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The British Self and Continental Other a Discourse Analysis of the United Kingdom’S Relationship with Europe

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The British Self and Continental Other a Discourse Analysis of the United Kingdom’S Relationship with Europe The British Self and Continental Other A Discourse Analysis of the United Kingdom’s Relationship with Europe John Todd ARENA Report No 1/15 The British Self and Continental Other A Discourse Analysis of the United Kingdom’s Relationship with Europe John Todd Copyright © ARENA and the author ISBN (print) 978-82-93137-47-4 ISBN (online) 978-82-93137-97-9 ARENA Report Series (print) | ISSN 0807-3139 ARENA Report Series (online) | ISSN 1504-8152 Printed at ARENA Centre for European Studies University of Oslo P.O. Box 1143, Blindern N-0318 Oslo, Norway Tel: + 47 22 85 87 00 Fax: + 47 22 85 87 10 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.arena.uio.no Oslo, March 2015 Cover picture: Illustration “British Self and Continental Other” created by John Todd. The work is a derivative of “Flag Map of European Union” (Wikimedia Commons, licence CC-BY-SA-3.0). Abstract This report analyses how the British discourse on Europe has evolved over the past forty years. Prime Minister David Cameron’s commitment to hold a referendum on European Union membership in 2017, should his part win the next general election, was a major political milestone. The report therefore examines the changes and continuities in this discourse over three key periods: the 1975 referendum on the UK’s continued membership of the European Economic Community, the 1992-3 debates on ratification of the Maastricht Treaty and the 2013 proto-referendum debates. Using a poststructuralist discourse-analytical approach, I analyse how political and media voices seek to delineate a British sense of self from a Continental other. I also address the rising prominence of immigration issues within the British discourse on Europe. I found that issues of sovereignty and democracy were a consistent feature across the three periods under analysis, with Eurosceptics seeking to frame the EU and what came before it as anti-democratic and a threat to British sovereignty. The consistent divide between a British self and Continental other over the forty years under analysis has been strongly reinforced by the increasing prominence of anti-immigration rhetoric within the discourse. Overall, I note that the impact of the Eurosceptics’ discursive campaign will have a significant impact should a referendum take place in 2017. Acknowledgements This research report is based upon academic work undertaken at the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Embarking on this work involved a lot of change for me, including a change of city from Belfast to Oslo and a break from a full time professional career—for which I am most grateful to the Department of Justice Northern Ireland for enabling—to study in a new field. I have thoroughly enjoyed all of it. The programme at NMBU was excellent: a good mix of solid theoretical foundations and contemporary empirical research. The connection with the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) has been very valuable in this regard. Stig Jarle Hansen, Benjamin de Carvalho, Halvard Leira, Nina Græger and Iver Neumann deserve praise for their hard work in this regard. The work itself has been very enjoyable to write. The British political and media discourse is always entertaining to read, not least when colourfully addressing European matters. I am very grateful to Nina Græger and Chris Lord for their sage advice and support throughout the writing process. I am also very much indebted to the ARENA Centre for European Studies. ARENA’s provision of a scholarship enabled me to write in a highly stimulating and engaging academic environment. The open and friendly culture, combined with skilled people committed to producing high quality research has been inspiring. On a personal level, I would like to say a huge thank you to Mari for her unstinting, generous support and good humour – tusen takk min kjære! Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction..…………………………………………….. 1 Context and justification: Why now?……………………………….. 2 Aims/objectives……………………………………………………….. 4 Report outline………………………………………………………….. 4 Chapter 2: Theory and Methodology…………………………..…... 7 Ontology…………………………………….…………………….….... 8 Methodology – Why discourse analysis?........................................ 10 Method………………………………………………………………... 14 Reflections on potential limitations and bias…………….…………. 21 Chapter conclusion…………….…………………………………..…. 23 Chapter 3: The British Discourse on Europe 1975: Wilson and the First Referendum………………………………………………… 27 Economy, jobs and trade……………………………………………… 29 Agriculture, food and fisheries……………………………………… 34 Sovereignty and democracy.………………………………………… 38 Consequences for peace and security.……………………………… 46 Portrayals of party division.