwtâna ﻛ ﯾﻮ ﻧﻪ křîwita ﻛ ﯾﻮﺗﻪ křîwyâna ﻛ ﯾﻮ ﻧﻪ křîwyatî ﻛ ﯾﻮﯾﻪﰏ When any other element is available, the agent affixes are joined thereto, as in the negative: námânkhwârdûa ﻧﻪﻣﺎﳔﻮاردووﻩ námkhwârdûa ﻧﻪﳐﻮاردووﻩ nátânkhwârdûa ﻧﻪ ﳔﻮاردووﻩ nátkhwârdûa ﻧﻪﲣﻮاردووﻩ náyânkhwârdûa ﻧﻪ ﳔﻮاردووﻩ náykhwârdûa ﻧﻪﳜﻮاردووﻩ námânkřîwa ﻧﻪﻣﺎ ﻜ ﯾﻮﻩ námkřîwa ﻧﻪﻣﻜ ﯾﻮﻩ nátânkřîwa ﻧﻪ ﻜ ﯾﻮﻩ nátkřîwa ﻧﻪ ﻜ ﯾﻮﻩ náyânkřîwa ﻧﻪ ﻜ ﯾﻮﻩ náykřîwa ﻧﻪ ﻜ ﯾﻮﻩ
1 The same -yatî that results consistently from the 3rd-person singular enclitic -î/-y plus the 3rd-person singular copula. The spelling of this suffix is inconsistent. See §15 above. 55 SORANI KURDISH § 30. The Past Perfect Tense (Intransitive). For intransitive verbs with past stems ending in a consonant (like hatin > hat-), the past perfect tense, which is functionally equivalent to the English past perfect (‘I had come, you had gone’), is formed from the past stem + i + the past tense of bûn ‘to be.’ Verbs with past stems ending in a vowel (like bûn > bû) form the past perfect tense from the simple stem + the past tense of bûn. hâtibûyn ﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮو ﻦ hâtibûm ﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮوم hâtibûn ﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮون (hâtibûy(t ﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮوﯾﺖ hâtibûn ﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮون hâtibû ﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮو chûbûyn ﭼﻮوﺑﻮو ﻦ chûbûm ﭼﻮوﺑﻮوم chûbûn ﭼﻮوﺑﻮون (chûbûy(t ﭼﻮوﺑﻮوﯾﺖ chûbûn ﭼﻮوﺑﻮون chûbû ﭼﻮوﺑﻮو
The negative is formed by prefixing ná- to the verb: náhâtibûyn ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮو ﻦ náhâtibûm ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮوم náhâtibûn ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮون (náhâtibûy(t ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮوﯾﺖ náhâtibûn ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮون náhâtibû ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﻮو The past perfect of bûn ‘to be’ can be slightly irregular. In addition to the ,bibû ﺑـﺒـﻮو bûbû, there is also a conjugation based on the form ﺑـﻮوﺑـﻮو expected as follows: bibûyn ﺑﺒﻮو ﻦ bibûm ﺑﺒﻮوم bibûn ﺑﺒﻮون (bibûy(t ﺑﺒﻮوى، ﺑﺒﻮوﯾﺖ bibûn ﺑﺒﻮون bibû ﺑﺒﻮو The past perfect tense is commonly used in the expression heshtâ + nega- tive past perfect + ka (‘no sooner had…than,’ ‘scarcely had…when’). Heshtâ nánustibû ka No sooner had he gone to ﻫـ ـﺸـ ـﺘـﺎ ﻧـﻪﻧـﻮﺳـ ـ ـﻮو ﻛـﻪ دﻩ ـﮕـ ـﲃ ﺑـﻪ dangèk’î ba gwe gaysht. sleep than a sound ﮔﻮێ ﮔﻪ ﺸﺖ. reached his ear.
§ 30.1. The Past Perfect Tense (Transitive). The past perfect tense of 56 THE VERB transitive verbs is formed, like that of intransitive verbs, from the past stem + -i- + the past tense of bûn—with the addition of the agent affixes some- where. Past stems that end in vowels add bû directly without the -i-. Exam- ples: dîtin and dân: mân dâbû- ﻣﺎن داﺑﻮو im dâbû- م داﺑﻮو mân dîtibû- ﻣﺎن دﯾ ﻮو im dîtibû- م دﯾ ﻮو tân dâbû- ن داﺑﻮو it dâbû- ت داﺑﻮو tân dîtibû- ن دﯾ ﻮو it dîtibû- ت دﯾ ﻮو yân dâbû- ن داﺑﻮو î dâbû- ى داﺑﻮو yân dîtibû- ن دﯾ ﻮو î dîtibû- ى دﯾ ﻮو As with all past transitives, if there is nothing else to which the agent affixes can be attached, they go onto the end of the verb form, as in dâbûmân داﺑﻮوﻣﺎن dâbûm داﺑﻮوم dîtibûmân دﯾ ﻮوﻣﺎن dîtibûm دﯾ ﻮوم dâbûtân داﺑﻮو ن dâbût داﺑﻮوت dîtibûtân دﯾ ﻮو ن dîtibût دﯾ ﻮوت dâbûyân داﺑﻮو ن dâbûy داﺑﻮوى dîtibûyân دﯾ ﻮو ن dîtibûy دﯾ ﻮوى
And if there is any available preverbal matter, the agent affixes are attached thereto, as in negative and compound verbs. Examples: dîtin and dar-hênân. námândîtibû ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﯾ ﻮو námdîtibû ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾ ﻮو nátândîtibû ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾ ﻮو nátdîtibû ﻧﻪﺗﺪﯾ ﻮو náyândîtibû ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾ ﻮو náydîtibû ﻧﻪﯾﺪﯾ ﻮو darmânhenâbû دﻩرﻣﺎﳖ ﻨﺎﺑﻮو darimhenâbû دﻩر ﻨﺎﺑﻮو dartânhenâbû دﻩر ﳖ ﻨﺎﺑﻮو darithenâbû دﻩرﲥ ﻨﺎﺑﻮو daryânhenâbû دﻩر ﳖ ﻨﺎﺑﻮو darîhenâbû دﻩرﳞ ﻨﺎﺑﻮو
§ 31. The Past Subjunctive. The intransitive past subjunctive is formed like the past perfect, but instead of the past tense of bûn, the present sub- junctive of bûn is added. Examples: hâtin and chûn: chûbîn ﭼﻮوﺑﲔ chûbim ﭼﻮوﰈ hâtibîn ﻫﺎﺗﺒﲔ hâtibim ﻫﺎﺗﱬ chûbin ﭼﻮو ﻦ (chûbî(t ﭼﻮوﺑ ﺖ hâtibin ﻫﺎﺗﱭ (hâtibî(t ﻫﺎﺗﺒ ﺖ chûbin ﭼﻮو ﻦ (chûbe(t ﭼﻮوﺑ ﺖ hâtibin ﻫﺎﺗﱭ (hâtibe(t ﻫﺎﺗﺒ ﺖ The negative is formed by prefixing ná- to the verb: 57 SORANI KURDISH náchûbîn ﻧﻪﭼﻮوﺑﲔ náchûbim ﻧﻪﭼﻮوﰈ náhâtibîn ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﲔ náhâtibim ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﱬ náchûbin ﻧﻪﭼﻮو ﻦ (náchûbî(t ﻧﻪﭼﻮوﺑ ﺖ náhâtibin ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﱭ (náhâtibî(t ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒ ﺖ náchûbin ﻧﻪﭼﻮو ﻦ (náchûbe(t ﻧﻪﭼﻮوﺑ ﺖ náhâtibin ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﱭ (náhâtibe(t ﻧﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒ ﺖ Transitive verbs are similarly formed (here, as usual, a 3rd-person singular patient is assumed). Examples: dîtin and dân: (mân dîtibe(t- ـﲈن دﯾ (im dîtibe(t- ـﻢ دﯾ (tân dîtibe(t- ـﺘﺎن دﯾ (it dîtibe(t- ـﺖ دﯾ (yân dîtibe(t- ـﻴﺎن دﯾ (î dîtibe(t- ـﻰ دﯾ (mân dâbe(t- ـﲈن دا (im dâbe(t- ـﻢ دا (tân dâbe(t- ـﺘﺎن دا (it dâbe(t- ـﺖ دا (yân dâbe(t- ـﻴﺎن دا (î dâbe(t- ـﻰ دا If there is no preverbal matter available, the agent affixes are attached to the verb, as follows in the examples dîtin and kirdinawa: dîtibetmân دﯾﺘ ن dîtibetim دﯾﺘ ﱲ dîtibettân دﯾﺘ ﺘﺘﺎن dîtibetit دﯾﺘ ﺘﺖ dîtibetyân دﯾﺘ ﺘﻴﺎن dîtibetî دﯾﺘ ﱴ kirdibetmânawa ﺮدﺑ ﻧﻪوﻩ kirdibetimawa ﺮدﺑ ـﻤﻪوﻩ kirdibettânawa ﺮدﺑ ﺎﻧﻪوﻩ kirdibetitawa ﺮدﺑ ﻪوﻩ kirdibetyânawa ﺮدﺑ ﺎﻧﻪوﻩ kirdibetîawa ﺮدﺑ ﻪوﻩ And if there is any available preverbal matter, the agent affixes are attached thereto, as in dîtin and dar-henân: (námândîtibe(t ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ (námdîtibe(t ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ (nátândîtibe(t ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ (nátdîtibe(t ﻧﻪﺗﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ (náyândîtibe(t ﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ (náydîtibe(t ﺗﻪﯾﺪﯾﺘ ﺖ (darmânhenâbe(t دﻩرﻣﺎﳖ ﻨﺎﺑ ﺖ (darimhenâbe(t دﻩر ﻨﺎﺑ ﺖ (dartânhenâbe(t دﻩر ﳖ ﻨﺎﺑ ﺖ (darithenâbe(t دﻩرﲥ ﻨﺎﺑ ﺖ (daryânhenâbe(t دﻩر ﳖ ﻨﺎﺑ ﺖ (darîhenâbe(t دﻩرﳞ ﻨﺎﺑ ﺖ 58 THE VERB The past subjunctive is used (1) after all constructions that take subjunctive complements when the complement is in the past, as, for example dábe ‘must,’ as in دﻩﰉ a) after) .Pyâwakân dábe royshti- The men must have gone ﭘﻴﺎوﻩﰷن دﻩ رۆ ﺸ ﺘﱭ. bin. Dábe aw shitânát dîtibe You must have seen those دﻩ ﺋﻪو ﺷ ﺘﺎﻧﻪت دﯾ (دﯾﺘﱭ). (dîtibin). things.
(b) for a past tense complement to a predicate adjective. Such comple- ka ‘that,’ but it ﻛـﻪ mentary clauses are often introduced by the conjunction is optional. (Rang a ka bârân bârîbe(t). It’s possible that it (has رﻩ ﮕﻪ ﻛﻪ ران رﯾ ( رﯾﺒ ﺖ). rained.1 Lâzim niya (ka) dîtibetim. It’s not necessary for me ﻻزم ﻧﻴﻪ (ﻛﻪ) دﯾﺘ ﱲ. to have seen it.
(2) in past clauses after superlatives (note that a relative-clause antecedent modified by a superlative is in the indefinite state, …èk). yekamîn kasèk a ka hawłî He is the first person who ﯾﻪﻛﻪﻣﲔ ﻛﻪﺳ ﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻪو ﻰ دا … dâbe… has attempted… In this type of clause the subject of the relative clause must be the same as the noun modified by the superlative. In an example such as yekamîn kasèk a ka dîtûma he’s the first person I’ve ﯾﻪﻛﻪﻣﲔ ﻛﻪﺳ ﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ دﯾﺘﻮوﻣﻪ seen the relative clause is not subjunctive because the subjects of the main clause (‘he’) and of the relative clause (‘I’) are different. (3) in past relative clauses after negatives (‘there isn’t anyone who has …’) or expressions with an essentially negative sense (‘there are few who have…’)
rang a ka bârân رﻩ ــﮕــﻪ ﻛــﻪ ران ﺑــﺒــﺎر ــﺖ :1Compare this with the present subjunctive bibâre(t) ‘it’s possible that it will rain.’ 59 SORANI KURDISH Kas niya (ka) am ktâwáy There isn’t anyone who ﻛـــﻪس ﻧـــﻴـــﻪ ﻛـــﻪ ﺋـــﻪم ﻛـــﺘـــﺎوﻩى .nákhwendibe. hasn’t read this book ﻧﻪﺧﻮ ﻨﺪ . Kam kas haya ḥikâyat a Rare is the person who has ﻛـﻪم ﻛـﻪس ﻫـﻪﯾـﻪ ﺣـﲀﯾـﻪﺗـﻪ ﻛـﯚن و kon u lamezhînakân i not heard old Kurdish ﻣـ ـﮋﯾـﻨـﻪﰷﱏ ـﻮردى داﯾـﻪﭘـﲑﻩ و kurdî la dâyapîra u bâb u stories of long ago from ب و داﯾـــﻚ و ﻛـــﻪس و ﰷرى -dâyk u kasukâr i khoy his grandmother, grand ﺧﯚى ﻧﻪﺑ ﺴ . nábîstibe. father, mother, and rela- tives. -wak(û) ‘as though’ in the past for hypothetical situa وﻩك (وﻩ ــــــﻮو) after (4) tions (note that wak(û) followed by the indicative means ‘just as’ for situ- ations that have actually occurred) -Wakû shitèkyân bîr kawti- As though they remem وﻩ ﻮو ﺷ ﻜ ﺎن ﺑﲑ ﻛﻪوﺗﺒ ﻪوﻩ… betawa… bered something…1
(5) in the past protasis of a possible conditional Agar gyân i khom bakht If I have sacrificed my life ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪر ﮔـﻴـﺎﱏ ﺧـﯚم ﺑـﻪﺧـﺖ ـﺮد kirdibe la penâw i for the sake of my son, I ﭘـ ـ ـﺎوى ـﻮڕﻣـﺎ، ﻣـﻦ ﻫـﻴـﭽـﻰ ﻛـﻪم kuřim’â, min hîch i ka’m do not want anything وێ. nâwe. else.
§ 32. The Irrealis Mood. The irrealis mood, which expresses an unfulfilled or unfulfillable contrafactual statement, usually dependent upon an unreal- ized conditional, is identical to the past habitual tense (a- or da- + past tense). (a) The irrealis is used in the apodosis of contrafactual conditionals (see §33 below) and expressions that are contrafactual apodoses with ellipsis, as in -Namatwânî hîch i tir I couldn’t have done any ﻧﻪﻣﻪﺗﻮاﱏ ﻫﻴﭽﻰ ﺮ ﻜﻪم. bikam. thing else (even if I had wanted to). wakû aw shitáyân bîr kawt وﻩ ـﻮو ﺋـﻪو ﺷـ ـﺘـﻪ ن ﺑـﲑ ﻛـﻪوت This may be contrasted with 1 “just as they remembered that thing.” 60 THE VERB Har kasè wây dazânî. Anybody would have ﻫﻪر ﻛﻪﺳ واى دﻩزاﱏ. known. khozga ‘would that’ for unfulfilled ﺧــــــﯚزﮔــــــﻪ b) The irrealis is used after) wishes in the past: Khozga jârèk i tirîsh Would that you had come ﺧﯚزﮔﻪ ﺎر ﲃ ﺮ ﺶ ﺋﻪﻫﺎﺗ ﺖ! ahâtît! some other time! Khozga zistân nádahât! Would that winter had not ﺧﯚزﮔﻪ زﺳ ﺘﺎن ﻧﻪدﻩﻫﺎت! come!
