AR passionateusse andll artic uljateo exhponentnston of Liberalism

Lord Russell- Johnston, 1932–2008, was a passionate and articulate exponent of Liberalism who helped keep that cause alive in Scotland throughout the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s and who throughout his political career expounded liberal values in the cause of home rule for Scotland, international human rights, and the creation of a federal Europe. Ross Finnie examines the contribution to Scottish, British and European Liberalism of Russell Johnston.

28 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 AR passionateusse andll artic uljateo exhponentnston of Liberalism

avid Russell John- and was sufficiently motivated to Johnston, on the other hand, ston, known affec- revive the University Liberal Club, secured a swing of 6.9 per cent to tionately as ‘Russell’ becoming its President. Given his defeat the sitting Tory MP Neil to friend and foe commitment to liberalism, his Mclean by 2,136 votes and become alike, was the son skills as a debater and public orator, the Member of Parliament for Dof David Knox Johnston, a cus- and his combination of an engag- Inverness. Johnston had not only toms officer serving on Skye, and ing personality and pawky sense of built on Bannerman’s work in terms Margaret Russell who gave birth humour, it was no surprise when of party membership and organi- in an Edinburgh hospital. He was he was adopted as the Liberal can- sation but also on the need for a brought up on Skye and educated at didate for Inverness in 1961. John- coherent campaign in the Scottish Carbost Public School and Portree ston’s potential had been spotted Highlands. This centred on the idea High School. After graduating MA by Jo Grimond, then the leader of of a Highland Development Board, (Hons) in history from the Univer- the party, who, in turn, informed which Johnston developed further sity of Edinburgh he did National the party’s winnable seats commit- in the pamphlet Highland Devel- Service, being commissioned into tee, chaired by Jeremy Thorpe MP. opment.3 The strategy elected not the Intelligence Corps and rising to The committee enabled Johnston to Johnston only Johnston in Inverness, but also become second-in-command of the concentrate on winning the elec- George Mackie in Caithness and British Intelligence Unit in Berlin. tion when in 1963 it organised the served at Sutherland and Alasdair Macken- After National Service he returned funding for a research post with the zie in Ross and Cromarty, making to Edinburgh to take a teaching Scottish Liberal Party enabling him Westminster Grimond no longer the sole Scottish degree at Moray House College to quit his teaching job.1 Liberal MP. of Education and became a his- Johnston’s predecessor in Inver- continuously Johnston served at Westminster tory teacher at Liberton secondary ness had been John Bannerman, continuously for thirty-three years, school near Edinburgh in 1961. the man he regarded as his political for thirty- successfully defending his seat in Johnston had a facility for lan- mentor. Bannerman had built up the eight consecutive elections. He guages being bilingual in English Inverness seat since 1950. In 1961, three years, served nineteen years for Inverness and Gaelic; he was later to become however, as chairman of the Scottish successfully and, after boundary changes which fluent in French and Italian. At party and one of its most charismatic saw the seat lose Johnston’s native both school and university, he dis- figures, Bannerman decided to fight defending Skye, fourteen years for Inver- played a talent for debating and was the Paisley by-election2 and took ness, Nairn and Lochaber (1964–87 a member of the teams that won the 41.4 per cent of the vote to come just his seat in as a Liberal; 1987–92 as a Liberal Scotsman debating prize in 1956 1,654 votes behind Labour. Hav- Democrat). Throughout, Johnston and 1957 and the Observer Mace in ing come so close, Bannerman then eight con- attended diligently to constituents’ 1961. Johnston joined the Liberal decided to fight Paisley again in the concerns and campaigned vigor- Party whilst at university, because 1964 general election, but a 7.5 per secutive ously against what he saw as the he agreed with the writings of the cent swing back to Labour kept him social and economic neglect of the Yorkshire Liberal Elliot Dodds, in second place. elections. Highlands. Increasingly, however,

Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 29 russell johnston he paid less and less attention to as parliamentary representative for him, justice for the group, of the state of his local party and its the Royal National Institute for the which he is a part, will follow capacity to fight elections and, as Blind from 1977 to 1997. logically. While the converse is his attention turned more towards Johnston served on the execu- untrue. In this it is fundamen- Europe, he became vulnerable to tive of the Scottish Liberal Party and tally set apart from philosophies the charge made by his opponents: then the Scottish Liberal Democrats like Communism, Socialism and ‘Russell’s in Brussels’. The combi- for thirty-three years from 1961 Nationalism, which start from nation of these factors meant that, to1994. He became vice-chairman this converse, seek to better the with the exception of the election in 1965 and chairman in 1970. He group and believe that this will in 1983, when the Liberals and the was elected to the new position of lead, in time, to the improve- Social Democrat Party (‘SDP’) con- leader of the Scottish party in 1974 ment of the individual’s lot.5 tested the election as the Alliance, and was president from 1988 to 1994. It [Liberalism] is a philoso- Johnston’s share of the vote never He also sought and held office at a phy of distributivism, of decen- got above 40 per cent and in his last UK level. In 1976, on the resignation tralisation and devolution. In contest, in 1992, it dropped to only of Thorpe, who had been leader of Government, the Liberal looks 26 per cent, the lowest percentage the UK party since 1967, Johnston for solutions which, at one and share by a winning candidate in the sought the UK leadership, but only the same time, will facilitate co- election, leaving him with a major- John Pardoe, who was also stand- operation over the widest field ity of only 458 after three recounts. ing, was prepared to nominate him. – hence his enthusiasm for the The year after Johnston was Johnston then backed Pardoe against European Community and the first elected, he was joined at West- Steel who was elected. Following the United Nations – and at the same minster by David Steel, following merger with the SDP, Johnston was time involve individuals to the the latter’s by-election victory in elected unopposed as deputy leader fullest extent in regulating their Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles. of the Social and Liberal Democrats own communities by creating After Grimond stepped down as in each of the years 1988 to 1992. federal institutions which rec- leader in 1967, Johnston and Steel Having been attracted to the ognise national aspirations, by went on to dominate the party in Liberal Party by the writings of strengthening local government Scotland for the next three decades. Elliot Dodds, and being an accom- and decentralising the maximum Although they did not always agree, plished orator and lucid writer, degree of power possible to the and Steel went on to become leader Johnston spent much of his time smallest unit possible.6 of the party, both, in their different articulating the principles of Lib- ways, played a major part in devel- eralism in which he so passionately From before he was adopted as a oping the party in the UK from believed. In 1972 he wrote and parliamentary candidate through to being a disparate body of just ten published a pamphlet, To Be a Lib- the early 1980s, Johnston undertook MPs in 1965, to presenting a more eral,4 which stands comparison with Because a wide range of speaking engage- coherent political force, as the Lib- many excellent treatises on Liber- ments throughout the UK at which eral Democrats, with twenty-six alism published before and after. Liberalism he demonstrated his oratorical skills MPs, by the time they both retired For some time, the Scottish party and, invariably, moved his audi- from Parliament in 1997. sent a copy to anyone exhibiting is about the ence to understand why liberalism Whilst being part of a small par- an interest in liberalism, and many mattered. He also addressed public liamentary team almost guaranteed prominent members of the Scottish individual, meetings during general elections a portfolio, nevertheless Johnston’s party in the 1990s, such as Jim Wal- and by-elections, which was much talents were always recognised and lace (MP for Orkney and Shetland it makes the appreciated, by candidates, party he was a front-bench spokesper- 1983–2001, MSP for Orkney 1999– workers and the public. Johnston’s son throughout his parliamentary 2007, leader of the Scottish party assumption annual conference speeches were career. His first portfolio was edu- 1993–2005) attest to having joined inspirational (and, incidentally, cation (1964–66), and he then moved the party after reading Johnston’s that if we almost always contained a refer- on to Northern Ireland (1966–70), pamphlet. ence to his mentor Bannerman). foreign affairs (1970–75, 1979–85), The pamphlet sets out a broad concentrate Based on his elegantly crafted script Scottish affairs (1970–73, 1975–83, canvas of liberal thinking and its and delivered in classical oratori- 1985–88), defence (1983–88), and, for application and relevance to cur- on him, jus- cal style, they took on a legendary the Liberal Democrats, foreign and rent affairs. Many passages from the quality and became as eagerly commonwealth affairs (1988–94), pamphlet appear in Johnston’s later tice for the awaited at Federal assemblies (of the European community affairs (1988– speeches and writings but the fol- Scottish, English and Welsh par- 94), East–West relations (1992–94), lowing quotations on the primacy group, of ties) as at Scottish conferences. The and central and eastern Europe of the individual and on the need which he is a two published volumes of John- (1994–97). In addition, Johnston for government to occur at the most ston’s speeches are not only a splen- was a member of the Parliamen- appropriate level represent themes part, will fol- did commentary on contemporary tary Committee for Privileges from that recurred as he pursued not politics from a Scottish perspective 1988 to 1992. Throughout his par- only home rule, but also interna- low logically. but also a significant record of the liamentary career, Johnston took tional human rights and European Scottish contribution to Liberal a particular interest in the rights federalism. While the thinking and confirm Johnston’s of the blind, serving as parliamen- constancy of approach in an ever- tary spokesman for the Scottish Because Liberalism is about the converse is changing political landscape. Per- National Federation for the Welfare individual, it makes the assump- haps his best remembered quotation of the Blind from 1967 to 1997 and tion that if we concentrate on untrue. is the epithet with which he closed

