It’s About Freedom

The Report of the Liberal Democracy Working Group

Policy Paper 50

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Contents

Foreword 5

Summary: Our Core Values 7

The Development of our Core Values 10

2.1 Ancient Times to the Nineteenth Century: Individual Freedom 10 2.2 Social and Economic Limits to Freedom 10 2.3 The Impact of the Post-1945 Consensus 12 2.4 The 1980s and 1990s 13

Challenges for Freedom Today: the International Context 16

Challenges for Freedom Today: the UK Context 20

Promoting Freedom 23

5.1 An Enabling State 23 5.2 Individual Rights 25 5.3 Open Markets 26 5.4 Communities 28 5.5 Sustainability 29

Conclusion 32

Appendix 34 (The Preamble to the Party Constitution)

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Foreword

Rt Hon Alan Beith MP Chair of the Liberal Democracy Working Group

The Parliamentary Question which left Tony Blair uncharacteristically lost for words was not about adverse health statistics, ministerial failures or foreign policy: it was a modest request from his own side that he should give the House of Commons a brief characterisation of the political philosophy and beliefs which underpin his policies. His inability to do so, and his hasty retreat into health service investment figures, spoke volumes. If you want to know whether to vote for a political party – even more if you want to join one – it is more important to know something about its underlying beliefs than to know about its policies for this year or next. The policies will almost certainly change, and if there is no underlying framework of belief or philosophy, the direction in which they may change is unpredictable. That has been many Labour voters’ unhappy experience of New Labour in government.

If the same question had not rendered a Conservative leader speechless, it might have evoked from him a statement of beliefs which bore little relationship to current Conservative policy and thinking. That is because traditional Tory beliefs in the need to conserve traditional British institutions, social structures and values were largely overturned in Mrs Thatcher’s time, and the only replacement, which not all Conservatives have managed to take on board, is a narrowly nationalistic and anti- European ideology. The failure of this ideology to attract votes has led to a pragmatic interest on the part of some Conservatives in what to do about the public services, with no clear philosophical starting point.

Liberal Democrats have a distinct advantage which we do too little to advertise or exploit. The Party is based on a clear set of beliefs which can be traced back not only to the nineteenth century, when they were systematically articulated by John Stuart Mill, but even further back to the conflict between Crown and Parliament in the seventeenth century. Fundamental to Liberalism is the belief in the freedom of the individual. That freedom is threatened from many directions: by over-mighty states, by private concentrations of power, by the actions of other individuals, or by circumstances which leave the individual without access to power or opportunity. A preoccupation of Liberalism has therefore been the creation of a democratic system of government which can protect individual liberty and whose institutions are themselves restrained from usurping the freedom of the individual.

This philosophical inheritance has been put to the test at times of great change. The industrial revolution in the early nineteenth century led Liberals both to define the essentials of liberty more precisely and to attempt to tackle, through local government, many of the problems which would have left much of the newly urbanised population excluded from real freedom by squalor, ill-health and lack of education. An increased recognition that social and economic conditions constrained individual freedom led to major developments of the definition of Liberalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries at the hands of L.T. Hobhouse and others. The arrival of mass unemployment in the 1920s brought another development

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as Lloyd George drew on Keynes and others to define how the state could manage the economy so as to prevent the freedom of millions being destroyed by their exclusion from paid employment. The end of the Second World War saw William Beveridge again redefining the scope of Liberalism, by setting out a system of social welfare but presenting it in explicitly liberal terms as a system needed to secure the freedom of the individual by establishing “freedom from want and fear of want,” and “freedom from idleness and fear of idleness.”

The union of Liberals and Social Democrats in the creation of the Liberal Democrats in 1988 brought together again elements of the Liberal and social Liberal tradition which had been divided from the 1920s onwards, largely because the growing Labour Party seemed to some to have a more realistic political prospect of achieving greater social justice in a free society than a then declining Liberal Party. It was the strength of their Liberal values and the inability of the Labour Party either to hold firm to those values or to face the challenges of a changing world which motivated the heirs of this tradition to create the SDP and to unite with the Liberal Party.

Thus at key points in our history, the philosophy which underpins the programme of Liberalism and the Liberal Democrats has faced changed circumstances and developed to cope with those circumstances. At the beginning of the twenty-first century we are once again at such a point. Globalisation, the impact of new communication technologies, the collapse of Communism, the rise of international terrorism, the growing drive to protect human rights wherever they are denied, the growth in many democracies such as our own of alienation from the political process, further degradation of the environment and the drive towards sustainability – there is a long list of developments against which any political philosophy needs to be tested, and we need to do that with the philosophy that characterises us as Liberal Democrats.