§ 33. The Past Conditional. There are two forms of the past conditional mood (‘if I had gone,’ ‘had I gone’). The first past conditional mood is formed of the subjunctive prefix bí- (negative ná-) + the simple past conju- gation + -âya. INTRANSITIVE bíhâtînâya ﲠﺎﺗ ﺎﯾﻪ bíhâtimâya ﲠﺎﲤﺎﯾﻪ bíhâtinâya ﲠﺎﺗﻨﺎﯾﻪ bíhâtîtâya ﲠﺎﺗ ﺎﯾﻪ bíhâtinâya ﲠﺎﺗﻨﺎﯾﻪ bíhâtâya ﲠﺎ ﯾﻪ TRANSITIVE mân bínûsîâya- ﻣﺎن ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ im bínûsîâya1- م ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ tân bínûsîâya- ن ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ it bínûsîâya- ت ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ yân bínûsîâya- ن ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ î bínûsîâya- ى ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ The second past conditional is similarly formed, but the bí- prefix is op- tional, and instead of the personal endings + -áya, the verb is formed like the past subjunctive but based on bâ-, a variant of the subjunctive of bûn. INTRANSITIVE bí)hâtibâyn) ﻫﺎﺗﺒﺎ ﻦ، ﲠﺎﺗﺒﺎ ﻦ bí)hâtibâm) ﻫﺎﺗﺒﺎم، ﲠﺎﺗﺒﺎم bí)hâtibân) ﻫﺎﺗﺒﺎن، ﲠﺎﺗﺒﺎن (bí)hâtibây(t) ﻫﺎﺗﺒﺎﯾﺖ، ﲠﺎﺗﺒﺎﯾﺖ
1 Or, if there is nothing preceding to which the agent affix can be attached, the .bíynûsîâya, &c ﺑ ﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ ,bítnûsîâya ﺑ ﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ ,bímnûsîâya ﲟﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ forms are 61 SORANI KURDISH bí)hâtibân) ﻫﺎﺗﺒﺎن، ﲠﺎﺗﺒﺎن (bí)hâtibâ(ya) ﻫﺎﺗﺒﺎ(ﯾﻪ)، ﲠﺎﺗﺒﺎ(ﯾﻪ)
TRANSITIVE (mân (bí)nûsibâ(ya- ﻣﺎن ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﺒﺎ(ﯾﻪ) (im (bí)nûsîbâ(ya- م ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﺎ(ﯾﻪ) (tân (bí)nûsibâ(ya- ن ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﺒﺎ(ﯾﻪ) (it (bí)nûsibâ(ya- ت ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﺒﺎ(ﯾﻪ) (yân (bí)nûsîbâ(ya- ن ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﺒﺎ(ﯾﻪ) (î (bí)nûsîbâ(ya- ى ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﺎ(ﯾﻪ) The past conditional mood is used in the following instances: (a) In contrafactual conditional sentences, the protasis (the ‘if’ clause) contains a verb in the past conditional mood, and in the apodosis (the result clause) the verb is in the irrealis. Note, as in the last three examples below, that agar may be elipsed from the protasis. -Agar dwene bíhâtîtâya, If you had come yester ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪر دو ـ ﲠـﺎﺗـ ـ ـﺎﯾـﻪ، ﺋـﺎزادت Âzâdit dádît. day, you would’ve seen دﻩدﯾﺖ. Azad. Agar nâmakat bínârdâya, If you had sent the letter, it ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﻣﻪﻛﻪت ﺑﻨﺎرداﯾﻪ، ﺋﻪﮔﻪﱙ. ágayî. would’ve arrived. Agar bitnûsîâya, la bîrit If you had written it, you ﺋــﻪﮔــﻪر ﺑــ ــ ــﻮوﺳــ ــﻴــﺎﯾــﻪ، ﺑــﲑت nádachû. wouldn’t have forgotten ﻧﻪدﻩﭼﻮو. it. Min agar bimzânîbâya If I had known that it ﻣـﻦ ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪر ﲟـﺰاﻧـ ـ ـﺎﯾـﻪ ﺋـﻪوﻫـﺎﻣـﺎن ,awhâmân basar de, am would happen thus to us ﺑــﻪﺳــﻪر دێ، ﺋــﻪم ر ــﮕــﺎﯾــﻪم regâyá’m nadagirtà bar u I wouldn’t have taken ﻧــــﻪدﻩﮔــــ ﺗﺮــــﻪ ﺑــــﻪر و ﺧــــﯚم و khom u bâwkîshimim tûsh this road and I wouldn’t وﻛـ ـﺸـﻤـﻢ ﺗـﻮوﳽ ﺋـﻪم ﻫـﻪﻣـﻮو i am hamû badbakhtî u have caused myself and mâłwerânîá nadakird. my father to encounter all ﺑــﻪدﺑــﻪﺧــﱴ و ﻣــﺎ ــﻮ ــﺮاﱏﯾــﻪ . .this misfortune ﻧﻪدﻩ ﺮد Mâł ba mâł bígařâytâya, Had you gone around ﻣـﺎڵ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺎڵ ـﮕـﻪڕاﯾـﺘـﺎﯾـﻪ، ﺑـ ـﺠـﮕـﻪ bejiga la âfrat u minâł house by house, you ﺋـﺎﻓـﺮﻩت و ﻣـ ـﺎڵ ﻫـﻴـﭻ ﻛـﻪﺳـ ـ ـﲃ -hîch kasèk i tirit nádadî. wouldn’t have seen any ﺮت ﻧﻪدﻩدى. one other than women and children.
62 THE VERB Nanâsyâwèk biydîbân, ba Were someone who didn’t ﻧـﻪ ﺳـ ـﻴـﺎو ـﻚ ﺑـﻴـﺪﯾـﺒـﺎن، ﺑـﻪ ﻫـﻪر har dûkyânî dagut choła- know to see them, he دوو ﻴﺎﱏ دﻩﮔﻮت ﭼﯚ ﻪﻛﻪ. ka. would call them both swallows. Biywitâya biro l’ aw bar- Had he said, “Go throw ﺑـﻴـﻮ ﯾـﻪ ـ ۆ و ﺑـﻪرزاﰃﯾـﻪ ﺧـﯚت zâîá khot bikha khwâra- yourself off that high ﲞـﻪ ﺧـﻮارﻩوﻩ، ﺧـﯚم دﻩﺧـﺴـ ـﺘـﻪ wa, khom dakhistà khwâ- place,” I would have ﺧﻮارﻩوﻩ. rawa. thrown myself off. shâłłâ ﺷـﺎ ـ b) The past conditional mood is used for past complements to) -biryâ (‘would that,’ functionally equivalent to khozga + ir ـﺮ I wish’) and‘) realis [see §32, above]) for unfulfilled wishes. Shâłłâ swâr i karèkîshyân I wish they had mounted ﺷـﺎ ـ ﺳـﻮارى ﻛـﻪر ـﻜـ ـﺸـ ـﻴـﺎن bíkirdîtâya u kołân ba you on an ass and ـﻜـﺮدﯾـﺘـﺎﯾـﻪ و ﻛـﯚ ن ﺑـﻪ ﻛـﯚ ﱏ kołân i shâr biyângeřây- paraded you through ﺷﺎر ﺑﻴﺎ ﮕ اﯾﺘﺎﯾﻪ. tâya.1 every street in town. Biryâ aw kâráy nakirdi- Would that he hadn’t done ﺮ ﺋﻪو ﰷرﻩى ﻧﻪ ﺮد ﯾﻪ. bâya. that.
§ 34. The Passive Voice. The past passive stem is constructed from the present stem of a transitive verb + -râ. The present passive stem is the pres- bînrân ‘to ﺑـﻴـﲊان ent stem + -re-. For example, from the stem bîn ‘see’ comes ;’dábînre(t) ‘it is/can be seen دﻩﺑـﻴـﲊ ـﺖ bînrâ ‘it was seen,’ and ﺑـﻴـﲊا ’,be seen nerrá ‘it was ﻧـ ـﺮرا ’,nerrân2 ‘to be sent ﻧـ ـﺮران from the stem ner ‘send’ comes dánerre(t) ‘it is sent.’ The past and present passives are دﻩﻧــ ــﺮر ــﺖ sent,’ and regularly conjugated: PAST PASSIVE nerrâyn ﻧ ﺮرا ﻦ nerrâm ﻧ ﺮرام bînrâyn ﺑﻴﲊا ﻦ bînrâm ﺑﻴﲊام nerrân ﻧ ﺮران (nerrây(t ﻧ ﺮراﯾﺖ bînrân ﺑﻴﲊان (bînrây(t ﺑﻴﲊاﯾﺖ
1 Bíyângerâytâya = bí (subjunctive prefix) + yân (agent affix) + gerâ (verb stem) + yt (2nd-person singular patient suffix) + âya (conditional suffix). 2 .ﻧان Since rr = ř, the verb nerrân is often written alternatively as 63 SORANI KURDISH nerrân ﻧ ﺮران nerrâ ﻧ ﺮرا bînrân ﺑﻴﲊان bînrâ ﺑﻴﲊا
PRESENT PASSIVE dánerreyn دﻩﻧ ﺮر ﲔ dánerrem دﻩﻧ ﺮر ﻢ dábînreyn دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﲔ dábînrem دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﻢ dánerren دﻩﻧ ﺮر ﻦ dánerreyt دﻩﻧ ﺮر ﺖ dábînren دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﻦ (dábînrey(t دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﺖ dánerren دﻩﻧ ﺮر ﻦ (dánerre(t دﻩﻧ ﺮر ﺖ dábînren دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﻦ (dábînre(t دﻩﺑﻴﲊێ The past perfect passive conjugation is regularly formed as a vowel stem (‘I had been seen, I had been sent’ &c.): bînrâbûyn ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮو ﻦ bînrâbûm ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮوم bînrâbûn ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮون (bînrâbûy(t ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮوﯾﺖ bînrâbûn ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮون bînrâbû ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮو nerrâbûyn ﻧ ﺮراﺑﻮو ﻦ nerrâbûm ﻧ ﺮراﺑﻮوم nerrâbûn ﻧ ﺮراﺑﻮون (nerrâbûy(t ﻧ ﺮراﺑﻮوﯾﺖ nerrâbûn ﻧ ﺮراﺑﻮون nerrâbû ﻧ ﺮراﺑﻮو Irregular passives. Although the passive is regularly and predictably formed from the vast majority of verbs, the following common verbs have irregu- larly formed passives:
ACTIVE PASSIVE bîstrân bîstre-, as well as the regularly formed ﺑ ﺴﱰان < bîstin ﺑ ﺴﱳ -bîsrân bîsre ﺑ ﴪان -d(i)rân d(i)re دران < dân دان bîndrân bîndre-, as well as the regularly formed ﺑ ﺪران < dîtin دﯾﱳ -bînrân bînre ﺑﻴﲊان -gîrân gîre ﮔﲑان < girtin ﮔﺮ ﻦ -gutrân gutre ﮔﻮ ﺮان < gotin ﮔﯚ ﻦ -khirân khire ﺧﺮان < khistin ﺧﺴﱳ -khurân khure ﺧﻮران < khwârdin ﺧﻮاردن -k(i)rân k(i)re ﺮان < kirdin ﺮدن
64 THE VERB nerdrân nerdre-, and the ﻧ ﺮدران ,-nârdrân nârdre ردران < nârdin ردن -nerrân nerre ﻧ ﺮران regularly formed -n(i)rân n(i)re ﺮا < nân ن -witrân witre و ﺮان < witin و ﻦ Other moods and tenses of the passive are regularly formed. All passive verbs are intransitive by definition and therefore never form their past tenses on the ergative model. Examples of passive constructions are as follows: Pewîst a am ḥikâyatâná It is necessary that these ﭘــ ــﻮ ــﺴــ ــﺘــﻪ ﺋــﻪم ﺣــﲀﯾــﻪ ﻧــﻪ ,binûsrenawa u la châp stories be written down ﺑـﻨـﻮوﴎ ـﻨـﻪوﻩ و ـﺎپ در ـﻦ .dren u biłâw bikrenawa. printed, and published و ﺑ و ﻜﺮ ﻨﻪوﻩ. Tanakayèk la bar dukâna- A can had been set down ﺗــﻪﻧــﻪﻛــﻪﯾــﻪك ﺑــﻪر دوﰷﻧــﻪﻛــﻪ .ká dâ-nrâbû. in front of the shop دا ﺮاﺑﻮو.
§ 34.1. The Past Passive Participle. The past passive participle is regularly ﺑـــــﻴـــــﲊاو ,formed from the past passive stem in -râ + -w, giving, for example -nûs ﻧـﻮوﴎاو nerrâw ‘having been sent,’ and ﻧـ ـﺮراو ’,bînrâw ‘having been seen râw ‘having been written.’ The negative participle is regularly made by pre- nánerrâw ‘not ﻧــﻪﻧــ ــﺮراو ’,nábînrâw ‘not having been seen ﻧــﻪﺑــﻴــﲊاو) -fixing ná having been sent’). From the past passive participle is made the present perfect passive conju- gation (‘I have been seen, I have been invited,’ &c.): bînrâwîn ﺑﻴﲊاو ﻦ bînrâwim ﺑﻴﲊاوم bînrâwin ﺑﻴﲊاون (bînrâwî(t ﺑﻴﲊاوﯾﺖ bînrâwin ﺑﻴﲊاون bînrâwa ﺑﻴﲊاوﻩ bâng krâwîn ﮓ ﺮاو ﻦ bâng krâwim ﮓ ﺮاوم bâng krâwin ﮓ ﺮاون (bâng krâwî(t ﮓ ﺮاوﯾﺖ bâng krâwin ﮓ ﺮاون bâng krâwa ﮓ ﺮاوﻩ Examples of passive constructions: ’witû-kirân ‘to be ironed وﺗﻮو ﺮان < ’witû-kirdin ‘to iron وﺗﻮو ﺮدن
65 SORANI KURDISH ’rez le-gîrân ‘to be respected ر ﺰ ﻟ ﮕﲑان < ’rez le-girtin ‘to respect ر ﺰ ﻟ ﮕﺮ ﻦ nûsrânawa ‘to be written ﻧﻮوﴎاﻧﻪوﻩ < ’nûsînawa ‘to write down ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻪوﻩ down’
barg a pâk u tamîz a witû- his nice, clean, ironed ﺑﻪرﮔﻪ ﭘﺎك و ﺗﻪﻣﲒﻩ وﺗﻮو ﺮاوﻩﻛﻪى kirâwakáy clothes pyâwèk i barz i rezlegîrâw an eminent, respected ﭘﻴﺎو ﲃ ﺑﻪرزى ر ﺰﻟ ﮕﲑاو man Zorba i zor i am ḥikâya- The vast majority of these زۆرﺑــﻪى زۆرى ﺋــﻪم ﺣــﲀﯾــﻪ ﻧــﻪ tâná nanûsrâwinawa. stories have not been ﻧﻪﻧﻮوﴎاوﻧﻪوﻩ. written down.
§ 35. Postposed Verbal Complements. With verbs of motion many verbal complements are postposed, i.e. they come after the verb and are linked it by the unstressed vowel à. For example, chûn is ‘to go,’ but chûnà mâłè is ‘to go home.’ The linking vowel occurs in all persons in all tenses. In the present tense the t inherent in the 2nd and 3rd persons singular is recovered before the à. An example of the present tense is that of chûnà mâłè: dáchînà mâłè دﻩﭼ ﻨﻪ ﻣﺎ dáchimà mâłè دﻩ ﻪ ﻣﺎ dáchinà mâłè دﻩﭼ ﻪ ﻣﺎ dáchîtà mâłè دﻩﭼ ﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ dáchinà mâłè دﻩﭼ ﻪ ﻣﺎ dáchetà mâłè دﻩﭼ ﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ In the past tenses, the linking à also comes between the verb and its comple- ment. The t inherent in the 2nd person singular is always recovered. An ex- ample of the paradigm for verbs with consonant-final stems is hâtinà darè, ‘to come out.’ hâtînà darè ﻫﺎﺗ ﻪ دﻩرێ hâtimà darè ﻫﺎﲤﻪ دﻩرێ hâtinà darè ﻫﺎﺗﻨﻪ دﻩرێ hâtîtà darè ﻫﺎﺗ ﻪ دﻩرێ hâtinà darè ﻫﺎﺗﻨﻪ دﻩرێ hâtà darè ﻫﺎﺗﻪ دﻩرێ In 3rd-person singular past verbs ending in -û and -î, a t may be infixed (de- pending upon dialect) between the verb and the linking à, as in chûnà shâ- rawa ‘to go to town’ and gayînà mâlawa ‘to reach home.’
66 THE VERB chûynà shârawa ﭼﻮوﯾﻨﻪ ﺷﺎرﻩوﻩ chûmà shârawa ﭼﻮوﻣﻪ ﺷﺎرﻩوﻩ chûnà shârawa ﭼﻮوﻧﻪ ﺷﺎرﻩوﻩ chûytà shârawa ﭼﻮوﯾﺘﻪ ﺷﺎرﻩوﻩ chûnà shârawa ﭼﻮوﻧﻪ ﺷﺎرﻩوﻩ chûtà shârawa1 ﭼﻮوﺗﻪ ﺷﺎرﻩوﻩ gayîynà mâława ﮔﻪﯾﻴ ﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻪوﻩ gayîmà mâława ﮔﻪﯾ ـﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻪوﻩ gayînà mâława ﮔﻪﯾ ﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻪوﻩ gayîytà mâława ﮔﻪﯾﻴ ﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻪوﻩ gayînà mâława ﮔﻪﯾ ﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻪوﻩ gayîtà mâława ﮔﻪﯾ ﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻪوﻩ
In past verbs that end in -â, a y is infixed between the verb and the linking à, as in dânà yek ‘to throw together’: dâmânà yek داﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﯾﻪك dâmà yek داﻣﻪ ﯾﻪك dâtânà yek دا ﻧﻪ ﯾﻪك dâtà yek داﺗﻪ ﯾﻪك dâyânà yek دا ﻧﻪ ﯾﻪك dâyà yek داﯾﻪ ﯾﻪك mân dâyà yek- ﻣﺎن داﯾﻪ ﯾﻪك im dâyà yek- م داﯾﻪ ﯾﻪك tân dâyà yek- ن داﯾﻪ ﯾﻪك it dâyà yek- ت داﯾﻪ ﯾﻪك yân dâyà yek- ن داﯾﻪ ﯾﻪك î dâyà yek- ى داﯾﻪ ﯾﻪك
With verbs in -awa, the -awa suffix takes precedence over the directional -à, which is deleted. Compare the following: .Hâtimà hosh. I came to consciousness ﻫﺎﲤﻪ ﻫﯚش .Hâtimawa hosh. I regained consciousness ﻫﺎﲤﻪوﻩ ﻫﯚش When a postposed directional complement is turned into a preposed pro- nominal enclitic, the directional -à becomes -è. < Ayawe bigâtà shâr > He wants to get to town ﺋـﻪﯾـﻪوێ ـﮕـﺎﺗـﻪ ﺷـﺎر > ﺋـﻪﯾـﻪوێ .Ayawe biygâtè. He wants to get to it ﺑﻴﮕﺎ Hargîz nâgamà aw kew a I’ll never make it to those ﻫـــﻪرﮔـــﲒ ﮔـــﻪﻣـــﻪ ﺋـــﻪو ﻛـــ ـــﻮﻩ < dûrâná > nâyângamè. far-away mountains دووراﻧﻪ > ﮕﻪﻣ I’ll never make it to them.