30 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 russell johnston his 1971 conference speech: ‘To be a Johnston to work with others in the right to proportional representation. Liberal and to know it is enough.’7 circumstances.14 Despite the defeat of his bill, John- After the election of 1966, John- drew a Johnston was a passionate Scot. ston remained a consistent and ston’s clear understanding of Scot- He was a fluent Gaelic speaker persistent advocate for home rule tish affairs saw him appointed as a distinction who each year attended the pre- and, in 1972, he reaffirmed his con- member of the Royal Commission mier Gaelic festival, the Royal viction, adding proportional rep- on Local Government in Scotland between National Mod. He was an enthusi- resentation to his argument. ‘I am which reported in 1969.8 Compris- ast for shinty (a Scottish variation certain that the Scots, given a fair ing five out of the twelve members three con- of hurling) serving as vice chief electoral system and the oppor- of the parliamentary party, the of the sport’s governing body, the tunity to consider their future as Scots were a dominant force and cepts: the Camanachd Association, from 1987 a nation … would opt for a form their failure to agree on whether nation as to 1990. He wore his kilt with skean of self-government.’18 That state- or not to have an electoral pact dhu with pride on all major occa- ment was made in anticipation of with the Scottish Nationalists was the symbolic sions, including while delivering the publication of the Kilbrandon described by Steel as: ‘the running his maiden speech in the House of Commission’s proposals on the con- sore of the 1966–70 parliament.’9 community Commons, despite the rule for- stitution which reported in 1973.19 That running sore provided the bidding the carrying of offensive After a lengthy delay, the Labour second of two examples of John- which gives weapons, and, as leader, when deliv- government introduced in 1976 an ston never being afraid to speak his ering his annual speech to the Scot- unwieldy and complex bill which mind and never cavilling at tak- your feeling tish conference. But he was not a combined two different schemes for ing on the establishment. First, in nationalist. Scottish and Welsh Assemblies. It 1968, prior to the Federal assembly of identity; Johnston drew a distinction progressed very slowly through its in Edinburgh, Johnston denounced between three concepts: the nation committee stage and finally fell in Grimond as a ‘dilettante revolu- national- as the symbolic community which February 1977. tionary’ for questioning the role of gives your feeling of identity; Johnston showed his willing- democracy10 and later criticised him ism as an nationalism as an emotional com- ness to cooperate with other parties during his speech to the Assembly. mitment to the nation becoming a when, in March 1977, he supported As Grimond’s biographer, Michael emotional nation state; and the nation state as a Steel’s package of measures which McManus, observed: ‘to attack Gri- political formation which rules over was to form the basis of the agree- mond once might be regarded as a commitment a given territory defined by its bor- ment that became known as the mistake but to do so twice was wan- ders. He stated, for example: ‘The Lib–Lab pact. Johnston believed ton iconoclasm.’11 Second, Johnston to the nation recognition of national identity that, with the country facing a seri- clashed with Grimond again over becoming a is a basic part of the whole liberal ous economic crisis with inflation nationalism, and when, in 1969, ethos as spelt out by Gladstone and verging on 20 per cent, the nation Grimond called for cooperation nation state; Asquith and Sinclair and McCor- needed not only proposals for eco- with the Nationalists, this drew a mick and Bannerman.’15 And again: nomic recovery but also the will tart response from Johnston to the and the ‘My criticism of the SNP has … of political parties to cooperate.20 effect that nationalist parties are far concentrated on the concept and the He also supported the measures in from liberal.12 Johnston effectively nation state fact that I as a Liberal, pledged to a the package for direct elections to won that argument because, whilst person based philosophy, while able the European Parliament, and for cooperation with the Nationalists as a political not only to accept but advance dev- devolution for Scotland and Wales, was raised again, it never became a olutionary and federal structures, with the possibility of all of these serious proposition. Referring to formation found the exclusivity of nationalism elections being by proportional rep- his clashes with Grimond, at the unacceptable.’16 resentation. At the meeting of the Scottish conference in June 1976, which rules Two years after entering par- parliamentary party to discuss the Johnston paid Grimond a fulsome liament, and two years off the half continuation of the pact, following tribute adding mischievously: ‘You over a given century of the introduction of the the defeat of the proposal for pro- and I have not always agreed, but Bill for Scottish Self-Government portional representation for elec- then it’s not reasonable for you to territory by Asquith’s Liberal administra- tions to the European