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Summary: Our Core Values

1.1 The core of the Liberal 1.4 Equally, because some Democrat intellectual inheritance is decisions have to be taken at the Liberalism. We start from the national, European or global level in autonomy and worth of the individual. order to be effective – for example in Any interference with the freedom of safeguarding peace, assuring human the individual to live as he or she rights or protecting the environment – chooses requires to be justified, if it there need to be democratic institutions can be, by reference to a system of capable of taking decisions at that values drawn from that primary level. recognition of individual freedom. 1.5 The freedom of the individual 1.2 Individuals and groups have the is, however, limited or non-existent if capacity, by their actions, to take away he or she is prevented by economic the liberty of others. Therefore there deprivation, lack of education, has to be a system of law and disadvantage or discrimination from institutions which protect individual exercising choices about how to live or freedom. Anarchy cannot protect from participating in the democratic freedom. Democracy is the best known process. It is part of a liberal society means of achieving that protection that institutions, whether state, through collective institutions, but if it voluntary, co-operative or private produces simply the tyranny of the should have the capacity to meet these majority it is not Liberal Democracy. needs while being themselves governed by rules which prevent them 1.3 Constitutional protection of from becoming oppressive. minority rights, and barriers to the oppressive use of majority power are 1.6 Principles of freedom of access essential elements of Liberal are central to the economic as well as Democracy, which is the antithesis of the political sphere; free markets are a the socialist concept of democratic part of liberalism because they centralism. Experience of the way in represent the extension of the concept which politically threatening power of freedom into trade. They are also, in accumulates leads Liberal Democrats many proven respects, effective, but to argue that democratic processes freedom in the market place is neither should operate as locally as possible. automatically self-sustained nor In many cases the lowest possible level sufficient to provide for all those for a decision is the level of the things which a liberal society should individual, and we seek to keep have: institutions are required which decision-making at that level if keep markets free and prevent possible. Where that is not possible, if monopoly. Other mechanisms are a decision can be taken at the level of a needed to ensure that individuals have small local community, it should be access to the things which markets are taken there, rather than at national or unable to provide. supra-national level.

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1.7 Freedoms of present and future not become means of enforcing one generations will be destroyed if we view of life and how it should be lived; destroy or seriously damage key we reject the use of the state or the law elements of our environment: to enforce beliefs. Nor is being a sustainability is a freedom issue. philosophical liberal a requirement of Without sustainability we deny choice living in a liberal polity, desirable to future generations. Without respect though we might think it to be. for the environment we damage Creating a society which is liberal is freedom today with problems such as part of the contest of ideas within flooding, or threats to health and society: liberal democracy is a system livelihoods from pollution or food which allows people to live together in crises. freedom and peace whether or not they share the same ideas. Liberal 1.8 Human rights are universal: the Democrats do not have a blueprint of autonomy of the nation state does not how life should be lived, but we do take precedence over the human rights have a set of principles with which to of its citizens and Liberal Democrats approach problems and decisions. therefore accept that there are circumstances in which the 1.10 Social and economic international community can be inequalities are a key issue in debates justified in intervening, for example, to on political principles. Liberal prevent genocide or to prevent the Democrats are strong campaigners for overthrow of democratic government social justice, but it is important to by violent means. recognise that we place the principle of freedom above the principle of 1.9 Liberalism is not confined to a equality. Equality can be of importance system for prevention of the abuse of to us in so far as it promotes freedom. power or the destruction of individual We do not believe that it can be freedom, and those who believe in it pursued as an end in itself, and believe seek not only the establishment and that when equality is pursued as a maintenance of that system but also a political goal, it is invariably a failure, better society, in which a high quality and the result is to limit liberty and of life is available and people reduce the potential for diversity. recognise their responsibilities towards When equality is pursued as a goal, it one another – a good society. It is a also tends to lead to the belief that the characteristic of Liberal Democrats, central state has the power to achieve it often drawing on their religious or and must be trusted to do so, whatever humanitarian beliefs, to be visionary in the cost in liberty. Many of the most their view of what society could be like repressive regimes of the twentieth and what humanity could achieve. A century amassed state power claiming concern about the danger of that it was necessary to promote accumulated power does not require a equality. What Liberal Democrats narrow, pessimistic or minimalist view focus on is the extent to which poverty of society. Generosity of spirit and and lack of opportunity restrict enthusiasm to achieve a better society freedom. These things can justify the are qualities to be expected of Liberal use of public expenditure, Democrats. Where Liberal Democrats redistributive taxation, social insurance must exercise care, however, is in and active community provision. The ensuring that the means thought objective of such measures is to make necessary to create a better society do people free, not to constrain them into