.Chûà shârawa also exists in some regions ﭼﻮوﻩ ﺷﺎرﻩوﻩ 1 67 SORANI KURDISH dân ba ‘to give to,’ in دان ﺑــــــــﻪ This also happens occasionally with the verb which case the preposition ba is deleted, its place taken by the directional -è. A full conjugation of this phenomenon is illustrated by the following: ’ama’t dadamè ‘I’ll give this to you ﺋﻪﻣﻪت دﻩدﻩﻣ ’ama’m dadaytè ‘you’ll give this to me ﺋﻪﻣﻪم دﻩدﻩﯾ ’ama’yân dadâtè ‘s/he’ll give this to them ﺋﻪﻣﻪ ن دﻩدا ’ama’y dadaynè ‘we’ll give this to him/her ﺋﻪﻣﻪی دﻩدﻩﯾ ’ama’mân dadanè ‘you’ll give this to us ﺋﻪﻣﻪﻣﺎن دﻩدﻩ ’(ama’tân dadanè ‘they’ll give this to you (pl ﺋﻪﻣﻪ ن دﻩدﻩن Examples: Shitèk ba suâlkarakân Let him give something to ﺷـ ـ ـﻚ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺆا ـﻜـﻪرﻩﰷن ﺑـﺪات > bídât > Shitèkyân bídâtè. the beggars > Let him ﺷ ﻜ ﺎن ﺑﺪا give them something. Shitèkim b’ aw pyâwá I gave something to that ﺷ ﲂ ﺑﻪو ﭘﻴﺎوﻩ دا > داﻣ dâ > dâmè man > I gave it to him. .Da dirâwim bidarè. Give me ten dirhems دﻩ دراوم ﺑﺪﻩرێ. Da hazâr lîrat dadamè. I’ll give you ten thousand دﻩ ﻫﻪزار ﻟﲑﻩت دﻩدﻩﻣ . liras.
§ 36. Factitive Verbs. The factitive infinitive is formed from the present stem of the intransitive (if the intransitive stem ends in -e, it is dropped) + -(y)ândin. The present stem of all such verbs is in -(y)en-. Examples are: rukhândin rukhen- ‘to رو ﺎﻧﺪن (-rukhân (pres. stem rukhe رو ﺎن ‘to be destroyed’ > destroy’ mirândin miren- ‘to make ﻣﺮاﻧﺪن (-mirdin (pres. stem mir ﻣﺮدن ‘to die’ > die, to kill’ gayândin gayen- ‘to make ﮔﻪ ﻧﺪن (-gayshtin (pres. stem ga ﮔﻪ ﺸﱳ ‘to reach’ > reach, to deliver’ te-gayândin te-gayen- ‘to ﮔﻪ ﻧﺪن -te-gayshtin (pres. stem te ﮔﻪ ﺸﱳ ga-) ‘to understand’ > make understand’ 68 THE VERB rewî kherâ râkeshâ u khoy The fox quickly stretched ر ﻮى ﺮا ر ﻛ ﺸﺎ و ﺧﯚى ﻣﺮاﻧﺪ. mirând. out and played ’possum (“made himself dead”). lâwakân khoyân gayândè. The youths got themselves ﻻوﻩﰷن ﺧﯚ ن ﮔﻪ ﻧﺪێ. to him. agar ḥazim l’ am hâtiná If I hadn’t wanted to come ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪر ـﻪزم م ﻫـﺎﺗـﻨـﻪ ﻧـﻪ ـﺮداﯾـﻪ، nakirdâya, damtwânî ba on this trip, I could have دﻩﻣــ ــﻮاﱏ ﺑــﻪ ﺟــﯚر ــﻚ ﺗــ ــ ﻰ jorèk tey bigayenim. made him understand ﮕﻪﯾ ﲌ. somehow.
69 OTHER SYNTACTICAL FEATURES
§ 37. Expressions of Temporal Duration. For statives (‘X state has been going on for X amount of time’), the Kurdish temporal expression consists of: the temporal + -(y)a + present perfect tense verb: -Chand sâłèk a bâs i cho- For several years now dis ــﻪﻧــﺪ ﺳــﺎ ــ ــﻜــﻪ ﳻ ﭼــﯚﻧــ ــﱴ netî i yekgirtin i shewa- cussion of how to unite ﯾــﻪﻛــﮕــ ﺗﺮــﲎ ﺷــ ــ ــﻮﻩﰷﱏ زﻣــﺎﱏ -kân i zimân i kurdî hâtû- the dialects of the Kurd ﻮردى ﻫﺎﺗﻮوﻩﺗﻪ ﮔﯚڕێ. atà gořè. ish language has come to the fore. Chand sâ‘atek a l’ era I’ve been sitting here for ﻪﻧﺪ ﺳﺎ ﻪﺗ ﮑﻪ ﻟ ﺮﻩ ﻧ ﺸ ﺘﻮوﻣﻪ. nîshtûma. several hours.
For present statives with the verb ‘to be’ (‘he’s been here for X amount of time’) the formula is: temporal + -(y)a + present copula: Chwâr sâł a l’era ya. He’s been here for four ﭼﻮار ﺳﺎ ﻪ ﻟ ﺮﻩﯾﻪ. years. For on-going, progressive action continuing to the present (‘it’s been rain- ing for X amount of time’) the formula is: temporal + -(y)a + present pro- gressive verb. -Chand rozhèk a bârân It’s been raining for sever ﻪﻧﺪ رۆژ ﻜﻪ ران دﻩ رێ. dabâre. al days. Zor la mezhû a dazânim… I’ve known for a very long زۆر ﻣ ﮋووﻩ دﻩزاﱎ … time…
For negatives (‘I haven’t done X for X amount of time’) the formula is: temporal + -(y)a + negative present perfect verb. Chwâr sâł a námândîtûna. We haven’t seen them for ﭼﻮار ﺳﺎ ﻪ ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﯾﺘﻮوﻧﻪ. four years. Chand rozhèk a bârân It hasn’t rained for several ﻪﻧﺪ رۆژ ﻜﻪ ران ﻧﻪ رﯾﻮﻩ. nábârîwa. days.
70 OTHER SYNTACTICAL FEATURES For the past (‘something had been going on for X amount of time’), the formula is: temporal + (da)bû + past progressive for affirmative or past per- fect for the negative (‘I hadn’t done X for X amount of time’): Chand rozhèk dabû bârân It had been raining for ــــﻪﻧــــﺪ رۆژ ــــﻚ دﻩﺑــــﻮو ران .dabârî. several days دﻩ رى. Chand rozhèk bû bârân It hadn’t rained for several ـــــﻪﻧـــــﺪ رۆژ ـــــﻚ ﺑـــــﻮو ران .nábârîbû. days ﻧﻪ رﯾﺒﻮو. -Nizîka i se–chwâr mâng I hadn’t seen him for near ـﺰ ـﻜـﻪى ﺳـ ﭼـﻮار ﻣـﺎ ـﮓ دﻩﺑـﻮو .dabû namdîtibû. ly three or four months ﻧﻪﻣﺪﯾ ﻮو. Zor la mezhû bû dam- I had known for a long زۆر ﻣ ﮋوو ﺑﻮو دﻩﻣﺰاﱏ … zânî… time that…
§ 38. Subordinating Conjunctions. Subordinating conjunctions generally consist of prepositions + awaî (ka), where the relative ka, as in relative clauses (see §39), is optional. دوای ﺋـﻪوﻩی ﮐـﻪ ,la) dwâîâ ka) دواﺋـﻴـﺎ ﮐـﻪ Conjunctions that mean ‘after,’ like la) pâsh awaî ka, are followed by an) ﭘــــﺎش ﺋــــﻪوﻩی ﮐــــﻪ dwâ i awaî ka, and indicative verb, present or past according to sense. ,la dwâî’â ka châk After you are well again دواﺋﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺎك ﺋﻪﺑ ﻪوﻩ ﺋﻪﯾﺒ ﲎ. abîtawa, aybînî. you’ll see him. dwâ i awaî ka shâr After the city was thrown دواى ﺋﻪوﻩى ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎر ﺧﺮۆﺷﺎ khiroshâ, … into an uproar, …
ﭘــ ــﺶ ﺋــﻪوﻩى ﻛــﻪ ,bar l’ awaî ka ﺑــﻪر وﻩى ﻛــﻪ) ’Conjunctions that mean ‘before pesh awaî ka) are invariably followed by a present subjunctive verb. The correct tense for English translation is gained from context. bar l’ awaî lâfâwaká Before the torrent hurled ﺑـﻪر وﻩى ﻻﻓـﺎوﻩﻛـﻪ ﻫـﻮرژم ﺑـ ـ ـ ـﺘـﻪ hurizhm benetà sar zhû- down on our rooms, the ﺳــﻪر ژوورﻩﰷﳕــﺎن ﻣــ ــﺎ ــﻪﰷن rakânmân, minâłakân children were playing ﭘ ﻜﻪوﻩ رﯾﻴﺎن ﺋﻪ ﺮد. pekawa yârîyân akird. together.
Other conjunctions that demand a subjunctive verb include ba be awaî (ka) ‘without’ 71 SORANI KURDISH ba be awaî biybînim, dám- Without my seeing it, I ﺑﻪ ﺋﻪوﻩى ﺑﻴ ﲌ دﻩﻣﺰاﱏ ﻛﻪ… zânî ka… knew that… ’bo awaî (ka) ‘in order that ﺑﯚ ﺋﻪوﻩی (ﮐﻪ) and aw yekam rozh’î bo kho- He had set that first day ﺋـﻪو ﯾـﻪﻛـﻪم رۆژى ﺑـﯚ ﺧـﯚراﻫـ ـﻨـﺎن، -râhenan, bo mashq dânâ- for getting ourselves ac ﺑـﯚ ﻣـﻪﺷـﻖ دا ﺑـﻮو، ﺑـﯚ ﺋـﻪوﻩى ﭘـ bû, bo awaî pe u pilmân customed, for practice, in و ﭘـــﻠـــﲈن راﺑـــ ـــﺖ و ﻫـــﻪﻣـــﻮو râbet u la hamû rûyèk- order that our legs and رووﯾـ ـﻜـﻪوﻩ ﺧـﯚﻣـﺎن ﺑـﯚ ﺋـﻪو ر ـﮕـﻪ awa khomân bo aw rega feet become accustomed . -dûr u drezhá âmâda bi- and that we make our دوور و در ﮋﻩ ﺋﺎﻣﺎدﻩ ﻜﻪ ﻦ kayn. selves ready in every way for that long road. bo awaî pâkî u begunâhî i in order that he prove his ﺑـﯚ ﺋـﻪوﻩى ﭘـ ﰽ و ﮔـﻮ ﱓ ﺧـﯚى …khoy bisałmene… innocence ﺴﻪ ﻤ …
A short list of common subordinating conjunctions: +) b’ aw marjáî (ka) provided that, on condition that ﺑﻪو ﻣﻪر ﻪى (ﻛﻪ) subj.) (.ba be awaî (ka) without (+ pres. subj ﺑﻪ ﰉ ﺋﻪوﻩى (ﻛﻪ) (.bar l’ awaî (ka) before (+ pres. subj ﺑﻪر وﻩى (ﻛﻪ) (.bo awaî (ka) in order that (+ pres. subj ﺑﻮ ﺋﻪوﻩى (ﻛﻪ) chunkû since ﭼﻮ ﻜﻮو dwâ i awaî (ka) after دواى ﺋﻪوﻩى (ﻛﻪ) jâ ka inasmuch as ﺎ ﻛﻪ ka when ﻛﻪ kâtè(k) when ﰷ ، ﰷﺗ ﻚ pâsh amaî/awaî (ka) after ﭘﺎش ﺋﻪﻣﻪى|ﺋﻪوﻩی (ﻛﻪ) (.pesh awaî (ka) before (+ pres. subj ﭘ ﺶ ﺋﻪوﻩى (ﻛﻪ)
§ 39. Relative Clauses. Relative clauses in Kurdish are often, but not nec- essarily, introduced by the relative pronoun ka ‘who, which, that.’ Syntac- tically Kurdish relative clauses do not differ significantly from Persian rela- tive clauses, with the exception of the omission of the relative pronoun,
72 OTHER SYNTACTICAL FEATURES which does not happen in Persian. The antecedent of any relative pronoun, expressed or omitted, is usually but not necessarily marked by enclitic -î, -e, or -èk. Generally speaking, the relative pronoun ka may be omitted, particu- larly when it functions as the object of the verb in the relative clause. The relative pronoun is not often omitted when it functions as the subject (logical or real) of the verb in the relative clause—as in English (‘the man whom I met’ and ‘the man with whom I went’ may be equally well ex- pressed as ‘the man I met’ and ‘the man I went with,’ but ‘the man who came’ cannot become *‘the man came’). If the syntactical function of the relative pronoun within the relative clause is other than subject of the verb, the grammatical place is marked within the clause by a “referent pronoun” that refers back to the relative. The verb inside a relative clause modifying a true indefinite or nonspecific antecedent is in the subjunctive, as in Persian. Examples follow. sar i kuřakáî ka nustibû, She took the head of the ﺳـﻪرى ـﻮڕﻩﻛـﻪى ﻛـﻪ ﻧـﻮﺳـ ـ ـﻮو la sar rânî bird. boy, who had fallen ﺳﻪر راﱏ ﺮد. asleep, from her lap.
In this example the relative pronoun ka functions as the subject of nustibû— and is therefore not omissible—and the antecedent is marked by -î. ,yekèk la lâwakân, ka bo One of the young men ﯾــــﻪﻛــــ ــــﻚ ﻻوﻩﰷن ﻛــــﻪ ﺑــــﯚ froshtin i barham chû- who had gone to town to ﻓـﺮۆﺷـ ـﲎ ﺑـﻪرﻫـﻪم ﭼـﻮوﺑـﻮوﻩ ﺷـﺎر bûà shâr, gařâyawa u sell produce, returned ﮔﻪڕاﯾﻪوﻩ و ﻣﮋﮔ ﲎ ﭘ دان. mizgenî pe dân. and gave them the good news. Here the relative pronoun ka refers to the antecedent yekèk la lâwakân. The -èk ending on yekèk functions as the marker of the antecedent. lât wâ nabe har ‘arabè to Don’t think every Arab ﻻت وا ﻧـــﻪ ﻫـــﻪر ـــﻪرﻩ ﺗـــﯚ tûshî bît, am nâwâná gish you meet knows all these ﺗــﻮوﳽ ﺑــ ــﺖ ﺋــﻪم واﻧــﻪ ﮔــﺶ .dazâne. names دﻩزا .
73 SORANI KURDISH optional relative pronoun relative clause lât wâ nabe har arabe [ka] to tûsh- î bît am nâwâná gish dazâne
referent pronoun In this example the referent pronoun -î complementing tûshî refers to the antecedent, har arab, marked with the enclitic -e. The relative pronoun is omitted. The verb tûsh-bît is in the subjunctive because the antecedent is nonspecific and the clause is hypothetical (‘any and every Arab you may meet’1). to am kamânáî dayânzânî, Write down these few ﺗـــﯚ ﺋـــﻪم ﻛـــﻪﻣـــﺎﻧـــﻪى دﻩ ـــﺰاﱏ .biyânnûsawa. things you know ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳﻪوﻩ.
optional antecedent relative marker pronoun relative clause to am kamâná î [ka] da- yân -zânî biyânnûsawa
referent pronoun
In this example the referent pronoun -yân in dayânzânî refers to the antece- dent am kamâná, which is marked as antecedent by -î without the relative pronoun. The -yân- in biyânnûsawa is a resumptive object pronoun, which, strictly speaking, is optional since the object of binûsawa has already been stated (am kamâná). Such resumptive object pronouns are often used after a relative clause to make clear that the antecedent of the relative clause is actually the object of the main verb. l’ awânaî gilay le kirdûn, It is different from those واﻧــــﻪى ﮔــــ ى ﻟــــ ــــﺮدوون jyâwâz a. things he has complained ﺟ ﺎوازﻩ. of.
ﻫــﻪر ــﻪرﻩ ﻣــﻦ ﺗــﻮوﳽ Compare the hypothetical subjunctive clause with the actual 1 har ‘arabè min tûshî bûma “every Arab I’ve met,” where the antecedent is ﺑـــــــﻮوﻣـــــــﻪ definite and the verb of the relative clause describes something that has actually happened. 74 OTHER SYNTACTICAL FEATURES Here the referent pronoun -n, the “bumped” complement of the preposition le, refers to the antecedent awâna, which is so marked by -î without the rel- ative pronoun. zorî la khoy akird ka aw He was forcing himself to زۆرى ﺧـﯚى ﺋـﻪ ـﺮد ﻛـﻪ ﺋـﻪو دوو dû firmesk a gawrayáî hide those two large ﻓـﺮﻣـ ـﺴـﻜـﻪ ﮔـﻪورﻩﯾـﻪى ﺋـﻪ ﻧـﻪوێ ayânawe bikawinà tears, which were about ﻜﻪوﻧﻪ ﺧﻮارێ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺸﺎر ﺘﻪوﻩ. khwârè biyânshâretawa. to dribble down. In this example the antecedent of the relative clause, dû firmesk a gawrayá, is marked by î, and the relative pronoun is omitted. The -yân- in biyân- shâretawa is another example of a resumptive object pronoun. bîrim la har shitèk kirdi- Whatever I had thought ﺑـﲑم ﻫـﻪر ﺷـ ـ ـﻚ ـﺮدﺑـ ـ ـﻪوﻩ، ﺑـﲑم betawa, bîrim la mirdin about, I hadn’t thought ﻣﺮدن ﻧﻪﻣﻜﺮدﺑﻮوﻩوﻩ. namkirdibûawa. about dying. -har shitèk ‘whatever’ produces an indefinite rela ﻫـﻪر ﺷـ ـ ـﻚ ,In this example tive clause; thus the verb bîrim kirdibetawa is subjunctive, and in this case, past subjunctive.
§ 40. Directional Nouns in è. Certain nouns become quasi-adverbial direc- -mâłè ‘home ﻣـﺎ ـ tionals with the addition of unstressed -è. Among these are darè ‘outward.’ These directionals دﻩرێ zhûrè ‘inward,’ and ژوورێ ’,ward tend to occur as postposed directionals after -à (see §35).