Parliament, expect to be right all the time!’13 tion in 1914, Johnston introduced, Johnston again supported Steel in Johnston, however, was not defined by its on St Andrews Day 1966, a Scottish the vote, which Steel won by six opposed to all forms of coopera- Self-Government Bill.17 The bill votes to four with two abstentions tion between political parties: quite borders. proposed the devolution of powers and with one member absent.21 the reverse. He made this clear, for to a single-chamber parliament, to During the pact, Johnston was example, in 1970 at the meeting of be called the Scots Parliament, with appointed by Steel to lead the Liberal the parliamentary party to consider a Scottish Treasury and powers to team of negotiators on the drafting Prime Minister Ted Heath’s offer levy and collect all taxes in Scotland of a Scottish Assembly Bill. Johnston of a coalition. The majority not other than the duties of customs and was credited by Steel as having ‘done only rejected the offer but stated it excise. The bill fell when the gov- a very workmanlike reconstruction was quite wrong ever to consider ernment whips objected to it at sec- of the devolution package’22 that had collaboration of that kind with ond reading. been originally produced and stoutly another party. Johnston supported Given his frequent references defended by Labour’s John Smith. Grimond and Steel in the view to the unfairness of the UK’s first- The Scotland and Wales Bills that that it was nonsense for a party that past-the-post electoral system, followed became acts in 1978. The believed in proportional representa- the one glaring omission from acts provided for referenda to be tion not to be willing, in principle, Johnston’s bill was any reference held but with a threshold requiring

Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 31 russell johnston

40 per cent of the registered elector- Although in Scotland and on 12 September His judgement, however, was not ate to vote in favour of the proposi- 1981 he moved the resolution for always sound. Following two vis- tion before it could be introduced. Johnston the formation on the Alliance in its to Greece in 1968 as a guest of In the referenda held on 1 March Scotland27 that presaged the pass- the military government to see the 1979, the Scots voted in favour by a went on to ing of a similar motion at the Fed- conditions in which political pris- narrow majority but it represented eral aassembly in Llandudno. The oners were held, he exonerated the only 33 per cent of those entitled to become one SDP then approved arrangements colonels, describing them as ‘officers vote, thus failing the 40 per cent test, for an Alliance and, by October, and gentlemen’, which infuriated whereas the Welsh voted against by of the most guidelines had been agreed for Amnesty International amongst 80 per cent. dividing up constituencies between others.31 Johnston continued to argue powerful the parties. Johnston led for the Johnston defended the resistance the case for home rule, but there advocates Liberals in Scotland but he found to Iran’s theocratic regime for three was no appetite for such a measure the SDP’s formulaic approach very decades having become deeply within the Conservative govern- for merger difficult as he believed the deter- concerned about the suppression ments led by Margaret Thatcher mining factor should be: ‘who will of human rights and democracy and John Major. Johnston had laid with the SDP, achieve the best result for the Alli- in Iran following Ayatollah Kho- the ground, however, and in 1989, ance.’28 Despite this very different meini’s appointment as the coun- one year after he stepped down as when coop- approach, Johnston persevered and try’s religious and political leader Scottish leader, the Scottish Con- agreement was reached, but not in 1979. In 1982, along with six stitutional Convention was estab- eration with always in accordance with John- other Liberal MPs, he wrote a let- lished chaired jointly by Steel and ston’s preference. ter to Massoud Rajavi, president the former Labour Scottish Minis- the SDP was In the immediate aftermath of of the National Council of Resist- ter Lord Harry Ewing. The Con- Jenkins’s by-election victory in Hill- ance of Iran and leader of the Peo- vention, which reported in 1995, first mooted head in March 1982, Johnston spoke ple’s Mojahedin of Iran (‘PMOI’) produced the blueprint for a Scot- about the kind of approach and the to declare their support and that of tish Parliament, but, by the time he was kind of programme the Alliance their party for the Iranian’s peo- the Labour government passed the was putting before the electorate, ple’s resistance.32 In 2006, Johnston Scotland Act 1998, Johnston had left sceptical. He describing it as being within the joined Lord Alton of Liverpool and the House of Commons. framework of Liberalism and the others to mount an eventually suc- Although Johnston went on to had often Liberal Party because ‘the Alliance cessful legal challenge to the UK become one of the most power- was coming together with such a government over its ban on Iran’s ful advocates for merger with the commented minimum of ideological difficulty.’29 main democratic opposition group, SDP, when cooperation with the upon what Johnston campaigned with renewed the PMOI.33 SDP was first mooted he was scep- vigour in the 1983 general election Johnston was quietly sympa- tical. He had often commented he described in which the Alliance gained 25.4 thetic to the Palestinians and made upon what he described as the