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Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-10444-0 — Rome and the Third Macedonian War Paul J
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-10444-0 — Rome and the Third Macedonian War Paul J. Burton Index More Information Index Abdera, Greek city on the h racian coast, 15n. second year 41 , 60 , 174 political disruption sparked by Roman h ird Macedonian War embassy, 143 second year troubles with Sparta, 13 , 82n. 23 brutalized by Hortensius, 140 Acilius Glabrio, M’. (cos. 191), 44 , 59n. 12 embassy to Rome, 140 Aetolian War s.c. de Abderitis issued, 140 , see also second year Appendix C passim given (unsolicited) strategic advice by Abrupolis, king of the h racian Sapaei, 15n. 41 Flamininus, 42 attacks Macedonia (179), 58 , 81 Syrian and Aetolian Wars Acarnania, Acarnanians, 14 second year deprived of the city of Leucas (167), 177 Battle of h ermopylae, 36 – 37 First Macedonian War recovers some cities in h essaly, 36 Roman operations in (211), 25 Aelius Ligus, P. (cos. 172), 112 politicians exiled to Italy (167), 177 Aemilius Lepidus, M. (ambassador) h ird Macedonian War embassy to Philip V at Abydus (200), 28 , second year 28n. 53 political disruption sparked by Roman Aenus and Maronea, Greek cities on the embassy, 143 h racian coast, 40 , 60 , 140 , 174 two executed by the Athenians (201), 28n. 53 declared free by the senate, 46 – 47 Achaean League, Achaeans, 12 – 13 dispute between Philip V and Rome over, Achaean War (146), 194 44 – 45 , 55 , 86 , 92 , 180 Archon- Callicrates debate (175), 61 , 61n. 29 , embassy to Rome from Maronean exiles (186/ 62n. 30 , 94 – 96 5), 45 congratulated by Rome for resisting Perseus Maronean exiles address senatorial (173), 66 , 117 commission (185), 46 conquest of the Peloponnese, 13 , 82n. -
A Literary Sources
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-82860-4 — The Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman Conquest 2nd Edition Index More Information Index A Literary sources Livy XXVI.24.7–15: 77 (a); XXIX.12.11–16: 80; XXXI.44.2–9: 11 Aeschines III.132–4: 82; XXXIII.38: 195; XXXVII.40–1: Appian, Syrian Wars 52–5, 57–8, 62–3: 203; XXXVIII.34: 87; 57 XXXIX.24.1–4: 89; XLI.20: 209 (b); ‘Aristeas to Philocrates’ I.9–11 and XLII.29–30.7: 92; XLII.51: 94; 261 V.35–40: XLV.29.3–30 and 32.1–7: 96 15 [Aristotle] Oeconomica II.2.33: I Maccabees 1.1–9: 24; 1.10–25 and 5 7 Arrian, Alexander I.17: ; II.14: ; 41–56: 217; 15.1–9: 221 8 9 III.1.5–2.2: (a); III.3–4: ; II Maccabees 3.1–3: 216 12 13 IV.10.5–12.5: ; V.28–29.1: ; Memnon, FGrH 434 F 11 §§5.7–11: 159 14 20 V1.27.3–5: ; VII.1.1–4: ; Menander, The Sicyonian lines 3–15: 104 17 18 VII.4.4–5: ; VII.8–9 and 11: Menecles of Barca FGrHist 270F9:322 26 Arrian, FGrH 156 F 1, §§1–8: (a); F 9, Pausanias I.7: 254; I.9.4: 254; I.9.5–10: 30 §§34–8: 56; I.25.3–6: 28; VII.16.7–17.1: Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae V.201b–f, 100 258 43 202f–203e: ; VI.253b–f: Plutarch, Agis 5–6.1 and 7.5–8: 69 23 Augustine, City of God 4.4: Alexander 10.6–11: 3 (a); 15: 4 (a); Demetrius of Phalerum, FGrH 228 F 39: 26.3–10: 8 (b); 68.3: cf. -
The First Century of Seleucid Rule
Seleucid Study Day III: War within the Family: The First Century of Seleucid Rule. Bordeaux: Seleucid Study Group, Classical Press of Wales, Université de Bordeaux III, 05.09.2012-07.09.2012. Reviewed by Altay Coskun Published on H-Soz-u-Kult (October, 2012) As hosts of the VIIth Celtic Conference of Clas‐ convenor KYLE ERICKSON (Lampeter) identified sics Cf. the program of VIIth CCC: various desiderata: frst the necessity to more sys‐ http://www.ucd.ie/t4cm/Vi‐ tematically integrate into the picture the satrapies ieme%20Celtic%20Conference%20in%20Classics%20July%202012.pdfeast of the Euphrates as well as to analyse the (11.10.2012). , Anton Powell (Classical Press of continuity and ruptures in the transition from the Wales, Swansea) and Jean Yvonneau (University Achaemenid to the Seleucid Empires; secondly, to of Bordeaux III) invited the Seleucid Study Group focus more strongly on the periods intervening to organize a panel on the early Seleucid Kingdom between the rules of Seleucus I (320/311-281) and (3rd century BC). After previous gatherings at Ex‐ Antiochus III (223-187); and thirdly to reconsider eter and Waterloo in 2011, this meeting was the the roles of Seleucid royal women. third in a (counted) series dedicated to a collabo‐ Mitchell’s paper highlighted caution in using rative and interdisciplinary research agenda on a simple model of subjugation by suggesting a one of the most under-explored world empires. In new approach to Macedonian colonies in Asia Mi‐ fact, the roots of this joint effort goes back to pre‐ nor. Most of them had not been initiated and or‐ vious conferences in Exeter (2008) and Waterloo ganized by Hellenistic kings but were owed to (2010), as STEPHEN MITCHELL (Exeter) explained Greek or Macedonian private initiatives mainly in his welcome address. -