§ 41. Orthographic Peculiarities of Sorani Kurdish. For the most part, Sorani Kurdish is written in a “phonetic” version of the Arabic alphabet in which all but one of the vowels are given graphic representations. Only the vowel i is not represented internally in a word. The only real inconsistency in the writing system is the representation of as though it were ya, which is written ,ﯾــــــﻪ the sequence ye, which is written the same. Both the writing of ye and the lack of indication of i go back to early twentieth-century attempts to render Ottoman spelling more “phonet- ic” and actually have nothing to do with Kurdish, but since Kurdish spelling for ﯾـــــﻪ was devised during the late Ottoman period, it has been saddled with ye and nothing for i.
75 SORANI KURDISH Writers of Kurdish, as well as writers of other languages using the Arabic alphabet, are loathe to write several y’s in sequence. It is probably safe to say that a word like gayîyn ‘we arrived,’ which technically should be ,with three y’s in a row (one for the first y, a second for the î ,ﮔــﻪﯾــﻴــﲔ spelled and a third for the second y), will never be seen with all three y’s. At most it the same spelling as gayîn ‘you/they arrived.’ The same ,ﮔـﻪﯾـﲔ will appear as applies to the sequence -î i, i.e. a word ending in î followed by the i of the izâfa: rarely is this sequence spelled with two y’s; generally the -î ending of the word is spelled with y and the izâfa y is omitted, as in bo diłnarmî i awâna for placating them ﺑﯚ د ﻨﻪرﱉ ﺋﻪواﻧﻪ ḥikâyat andâza u bâristâî i A story does not have a ﺣــﲀﯾــﻪت ﺋــﻪﻧــﺪازﻩ و رﺳــ ــﺘــﺎﱙ dyârîkrâwî niya. clearly defined size or د رى ﺮاوى ﻧﻴﻪ. length.
In the reading passages occasionally a zer vowel point has been inserted un- .to indicate the missing vowel of the izâfa ( ِى) der the y The same applies to the sequence îy, where a word ends in î and is fol- lowed by the 3rd-person singular pronominal enclitic (possessive or agent affix). Occasionally the sequence is spelled in full with the correct number of y’s, but normally only one y is written. This is particularly true when there would be three y’s, as in mâłâwâîy la khałk kird. He bade farewell to the ﻣﺎڵﺋﺎواﱙ ﻪ ﻚ ﺮد. people.
The sequence îa, as in tânjîaká ‘the hunting dog,’ is written as either as though the sequence were î-ya. The sequence îèk, given , ﳒـﻰﯾـﻪﻛـﻪ or ﳒـﻴـﻪﻛـﻪ the orthographic peculiarity of the -ek suffix after vowels, may be written as îek or as îyek, as in tânjîèk ‘a hunting dog,’ which can be written either as . ﳒﻰﯾﻪك or more commonly as ﳒﻴ ﻚ There is also no unanimity among writers of Kurdish with regard to the writing of compound words. Some put all the elements together, and others or دڵﻧـــــــــــــﻪرﱉ leave each element separate. Thus, diłnarmî is spelled either This is rarely troubling to .د ر ـﻜـﺮاو or د رى ـﺮاو and dyârîkrâw is either ,د ـﻨـﻪرﱉ -sarinjřâkesh ‘attrac ﺳــﻪرﳒــ ﻛــ ــﺶ the reader, but the longer compounds like 76 OTHER SYNTACTICAL FEATURES tive’ become, the more difficult they become to recognize.
§ 42. Vowel Contractions. (1) The sequence -îa- is often contracted to -e-, .amarîkeká ﺋﻪﻣﻪر ﻜ ﻜﻪ < amarîkîaká ﺋﻪﻣﻪر ﻜ ﻪﻛﻪ as in ﺑــــﻮوﻩﺗــــﻪوﻩ The sequences -ûwa- and -ûa- can be contracted to -o-, as in (2) ﺑـﺒـﻮوﻩوﻩ dîtotawa, and دﯾـﺘـﯚﺗـﻪوﻩ < dîtûatawa دﯾـﺘـﻮوﻩﺗـﻪوﻩ ,botawa ﺑـﯚﺗـﻪوﻩ < bûwatawa .bibowa ﺑﺒﯚوﻩ < bibûawa
77 Verb Tenses and Moods Present Habitual/Progressive (kawtin ‘fall,’ nûsîn ‘write,’ & qsa-kirdin ‘speak’) SINGULAR PLURAL dákawîn دﻩﻛﻪو ﻦ dákawim دﻩﻛﻪوم dákawin دﻩﻛﻪون (dákawî(t دﻩﻛﻪوﯾﺖ dákawin دﻩﻛﻪون (dákawe(t دﻩﻛﻪو ﺖ nâkawîn ﻛﻪو ﻦ nâkawim ﻛﻪوم nádakawîn ﻧﻪدﻩﻛﻪو ﻦ nádakawim ﻧﻪدﻩﻛﻪوم dánûsîn دﻩﻧﻮوﺳﲔ dánûsim دﻩﻧﻮوﰟ dánûsin دﻩﻧﻮوﺳﻦ (dánûsî(t دﻩﻧﻮوﺳ ﺖ dánûsin دﻩﻧﻮوﺳﻦ (dánûse(t دﻩﻧﻮوﺳ ﺖ nânûsîn ﻧﻮوﺳﲔ nânûsim ﻧﻮوﰟ nádanûsîn ﻧﻪدﻩﻧﻮوﺳﲔ nádanûsim ﻧﻪدﻩﻧﻮوﰟ qsa dákayn ﻗﺴﻪ دﻩﻛﻪ ﻦ qsa dákam ﻗﺴﻪ دﻩﻛﻪم qsa dákan ﻗﺴﻪ دﻩﻛﻪن (qsa dákay(t ﻗﺴﻪ دﻩ ﻴﺖ qsa dákan ﻗﺴﻪ دﻩﻛﻪن (qsa dákâ(t ﻗﺴﻪ دﻩﰷت qsa nâkayn ﻗﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻦ qsa nâkam ﻗﺴﻪ ﻛﻪم qsa nádakayn ﻗﺴﻪ ﻧﻪدﻩﻛﻪ ﻦ qsa nádakam ﻗﺴﻪ ﻧﻪدﻩﻛﻪم
Present Subjunctive (‘that I fall,’ &c.) bíkawîn ﻜﻪو ﻦ bíkawim ﻜﻪوم bíkawin ﻜﻪون (bíkawî(t ﻜﻪوﯾﺖ bíkawin ﻜﻪون (bíkawe(t ﻜﻪو ﺖ nákawîn ﻧﻪﻛﻪو ﻦ nákawim ﻧﻪﻛﻪوم bínûsîn ﺑﻨﻮوﺳﲔ bínûsim ﺑﻨﻮوﰟ bínûsin ﺑﻨﻮوﺳﻦ (bínûsî(t ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﺖ bínûsin ﺑﻨﻮوﺳﻦ (bínûse(t ﺑﻨﻮوﺳ ﺖ nánûsîn ﻧﻪﻧﻮوﺳﲔ nánûsim ﻧﻪﻧﻮوﰟ
78 VERB TENSES AND MOODS qsa (bí)kayn ﻗﺴﻪ (ﺑـ)ﻛﻪ ﻦ qsa (bí)kam ﻗﺴﻪ (ﺑـ)ﻛﻪم qsa (bí)kan ﻗﺴﻪ (ﺑـ) ﻜﻪن (qsa (bí)kay(t ﻗﺴﻪ (ﺑـ)ﻛﻪﯾﺖ qsa (bí)kan ﻗﺴﻪ (ﺑـ)ﻛﻪن (qsa (bí)kâ(t ﻗﺴﻪ (ﺑـ)ﰷت qsa nákayn ﻗﺴﻪ ﻧﻪﻛﻪ ﻦ qsa nákam ﻗﺴﻪ ﻧﻪﻛﻪم
Simple Past (‘I fell,’ &c.) ’KAWTIN ‘TO FALL ﮐﻪو ﻦ :FOR INTRANSITIVE káwtîn ﻛﻪوﺗﲔ káwtim ﻛﻪوﰎ káwtin ﻛﻪو ﻦ (káwtî(t ﻛﻪوﺗ ﺖ káwtin ﻛﻪو ﻦ káwt ﻛﻪوت nákawtîn ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗﲔ nákawtim ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﰎ nákawtin ﻧﻪﻛﻪو ﻦ (nákawtî(t ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗ ﺖ nákawtin ﻧﻪﻛﻪو ﻦ nákawt ﻧﻪﻛﻪوت ’NÛSÎN ‘TO WRITE ﻧﻮوﺳﲔ :FOR TRANSITIVE VERB FOLLOWED BY AGENT AFFIX nûsîmân ﻧﻮوﺳ ن nûsîm ﻧﻮوﺳ ﲓ nûsîtân ﻧﻮوﺳ ﺎن (nûsîy(t ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴ ﺖ nûsîyân ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎن nûsîy ﻧﻮوﺳ ﲕ námânnûsî ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﻮوﳻ námnûsî ﻧﻪﻣ ﻮوﳻ nátânnûsî ﻧﻪ ﻧﻨﻮوﳻ nátnûsî ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻮوﳻ náyânnûsî ﻧﻪ ﻧﻨﻮوﳻ náynûsî ﻧﻪﯾﻨﻮوﳻ ’QSA-KIRDIN ‘TO SPEAK ﻗﺴﻪ ﺮدن :FOR AGENT AFFIX PRECEDING A TRANSITIVE VERB qsámân kird ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﺮد qsám kird ﻗﺴﻪم ﺮد qsátân kird ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﺮد qsát kird ﻗﺴﻪت ﺮد qsáyân kird ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﺮد qsáy kird ﻗﺴﻪى ﺮد qsamân nákird ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻧﻪ ﺮد qsam nákird ﻗﺴﻪم ﻧﻪ ﺮد qsatân nákird ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﻧﻪ ﺮد qsat nákird ﻗﺴﻪت ﻧﻪ ﺮد qsayân nákird ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﻧﻪ ﺮد qsay nákird ﻗﺴﻪى ﻧﻪ ﺮد
Past Habitual/Progressive (= Irrealis) (‘I used to fall,’ ‘I would have fallen,’ &c.) 79 SORANI KURDISH dákawtîn دﻩﻛﻪوﺗﲔ dákawtim دﻩﻛﻪوﰎ dákawtin دﻩﻛﻪو ﻦ (dákawtî(t دﻩﻛﻪوﺗ ﺖ dákawtin دﻩﻛﻪو ﻦ dákawt دﻩﻛﻪوت (.náakawtîn (Sul ﻧﻪﺋﻪﻛﻪوﺗﲔ (.náakawtim (Sul ﻧﻪﺋﻪﻛﻪوﰎ nádakawtîn ﻧﻪدﻩﻛﻪوﺗﲔ nádakawtim ﻧﻪدﻩﻛﻪوﰎ dámânnûsî دﻩﻣﺎﻧﻨﻮوﳻ dámnûsî دﻩﻣ ﻮوﳻ dátânnûsî دﻩ ﻧﻨﻮوﳻ dátnûsî دﻩﺗﻨﻮوﳻ dáyânnûsî دﻩ ﻧﻨﻮوﳻ dáynûsî دﻩﯾﻨﻮوﳻ (.námânanûsî (Sul ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﻪﻧﻮوﳻ (.námanûsî (Sul ﻧﻪﻣﻪﻧﻮوﳻ námândanûsî ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻧﻮوﳻ námdanûsî ﻧﻪﻣﺪﻩﻧﻮوﳻ qsamân dákird ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن دﻩ ﺮد qsam dákird ﻗﺴﻪم دﻩ ﺮد qsatân dákird ﻗﺴﻪ ن دﻩ ﺮد qsat dákird ﻗﺴﻪت دﻩ ﺮد qsayân dákird ﻗﺴﻪ ن دﻩ ﺮد qsay dákird ﻗﺴﻪى دﻩ ﺮد qsamân náakird ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻧﻪﺋﻪ ﺮد (.qsam náakird (Sul ﻗﺴﻪم ﻧﻪﺋﻪ ﺮد qsamân nádakird ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻧﻪدﻩ ﺮد qsam nádakird ﻗﺴﻪم ﻧﻪدﻩ ﺮد
Present Perfect (‘I have fallen’, &c.) kawtûyn ﻛﻪوﺗﻮو ﻦ kawtûm ﻛﻪوﺗﻮوم kawtûn ﻛﻪوﺗﻮون (kawtûy(t ﻛﻪوﺗﻮوﯾﺖ kawtûn ﻛﻪوﺗﻮون kawtûa ﻛﻪوﺗﻮوﻩ nákawtûyn ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗﻮو ﻦ nákawtûm ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗﻮوم nûsîwmâna ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ nûsîwima ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴﻮﻣﻪ nûsîwtâna ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴﻮ ﻧﻪ nûsîwita ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴﻮﺗﻪ nûsîwyâna ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴﻮ ﻧﻪ nûsîwyatî ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴﻮﯾﻪﰏ námânnûsîwa ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﻮﻩ námnûsîwa ﻧﻪﻣ ﻮوﺳ ﻴﻮﻩ qsamân kirdûa ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﺮدووﻩ qsam kirdûa ﻗﺴﻪم ﺮدووﻩ qsatân kirdûa ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﺮدووﻩ qsat kirdûa ﻗﺴﻪت ﺮدووﻩ qsayân kirdûa ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﺮدووﻩ qsay kirdûa ﻗﺴﻪى ﺮدووﻩ qsamân nákirdûa ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻧﻪ ﺮدووﻩ qsam nákirdûa ﻗﺴﻪم ﻧﻪ ﺮدووﻩ