two per cent of the vote but managed to several visits to the Middle East, Labour parties: the social democrats as the two take only 3.5 per cent of the seats. including one in 1980, when, as for- and the tribunites glued together Following the election, Johnston eign affairs spokesman, he was part by the chance of office.23 Johnston Labour par- was amongst the first of the Liberal of Steel’s team that carried out an had also long seen merit in talking MPs to advocate a full merger with extensive visit to the region lasting to members of the social demo- ties: the the SDP but got little support from over a fortnight. The report of the crat wing of the Labour party such within the party and the new leader delegation had a material effect on as Shirley Williams, whom he social demo- of the SDP, David Owen, had set his shifting the perception of the party described in 1979 as ‘a Liberal’,24 face against such a move. as being uninterested in the Arab and Roy Jenkins, to whom he gave crats and When Steel called for a merger side of the problem and an uncriti- fulsome praise for his contribu- between the two parties, shortly cal supporter of the state of Israel tion in securing a ‘Yes’ vote in the the tribu- after the 1987 general election, to a more balanced position sup- 1975 European referendum,25 but he Johnston swiftly and enthusiasti- porting the right of Israel to exist could not forget that, for the chance nites glued cally supported the call but with within internationally recognised of office, both had voted against the the caveat that the merged party and secure borders but as part of a legislation that allowed the UK to together by should be called the Liberal Demo- solution that involved the creation join the European Community in crat Party. Merger was agreed in of a Palestinian homeland.34 1972. Johnston, therefore, made his the chance of September and Steel summed up the Johnston’s acute antennae for position clear: ‘Of course, I’m in office. conference at Harrogate thus: ‘the foreign affairs often identified cru- favour of co-operation but I’m not Assembly voted overwhelmingly cial issues in advance of other MPs. selling the great Liberal tradition … for a new political party in a spirit One example was in 1991, when the for a mish-mash of unsalted social typified by an inspirational speech Yugoslav tanks were rolling into democratic porridge.’26 by Russell Johnston.’30 Ljubljana, the Slovenian capital. He Johnston’s concerns were Johnston was first given respon- already had questions on the order answered by Steel and Jenkins sibility for the foreign affairs port- paper to the Foreign Secretary, (leader of the SDP) making it folio in 1970 and, whilst he spoke Douglas Hurd, and was quickly able clear, at the outset, that any form knowledgeably on all aspects of to ask the government to assuage his of cooperation was to be on the international affairs, he took a par- fears on the trouble that lay ahead in basis of a statement of principles. ticular interest in promoting lib- the event of a possible break up of Johnston was therefore happy to erty, democracy, human rights, the Yugoslav federation.35 In 1992, lead the negotiations with the SDP and international cooperation. he accompanied Paddy Ashdown,

32 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 russell johnston then leader of the Liberal Demo- His disappointment in 1979 prior to its joining the Council in crats, throughout the Balkans and was nothing compared to the dev- 1995. With one of the conditions of was filmed at Manjaca a prison astation he felt in 1984 when he membership of the Council being camp, which was alleged to have was heavily defeated by Ewing respect for human rights, Johnston breached human rights, and where by 16,277 votes. By then, how- also took part in investigations emaciated victims were found.36 ever, Ewing had positioned her- into a number of allegations of In 1993, he beseeched Radovan self as Scotland’s voice in Europe possible breaches of human rights. Karadzic, the Bosnian Serb leader, and earned herself the sobriquet These included denial of freedom to accept the Cyrus Vance/David ‘Madame Ecosse’. Despite Johnston of expression in Greece in 1999; Owen settlement and warned Kara- declaring he would relinquish his progress towards the human rights dzic of the dire consequences if he Westminster seat, Highland voters of Croatian Serbs in 2001; and into refused. His warnings proved to be were clear: they had sent Johnston Chechen victims of human rights all too accurate.37 to represent them at Westminster in abuses in 2002. As part of the proc- Johnston’s enthusiasm for the 1983 with his biggest ever majority ess of members of the European devolution of power as expressed and, in 1984 with a swing of nearly 8 Council having to establish a plu- through self-government at home per cent to the Nationalists, mostly ralistic democracy, Johnston also was matched by his enthusiasm for from the Conservatives, they frequently acted as an observer of the development of cooperation returned Ewing to represent them the conduct of parliamentary elec- between the regions and nations of in Europe. tions such as in Albania in1997, Europe. ‘What the Liberal seeks is a There were a number of factors Armenia and the Russian Federa- sensitive and fair chain of govern- that contributed to Johnston’s sense tion in 2003 and Bosnia and Herze- ment from the individual up to the of devastation in defeat. There was a govina in 2006.41 broadest practical level, which one sense of hurt that, as a