THE HELLENISTIC RULERS and THEIR POETS. SILENCING DANGEROUS CRITICS?* I the Beginning of the Reign of Ptolemy VII Euergetes II I
Originalveröffentlichung in: Ancient society 29.1998-99 (1998), S. 147-174 THE HELLENISTIC RULERS AND THEIR POETS. SILENCING DANGEROUS CRITICS?* i The beginning of the reign of Ptolemy VII Euergetes II in the year 145 bc following the death of his brother Ptolemy VI Philometor was described in a very negative way by ancient authors1. According to Athenaeus Ptolemy who ruled over Egypt... received from the Alexandrians appropriately the name of Malefactor. For he murdered many of the Alexandrians; not a few he sent into exile, and filled the islands and towns with men who had grown up with his brother — philologians, philosophers, mathematicians, musicians, painters, athletic trainers, physicians, and many other men of skill in their profession2. It is true that anecdotal tradition, as we find it here, is mostly of tenden tious origin, «but the course of the events suggests that the gossip-mon- * This article is the expanded version of a paper given on 2 November 1995, at the University of St Andrews, and — in a slightly changed version — on 3 November 1995, during the «Leeds Latin Seminar* on «Epigrams and Politics*. I would like to thank my colleagues there very much, especially Michael Whitby (now Warwick), for their invita tion, their hospitality, and stimulating discussions. Moreover, I would like to thank Jurgen Malitz (Eichstatt), Doris Meyer and Eckhard Wirbelauer (both Freiburg/Brsg.) for numer ous suggestions, Joachim Mathieu (Eichstatt/Atlanta) for the translation, and Roland G. Mayer (London) for his support in preparing the paper. 1 For biographical details cf. H. V olkmann , art. Ptolemaios VIII. -
The Connections Between Pergamon and Delphi (Sport and Politics in the Hellenistic Period)
International Quarterly of Sport Science 2010/1 THE CONNECTIONS BETWEEN PERGAMON AND DELPHI (SPORT AND POLITICS IN THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD) István Kertész Eszterházy Károly College, Eger [email protected] Abstract In 182 B.C. Eumenes II, the king of Pergamon, renewed the games and sacrifices in honour of Athena Nicephorus and requested that the states of the Hellenistic world recognize the games of the Nicephoria. The organization and rules of the Nicephoria were equal in the music contests of the Pythian Games and in gymnastics and equestrian events of the Olympic Games. Beside the answer of a Carian town we have only the texts of decisions made by the Delphic Amphictyons and the Aetolean League and both of these decisions contain affirmative answers to the request of the Pergamene king. Why we have no other inscriptions on this subject although in that period the political- economical connections between Pergamon and the cities of Asia Minor were very friendly, and we have found a lot of written material? I think so that the fact that just these organizations gave fast and affirmative answers to Eumenes is ascribed to the very close political connections between them and Pergamon, which had already been established in the years of late 280s B.C. The facts of these connections are the followings: from this time forward, Pergamon strove for a close friendship with the sanctuary of Apollo in Delphi and later, from the years of 220 B.C., established a political alliance with the Aetolean League, the main protector of this sanctuary. Through the mediation of the latter, Pergamon became a strong ally of Rome during the Hannibalic War. -
Polybios, the Laws of War, and Philip V of Macedon1
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Polybios, the Laws of War, and Philip V of Macedon AUTHORS Nicholson, EL JOURNAL Historia - Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte DEPOSITED IN ORE 25 September 2018 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/34104 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication Historia 67, 2018/4, 434–453 DOI 10.25162/historia-2018-0017 Emma Nicholson Polybios, the Laws of War, and Philip V of Macedon1 Abstract: In his account of Philip V of Macedon’s attack of Thermos in 218 BC (5.9–12), Poly- bios uses the ‘laws of war’ as a rhetorical device to reinforce his own interpretation of the king and perspective on the situation. While this is not the only place within his work