80 VERB TENSES AND MOODS Past Perfect (‘I had fallen,’ &c.) kawtibûyn ﻛﻪوﺗﺒﻮو ﻦ kawtibûm ﻛﻪوﺗﺒﻮوم kawtibûn ﻛﻪوﺗﺒﻮون (kawtibûy(t ﻛﻪوﺗﺒﻮوﯾﺖ kawtibûn ﻛﻪوﺗﺒﻮون kawtibû ﻛﻪوﺗﺒﻮو nákawtibûyn ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗﺒﻮو ﻦ nákawtibûm ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗﺒﻮوم nûsibûmân ﻧﻮوﺳ ﺒﻮوﻣﺎن nûsibûm ﻧﻮوﺳ ﺒﻮوم nûsibûtân ﻧﻮوﺳ ﺒﻮو ن nûsibût ﻧﻮوﺳ ﺒﻮوت nûsibûyân ﻧﻮوﺳ ﺒﻮو ن nûsîbûy ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻮوى námânnûsibû ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﺒﻮو námnûsibû ﻧﻪﻣ ﻮوﺳ ﺒﻮو qsamân kirdibû ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﺮدﺑﻮو qsam kirdibû ﻗﺴﻪم ﺮدﺑﻮو qsatân kirdibû ﻗﺴﻪ ان ﺮدﺑﻮو qsat kirdibû ﻗﺴﻪت ﺮدﺑﻮو qsayân kirdibû ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﺮدﺑﻮو qsay kirdibû ﻗﺴﻪى ﺮدﺑﻮو qsamân nákirdibû ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻧﻪ ﺮدﺑﻮو qsam nákirdibû ﻗﺴﻪم ﻧﻪ ﺮدﺑﻮو
Past Subjunctive (‘that I have fallen,’ &c.) kawtibîn ﻛﻪوﺗﱭ kawtibim ﻛﻪوﺗﱬ kawtibin ﻛﻪﺗﱭ (kawtibî(t ﻛﻪوﺗﺒ ﺖ kawtibin ﻛﻪوﺗﱭ (kawtibe(t ﻛﻪوﺗﺒ ﺖ nákawtibîn ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗﺒﲔ nákawtibim ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗﱬ nûsîbetmân ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴ ن nûsîbetim ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴ ﱲ nûsîbettân ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴ ﺘﺘﺎن nûsîbetit ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴ ﺘﺖ nûsîbetyân ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴ ﺘﻴﺎن nûsîbetî ﻧﻮوﺳ ﻴ ﱴ námânnûsîbet ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴ ﺖ námnûsîbet ﻧﻪﻣ ﻮوﺳ ﻴ ﺖ qsamân kirdibe ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﺮد qsam kirdibe ﻗﺴﻪم ﺮد qsatân kirdibe ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﺮد qsat kirdibe ﻗﺴﻪت ﺮد qsayân kirdibe ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﺮد qsay kirdibe ﻗﺴﻪى ﺮد qsamân nákirdibe ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻧﻪ ﺮد qsam nákirdibe ﻗﺴﻪم ﻧﻪ ﺮد
Past Conditional I (‘had I fallen,’ &c.) bíkawtînâya ﻜﻪوﺗ ﺎﯾﻪ bíkawtimâya ﻜﻪوﲤﺎﯾﻪ
81 SORANI KURDISH bíkawtinâya ﻜﻪوﺗﻨﺎﯾﻪ bíkawtîtâya ﻜﻪوﺗ ﺎﯾﻪ bíkawtinâya ﻜﻪوﺗﻨﺎﯾﻪ bíkawtâya ﻜﻪو ﯾﻪ nákawtînâya ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗ ﺎﯾﻪ nákawtimâya ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﲤﺎﯾﻪ bímânnûsîâya ﲟﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ bímnûsîâya ﲟﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ bítânnûsîâya ﺑﺘﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ bítnûsîâya ﺑ ﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ bíyânnûsîâya ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ bíynûsîâya ﺑ ﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ námânnûsîâya ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ námnûsîâya ﻧﻪﻣ ﻮوﺳ ﻴﺎﯾﻪ qsamân bíkirdâya ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻜﺮداﯾﻪ qsam bíkirdâya ﻗﺴﻪم ﻜﺮداﯾﻪ qsatân bíkirdâya ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﻜﺮداﯾﻪ qsat bíkirdâya ﻗﺴﻪت ﻜﺮداﯾﻪ qsayân bíkirdâya ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﻜﺮداﯾﻪ qsay bíkirdâya ﻗﺴﻪى ﻜﺮداﯾﻪ qsamân nákirdâya ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻧﻪ ﺮداﯾﻪ qsam nákirdâya ﻗﺴﻪم ﻧﻪ ﺮداﯾﻪ
Past Conditional II (‘were I to have fallen,’ &c.) bíkawtibâyn ﻜﻪوﺗﺒﺎ ﻦ bíkawtibâm ﻜﻪوﺗﺒﺎم bíkawtibân ﻜﻪوﺗﺒﺎن bíkawtibây ﻜﻪوﺗﺒﺎى bíkawtibân ﻜﻪوﺗﺒﺎن bíkawtibâ ﻜﻪوﺗﺒﺎ nákawtibâyn ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗﺒﺎ ﻦ nákawtibâm ﻧﻪﻛﻪوﺗﺒﺎم bímânnûsîbâ ﲟﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﺎ bímnûsîbâ ﲟﻨﻮوﺳ ﺎ bítânnûsîbâ ﺑﺘﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﺎ bítnûsîbâ ﺑ ﻮوﺳ ﺎ bíyânnûsîbâ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﺎ bíynûsîbâ ﺑ ﻮوﺳ ﺎ námânnûsîbâ ﻧﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﻮوﺳ ﺎ námnûsîbâ ﻧﻪﻣ ﻮوﺳ ﺎ qsamân bíkirdibâ ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻜﺮد qsam bíkirdibâ ﻗﺴﻪم ﻜﺮد qsatân bíkirdibâ ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﻜﺮد qsat bíkirdibâ ﻗﺴﻪت ﻜﺮد qsayân bíkirdibâ ﻗﺴﻪ ن ﻜﺮد qsay bíkirdibâ ﻗﺴﻪى ﻜﺮد qsamân nákirdibâ ﻗﺴﻪﻣﺎن ﻧﻪ ﺮد qsam nákirdibâ ﻗﺴﻪم ﻧﻪ ﺮد
PASSIVE TENSES AND MOODS Present Passive (‘I am seen’) dabînreyn دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﲔ dabînrem دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﻢ dabînren دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﻦ (dabînrey(t دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﺖ
82 VERB TENSES AND MOODS dabînren دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﻦ (dabînre(t دﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﺖ nâbînreyn ﺑﻴﲊ ﲔ nâbînrem ﺑﻴﲊ ﻢ nádabînreyn ﻧﻪدﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﲔ nádabînrem ﻧﻪدﻩﺑﻴﲊ ﻢ
Present Subjunctive Passive (‘that I be seen’) bíbînreyn ﺑﺒ ﲊ ﲔ bíbînrem ﺑﺒ ﲊ ﻢ bíbînren ﺑﺒ ﲊ ﻦ (bíbînrey(t ﺑﺒ ﲊ ﺖ bíbînren ﺑﺒ ﲊ ﻦ (bíbînre(t ﺑﺒ ﲊ ﺖ nábînreyn ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊ ﲔ nábînrem ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊ ﻢ
Past Passive (‘I was seen’) bînrâyn ﺑﻴﲊا ﻦ bînrâm ﺑﻴﲊام bînrân ﺑﻴﲊان (bînrây(t ﺑﻴﲊاﯾﺖ bînrân ﺑﻴﲊان bînrâ ﺑﻴﲊا nábînrâyn ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊا ﻦ nábînrâm ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊام
Present Perfect Passive (‘I have been seen’) bînrâwîn ﺑﻴﲊاو ﻦ bînrâwim ﺑﻴﲊاوم bînrâwin ﺑﻴﲊاون (bînrâwî(t ﺑﻴﲊاوﯾﺖ bînrâwin ﺑﻴﲊاون bînrâwa ﺑﻴﲊاوﻩ nábînrâwîn ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊاو ﻦ nábînrâwim ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊاوم
Past Perfect Passive (‘I had been seen’) bînrâbûyn ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮو ﻦ bînrâbûm ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮوم bînrâbûn ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮون (bînrâbûy(t ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮوﯾﺖ bînrâbûn ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮون bînrâbû ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮو nábînrâbûyn ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮو ﻦ nábînrâbûm ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊاﺑﻮوم
Past Subjunctive Passive (‘that I have been seen’) bînrâbîn ﺑﻴﲊاﺑﲔ bînrâbim ﺑﻴﲊاﰈ bînrâbin ﺑﻴﲊا ﻦ (bînrâbî(t ﺑﻴﲊاﺑ ﺖ 83 SORANI KURDISH bînrâbin ﺑﻴﲊا ﻦ (bînrâbe(t ﺑﻴﲊاﺑ ﺖ nábînrâbîn ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊاﺑﲔ nábînrâbim ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊاﰈ
Past Conditional Passive (‘had I been seen’) bibînrâynâya ﺑﺒ ﲊاﯾﻨﺎﯾﻪ bibînrâmâya ﺑﺒ ﲊاﻣﺎﯾﻪ bibînrânâya ﺑﺒ ﲊا ﯾﻪ bibînrâytâya ﺑﺒ ﲊاﯾﺘﺎﯾﻪ bibînrânâya ﺑﺒ ﲊا ﯾﻪ bibînrâtâya ﺑﺒ ﲊا ﯾﻪ nábînrâynâya ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊاﯾﻨﺎﯾﻪ nábînrâmâya ﻧﻪﺑﻴﲊاﻣﺎﯾﻪ
84 Synopsis of Tenses and Moods
INTRANSITIVE TRANSITIVE PASSIVE ﮓ ﺮان ﮓ ﺮدن ﭼﻮون infinitive chûn bâng kirdin bâng krân to go to invite to be invited ﮓ ﺮام ﮕﻢ ﺮد ﭼﻮوم past chûm bângim kird bâng krâm I went I invited him/her1 I was invited ﮓ دﻩ ﺮام ﮕﻢ دﻩ ﺮد دﻩﭼﻮوم past habitual dachûm bângim dakird bâng dakrâm I used to go I used to invite him I used to be invited ﮓ ﺮاوم ﮕﻢ ﺮدووﻩ ﭼﻮوم .pres. perf chûwim bângim kirdûa bâng krâwim I have gone I have invited him I have been invited ﮓ ﺮاﺑﻮوم ﮕﻢ ﺮدﺑﻮو ﭼﻮوﺑﻮوم .past perf chûbûm bângim kirdibû bâng krâbûm I had gone I had invited him I had been invited ﮓ دﻩ ﺮ ﻢ ﮓ دﻩﮐﻪم دﻩ present (d)achim bâng (d)akam bâng (d)akrem I(‘ll) go I(‘ll) invite I am (will be) invited ﮓ ﮑﺮ ﻢ ﮓ ﮑﻪم ﻢ .pres. subj bichim bâng bikam bâng bikrem that I go that I invite that I be invited ﮓ ﺮاﰈ ﮕﻢ ﺮدﺑ ﺖ ﭼﻮوﰈ .past subj chûbim bângim kirdibe(t) bâng krâbim that I have that I have invited that I have been invited gone him
1 Because of the ergative nature of the past tenses, a 3rd-person singular object is built into the verb. 85 SORANI KURDISH ﮓ ﮑﺮاﻣﺎﯾﻪ ﮕﻢ ﮑﺮداﯾﻪ ﻮوﻣﺎﯾﻪ past cond. I bichûmâya bângim bikirdâya bâng bikrâmâya ﮓ (ﺑـ) ﺮا م ﮕﻢ (ﺑـ) ﺮد (ﺑـ)ﭼﻮو م past cond. II (bi)chûbâm bângim (bi)kirdibâ bâng (bí)krâbâm had I gone had I invited him had I been invited ﮓ دﻩ ﺮام ﮕﻢ دﻩ ﺮد دﻩﭼﻮوم =) irrealis past (d)achûm bângim (d)akird bâng (d)akrâm habitual) I would have I would have invited I would have been invited gone him