proud High- Within the Parliamentary day will be world government.’38 lander, he had again been rejected Assembly of the Council of Europe, Johnston believed that the solution by his ain folk. This was com- he led the Liberal Democratic to dealing with the remote and sensi- pounded by the fact that the win- and Reformers’ Group from 1994 tive parts of Europe might be: ‘in the ner was not a Highlander and was to 1999 and was chairman of the end a con-federal answer, indeed an a member of the Nationalist party Committee for Culture and Edu- answer perhaps through the Euro- that had campaigned for a ‘No’ vote cation from 1996 to 1999. Within pean Parliament based not on the in the 1975 European referendum. the Parliamentary Assembly of the existing states of Europe but on the Perhaps above all else, however, Western European Union he was a regions and nations within them.’39 having become increasingly disillu- member of the Defence Commit- ‘Europe des Regions’, as he put it.40 sioned about his own and the party’s tee and was twice its vice chairman: After the UK’s accession to the prospects at Westminster, John- Johnston’s first from 1984 to1986 and again EU in 1973, Johnston volunteered ston had come to believe that his enthusi- from 2002 until his death. to become a member of the UK political future lay in the European In recognition of his outstanding Delegation to the European Assem- Parliament. asm for the contribution to its work for nearly bly from 1973–75 and, after a break Determined to pursue his inter- fifteen years, Johnston was elected of nine months, from 1976–79. He est in European affairs, Johnston devolution president of the Parliamentary was desperately keen to become a turned to the Parliamentary Assem- Assembly of the Council of Europe directly elected member of the Euro- blies of the Council of Europe and of power as from 1999 to 2002. The presidency pean Parliament and stood for the of the Western European Union. was probably the pinnacle of his Highlands and Islands constituency Johnston found a particular reso- expressed political career. Johnston described in the 1979 election. He was hugely nance with the fact that the Council how, having had no opportunity disappointed when he lost by the of Europe had been established with through self- to serve in government he found narrow margin of 3,882 votes to the the express purpose of promoting being ‘projected on to an interna- Nationalist, Winnie Ewing who had human rights and democracy and government tional world where one represented come to prominence in 1967 with a achieving greater unity amongst its an Assembly – covering forty one famous by-election victory in Ham- members. Johnston became a mem- at home was states and 800 million people – an ilton, then the second safest Labour- ber of the UK delegation to both especially vivid and wonderful held seat in Scotland. During the assemblies in 1984–85 and again matched by experience.’42 election campaign, Johnston had from 1987 until his death. Johnston was made a Knight faced two major problems. First, his Johnston was a very active mem- his enthusi- Commander in 1985 and, when he passionate belief in a federal Europe ber of the Council of Europe. He retired from the House of Com- with members of the European par- was heavily engaged in the Coun- asm for the mons in 1997, he was created a life liament acting together on shared cil’s programmes of assistance to development peer changing his surname by deed political objectives rather than on states that were either former mem- poll to Russell-Johnston and tak- the basis of narrow nationalism was bers of the Soviet Union or part of of coopera- ing the title Lord Russell-Johnston not only ahead of its time but also it the former Yugoslavia. He was part of Minginish in Highland. John- did not resonate with the electorate. of numerous delegations and visits, tion between ston was also awarded Grand Cross Second, he was thought by his con- including to Poland, preparatory Orders by Austria, Romania and stituents to be overstretching himself to its full membership of the Euro- the regions San Marino and an Order of Merit and his failure to declare whether he pean Union in 2004, to Armenia from Albania. would relinquish his Westminster and Azerbaijan as they prepared and nations Johnston was regarded with great seat, if successful, was said to have for membership of the Council of affection by all those who came in counted against him. Europe in 2001, and to Macedonia of Europe. contact with him, especially those

Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 33 russell johnston who worked for him in the party, at Johnston was first was organised by the Iranian From 1999 to 2011 Ross Finnie was Westminster and in Europe. He was Resistance movement at its head- the Liberal Democrat List Member of regarded as a genial colleague with regarded quarters in Paris and the second by the Scottish Parliament for the West a delightful sense of humour. He his family, friends and former con- of Scotland. He served as a Cabinet was always accessible, an engaging with great stituents in St Andrews Cathedral, Minister throughout the Liberal Demo- conversationalist who was keen to Inverness. In Paris, tributes were crat/Labour coalitions of 1999–2003 socialise, to share a measure (or more) affection led by Maryam Rajavi, president and 2003–07. He was a local council- of Scotch whisky or to join you for a elect of the national Council of lor in Inverclyde from 1977 to 1999 and meal accompanied by a glass of fine by all