…………………………………………. 47 Chapter conclusion.…………………………………………………... 49 Chapter 4: The British Discourse on Europe 1992–3: Major and the ‘Maastricht bastards’………………………………………......... 51 Centralisation, federalisation and subsidiarity…………………….. 55 Economic and Monetary Union……………………………………... 60 Sovereignty and democracy………………………………………….. 65 Freedom of movement and immigration…………………………… 71 The social protocol…………………………………………………….. 73 Portrayals of party division………………………………………….. 75 Chapter conclusion………..………………………………………….. 76 Chapter 5: The British Discourse on Europe 2013: Cameron and the Second Referendum…………………………………………….. 79 Sovereignty and democracy………………………………………….. 82 Immigration……..…………………………………………………….. 88 Economy, jobs and prosperity…………………………………..…… 92 EU Reform……………………………………………………………... 96 Trusting the people………………………………………..………….. 98 Portrayals of party division…………………………………………... 99 Chapter conclusion………………….………………………………... 101 Chapter 6: Conclusion………………………………………………… 103 The Continental Other………………………………………………… 104 Key continuities and key changes…………………………………... 105 Effects and implications……………………………………….……… 108 References…………………………………………………………….. 112 List of Figures, Tables and Illustrations Figures Figure 1: The constitutive relationship between identity and foreign policy………………………………………..………………… 9 Figure 2: Power, authority, truth and knowledge……….………… 12 Figure 3: Example of linking and differentiation……..…………… 18 Figure 4: The spatial, temporal and ethical dimensions of identity…………………………………………………………………. 19 Figure 5: British representations of the continental other……..….. 105 Tables Table 1: Sources of the analysis……..……………………….............. 16 Illustrations Illustration 1: Excerpt from ‘yes’ campaign booklet………………. 29 Illustration 2: Excerpt from ‘no’ campaign booklet……..………… 30 Illustration 3: Excerpt from ‘yes’ campaign booklet…..…………… 34 Illustration 4: Section header from ‘no’ campaign booklet……….. 39 Illustration 5: Excerpt from Conservative Party press release on David Cameron’s speech…………………………………………….. 80 Illustration 6: British self/continental other……..…………………. 108 Illustration 7: Billboard van with Home Office immigration poster….……………………………………………………………….. 109 Chapter 1 Introduction History is not what you thought. It is what you can remember. All other history defeats itself. Preface to 1066 and all that (Sellar & Yeatman 1930) This report studies the evolution of the British discourse on Europe since the 1970s. I wish to explore this topic because it has enduring political significance for the United Kingdom and the fortunes of its political leaders. Two of the UK’s most famous Prime Ministers were hugely affected by issues emanating from continental Europe: such challenges were the making of Churchill and the breaking of Thatcher1. The relationship between the UK and the European Union has the potential for dramatic change following David Cameron’s commitment to hold an in/out referendum on EU membership, should his party win the 2015 general election. I am also interested in the increasing prominence of immigration within the British discourse on Europe. Analysing the British discourse on Europe will, I believe, be useful both in understanding how the referendum commitment became possible and in proposing some implications for how a referendum campaign might play out. In theoretical terms, I hope to demonstrate that poststructuralist discourse analysis can 1 Margaret Thatcher’s intransigence over Europe was her undoing, with former ally Geoffrey Howe delivering a fatal blow to her authority in his resignation speech (Howe 1990). 2 John Todd provide interesting, accessible and useful insights into questions of foreign policy and identity. Context and justification: why now? Europe has always been of critical importance for the future of the UK and its political leaders, with a history of migration, invasion and power-balancing that has caused much strife for people and politicians alike. Europe has throughout history been the UK’s biggest trading partner and a source of existential threat to the nation (be this threat Napoleonic France or Nazi Germany). European issues of one sort or another have therefore never been too far from the top of the British political agenda. The relationship issues have continued to trouble the political leaders of the UK even after the country joined the European Economic Community in 1973. The UK has come to be regarded as an awkward partner in the project of European integration (see Daddow 2006: 311) and the “home of the term Euroscepticism” (Spiering 2004: 127). Nigel Farage and his populist United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) are employing the issue of Europe to mount what has been termed by Professor John Curtice “the most serious fourth party incursion” into English politics since the Second World War (quoted in Watt 2013) . In an example of history rhyming, if
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