Conditional Sentence Types present/future possible (present subjunctive or simple past indicative protasis, in- dicative apodosis) .Agar biche(t) (or chû), If he goes, he’ll see them ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﺖ (ﭼﻮو)، دﻩ ﻧﺒ ﺖ. dayânbîne(t). ,Agar bíchîtà (or chûytà) If you go to Kurdistan ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﻴﺘﻪ (ﭼﻮوﯾﺘﻪ) ﻮردﺳ ﺘﺎن، .Kurdistân, fer i kurdî you’ll learn Kurdish ﻓ ﺮى ﻮردى دﻩﰉ. dabî. past possible (past subjunctive protasis, indicative apodosis) Agar l’awe wafr bârîbe, If it has snowed there, they ﺋﻪﮔﻪر وێ وﻩﻓﺮ رﯾ ، ﯾﻪن. nâyen. won’t be coming. Agar chûbe, nâzânim kay If he has gone, I don’t ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﭼﻮو ، زاﱎ ﻛﻪى ﭼﻮوﻩ .chûà darè. know when he went out دﻩرێ. -Agar chûbîtà Kurdistân, If you have gone to Kurd ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﭼﻮوﺑ ﻪ ﻮردﺳ ﺘﺎن، دﻩ ﻓ ﺮى dabe fer i kurdî bibî. istan, you must have ﻮردى ﺑﱮ. learned Kurdish. Agar náchûbîtà Kurdistân, If you haven’t gone to ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﻧﻪﭼﻮوﺑ ﻪ ﻮردﺳ ﺘﺎن، ﺗﻮاﱏ nâtwânî fer i kurdî bibî. Kurdistan, you can’t have ﻓ ﺮى ﻮردى ﺑﱮ. learned Kurdish. contrafactual (past conditional protasis, past habitual apodosis)
86 SYNOPSIS OF TENSES AND MOODS Agar bichûâya, daydîtin. If he had gone, he would ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﻮواﯾﻪ دﻩﯾﺪﯾﱳ. have seen them./ If he were to go, he would see them. -Agar bíchûytâya Kurdis- If you had gone to Kurd ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﻮوﯾﺘﺎﯾﻪ ﻮردﺳ ﺘﺎن، ﻓ ﺮى tân, fer i kurdî dabûy. istan, you would have ﻮردى دﻩﺑﻮوى. learned Kurdish. Agar náchûytâya Kurdis- If you hadn’t gone to ﺋﻪﮔﻪر ﻧﻪﭼﻮوﯾﺘﺎﯾﻪ ﻮردﺳ ﺘﺎن، ﻓ ﺮى tân, fer i kurdî nádabûy. Kurdistan, you wouldn’t ﻮردى ﻧﻪدﻩﺑﻮوى. have learned Kurdish.
87 Conversion Table for the Sorani and Kurmanji Alphabets
Recently there have been attempts, particularly on the internet and on the part of Kurds influenced by speakers of Kurmanji Kurdish, to write Sorani in the Latin-based Kurmanji alphabet. The conversion is as follows:
Sorani Sorani Arabic Kurmanji e ه a a ا â b ب b ç چ ch d د d ê ێ e f ف f g گ g x غ gh h ح، ه h i _ i î ی î c ج j k ک k x خ kh l ل l ll ڵ ł m م m n ن n o ۆ o p پ p q ق q r ر r rr ڕ ř s س s ş ش sh t ت t u و u û وو û v ڤ v 88 CONVERSION TABLE FROM SORANI TO KURMANJI w و w y ی y z ز z j ژ zh (not indicated) ع ‘
In writing Sorani in the Kurmanji alphabet, a one-to-one correspondence is observed. The i of the izâfa after consonants is written as î joined directly to the preceding word, but after vowels it is usually written as y, as in ray giştî زاراوﻩی زا ــﺴــ ــﱴ râ i gishtî ‘public opinion’ and zarawey zanistî for رای ﮔــﺸــ ــﱴ for zârâwa i zânistî ‘scientific language.’ An example of such transcribed text is given below: Ber le Sedam Husên hîç berpirsêkî Êraqî newêrawe îmza le ser rêkkew- tinêk bikat ke otonomî bidate kurd, ewîş le 11-î adarî 1970 rêkkewtin- name benawbangekey adarî legell Mela Mistefa Barzanî mor kird, tefsîrî ciyaciya bo karekey (cêgirî berrêz) dekira. Hendê deyanut be rastî deyewê ew birîne qûlley cestey Êraq tîmar bikat, hendêkî dîkeş deyanut deyewê piştgîrî hêzî serbazîy bo xoy misoger bikat û bîxate jêr rikêfî xoyewe, diway ewey le biwarekanî emnî û rageyandin û hizbî da ew pallpiştiyey misoger kirdibû.1 In Arabic script the passage is as follows: ﺑـﻪر ﺳـﻪدام ﺣـﻮﺳـ ـﻦ ﻫـﻴـﭻ ﺑـﻪر ـﺮﺳـ ـ ـﮑـﯽ ـ ـﺮاﰵ ﻧـﻪو ـﺮاوﻩ ﺋـ ــﻤـﺰا ﺳـﻪر ر ـﮑـﮑـﻪوﺗـ ـ ـﮏ ـﲀت ﮐـﻪ ﺋـﯚﺗـﯚﻧـﯚﻣـﯽ ﺑـﺪاﺗـﻪ ـﻮرد، ﺋـﻪو ـﺶ ١١ی ﺋـﺎداری ١٩٧٠ ر ـﮑـﮑـﻪوﺗـ ـ ـﺎﻣـﻪ ﺑـﻪ و ـ ﮕـﻪﮐـﻪی ﺋـﺎداری ﮔـﻪڵ ﻣـﻪﻻ ﻣـﺴـ ـﺘـﻪﻓـﺎ رزاﱏ ﻣـﯚر ـﺮد، ﺗـﻪﻓـﺴـﲑی ﺟـ ـﺎﺟـ ـﺎ ﺑـﯚ ﰷرﻩﮐـﻪی (ﺟـ ـﮕـﺮی ﺑـﻪڕ ـﺰ) دﻩ ـﺮا. ﻫـﻪﻧـﺪێ دﻩ ﻧـﻮت ﺑـﻪ راﺳـ ـﱴ دﻩﯾـﻪوێ ﺋـﻪو ـﺮﯾـﻨـﻪ ﻗـﻮو ـﻪی ـﻪﺳـ ـﺘـﻪی ـ ـﺮاق ﺗـ ر ـﲀت، ﻫـﻪﻧـﺪ ـﮑـﯽ د ـﮑـﻪش دﻩ ﻧـﻮت دﻩﯾـﻪوێ ـﺸـ ـﺘـﮕـﲑی ﻫـ ـﺰی ﺳـﻪر زﱙ ﺑـﯚ ﺧـﯚی ﻣـﺴـﯚﮔـﻪر ـﲀت و ﺑـﻴـ ـﺎﺗـﻪ ژ ـﺮ رﮐـ ـﻔـﯽ ﺧـﯚﯾـﻪوﻩ، دوای ﺋـﻪوﻩی ﺑﻮارﻩﰷﱏ ﺋﻪﻣﲎ و ر ﮔﻪ ﻧﺪن و ﺣﺰﰉدا ﺋﻪو ﭘﺎ ﺸ ﱴﯾﻪی ﻣﺴﯚﮔﻪر ﺮدﺑﻮو. An example of a slightly different form of transcription sometimes used on the internet is as follows: Ke dellín zimaní Kurdí, mebest ew zimaneye ke ésta Kurd qisey pédeken. Gelé zimanwan u rojh hellatnasí henderí (ferengí) degell zimaní Kurdí xerék búne, zurbey ew zanayaney ke be shéweyékí gishtí ya taybetí le zimaní Kurdí duwawin gutúyane ke em zimane le biney zimanekaní Hínd
1Taken from the internet at www.kerkuk-kurdistan.com/hevpeyvinek.asp?ser=1& cep=4&nnimre=281). 89 SORANI KURDISH u Urupayí u binemalley Hínd u Éraní u le xézane zimaní Éraní ye u degell zimaní Farsí xizmayetí nizíkí heye. Ja zimaní Kurdí ke ewe rewishtí con peyda buwe? Ashkiraye zimaní hemú willaté zimaní daníshtiwaní willa- teke debé, eger rodawekaní méjhúyí all u gorrékí neteweyíyan le willate- keda pék nehénabé ewa zimanekeysh her zimaní daníshtiwekaní koní willatekeye u pécewaney emesh pécewane debé. Ja bizanín babeteke bo zimaní Kurdí cone?1 In Arabic script, this text is as follows: ﮐـﻪ دﻩ ـﲔ زﻣـﺎﱏ ـﻮردی، ﻣـﻪﺑـﻪﺳـﺖ ﺋـﻪو زﻣـﺎﻧـﻪﯾـﻪ ﮐـﻪ ﺋـ ـﺴـ ـﺘـﺎ ـﻮرد ﻗـﺴـﻪی ﭘـ ـﺪﻩﮐـﻪن. ﮔـﻪﻟـ زﻣـﺎﻧـﻮان و رۆژﻫـﻪ ﺗـﻨـﺎﳻ ﻫـﻪﻧـﺪﻩری (ﻓـﻪرﻩ ـﮕـﯽ) دﻩﮔـﻪڵ زﻣـﺎﱏ ـﻮردی ـﻪر ـﮏ ﺑـﻮوﻧـﻪ، زورﺑـﻪی ﺋـﻪو زا ﻧـﻪی ﮐـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـ ـ ـﻮﻩ ﯾـﻪﰽ ﮔـﺸـ ـﱴ ﯾـﺒـﻪﰏ زﻣـﺎﱏ ـﻮردی دواون ﮔـﻮﺗـﻮو ﻧـﻪ ﮐـﻪ ﺋـﻪم زﻣـﺎﻧـﻪ ﺑـﻨـﻪی زﻣـﺎﻧـﻪﰷﱏ ﻫـﻨـﺪوﺋـﻮروﭘـﺎﱙ و ﺑـﻨـﻪﻣـﺎ ـﻪی ﻫـﻨـﺪوﺋـ ـﺮاﱏ و ـ ـﺰاﻧـﻪ زﻣـﺎﱏ ﺋـ ـﺮاﱏﯾـﻪ و دﻩﮔـﻪڵ زﻣـﺎن ﻓـﺎرﳻ ﺧـﺰﻣـﺎﯾـﻪﰏ ـﺰ ـﮑـﯽ ﻫـﻪﯾـﻪ. ـﺎ زﻣـﺎﱏ ـﻮردی ﮐـﻪ ﺋـﻪوﻩ رﻩوﺷـ ـﱴ ﭼـﯚن ﭘـﻪﯾـﺪا ﺑـﻮوﻩ؟ ﺋـﺎﺷـﮑـﺮاﯾـﻪ زﻣـﺎﱏ ﻫـﻪﻣـﻮو و زﻣـﺎﱏ داﻧـ ـﺸـ ـﺘـﻮاﱏ و ﺗـﻪﮐـﻪ دﻩ ، ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪر رۆداوﻩﰷﱏ ﻣـ ـﮋووﱙ ﺋـﺎ ـﻮﮔـﯚڕ ـﮑـﯽ ﻧـﻪﺗـﻪوﻩﱙ ن و ﺗـﻪﮐـﻪدا ﭘـ ـﮏ ﻧـﻪﻫـ ـﻨـﺎ ﺋـﻪوا زﻣـﺎﻧـﻪﮐـﻪ ـﺶ ﻫـﻪر زﻣـﺎﱏ داﻧـ ـﺸـ ـﺘـﻮﻩﰷﱏ ﮐـﯚﱏ و ﺗـﻪﮐـﻪﯾـﻪ و ﭘـ ـ ـﻪواﻧـﻪی ﺋـﻪﻣـﻪش ﭘـ ـ ـﻪواﻧـﻪ دﻩ . ـﺎ ـﺰاﻧـﲔ ﺑـﻪﺗـﻪﮐـﻪ ﺑـﯚ زﻣﺎﱏ ﻮردی ﭼﯚﻧﻪ؟
1Taken from the website www.kurdishacademy.org/ku/history/history.html. 90 ﺑﻮ ﺧﻮﯾﻨﺪن
91 SORANI KURDISH (١) ﭘﻪﻧﺪى ﭘ ﺸ ﻴ ﺎن١ ــﲑۆﰽ ﺋــﻪم ﭘــﻪﻧــﺪﻩﻣــﺎن ﻻﯾــﻪن ﺳــﻪﯾــﺪ ــﻪﻻﱃ ــﺎدﻩﱉ ﺳــﻪﻗــﺰﻩوﻩ ﺑــﻪ دﻩﺳــﺖ ﮔﻪ ﺸ ﺘﻮوﻩ: «ر ﴙ ﺗﻪﻣﺎﺣﲀر ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﲎ ﻣﻮﻓﻠ ﺲ» ﭘﻪﻧﺪﻩﻛﻪ ﻟ ﺮﻩوﻩ ﺳﻪر ﺎوﻩ دﻩﮔﺮێ ﻛﻪ دﻩ ﻦ:٢ ﰷ ـﺮاﯾـﻪﰽ راوﭼـﻰ ﳒـﻰﯾـﻪﰽ دﻩ ﺑـﻪ وى «ﻣـﻮﻓـﻠـ ـﺲ». رۆژ ـﻚ دﻩﭼـ ـﺘـﻪ راو. ﳒـﻰﯾـﻪﻛـﻪى زۆر ـ ـﺮا دﻩ . ﻫـﻪر ﺷـﺎﺧـ ـﻚ دوو ﻛـﻪرو ـﺸـﻚ راو دﻩﰷ، ﺑـﻪ م ﺑـﻪوﻩ رازى . دﻩﭼـ ـﺘـﻪ ﺷـﺎﺧـ ـﲃ ـﺮ. و ـﺶ دوو ﻛـﻪرو ـﺸـﻚ دﻩ ـﻮوژێ. ﺗـﻪﻣـﺎح دﻩ ـﮕـﺮێ و ﻫـﻪر دﻩس ﻫـﻪ ـﻨـ ﮔـﺮێ و دﻩﭼـ ـﺘـﻪ ﺷـﺎﺧـ ـﲃ ـﺮ. ﻛـﻪرو ـﺸـﻚ ﻫـﻪ ـﺪﻩﺳـ ـﺘـ ـ و ژىﯾـﻪﻛـﻪى ﺗـ ـ ـﻪر دﻩدا. ﻛـﻪرو ـﺸـﻚ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻪر ﻫـﻪرﻩﺳـﻪ ﺑـﻪﻓـﺮ ـﲀ ﺗـ ـﺪﻩﭘـﻪڕى، ژى ﺑـﻪ دواى ﻛـﻪرو ـﺸـﻜـﻪﻛـﻪدا و ﰷ ـﺮاى راوﭼـﻰ ﺑـﻪ دواى ﻫـﻪردوو ـﻴـﺎﻧـﺪا. ژىﯾـﻪﻛـﻪ ﺳـﻪر ﳇـﻴـ ﺑـﻪﻓـﺮﻩﻛـﻪ ﻛـﻪرو ـﺸـﻜـﻪ دﻩﮔـﺮێ. ﰷ ـﺮاى راو ـ ـﺶ دﻩﮔـﺎﺗـﻪ ﺳـﻪر ن، ﺑـﻪ م ﳇـﻴـ ﺑـﻪﻓـﺮ ﻫـﻪرﻩس دﻩﰷ و ﻫـﻪﻣـﻮو ن ﺗـ ـﻚ دﻩﭘـ ـﭽـ و ﻛـﻪﻧـﺪﻩ ن و ﺷـ ـﻴـﻮ ـﲃ ﺧـﻮار ﻛـ ـﻮﻩﻛـﻪ ن ﺗﻮﻧﺪ دﻩﰷ و ژ ﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮدا رﻩق ﻫﻪ ﺪ ﻦ.٣
١ ژﻣﺎراﱏ ﺟﯚراوﺟﯚرى ﮔﯚﭬﺎرى «ﴎوﻩ»وﻩ وﻩرﮔﲑاوﻩ. ﻻﯾـﻪن ;chîrok story ـﲑۆک ;peshînîân ancestors ﭘـ ـﺸـ ـﻴـ ـ ـﺎن ;pand advice, proverb ﭘـﻪﻧـﺪ٢ sayid sayyid, title borne by lineal descendants of the Prophet ﺳـــــﻪﯾـــــﺪ ;la lâyan from Jalâl i Khâdamî in accordance with Persian usage, in Iran ــﻪﻻﱃ ــﺎدﻩﻣــﯽ ;Muhammad an izâfa vowel falls between the given name (Jalâl) and the family name (Khâdamî); ba dast gayshtin ﺑــﻪ دﻩﺳــﺖ ﮔــﻪ ــﺸــﱳ ;Saqiz Saqqez, a town in Iranian Kurdistan ﺳــﻪﻗــﺰ rîsh ر ــﺶ ;(ga-) to be received (the -mân enclitic on am pandámân goes with ba dast) ’l ﻟـ ـﺮﻩوﻩ…ﮐـﻪ ;muflîs bankrupt ﻣـﻮﻓـﻠـ ـﺲ ;hîn butt ﻫـﲔ ;tamâḥkâr greedy ﺗـﻪﻣـﺎﺣـﲀر ;beard ﮔــﯚ ــﻦ ( ــ ) ;sarchâwa girtin to originate ﺳــﻪر ــﺎوﻩ ﮔــﺮ ــﻦ ;erawa…ka from the fact that gotin (łe-) to say. ,tânjî hound (for the spelling of tânjîèkî ﳒـﯽ ;râwchî hunter راوﭼـﯽ ;kâbrâ man ﰷ ـﺮا٣ see §41; the sentence is a topic–comment construction: “a hunter, he has a hunting chûnà râw to ﭼـﻮوﻧـﻪ راو ;rozh day رۆژ ;ba nâw i by the name of ﺑـﻪ وی ;(”…dog named -shâkh moun ﺷـﺎخ ;(har right, just (often not translated ﻫـﻪر ;kherâ fast ـ ـﺮا ;go hunting ﮐـﻪرو ـﺸـﮏ ;dû two دوو ;(l’ awe’sh there too (for the enclitic -(î)sh see §11 و ـﺶ ;tain ـ ــﮑــﯽ ;râzî la satisfied with رازی ;râw-kirdin to hunt down راو ــﺮدن ;karweshik rabbit 92 READINGS ﭘـﺎش ﻣـﺎوﻩﯾـﻪك راوﭼـﻰ ﻛـﻪ دﻩﭼـ ـﻪ ﺋـﻪو ﺷـﻮ ـﻨـﻪ ﺑـﯚ راو دﻩ ﻧـﺒـ ـ ـﻨـﻪوﻩ. ﺗـﻪﻣـﺎﺷـﺎ دﻩﻛـﻪن. ﺋـﻪوﻩ ﻓـﻼن راوﭼـﻰﯾـﻪ. ﭘـ ـ ـﺞ ﻛـﻪرو ـﺸـﲃ ﻻوﻩﯾـﻪ و ر ـﴙ ﺑـﻪ ﻗـﻮوﱏ ﳒـﻰﯾـﻪﻛـﻪوﻩ ﻧـﻮوﺳـﺎوﻩ و رﻩق ﻫــﻪ ﺗــﻮوﻩ. ﻫــﻪر و ﺳــﻪر دﻩﻣــﻪوﻩ ﺋــﻪم ﭘــﻪﻧــﺪﻩ و ﺑــﻮوﻩ ﻛــﻪ دﻩ ــ ــﻦ: «ر ــﴙ ﺗﻪﻣﺎﺣﲀر ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﲎ ﻣﻮﻓﻠ ﺲ.»١ * * * ــﲑۆﰽ ﺋــﻪم ﭘــﻪﻧــﺪﻩﻣــﺎن ﻻﯾــﻪن ﰷك ﺋــﻪﲪــﻪد ﭘــﺎداش ﭘــﲑا ــﺸــﺎرﻩوﻩ ﺑــﻪ دﻩﺳــﺖ ﮔﻪ ﺸ ﺘﻮوﻩ: «ﻫﻪرﻛﻪس ﺎﻟ ﺑﯚ ﻪ ﻜ ﻫﻪ ﻜﻪ ﺑﯚ ﺧﯚى ﺗ ﺪﻩﻛﻪوێ» ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎﯾـﻪك ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر ـﲃ دﻩ . ﻫـﻪﻣـﻮو رۆژێ ﻟـﲑﻩﯾـﻪﰽ دﻩدا . ﺋـﻪو ـﺶ ﻟـﲑﻩﻛـﻪ دﻩدا ﺑـﻪ ﰷ ـﺮاﯾـﻪﰽ ـﻮ ـﺮى ﺳـﻮا ـﻜـﻪر. رۆژ ـﻚ ـﻮ ـﺮﻩ دﻩﻛـﻪو ـﺘـﻪ ﺑـﲑى ﺋـﻪوﻩ ﻓـ ـ ـ ـﻚ ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪرﻩﻛـﻪ ـﲀ. ﺑـﻪ ﻫـﻪ ـﻜـﻪوت دﻩزا ﻛـﻪ ﰷ ـﺮاى ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر ﺋـﻪم ﺷـﻪوﻩ ﺳـﲑ و ﻣـﺎﺳـﺖ دﻩﺧـﻮا. ﻫـﻪ ـﺪﻩﺳـ ـ ، دﻩﭼـ ـﺘـﻪ ﻻى ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎ و دﻩ ـ : «ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎم ﺧـﯚش ! ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪرﻩﻛـﻪت زۆر ـﻪراﭘـﻪ. ﻫـﻪﻣـﻮو