those Resistance of Iran. In her address was chair of the Scottish Liberal Party wine. Maryam Rajavi described Lord 1982–86. Johnston married Joan Gra- who came in Russell-Johnston as ‘a man fight- ham Menzies in 1967 and they had contact with ing for justice and a great ally … a 1 Jeremy Thorpe, In My Own Time three sons: Graham, David and symbol who represented (Britain’s) Reminiscences of a Liberal Leader (Politi- Andrew. When Johnston was writ- him, espe- enduring values.’44 In Inverness, his co’s Publishing, 1999), p. 100. ing speeches or articles he displayed friend and former parliamentary 2 Lord Bannerman of Kildonan, Ban- a consistently logical approach but cially those colleague and former party leader, nerman: the memoirs of Lord Bannerman this was in stark contrast to his per- David Steel concluded his warm of Kildonan, ed. John Fowler (Impulse sonal life where he conspired to lead who worked tribute by quoting from the Intro- Publications Ltd, 1972), p. 113. a totally chaotic life style: constantly duction to Johnston’s first volume 3 Russell Johnston, Highland Develop- travelling; generously agreeing to for him in of speeches. ment (Scottish Liberal Party, 1964). speaking engagements; and, as a 4 Russell Johnston, To be a Liberal (Scot- consequence, committing to near the party, Language can sometimes be tish Liberal Party, 1972). impossible schedules. His family life inadequate to represent feeling, 5 Ibid., p. 15. suffered greatly not just from this at Westmin- but for me Liberalism is a Posi- 6 Ibid. but also from his passionate and, at tive Balance. It is a centre in the 7 Russell Johnston, Scottish Liberal Party times, obsessive pursuit of European ster and in sense that people of Liberal dis- Conference Speeches 1971–1978 (Book- affairs, with the result that he had position are motivated always mag, 1979), p. 17. been estranged from his wife Joan Europe. to seek to bridge differences 8 Royal Commission on Local Govern- for over a decade prior to his death, between people, rather than ment in Scotland 1966–1969, Chair- although they remained close. He simply to pick and condemn one man The Rt Hon. Lord Wheatly, was an avid reader, a skilled pho- group outright for intransigence Cmnd 4150 HMSO, 1969. tographer and a compulsive writer or stupidity or malice. How to 9 David Steel, Against Goliath: David of postcards – to the delight of the reconcile free men and women Steel’s Story (George Weidenfeld and very many recipients who were kept with each other, without force, Nicolson Ltd, 1989), p. 59. abreast of his worldwide travels, but that is the aim of the Liberal. 10 Michael McManus, Jo Grimond: a scant consolation to his family. For How to build a society that is law Towards the Sound of Gunfire (Birlinn every post card he wrote, he retained abiding and caring, thrustful yet Limited, 2001), p. 303. a copy thus amassing a remarkable protective, creative yet respect- 11 Ibid., p. 305. record of his itinerant life style. ful, tolerant yet responsible, just 12 Ibid., p. 307. Johnston collapsed and died on yet kind, dispassionate yet com- 13 Johnston, Conference Speeches, p. 55. the eve of his seventy-sixth birth- passionate. In the translation of 14 Steel, Against Goliath, p. 80. day, in a street in Paris, which had the Latin, Liber: free and gener- 15 Johnston, Conference Speeches, p. 39. become his favourite city. He had ous. The perpetual search for 16 Sir Russell Johnston, Just Russell: The been diagnosed earlier in the year ways of reconciling order with collected speeches of Sir Russell Johnston with cancer of the bone marrow, for understanding, stricture with MP 1979–1986 (Scottish Liberal Party, which he was receiving chemother- sympathy, hope with reality. 1987), p. 9. apy, but had continued to work on It is a profoundly radical 17 Scottish Self-Government Bill [Bill human rights issues for the Coun- approach-going to the root of 145] HMSO 1966 cil of Europe. Following his death, all problems – in a society which 18 Johnston, To be a Liberal, p. 29. Nick Clegg, leader of the Liberal regards kindness as boring, 19 Royal Commission on the Constitu- Democrats, paid this tribute: ‘Lord compassion as weak, fairness as tion 1969–1973, Chairman The Rt Russell-Johnston was an institution foolish. Hon. Lord Kilbrandon, Cmnd 5460 in his own right. A long-standing And it is difficult. And it is HMSO, 1973. MP in the Highlands, a liberal to his complicated. And it does not 20 Johnston, Conference Speeches, p. 66. fingertips … but above all a com- appeal to the self-interested or 21 Steel, Against Goliath, p. 137. mitted lifelong pro-European. Just the self-righteous or the simplis- 22 David Steel, A House Divided: The last week on the last occasion I saw tic or the militant. Lib–Lab Pact and the Future of Brit- him he was pressing me on the latest A credo with a valid claim to ish Politics (George Weidenfeld and European issues of the day. He will provide the basic rules for human Nicolson Ltd, 1980), p. 72. be sorely missed, not only by his society cannot be other than 23 Johnston, Just Russell, p. 5. friends, family and colleagues in the complex and full of is and buts 24 Ibid., p. 5. UK but by all those countless peo- and perhaps-es.45 25 Johnston, Conference Speeches, p. 43. ple whose lives he touched through- 26 Johnston, Just Russell, p. 20. out Europe.’43 Steel aptly and succinctly summed 27 Ibid., pp. 30–33. Two memorial services were up this quotation as: ‘Quintessen- 28 Ibid., p. 32. held in honour of Johnston. The tially Russell’. 29 Ibid., p. 38.