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economic equality, which is resolution. What it insists upon is the unachievable in practice. Indeed, if it recognition that such issues have to be were achievable it would require a examined in terms of rights, and static economy in which no one could resolved by balancing rights, not by become unequally prosperous by merely asserting preferences or successful enterprise. The concept is a prejudices. delusion. 1.13 If, metaphorically, you scratch 1.11 Finally, rights and freedoms the surface of a Liberal Democrat, you conflict with each other. The right to should find a commitment to freedom, free speech can conflict with the right a zeal to ensure that no-one is deprived of minorities or even majorities not to of freedom, a desire to create a society be the subject of campaigns to stir up in which people can enjoy freedom, hatred. Religious freedom can be in and a recognition that our first political conflict with a desire to protect young duty – particularly if we are ourselves people from oppressive pressures to in power – is to ensure that conform to particular life styles, mechanisms to protect freedom are in whether by extreme cults or by good order, and power is as widely traditions such as arranged marriages if shared as possible. It is even more they become forced marriages. important to be sure of these things Taxation restricts the rights of those than it is to be impressed by some who believe that they should not be aspect of current party policy, however paying towards things to which they valuable it may be. are deeply morally opposed, such as military expenditure or abortion. 1.14 As a group we sought to explain in more detail how this basic 1.12 Liberalism as a philosophy philosophy coped with some of the provides no automatic answer to these things which characterise today’s conflicts of rights: indeed, its belief in world or are seen as challenges to our democratic and constitutional time. Among these are globalisation, procedures recognises their existence social division, political alienation and and provides mechanisms for their the destruction of our environment.

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The Development of Our Core Values

2.0.1 Distinctively liberal ideas have 2.1.2 The Liberal political tradition a history as long as that of political has a long history in Britain, predating thought itself, and looking at these is a the existence of any political party useful way of seeing where the Party incorporating the name Liberal. It goes has come from, where it is now and back to the seventeenth century, and where it is going. These ideas give John Locke’s Letter Concerning Liberal Democrats our distinctive Toleration, which first set out the creed, and mean that Liberal Democrat argument for the liberty to carry out policies are rooted in firm principles. any act which does no harm to other These basic principles are the same people. now as they have always been, although they have been developed and 2.1.3 This idea found fuller expanded to meet the challenges of expression in John Stuart Mill’s On different times, and so before looking Liberty (1859), with its view that “The at Liberal Democracy today, it is sole end for which mankind are instructive to look at the history of warranted, individually or collectively, Liberalism to draw upon these in interfering with the liberty of action principles. of any of their number, is self- protection”, and that “the individual is 2.1 Ancient Times to not accountable to society for his actions, insofar as these concern the the Nineteenth interests of no person but himself”. In Century: Individual the same text, Mill put forward the Freedom importance of dissent, arguing that, “If all mankind, minus one, were of one 2.1.1 An early example of liberal opinion, and only one person were of political thought is from Pericles in the contrary opinion, mankind would Thucydides’ Peloponnesian Wars (431 be no more justified in silencing that BC): “If we look to the laws, they one person, than he, if he had the afford equal justice to all in their power, would be justified in silencing private differences…. The freedom mankind.” which we enjoy in our government extends also to our ordinary life. 2.2 Social and There, far from exercising a jealous Economic Limits to surveillance over each other, we do not feel called upon to be angry with our Liberty neighbour for doing what he likes, or even to indulge in those injurious looks 2.2.1 Liberal Democrats do not draw which cannot fail to be offensive, solely from the Liberal tradition. We although they inflict no positive are the result of the union of two penalty.” political parties, and in very simple terms, while the Liberal tradition has been based primarily on a commitment