ﺗـﻪﻣـﺎح ﮔـﺮ ـﻦ ;tamâḥ greed ﺗـﻪﻣـﺎح ;kûzhân (kûzhe-) to kill ـﻮوژان ( ـﻮوژێ) ;èk i tir another- ـﺮ das hał-girtin to دﻩس ﻫــﻪ ــﮕــﺮ ــﻦ ;tamâḥ-girtin for greed to grab s.o., to become greedy hał-sitândin to flush (animals) out of their holes (for the conjugation ﻫـﻪ ـﺴـ ـﺘـﺎﻧـﺪن ;cease tebar-dân (da-) to set (a dog) on (for ﺗـ ـ ـﻪر دان ;(of all verbs ending in -ândin, see §36 ;haras a bafr snowdrift ﻫـــﻪرﻩﺳـــﻪ ﺑـــﻪﻓـــﺮ ;ka when ﮐـــﻪ ;(the conjugation of dân, see §17 te-pařîn ba sar…(d)â to leap ﭘـﻪر ـﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻪر …(د)ا ;hardûkyân both of them ﻫـﻪردوو ـﻴـﺎن -kilîl a bafr snow ﳇـﻴـ ﺑـﻪﻓـﺮ ;ba dwâ i…dâ after, on the heels on ﺑـﻪ دوای …دا ;on top of haras-kirdin to collapse in an ﻫـﻪرﻩس ـﺮدن ;gayshtinà sar to arrive at ﮔـﻪ ـﺸـ ـ ـﻪ ﺳـﻪر ;bank ﮐـﻪﻧـﺪﻩ ن ;tek-pechân to envelope ﺗـ ـﮏ ﭘـ ـ ـﺎن ;hamûyân all of them ﻫـﻪﻣـﻮو ن ;avalanche ﮐـ ـﻮ ;khwâr low-lying, deep ﺧـﻮار ;shîw narrow valley ﺷـ ـﻴـﻮ ;kandałân edge of a ravine -la zher…dâ under, be ژ ـﺮ …دا ;(.tund-kirdin to tumble (trs ﺗـﻮﻧـﺪ ـﺮدن ;kew mountain raq hał-hâtin to be frozen solid (for the present conjugation of رﻩق ﻫـــﻪ ـــﻬـــﺎ ـــﻦ ;neath hâtin, see §17). dîtinawa دﯾـ ـ ـﻪوﻩ (ﺑـﲔ) ;shwen place ﺷـﻮ ـﻦ ;mâwa period of time ﻣـﺎوﻩ ;pâsh after ﭘـﺎش١ -tamâ ﺗـﻪﻣـﺎﺷـﺎ ـﺮدن ;(bîn-) to spot (for the conjugation of verbs ending in -awa, see §18) î la lâwa beside him (for preposed- ـﯽ ﻻوﻩ ;filân so-and-so ﻓـــــﻼن ;shâ-kirdin to look ﻧــﻮوﺳــﺎن ﺑــﻪ …هوﻩ ;qûn butt ﻗــﻮون ;(pronominal complements of prepositions, see §14.1 la ﺳـﻪردﻩ ﻣـﻪ وﻩ ;raq hałâtin = raq hał-hâtin رﻩق ﻫـﻪ ـﻦ ;nûsân ba…awa to be stuck to .bâw-bûn to gain currency و ﺑﻮون ;sardamawa immediately 93 SORANI KURDISH ﺟـ ـﮕـﺎﯾـﻪك ﺳـﺖ دﻩﰷ و دﻩ ـ ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎ ﺑـﯚ ﮔـﻪﻧـﻴـﻮى زارى دێ. ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪر وﻩر ـﺶ ﻛـﻪى، ﺑـﻪ ﱏ ﻛـﻪ د ـﺘـﻪ ﻻت ﺑـﻪ ﰵ ـﻜـﻪوﻩ. ﰷﺗـ ـﻚ ﻗـﺴـﻪت دﻩﮔـﻪڵ دﻩﰷ، دﻩﺳـ ـﱴ ﺑـﻪ ﻟـﻮوﰏﯾـﻪوﻩ دﻩﮔﺮێ و روو و ﻻ دﻩﰷ.»١ ﺑـﻪ ﱏ زوو ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر د ـﺘـﻪ ﻻى ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎ. ﰷ ﺑـﻪ ﯾـﻪﻛـﻪوﻩ ﻗـﺴـﻪ دﻩﻛـﻪن ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر دﻩﺳـ ـﱴ ﺑـﻪ ﻟــﻮوﰏﯾــﻪوﻩ دﻩﮔــﺮێ، روو و ﻻ دﻩﰷ. ﭘــﺎﺷــﺎ ﻗــﺴــﻪﻛــﻪى ــﻮ ــﺮﻩ وﻩڕ دﻩﰷ. ﰷ ــﻪز ــﻚ دﻩﻧﻮوﺳ و دﻩﯾﺪاﺗﻪ دﻩﺳﺖ ﻧﯚﻛﻪر و دﻩ «ﺑ ﻪ ﺑﯚ ﻪزﻧﻪدار!»٢ ﰷﺗـ ـﻚ ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر ﻣـﺎڵ د ـﺘـﻪ دﻩر، ـﻮ ـﺮﻩ ﰷ ـﻪز ـﲃ ﺑـﻪ دﻩﺳـ ـﺘـﻪوﻩ دﻩﺑـ ـ و ﻟـ ـ ﻰ دﻩ ﺮﺳ «ﺋﻪو ﰷ ﻪزﻩ ﭼ ﻪ؟»٣ ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر دﻩ ـ «ﺋـﻪوﻩ ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎ ﺑـﯚى ﻧـﻮوﺳـ ـﻴـﻮم ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﯚ ـﻪ ﻧزـﻪدارى ﺑـﻪرم.» ـﻮ ـﺮﻩ دﻩﻛـﻪو ـﺘـﻪ ﭘـﺎڕاﻧـﻪوﻩ و ﻻ ﻧـﻪوﻩ. دﻩ ـ «ﺑـﻴـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﯚ ـﻪ ﻧزـﻪدارى ﺑـﻪرم، ﺑـﻪ ـﻜـﻮو ﺷـ ـ ـﲂ ﺑـﺪا .» ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر ﺑـﻪزﻩﱙ ﭘـ ـﺪا دێ و ﰷ ـﻪزﻩﻛـﻪى دﻩدا و دﻩﯾـﺒـﺎ ﺑـﯚ ـﻪ ﻧزـﻪدار. ـﻪ ﻧزـﻪدار ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻪﻛـﻪ دﻩﺧـﻮ ـﻨـ ـ ـﻪوﻩ دﻩﺑـ ـ ﻟـ ـ ﻰ ﻧـﻮوﴎاوﻩ: «ﻫـﻪ ـﮕـﺮى ﻣـﻪ ﻛـﻪ د ـﺘـﻪ ﻻ ن، ﺳـﻪرى ﺑـ ن و ﰷى
;Pîrânshâr Piranshahr, a town in Iranian Kurdistan ﭘـــﲑا ـــﺸـــﺎر ;kâk brother, Mr ﰷک١ châł pit, hole (chałè is a stylistic variant of ـﺎڵ ;harkas (+ subj.) anyone who ﻫـﻪرﮐـﻪس ;bo khoy himself ﺑــﯚ ﺧــﯚی ;hał-kanin to dig ﻫــﻪ ــﮑــﻪ ــﻦ ;khałk people ــﻪ ــﮏ ;(châłèk ,lîra lira ﻟـﲑﻩ ;nokar servant ﻧـﯚﮐـﻪر ;pâshâ king ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎ ;te-kawtin (kaw-) to fall into ﮐـﻪو ـﻦ swâlkar ﺳـﻮا ـﮑـﻪر ;kwer blind ; ـﻮ ـﺮ (dân (da-) to give (-î dadâtè see §35 دان (دﻩ) ;pound ﺑـﻪ ;feł-kirdin la to play a trick on ﻓـ ـ ـﺮدن ;kawtinà bîr to occur to ﮐـﻪوﺗـﻨـﻪ ﺑـﲑ ;beggar ;sîr garlic ﺳــﲑ ;shaw night ﺷــﻪو ;zânîn to know زاﻧــﲔ ;ba hałkawt by chance ﻫــﻪ ــﮑــﻪوت ;chûnà lâ i to go to ﭼـﻮوﻧـﻪ ﻻی ;khwârdin (kho-) to eat ﺧـﻮاردن (ﺧـﯚ) ;mâst yoghurt ﻣـﺎﺳـﺖ bâs-kirdin to س ـﺮدن ;jegâ place ﺟـ ـﮕـﺎ ;kharâp awful ـﻪراپ ;gotin (łe-) to say ﮔـﯚ ـﻦ ( ـ ) ﺑــﻪ ﱏ ;bâwař-kirdin to believe وﻩڕ ــﺮدن ;zâr mouth زار ;ganîwî stench ﮔــﻪﻧــﻴــﻮی ;discuss kâtè(k) when ﰷ (ﰷﺗـ ـﮏ) ;batâqî-kirdinawa to investigate ﺑـﻪ ﰵ ـﺮدﻧـﻪوﻩ ;bayânî morning dast ba lûtawa girtin to hold دﻩﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻟـﻮوﺗـﻪوﻩ ﮔـﺮ ـﻦ ;qsa-kirdin to talk ﻗـﺴـﻪ ـﺮدن ;(.conj) .rû l’ aw lâ kirdin to turn the face away روو و ﻻ ﺮدن ;the nose kâghaz ﰷ ـﻪز ;ba yekawa together ﺑـﻪ ﯾـﻪﮐـﻪوﻩ ;bayân i zû early in the morning ﺑـﻪ ﱏ زوو٢ -bir ـﺮدن (ﺑـﻪ) ;dânà dast to hand to داﻧـﻪ دﻩﺳـﺖ ;nûsîn (nûs-) to write ﻧـﻮوﺳـﲔ (ﻧـﻮس) ;paper din ba- to take, carry. ;la mâł hâtinà dar to come outside ﻣــﺎڵ ﻫــﺎﺗــﻨــﻪ دﻩر ;khaznadâr treasurer ــﻪ ﻧزــﻪدار٣ .pirsîn to ask ﺮﺳﲔ 94 READINGS دﻩ ﭘ ﺴ ﱴ ﺋﺎ ﲍ!»١ ـﻪ ﻧزـﻪدار ـ ـﺮا ـﻪ ـ دان ـﮓ دﻩﰷ و دﻩ ـ «ﺳـﻪرى ﺋـﻪم ﭘـﻴـﺎوﻩ ﻟـ ﺑـﺪﻩن و ﰷى دﻩ ﭘ ﺴ ﱴ ﺋﺎ ﲍ!» ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر ﺑـﻪ ﱏ دﻩﭼـ ـﺘـﻪ ﻻى ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎ. ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎ دﯾـ ـﲎ ﺋـﻪو، ﺳـﻪرى ﺳـﻮڕ دﻩﻣـ ـ و ﻟـ ـ ﻰ دﻩ ﺮﺳ «ﰷ ﻪزﻩﻛﻪت ﺮدﻩ ﻻى ﻪزﻧﻪدار؟»٢ ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر وﻩ ﻣـﺪا دﻩ ـ «ﻧـﻪ ـ ـﺮ، ﮔـﻪورﻩم، ﺑـﯚ ﺧـﯚم ﻧـﻪﻣـﱪد. ـﻮ ـﺮ ـﻚ زۆرم ﺑـﻪر ﭘـﺎڕاوﻩ و ﺋـﻪﻣـ ـ ـﺶ ﺑـﻪزﻩﯾـﲓ ﭘـ ـﺪا ﻫـﺎت و داﻣـ ﺑـﻪ ـﻜـﻮو ـﻪ ﻧزـﻪدار ﺷـ ـ ـﲃ ﺑـﺪا .» و ﰷﺗـﻪدا ـﻪ زﻩى ـﻮ ـﺮﻩ ن ﻫـ ـﻨـﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﰷ ن دﻩ ﭘـ ـﺴـ ـﱴ ﺋـﺎﺧـ ـﻴـﺒـﻮو. ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪرى ﮔـﯚت «ﺋـﻪو رۆژﻩى ﻗـﺴـﻪت ﮔـﻪڵ ﻣـﻦ دﻩ ـﺮد، ﺑـﯚ ﭼـﻰ دﻩﺳـ ـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻟـﻮوﺗـﺖ دﻩﮔـﺮت و رووت و ﻻ دﻩ ﺮد؟» ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪر ﮔـﯚﰏ «ﻗـﻮر ن، ﺋـﻪو رۆژﻩ ﺳـﲑ و ﻣـﺎﺳـ ـﱲ ﺧـﻮاردﺑـﻮو و ﮔـﯚﰎ ﺑـﯚﻧـﻪﻛـﻪى ﺑـﯚ ﭘﺎﺷﺎ ﻧﻪﭼ .» ﭘـﺎﺷـﺎ ﺳـﻪر ـﲃ راوﻩﺷـﺎﻧـﺪ، ﺑـﻪر ﺧـﯚﯾـﻪوﻩ ﮔـﯚﰏ «ﻫـﻪرﻛـﻪس ـﺎ ـ ﺑـﯚ ـﻪ ـﻜـ ﻫﻪ ﻜﻪ ، ﺑﯚ ﺧﯚى ﺗ ﺪﻩﻛﻪوێ.»٣ * * *
kawtinà (+ inf.) to ﮐــﻪوﺗــﻨــﻪ ;barim: bar is an alternative present stem of birdin ﺑــﻪرم١ ﺷـﺖ ;bałkû maybe ﺑـﻪ ـﮑـﻮو ;lâłânawa to beseech ﻻ ﻧـﻪوﻩ ;pâřânawa to beg ﭘـﺎڕاﻧـﻪوﻩ ;start to -bazaîy pe’dâ hât (for the orthog ﺑــﻪزﻩﱙ ﭘــ ــﺪا ﻫــﺎت ;bazaî compassion ﺑــﻪزﻩﱙ ;shit thing khwendinawa ﺧـﻮ ـﻨـﺪﻧـﻪوﻩ ;nâma letter ﻣـﻪ ;raphy of bazaîy, see §41) he felt compassion ﻫــــﻪ ــــﮕــــﺮ ;(nûsrân to be written (for the passive voice, see §34 ﻧــــﻮوﴎان ;to read over ﰷ دﻩ ;pest skin ﭘـ ـﺴـﺖ ;kâ straw ﰷ ;sar-biřîn to cut the head off ﺳـﻪر ـ ـﻦ ;hałgir bearer .kâ da pest âkhnîn to stuff the skin with straw ﭘ ﺴﺖ ﺋﺎﺧ ﲔ -sar le ﺳـﻪر ﻟـ دان ;bâng-kirdin to call, summon ـﮓ ـﺮدن ;jałłâd executioner ـﻪ ـ د٢ .suř-mân (men-) to spin ﺳﻮڕ ﻣﺎن (ﻣ ﻦ) ;dân to behead l’ aw و ﰷﺗــــﻪدا ;gawram my lord ﮔــــﻪورﻩم ;nakher no ﻧــــﻪ ــــ ــــﺮ ;wałâm answer وﻩ م٣ janâza-henân (hen-) to bring forth a funeral ـﻪ زﻩ ﻫـ ـﻨـﺎن (ﻫـ ـﻦ) ;kâtá’dâ at that moment ﺳــﻪر راوﻩﺷــﺎﻧــﺪن ;bon smell ﺑــﯚن ;qurbân your highness ﻗــﻮر ن ;rozh day رۆژ ;procession .labar khoyawa to himself ﺑﻪر ﺧﯚﯾﻪوﻩ ;sar râ-washândin to shake the head 95 SORANI KURDISH ﺧﻮدا ﺳﻮ ﺘﺎن ﻣﻪﲪﻮود ﮔﻪورﻩ ﺮﻩ ﮔـﻮاﯾـﻪ ﺳـﻮ ـﺘـﺎن ﻣـﻪﲪـﻮود (ﺳـﻪدﻩى زدﻩﻫـﻪم) زۆر رﰵ دار ﺷـ ـ ـﻚ ﺑـﻮوﻩ. ﻓـﻪرﻣـﺎﱏ ﭘـ دﻩدا ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪر ﺋـ ـﻮارﻩوﻩ ﻫـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﱏ ـ ﺑـﻪ ژوور ـﻚ ﺋـﺎردﻩﻣـﺸـﺎرى ﺑـﯚ ﺋـﺎﻣـﺎدﻩ ﻧـﻪﰷ، ﺳـﻪرى دﻩدا. دار ش ﺑـﻪ ﭘـﻪﺳـ ـﱴﯾـﻪوﻩ ﻫـﺎﺗـﻪوﻩ ﻣـﺎڵ و ﺧـﯚى ﺑـﯚ ﻣـﺮدن ﺋـﺎﻣـﺎدﻩ ـﺮد، ﭼـﻮ ـﻜـﻮو دﻩ ـﺰاﱏ دﻩﺳـﻪ ﺗـﻴـﺪا ﻧـﻴـﻪ ﺋـﻪم ﰷرﻩ ﻫـﻪ ـﺴـﻮوڕ ـ . ﻧژـﻪﻛـﻪى د ـﺨـﯚﳽ داﯾـﻪوﻩ و ﭘـ ـ ﻰ ﮔـﯚت «ﭘﻴﺎوﻩﻛﻪ، ﺑﻨﻮو. ﺧﻮدا ﺳﻮ ﺘﺎن ﻣﻪﲪﻮود ﮔﻪورﻩ ﺮﻩ.» ﺷـﻪﺑـﻪﰵ ﺑـﻪ ن ﻛـﻪ دﻩرﮔـﺎ درا، دار ش ﮔـﻪردن ﺋـﺎزاﰃ ژن و ﻣـ ـﺪا ـﻪﰷﱏ ـﺮد، ﺑـﻪ م ﻛـﻪ دﻩرﻛـﻪى ـﺮدﻩوﻩ ﻧـﯚﻛـﻪرﻩﰷﱏ ﺳـﻮ ـﺘـﺎن ﻣـﻪﲪـﻮود داوا ن ﻟـ ـﺮد ﺳـ ـﻨـﺪووﻗـ ـﻚ ﺑـﯚ ﺗﻪرﻣﻪﻛﻪى ﺳﻮ ﺘﺎن دروﺳﺖ ﲀ، ﭼﻮ ﻜﻮو ﺳﻮ ﺘﺎن ﻧﻴﻮﻩ ﺷﻪودا ﻣﺮدووﻩ.١ ﺋـﻪم ﭘـﻪﻧـﺪﻩ ﭘـ ـﲈن دﻩ ـ ﻛـﻪ ﺗـﻪ ﻧـﻪت ﰷﰏ ﮔـﺮﻓـ ـﺎرى و رۆژﻩ رﻩﳽ و داﻣـﺎوﯾـﺪا ﻫـﻮﻣـ ـﺪ ـﺮاو ﺑـﲔ ﭼـﻮ ـﻜـﻮو زۆر ﻫـﯚﰷر و ﻫـ ـﺰ و د ردﻩ ﻫـﻪن ﻛـﻪ ﺋـ ـﻤـﻪ ﻟـ ـﻴـﺎن ﺋـ ﮔـﺎدار ﻧـﲔ و زاﻧـﲔ ر و ﺧـﯚ ـﻰ زﻩﻣـﺎﻧـﻪ ﭼـﻮن ﻫـﻪ ـﺪﻩﺳـﻮوڕێ و ﺑـﻪ چ ﻻﯾـﻪﻛـﺪا دﻩﻛـﻪوێ. ﺧـﻮداى ﻣــﻪزن ﺧــﯚى دﻩزا چ دﻩﰷ و ﺳــﻪرﻩوﻩى ﻫــﻪﻣــﻮو ﻫــ ــﺰ ــﻜــﻪوﻩﯾــﻪ و ــﺎرﻩﻧــﻮوﳻ ﻫـﻪﻣـﻮوﻣـﺎن ﺑـﻪ دﻩﺳـﺖ ﺋـﻪوﻩ. ـﺎ ﻛـﻪ وا ﺑـﻮو، ﻣـﺮۆڤ ﻫـﻴـﭻ ﻫـﻪل و ﻣـﻪرﺟـ ـﻜـﺪا