34 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 reports

30 Steel, Against Goliath, p. 287. 39 Johnston, To be a Liberal, p. 29. wave, it passes my comprehension 31 The Guardian obituary, 29 July 2008. 40 Johnston, Conference Speeches, p. 49. to understand how a hereditary 32 Quoted from the text of the speech 41 Dates and records of membership of house like this [the Lords] can hold delivered by Maryam Rajavi on 4 delegations and visitations extracted its own’. August 2008. from the website of the Parliamentary The mounting difference 33 Proscribed Organisations Appeal Assembly of the Council of Europe. between an unelected Lords and a Commission – Appeal No. 42 Lord Russell-Johnston, Humankind Commons elected on an increas- PC/02/2006. Appellants: Lord Alton Has No Nationality, speeches as Presi- ingly broad franchise, compounded of Liverpool and others. Respond- dent of the Council of Europe Parlia- by the frequent rejection of Liberal ent: Secretary of state for the Home mentary Assembly 1999 (Council of measures by a Tory-dominated Department. Europe Publishing, 2000), p. 5. Lords, resulted in a Liberal resolu- 34 Steel, Against Goliath, p. 189. 43 Quoted from the text the statement tion to ‘mend or end’ the upper 35 Guardian obituary. issued by Nick Clegg, leader of the chamber. Lords reform featured in 36 Paddy Ashdown, The Ashdown Dia- Liberal Democrat Party, 28 July 2008. the Newcastle Programme of 1891, ries, Volume One 1988–1997 (Penguin, 44 Maryam Rajavi. and in 1907 a Cabinet committee 2000), p. 188. 45 Quoted from the text of the tribute was created by the Liberal govern- 37 Guardian obituary. delivered by The Rt Hon. the Lord ment to look at Lords reform. All 38 Johnston, Conference Speeches, p. 6. Steel of Aikwood on 11 August 2008. this predated the 1909 People’s Bud- get and so showed, Norton said, that the famous crisis it triggered was not the underlying reason for Lords reform. However, Norton did believe that nature of the immediate events of the 1909 crisis was important in shaping the Lords reform that took Reports place. Asquith initially favoured the notion that, if the Lords blocked legislation, this would be resolved by a conference (or conciliation Lords reform 1911–2011 committee) made up of all MPs and a smaller number of Lords. How- Conference fringe meeting, 11 March 2011, with Lord Norton In consid- ever, this was rejected, and instead and Lord Marks; chair: Baroness Scott the Lords were given the ability to ering the delay rather than reject – and then Report by Mark Pack solely for non-money bills and only nature of the for two parliamentary sessions. ne hundred years on from to current Lords reform debates. Norton also pointed out that the 1911 Parliament Act, He pointed out that, although the reform, the the Liberal Party’s failure to win Othe Liberal Democrat His- ostensible stimulus for the Parlia- a strong mandate in the two 1910 tory Group’s Sheffield conference ment Act was the rejection of the Liberal Cabi- elections in some ways assisted the meeting looked at the history of 1909 People’s Budget, this was in passage of Lords reform, because Lords reform – what has happened fact only an immediate trigger and net decided it made them dependent on Irish in the intervening 100 years and is that there were two causes rooted Nationalist MPs who – with memo- major reform now really just round more deeply in history. The first that it did ries of home rule legislation – were the corner? dated back to the days of Pitt the much keener on Lords reform than Ably chaired by former Liberal Younger, who secured the creation not wish to many Liberals. The Nationalists Democrat President Baroness Ros of a large number of new peers, giv- demanded Lords reform in return Scott, the meeting started with ing the chamber a Tory (and later change the for support for the Liberal Budget. her recounting how her own per- Conservative) majority. This gave In considering the nature of the sonal experiences of the House the Lords a partisan dominance that composition reform, the Liberal Cabinet decided of Lords were a reflection of how was a problem when there were that it did not wish to change the often Lords reform had been prom- Liberal prime ministers. Second, of the Lords, composition of the Lords, for fear ised imminently but never quite the Great Reform Act and then, that this would strengthen the arrived. When Baroness Scott more importantly, the 1867 Reform for fear that mandate of the Lords in any future was made a peer in 1999, Charles Act introduced a level of popular this would disputes (something with shades Kennedy – then Liberal Democrat involvement in elections that raised of later controversies). It was only leader – said to her that, since the an expectation that parliament over- strengthen in the second half of the twentieth Labour government was fully com- all should be elected by the public. century that Lords reform moved mitted to Lords reform, she would Norton quoted a prophetic warning the mandate from the issue of the powers of the not be there for long. Twelve years by Lord Shaftesbury, during the Lords to that of its composition, on, there she still is. 1867 Reform Act debates, who had of the Lords with the concomitant and con- Philip Norton (Lord Norton of said that it would have an impact on tinuing controversy over whether Louth), a Conservative peer and the Lords, because ‘in the presence in any future such reform would strengthen renowned constitutionalist, pro- of this great democratic power, and the Lords and therefore impede vided the historical background the advance of this great democratic disputes further reform. Hence it was a

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