where the laws are referenced in such a way – they are, for instance, similarly used in the defence of Achaian actions after recapturing Mantinea in 226 BC (Plb. 2.58) – the Thermos episode represents the most extensive and explicit application of this motif and therefore offers us an opportunity to investigate the historian’s historiographical aims and literary workings in more detail. This arti- cle sets out to offer fresh perspectives on this well-known episode, exploring how the reference to the ‘laws’ has serious consequences for the development of the king’s character within the narrative, how it engages with wider didactic and political purposes, and what it reveals about Polybios’ historical method and literary workings. -
Alexander's Lysimacheia: Anna Comnena 15.7.8 Abstract
[Historia 64 (2015) 301-305; preliminary version] ALEXANDER’S LYSIMACHEIA: ANNA COMNENA 15.7.8 ABSTRACT: Anna says that Alexander founded “Lysimacheia in Ethiopia.” Aithiopia should be emended to Aetolia; Lysimacheia in Aetolia was founded in the 280s under the auspices of Lysimachus. Anna’s statement about Alexander, though mistaken, can nevertheless suggest that Lysimachus’ agent in the foundation may have been his son Alexander, whom Anna or her source confused with Alexander the Great. Praising her father as founder of numerous cities, Anna compares, a bit dismissively, the city foundations of Alexander the Great (Alexiad 15.7.8): ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐκεῖνος ὁ Μακεδὼν αὐχείτω μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ κατ’ Αἴγυπτον Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ, ἐπὶ τῇ κατὰ Μήδους Βουκεφάλῃ, ἐπὶ τῇ κατ’ Αἰθιοπίαν Λυσιμαχίᾳ. Well then, let that Alexander of Macedon exult in Alexandria in Egypt, in Bucephala among the Medes, in Lysimacheia in Ethiopia. At this last city, a reader surely must pause and ask directions.1 The valuable index prepared by F. Kolovou and D. R. Reinsch hints at an explanation: “urbs de Lysimacho Alexandri Magni comite nominata,” and of 15.7.8 “re vera ad Hellespontum.”2 This might suggest that being Alexander’s companion was enough of a connection to attribute the foundation of Lysimacheia to Alexander. But Lysimachus’ capital on the Thracian Chersonese was founded in 309 B.C., long after Alexander’s death; no connection of Alexander with that city is possible. Nor was Ethiopia ever visited by either Alexander3 or Lysimachus. Anna may have | [302] known the -
110 the Application of Anger Theory to the Political Sphere Is Also to Be Seen in Cicero’S De Officiis, a Treatise Influenced by the Stoic Philosopher Panaetius
Edinburgh Research Explorer Polybius and the anger of the Romans Citation for published version: Erskine, A 2015, Polybius and the anger of the Romans. in Emotions Between Greece and Rome. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies Supplements, vol. 125, Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London. <http://www.icls.sas.ac.uk/publications/latest-supplements> Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: Emotions Between Greece and Rome General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 03. Oct. 2021 POLYBIUS AND THE ANGER OF THE ROMANS* ANDREW ERSKINE 1. Introduction Towards the end of his history Polybius describes the fiasco of the Achaean War in the 140s, which led to the Roman sack of Corinth and the dissolution of the Achaean League. Polybius has nothing but contempt for the Achaean leaders at the time and has no hesitation in saying so. He himself was not long back from a lengthy period of detention in Rome, making him a suitable person to mediate between Greeks and Romans in the aftermath of the war.1 It is his representation of his own actions that is of interest here. -
The World According to Polybius by Mark Herman
C3i Magazine Nr.1 (1992) The World According to Polybius by Mark Herman Gibbon wrote about the fall of the Roman Empire; Polybius witnessed its rise. The burning question at the beginning of the third century BC was, “why Rome?” Who were these Romans, and how did they become the preeminent Mediterranean power? Our most recent “Great Battles of History” game, “S.P.Q.R.”, covers many of the critical battles that led to Rome’s ascendency over the ancient Mediterranean. My purpose in this article is to place the game in relation to the key events that led to the longest continuous political system in the history of the world, and like Polybius, come to some conclusions on why it happened. In 321 BC Rome was defeated by the Samnites in the battle of Caudine Forks, Alexander the Great had been dead for two years, and the empire he had conquered was in disarray -- as his generals fought for the right to be one of his successors, or Diadocchi. By this year Alexander’s empire had begun to fragment into five major powers; whose attention would remain diverted from the developing situation on the Tiber -- until it was to late. Under Seleucus, Alexander’s general, the Eastern part of the empire formed, centered on Babylonia (modern Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, and Pakistan). Ptolemy became Pharaoh in Egypt and controlled one of the key granaries of the Mediterranean. Antigonus controlled Asia Minor, and Coele Syria (modern Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, and Israel). Lysimachus controlled Thrace, while Cassander controlled Macedonia proper. Greece continued to consist of independent city states dominated by Macedonia, although the Achean league was forming in the Peloponnesus. -
5. Expansion of the Republic.Key
Expansion of the Republic (201-130 BC) LVV4U1 - Grade 12 Classical Civilization - Unit 3 - Mr. A. Wittmann 1 Roman Art 2 Roman Expansion •Roman Republic vs. Kingdom of Macedonia •Developed out of the Punic Wars •Lead to Seleucid War •Warring Greek states draw Rome into their conflicts •Caused increasing involvement in Greek affairs •Many Hellenistic kings will their kingdoms to Rome •Leads to domination of eastern Mediterranean •Greek Hellenistic East becomes Roman •Provinces self-ruled as long as peace was maintained and taxes paid! 3 Macedonian Wars •1st Macedonian War (214–205 BC) •Philip V allies with Hannibal & takes Rome’s client state Illyria because Rome is busy fighting Hannibal •2nd Macedonian War ( 200–196 BC) •Philip V attacks Rhodes & Pergamum •They enlist Rome’s help •Rome defeats Philip V •Busy fighting Hannibal so doesn't take Macedonia •Rhodes & Pergamum become Roman clients 4 Macedonian Wars •Seleucid War (192–188 BC) •aka War of Antiochos or Syrian War •Antiochus III allied with King Philip V of Macedon •Fighting in Greece, the Aegean Sea & Asia Minor. •Seleucids lose Asia Minor •All of Asian Minor become Roman allies •Whole Hellenistic world under Roman control 5 Macedonian Wars •3rd Macedonian War (172 to 168 BC) •King Perseus attacks Roman allies •Rome divides Macedonia into 4 kingdoms •4th Macedonian War (149–148 BC) •King Andriscus tries re-establish Macedonia •Macedonia (Greece) becomes Roman province 6 7 8 9 Parthian (Arsacid) Empire •247 BC – 224 AD •Founded Arsaces I of Parthia (Parni people) •Supported by Bactrian Greeks against the Seleucids •Mithridates I conquered Eastern Seleucid Empire •Never conquered by Romans •Blocked Roman empire from the India & China •In 224, defeated by Sassanid or Neo-Persian Empire 10 11 12 13 Internal Political Revolution & Reforms 14 THE END 15. -
Daniel 11:1-19 Commentary
Daniel 11:1-19 Commentary Click chart to enlarge PREVIOUS Charts from recommended resource Jensen's Survey of the OT - used by permission NEXT Daniel 11:1 "IN THE FIRST YEAR OF DARIUS THE MEDE, I AROSE TO BE AN ENCOURAGEMENT AND A PROTECTION FOR HIM. First year: Da 5:31 9:1 Be an encouragement: Da 10:18 Ac 14:22 Daniel 11 Resources - Multiple Sermons and Commentaries Daniel 11:1 - Fits Better as Last Verse of Daniel 10 Daniel 11:2 - Persia Prophecy Daniel 11:3-4 - Alexander the Great/Greek Prophecy Daniel 11:5-20 - Seleucid and Ptolemy Prophecies Daniel 11:21-35 - Despicable Person Prophecy Daniel 11:36-45 - King Does As He Pleases Prophecy First year of Darius - 538BC I arose - This is still the supernatural interpreter of Daniel 10, presumably an angel. This verse would best be included at the end of Daniel 10 not the beginning of Daniel 11. Obviously the "chapter breaks" are not inspired but added by men. Encouragement (02388) (chazaq) means to make firm or strong, to strengthen, to give strength, to encourage (frome n = in + coeur = the heart) (to fill with courage or strength of purpose). Protection (04581) (ma'oz) signifies a stronghold or fortress, a protected place, a place of safety. Ma'oz - Seven of 35 OT uses are in Daniel 11 - Jdg 6:26; 2Sa 22:33; Neh 8:10; Ps 27:1; 28:8; 31:2, 4; 37:39; 43:2; 52:7; 60:7; 108:8; Pr 10:29; Isa 17:9, 10; 23:4, 11, 14; 25:4; 27:5; 30:2, 3; Jer 16:19; Ezek 24:25; 30:15; Da 11:1, 7, 10, 19, 31, 38, 39; Joel 3:16; Nah 1:7; 3:11 To be an encouragement and protection for him - The benevolent angel's role in the context of angelic conflict over the Persian empire reflects the supernatural protection God provided through His angel for King Darius the Mede, who reaffirmed the decree by Cyrus which permitted Israel to rebuild their Holy Temple in Jerusalem including the return of the Holy utensils used in Temple worship (see Ezra 6:1, 2, 3, 4, 5).