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to the rights of individuals, the Social (the terms were then practically Democratic tradition has tended to interchangeable) into the rising Labour emphasise the importance of greater Party. In general, these individuals did equality. However, there has been not regard themselves as changing much common ground between the their political beliefs; they simply saw two and in many cases, differences Labour as a stronger vehicle for reform have been hard to distinguish. than the Liberals. It was the political descendants of these people who 2.2.2 The New Liberalism of the largely provided the social democratic early twentieth century marked a ethos and approach of the post-war recognition by Liberals of the limits Labour governments, and who imposed on liberty by inequality. So departed Labour in 1981 to form the for the last one hundred years at least, Social Democratic Party, and create its Liberals have consistently argued that alliance with the Liberal Party. economic and social deprivation mean that people do not have the freedom to 2.2.5 Keynes and Beveridge are also act as they would wish, and they have crucial to an understanding of the campaigned against restrictions from development of twentieth century acting as they would wish. Liberalism. Their ideas on full employment and welfare were the 2.2.3 The former can be described as bedrock of the post-1945 consensus on a positive liberty, and the latter as a which economic development was negative liberty. The roots of this can based. Beveridge argued that social be found in campaigns in the mid- welfare institutions would result in a nineteenth century on public health, healthier and more productive health and safety at work and the right workforce, to the benefit of the whole to education, as well as in Mill’s work. economy, and Keynes said that it was But it was most trenchantly and better in a recession for a government controversially expressed by L.T. to borrow money and keep driving Hobhouse, whose Liberalism (1911) production and purchasing power, than argued that “the struggle for liberty … to balance the budget but leave is the struggle for equality” and that production low. These proposals were “Liberty without equality is a name of explicitly designed to give people noble sound and squalid meaning.” access to society and the market Hobhouse’s work has remained at the without undermining their freedom and heart of Liberal and Liberal Democrat self-sufficiency. They formed the basis thought in the work of Ramsay Muir in of the plans for the welfare state after the 1930s and others since then, the Second World War, but the although his extension of the concept collectivist way in which they were of liberty to embrace equality has been implemented did not reflect the wishes challenged by many liberals as equality of Beveridge or of Liberal Democrats can lead to an ineffective and today. These ideas have come under potentially dangerous extension of severe attack since the late 1970s, but state control over the individual. they have shaped the economic climate and are important for an understanding 2.2.4 The break-up of the Liberal of our present position. Party during and after the First World War, however, drove many of those who thought of themselves as advanced liberals, or social democrats

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2.3 The Impact of the laid out his vision for a Liberal Britain in his book, The Liberal Future. He Post-1945 argued the case for a society in which Consensus the worth of every person, and their right to go their own way, is valued. In 2.3.1 Key aspects of today’s Liberal such a society, people would have the Democracy are rooted in developments power to form their own associations in politics between 1945 and 1979 and independent of the state, thus making our analysis of the state of the UK the individual paramount. However, he during that period. In the post-war era, maintained an emphasis on the the UK rapidly became more importance of individuals working in prosperous, but lagged behind other conjunction with other individuals. The industrial economies as both Labour opposite of such a liberal society and Conservative Governments failed would be one in which people are to make the changes needed to equal to the point of sameness. This modernise the economy and invest for might be because of crippling poverty the long-term. Economic policy was or it might be because everyone has the characterised by “stop-go”, “boom- same nice car and comfortable house, bust” measures, designed to win but it is still “the full horror of the elections rather than advance the equality of universal sameness”. All country’s long-term economic that government needs to do, therefore, interests. Both parties vacillated for far is to enable society to function. too long over trying to get the UK into Grimond quotes Burke; “Government Europe. Industry suffered from is a contrivance of human wisdom to “confrontation politics” as both parties satisfy human want.” When tried to tilt the legal balance in favour government does not meet or goes of its own supporters. Successive beyond that boundary, it is prices and incomes policies proved inappropriate. Grimond was also disastrous. The result was the Heath concerned that economics should be Government’s confrontation with the seen as a means and never as an end, miners in 1973/4 and the Callaghan as whilst free enterprise is usually the Government’s winter of discontent in method which best enables people to 1978/9. As these parties tried to pursue take charge of their lives, this should unlimited economic growth, not be the only option. sustainable quality of life was placed at risk as economic policies paid no 2.3.3 Consciously or not, Grimond regard for their environmental followed in the tradition of F.A. consequences. Hayek, who was never associated with the British Liberal Party, whose Road 2.3.2 During this period a key figure to Serfdom but warned of the was Jo Grimond, leader of the Liberal destruction of liberty by Socialist Party from 1956 to 1967, who had a planning and asserted the significance significant impact on late twentieth of widespread private ownership of century Liberal political philosophy. property as a bulwark of freedom. He became leader of the party at a time when Liberal fortunes were at their 2.3.4 A further key development in worst, and through his advocacy of a Liberal thought at this time was Isaiah radical non-socialist alternative to Berlin’s 1958 lecture “Two Concepts Conservatism he managed to set in of Liberty”. In this he drew a motion the Liberal revival. In 1959 he distinction between positive and