ﮔـﻮاﯾـﻪ ;Sułtân Maḥmûd Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna ﺳـﻮ ـﺘـﺎن ﻣـﻪﲪـﻮود ;khudâ God ﺧـﻮدا١ ﻓــﻪرﻣــﺎن دان ;dârtâsh carpenter دار ش ;riq spite رق ;sada century ﺳــﻪدﻩ ;gwâya it seems ــ ;hatâ until ﻫــﻪ ;ewâra evening ﺋــ ــﻮارﻩ ;agar if ﺋــﻪﮔــﻪر ;farmân-dân (da-) to order (دﻩ) ﺋــﺎﻣــﺎدﻩ ;piř ba zhûrek ârdamshâr a roomful of sawdust ــ ﺑــﻪ ژوور ــﮏ ﺋــﺎردﻩﻣــﺸــﺎر ;piř full hâtinà mâł ﻫـﺎﺗـﻨـﻪ ﻣـﺎڵ ;ba pastîawa dejectedly ﺑـﻪ ﭘـﻪﺳـ ـ ـﻪوﻩ ;âmâda-kirdin to prepare ـﺮدن دﻩﺳـﻪ ت ;chunkû since, because ﭼـﻮ ـﮑـﻮو ;mirdin (mir-) to die ﻣـﺮدن (ﻣـﺮ) ;to come home د ــﺨــﯚﺷــ داﻧــﻪوﻩ ;zhin wife ژن ;hał-sûřândin to accomplish ﻫــﻪ ــﺴــﻮوڕاﻧــﺪن;dasałât power shabaq i ﺷــﻪﺑــﻪﰵ ﺑــﻪ ن ;nûstin nû- to sleep ﻧــﻮوﺳــﱳ (ﻧــﻮو) ;diłkhoshî-dânawa to console la dargâ dirân for a knock to come at the دﻩرﮔــــــــــﺎ دران ;bayân at the break of dawn ﺑـﻪ م ;mindâł child ﻣـ ـﺪاڵ ;gardinâzâî kirdin la to say good-bye to ﮔـﻪرد زاﱙ ـﺮدن ;door dâwâ-kirdin la to داوا ـــﺮدن ;kirdinawa to open ـــﺮدﻧـــﻪوﻩ ;darka door دﻩرﮐـــﻪ ;bałâm but -dirust دروﺳـﺖ ـﺮدن ;tarm corpse ﺗـﻪرم ;sindûq chest ﺳـ ـﻨـﺪووق ;(.ask s.o. (+ subj. to do s.th .la nîwashaw’dâ at midnight ﻧﻴﻮﻩﺷﻪودا ;kirdin to make 96 READINGS ﺧﻮدا ﻫﻮﻣ ﺪ . دﻩ ﺗﻪوﻩ ﻮﱃ ﻫﻪ .١ * * * «ﺑﻮو ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮ ﻨﻪﻛﻪى ﺳ ﻴﺎوش» ﺋـﻪم ﭘـﻪﻧـﺪﻩ ﰷرﻩﺳـﺎﺗـﻪ ﴎاوﻩﻛـﻪى ﺳـ ـﻴـﺎوش ـﻮڕى ﻛـﻪ ـﲀوس دﻩدوێ. ﺋـﻪم داﺳـ ـﺘـﺎﻧـﻪ ﻧـ ـﻮ ـﻮردﻩﰷﱏ ﺋـ ـﺮان و ـ ـﺮاﻗـﺪا وﻩ و ﺋـﻪﮔـﻪڕ ـﺘـﻪوﻩ ﺑـﯚ زۆر ﭘـ ـﺶ ﺋـﻪو ﰷﺗـﻪى ﺷـﺎ ﻣـﻪى ﺗـ ـﺪا ﻧـﻮوﴎاوﻩﺗـﻪوﻩ. ﺑـﯚ ﺋـﻪوﻩى روون ﺑـ ـ ـﻪوﻩ ﺋـﻪم ﰷرﻩﺳـﺎﺗـﻪ ﭼـﻮن ﺑـﻮوﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﭘـﻪﻧـﺪ، ﭘـ ـﻮ ـﺴـ ـﺘـﻪ ﺋﻪو رﻩ روون ﻜﺮ ﺘﻪوﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮ ﻨﻪﻛﻪى ﺗ ﺪا رژاوﻩ:٢ ﺳـﻮوداﺑـﻪى ژﱏ ﻛـﻪ ـﲀوس ـﻪز ﺳـ ـﻴـﺎوﳽ ﻫـﻪﻧـﻪزاى دﻩﰷ و دﻩﯾـﻪوێ ﺧـﺸـ ـﺘـﻪى ﺑـﺒـﺎت، ﺑـﻪ م م ﰷرﻩدا ﻛـﻪ ﺳـﻪر ﻧـﻪﻛـﻪوت ﺑـﻮﺧـ ـﺎﱏ ﭘـ ـﻜـﺮد. ﺋـﻪو ـﺶ ﺑـﯚ ﺋـﻪوﻩى ﭘـ ﰽ و ِﮔﻮ ﱓ ﺧﯚى ﺴﻪ ﻤ ﺑﻪ ﻧ ﻮ ﺋ ﮔﺮدا رۆ ﺸﺖ و ز ن و ﺳﻪرىﯾﻪوﻩ دﻩر ﭼﻮو.٣
-rozharashî misfor رۆژﻩرﻩﳽ ;giriftârî anguish ﮔــﺮﻓــ ــﺎری ;tanânat especially ﺗــﻪ ﻧــﻪت١ ;hokâr cause ﻫـﯚﰷر ;humedbiřâw despondent ﻫـﻮﻣـ ـﺪ ـ او ;dâmâwî tribulation داﻣـﺎوی ;tune âgâdâr la aware ﺋـ ﮔـﺎدار ;han there are ﻫـﻪن ;dyârda phenomenon د ردﻩ ;hez power ﻫـ ـﺰ -hał ﻫــﻪ ــﺴــﻮوڕان ;bâr u khoł i zamâna the vicissitudes of fortune ر و ﺧــﯚ ــﯽ زﻩﻣــﺎﻧــﻪ ;of mazin ﻣـــﻪزن ;kawtin (kaw-) to fall ﮐـــﻪو ـــﻦ (ﮐـــﻪو) ;lâ side, direction ﻻ ;sûřân to evolve jâ ka ـﺎ ﮐـﻪ وا ﺑـﻮو ;châranûs remedy, help ـﺎرﻩﻧـﻮوس ;la sarawa i over ﺳـﻪرﻩوﻩی ;great -marj con ﻣــﻪرج ;hal time ﻫــﻪل ;mirov man, human being ﻣــﺮۆڤ ;wâ bû since that is so +) dabe دﻩ ;nâhumed la despairing of ﻫـﻮﻣـ ـﺪ ;dition; nâbe (+ subj.) should not .tawakul trust in God ﺗﻪوﻩ ﻮل ;subj.) should -Siyâwish Siyavush, son of the Sassanian Shah Kay ﺳــ ــﻴــﺎوش ;khwen blood ﺧــﻮ ــﻦ٢ -Kay ﮐـﻪی ﰷوس ;kuř son ـﻮڕ ;nâsrâw well-known ﴎاو ;kârasât tragedy ﰷرﻩﺳـﺎت ;Kaus la new ﻧــ ــﻮ ;dâstân story داﺳــ ــﺘــﺎن ;dwân la to speak about دوان ;Kâwis Kay-Kaus gařânawa bo to go ﮔـﻪڕاﻧـﻪوﻩ ﺑـﯚ ;bâw current و ;Erâq Iraq‘ ـ ـﺮاق ;Eřân Iran ﺋـ ـﺮان ;among Shânâma the Shâhnâma, the epic of Iranian kingship ﺷـﺎ ﻣـﻪ ;pesh before ﭘـ ـﺶ ;back to rûn-bûnawa to روون ﺑـﻮوﻧـﻪوﻩ ;bo awaî in order that ﺑـﯚ ﺋـﻪوﻩی ;written by Firdawsi in 1010 rûn-kirân to روون ـﺮان ;awbâra in that regard ﺋـﻪو رﻩ ;pewîst necessary ﭘـ ـﻮ ـﺴـﺖ ;be clear .rizhân to be shed رژان ;be explained ـﻪز ـﺮدن ;Sûdâba Sudaba, wife of Kay-Kaus and stepmother of Siyavush ﺳـﻮوداﺑـﻪ٣ -dayawe see the conjuga دﻩﯾــﻪوێ ;hanazâ stepson ﻫــﻪﻧــﻪزا ;ḥaz-kirdin la to like, to want la khishta birdin to have illicit ﺧــﺸــ ــﺘــﻪ ــﺮدن ;tion of the present tense of wîstin, §20 ﺑــﻮﺧــ ــﺎن ــﺮدن ﺑــﻪ ;sar-kawtin to succeed ﺳــﻪر ﮐــﻪو ــﻦ ;kâr affair ﰷر ;sexual relations with ﺳـﻪ ـﲈﻧـﺪن ;begunâhî innocence ﺑـ ـﮕـﻮ ﻫـﯽ ;pâkî purity ﭘـ ﰽ ;bukhtân-kirdin ba to slander royshtin ro- to رۆ ــﺸــﱳ (رۆ) ;âgir fire ﺋــ ﮔــﺮ ;ba new through ﺑــﻪ ﻧــ ــﻮ ;sałmândin to prove 97 SORANI KURDISH و ﰷﺗـﻪدا ﺋـﻪﻓـﺮاﺳـ ـﻴـﺎب ﺷـﺎى ﺗـﻮوران ﻫـ ـﺮﳽ ﻫـ ـﻨـﺎﯾـﻪ ﺳـﻪر و ت و ﻛـﻪ ـﲀوس ﻓـﻪرﻣـﺎﱏ ﺑـﻪ ـﻮڕﻩﻛـﻪى دا دژى دوژﻣـﻦ ﺷـﻪڕ ـﲀ. ﺳـ ـﻴـﺎوﳽ د ـﺸـﲀو دا ـﺎن ﭼـﻮوﻩ ر ـﺰى ﺷـﻜـﺮى دوژﻣـﻦ. ﺋـﻪﻓـﺮاﺳـ ـﻴـﺎب ﺧـﯚى ـﺰﯾـﻚ ﺧـﺴـ ـﺘـﻪوﻩ و ﻛـ ـﻪﻛـﻪى ﺧـﯚى ﻟـ ﻣـﺎرﻩ ـﺮد و ـﺮدى ﺑـﻪ ﻓـﻪرﻣـﺎ ـﺮﻩوا، ﺑـﻪ م ـﻪزان واﻧـﻴـﺎن ﺑـﯚ ر ـﻚ ﺧـﺴـﺖ و ﺋـﻪﳒـﺎﻣـﺪا ﺳـ ـﻴـﺎوﳽ ـﻮﺷـﺖ. دﻩ ـﮓ و ﳻ ـﻮﺷـ ـﲎ ﺳـ ـﻴـﺎوﳽ ﮔـﻪ ـﺸـ ـﺘـﻪ ﺋـ ـﺮان. روﺳـ ـﺘـﻪم ﻫـﺎﺗـﻪ ﻛـﯚﺷـﲃ ﻛـﻪ ـﲀوس و ﺳـﻮوداﺑـﻪى ژﱏ ﺑـﻪ ﻗـﮋ ر ﻛـ ـﺸـﺎ و ﺳـﻪرى ـ ى. ﭘـﺎش ﺋـﻪﻣـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﻜـﺮ ـﻜـﻪوﻩ ﭼـﻮوﻩ ﺳـﻪر ﺗـﻮوران و ـﺮدى ﺑـﻪ ﯾـﻪك ﭘـﺎر ـﻪ ﺋـﺎور و ﺋـﻪﻓـﺮاﺳـ ـﻴـﺎﰉ دﻩر ـﺮد و ﻣـﺎوﻩﯾـﻪك ﺧـﯚى ﺑـﻮو ﺑـﻪ ﻓـﻪرﻣـﺎ ـﺮﻩواى ﺗـﻮوران، ﺑـﻪ م ﻛـﻪ روﺳـ ـﺘـﻪم ﮔـﻪڕاﯾـﻪوﻩ ﺑـﯚ ﺋـ ـﺮان، ﺋـﻪﻓـﺮاﺳـ ـﻴـﺎب د ـﺴـﺎن ﺑﻮوﻩوﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻪرﻣﺎ ﺮﻩواى ﺗﻮوران.١ ﻫـ ـﻨـﺪ ـﻚ ﻧـﻪزﯾـ دﻩ ـ ـﻦ ﻛـﻪ ﺳـﻪرى ﺳـ ـﻴـﺎوﺷـ ـﻴـﺎن ـ ى ﺧـﻮ ـﻨـﻪﻛـﻪى دﻩﻛـﯚﱃ و ﻫـﻪ ـﺪﻩﭼـﻮو ﻛـﻪ ﺋـﻪوﻩ ﻧـ ـﺸـﺎﻧـﻪى ﭘـ ﰽ و واﱏ ﺋـﻪو ﺑـﻮوﻩ، ﺑـﻪ م ﻫـﯚى ﺋـﻪوﻩى ﺋـﻪم رووداوﻩ ﺋـﺎوﺳـﺎﻧـﻪﱙﯾـﻪ ﺑـﯚﺗـﻪ ﭘـﻪﻧـﺪ ﺋـﻪوﻩﯾـﻪ ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﻮ ـﲎ ﺳـ ـﻴـﺎوش زۆر ـﺎر دﻩﺑـﻮوﻩ ﻫـﺎﻧـﻪى ﻫـ ـﺮش و ﺷـﻜـﺮﻛـ ـﺸـﺎﱏ ﺋـ ـﺮاﱏﯾـﻪﰷن ﺑـﯚ ﺳـﻪر و ﰏ ﺗـﻮوران، و ﻟـ ـﺮﻩوﻩ ﮔـﯚﺗـﻮو ﻧـﻪ «ﺧـﻮ ـﲎ ﺳـ ـﻴـﺎوش ﻫﻪر ﻮوژ ﺘﻪوﻩ و ﺘﻪوﻩ.»٢ l’ aw sarîawa dar-chûn to come و ﺳـﻪرﯾـﻪوﻩ دﻩر ﭼـﻮون ;beziyân without harm ﺑـ ـﺰ ن ;go out on the other side. ﺷـﺎ ;Afrâsiyâb Afrasiab, the ruler of Turan, the traditional enemy of Iran ﺋـﻪﻓـﺮاﺳـ ـﻴـﺎب١ دژی ;wiłât country و ت ;herish-henânà sar to attack ﻫـ ـﺮش ﻫـ ـﻨـﺎﻧـﻪ ﺳـﻪر ;shâ shah, king diłshikâw د ــﺸــﲀو ;shař-kirdin to fight ﺷــﻪڕ ــﺮدن ;duzhmin enemy دوژﻣــﻦ ;dizh i against ;lashkir army ﺷــﮑــﺮ ;rîz line, rank ر ــﺰ ;la dâkhân grieving دا ــﺎن ;broken-hearted ﻣـﺎرﻩ ;kich daughter ﮐـﭻ ;la kho nizîk-khistinawa to seat near oneself ﺧـﯚ ـﺰ ـﮏ ﺧـﺴـ ـ ـﻪوﻩ وان ;nâḥaz malevolent ــﻪز ;farmânrawâ ruler ﻓــﻪرﻣــﺎ ــﺮﻩوا ;mâra-kirdin to marry ــﺮدن ــﻮﺷــﱳ ( ــﻮژ) ;anjâm end ﺋــﻪﳒــﺎم ;tâwân rek-khistin bo to accuse falsely ر ــﮏ ﺧــﺴــﱳ ﺑــﯚ -gayshtin ga ﮔـﻪ ـﺸـﱳ (ﮔـﻪ) ;dang u bâs word, rumor دﻩ ـﮓ و س ;kushtin (kuzh-) to kill ;koshk palace ﮐـﯚﺷـﮏ ;Rostam Rustam, the champion warrior of Iran رۆﺳـ ـﺘـﻪم ;to reach ba yek pârcha âwir kirdin ﺑـﻪ ﯾـﻪک ﭘـﺎر ـﻪ ﺋـﺎور ـﺮدن ;râ-keshân to drag را ﮐـ ـﺸـﺎن ;qizh hair ﻗـﮋ ;mâwa period of time ﻣـــــﺎوﻩ ;dar-kirdin to drive away دﻩر ـــــﺮدن ;to burn to the ground .dîsân once again د ﺴﺎن ;gařânawa bo to return to ﮔﻪڕاﻧﻪوﻩ ﺑﯚ -hał ﻫـﻪ ـﭽـﻮون ;kolîn to boil ﮐـﯚﻟـﲔ ;nazîla short, in short ﻧـﻪزﯾـ ;hendèk thus ﻫـ ـﻨـﺪ ـﮏ٢ âwsânaî ﺋـﺎوﺳـﺎﻧـﻪﱙ ;rûdâw event رووداو ;ho reason ﻫـﯚ ;nîshâna sign ﻧـ ـﺸـﺎﻧـﻪ ;chûn to flow ﻫــﺎﻧــﻪ ;zor jâr many times زۆر ــﺎر ;jâr time ــﺎر ;bûwatà ﺑــﻮوﻩﺗــﻪ = botà ﺑــﯚﺗــﻪ ;legendary 98 READINGS * * * «رﻩﳒﻰ ﺑﻮوﻩ ﺑﻪ رﻩﳒﻰ ﻓﻪرﻫﺎد» ﺋـﻪﳒـﺎﱉ ﺧـﯚﺷـﻪو ـﺴـ ـﱴﯾـﻪ ﺑـﻪ و ـﮕـﻪﻛـﻪى ﻓـﻪرﻫـﺎد و ﺷـﲑﯾـﲎ ژﱏ ـﻪﴎﻩو ﭘـﻪرو ـﺰدا (۵٩٠–۶٢٧) ﭘـﻪﯾـﺪا ﺑـﻮوﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﻧـﲒاﱉ « ـﻪﴎﻩو و ﺷـﲑ ـﻦ»هﻛـﻪﯾـﺪا ﻟـ ـ ﻰ دواوﻩ و زۆر ﺶ ر ﻰ دﻩﭼ ﻛﻪ ﺋﻪﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﯾﻪﰽ ﻛﯚﻧﺪا دﻩر رﻩى ﺷﲑ ﻦ وﻩرى ﮔﺮﺗ .١ ﻧـﲒاﱉ ﺑـﻪم ـﻪﺷـ ـﻨـﻪ ﺋـﻪﻓـﺴـﺎﻧـﻪﻛـﻪ دﻩﰷ: ﻛـﻪ ـﻪﴎﻩو ﺑـﻪ ﺧـﯚﺷـﻪو ـﺴـ ـﱴ ﻧـ ـﻮان ﺷـﲑ ـﻦ و ﻓـﻪرﻫـﺎدى زاﱏ، داوا ﻓـﻪرﻫـﺎد دﻩﰷ ﻛـ ـﻮى ﺑـ ـﺴـ ـﺘـﻮوﱏ ﺑـﯚ ـﻮن ـﲀ. ﻓـﻪرﻫـﺎد ـ ر دﻩدا ﻓـﻪرﻣـﺎﻧـﻪﻛـﻪى ﺑـﻪﺟـ ﺑـ ـ ﺑـﻪو ﻣـﻪر ـﻪى ﺷـﲑﯾـﲎ ﺑـﺪا . ـﻪﴎﻩو ﺑـﻪﻣـﻪ ﻗـﺎﯾـﻞ دﻩ ﭼـﻮ ـﻜـﻮو وﻩ د ـﻨـﻴـﺎﯾـﻪ ﻛـﻪ ﺋـﻪم ﰷرﻩى ﭘـ ـﺮێ، ﺑـﻪ م ﻛـﻪ ﺋـ ﮔـﺎدارى ـﻪﴎﻩو دﻩﻛـﻪن د ـﺪارﻩﻛـﻪى ﻫـ ـﺰ ـﲃ واى ﺑـﻪ ﻓـﻪرﻫـﺎد داوﻩ ـﻪر ـﻜـﻪ ﻛـ ـﻮﻩﻛـﻪ ـﻮن دﻩﰷ، ﭘـﲑ ـ ﻧﮋـ ـﻚ دﻩﻧـ ـﺮ ـﺘـﻪ ﻻى ﺑـﯚ ﺋﻪوﻩى ﺑﻪ درۆ ﭘ ﻰ ﺑ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮاﯾﻪ ﺷﲑ ﻦ ﻣﺮدووﻩ و ﻓﻪرﻫﺎد دا ﺎن ﺧﯚى دﻩ ﻮوژێ.٢ ﺋـ ـﺴـ ـﺘـﺎ ﺋـﻪم ﭘـﻪﻧـﺪاﻧـﻪ دﻩر رﻩى ﺋـﻪو ﻛـﻪﺳـﺎﻧـﻪوﻩ دﻩﮔـﻮ ـﺮێ ﻛـﻪ ﻫـﻪﻣـﻮو ژ ﻧـﻴـﺎن ـﺮ ـﱴﯾـﻪ ﻫﻪوڵ و ﺗ ﻜﯚﺷﺎن و رﻩﱋدان ﻛﻪﭼﻰ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﺎن دﻩﺳﮕﲑ .٣