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negative liberty. He described negative Group. Whilst not officially affiliated liberty as curbing state authority, to the Liberal Party, the membership leaving individuals alone to do as they included at various times Jo Grimond, want, whereas positive liberty involves Elliott Dodds, Richard Wainwright, using political power to emancipate. In Nancy Seear, Russell Johnston, practice this has often meant the state William Wallace and several other deciding what is best for individuals well-known Liberal Party figures. The and legislating to achieve this. Whilst group, formed in 1953, set out to Berlin was not involved in party propagate radical liberal ideas. The politics, his analysis is firmly in the Group’s emphasis on the value of co- Liberal tradition. operation and mutuality, and their insistence on the many benefits for 2.3.5 The late 1960s and the 1970s Britain of further European integration saw the development of the theory and have been very influential in the practice of community politics. direction of the party. They also Drawing from experience in trying to focused on the need to reduce get their voices heard in local politics bureaucracy, and on the dangers of and from radical theories in different excessive bureaucracy, and their ideas countries, many in the Liberal Party in this direction were most strongly found community politics, with its articulated by Jo Grimond. Their emphasis on empowering people in exploration of alternatives to state local communities to take power in bureaucracy and state ownership, decisions which affected their lives, particularly developed by Alan not only provided a philosophical basis Peacock was not followed through by to their campaigning, but also helped Liberals to the same extent and found bring electoral success at local more furrow with some Conservatives, government level. Many became active who pursued it without its essential in the Liberal party because they were underpinning of Liberal values. attracted by this philosophy of empowerment. 2.4 The 1980s and

2.3.6 In the 1970s E. F. 1990s Schumacher’s thinking had an impact upon the development of some strands 2.4.1 Events in the 1980s and 1990s of Liberal Democrat thought. In 1973 have also had a profound influence on he published Small is Beautiful, Liberal Democracy. During these looking at the economic structure of years, some factors making us less the western world. This book has efficient, such as very high rates of influenced much debate about income tax, and excessive union power community politics and ecological were swept away. However, some of technology, in particular through its the changes carried a heavy price, and advocacy of smaller working units, as indirect taxation took over from communal ownership and regional direct taxation, hitting the poor hardest, workplaces, and its emphasis on the the gap between the rich and the poor importance of local labour and grew wider. resources in production. 2.4.2 Civil society and the sense of 2.3.7 Another group whose thinking community were undermined, and was influential within Liberalism at people suffered as personal insecurity this time was the Unservile State increased and crime rates doubled.

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Basic social needs went unmet as the 2.4.5 So Liberal Democrats Conservatives allowed spending on welcomed the defeat of the public services to fall behind what the Conservative Party in 1997, but country needed. New bureaucracies, Labour in office proved to be a most notably in health, added to costs disappointment even to the party’s own but did not improve patient care. supporters. Health and education have Despite the reforms that were made, continued to suffer as Labour locked the Conservatives undermined the themselves into Conservative spending economy by failing to invest in plans for the first three years. The Britain’s long-term economic health, Prime Minister declared transport to be particularly in its infrastructure and “not a priority” with the result that the fields such as public transport. Much railways are in chaos and the roads are of the privatisation programme was more congested than ever. either misconceived or badly executed, with disastrous results for the railways 2.4.6 In its first term, Labour was and disruption in other industries. notably mean towards lone parents and Stop-go economic policies continued pensioners, discouraged many poorer and the UK’s record in growth, students from going to university by manufacturing investment and establishing tuition fees, failed to innovation remained poor. They failed invest in schools and the health to invest sufficiently in school service, and allowed a severe decline education, which is essential for in the number of police officers. building a strong, modern economy and giving people opportunities, whilst 2.4.7 While the UK moved closer to instituting targets and league tables the centre stage in Europe, the Prime which distracted attention from the Minister has consistently failed to quality of education which individual show political leadership over the children were receiving. single currency. Some welcome constitutional reforms have been made, 2.4.3 The Conservatives chipped such as devolution for Scotland and away at people’s civil liberties and Wales and a form of proportional failed to tackle environmental representation for European Parliament problems. When John Major left elections, but Labour has shown office, education standards were still marked reluctance to reform the House scandalously low and the general of Lords, and broke its 1997 promise labour force was underskilled. to allow people to decide whether to have a fair voting system for the House 2.4.4 From the 1970s on, both the of Commons. There has been a Labour and Conservative parties continued erosion of faith in the presided over a steady loss of political system, resulting in a 59.4% confidence in the system of turnout in the 2001 General Election, Government, but it was the sleaze down from 71.4% in 1997. We have a surrounding the Major Government political system which gives large and the Conservatives’ broken majorities to governments which never promises which took public confidence gained the support of the majority of to a new low, just as centralisation and voters. This has provoked a situation in a lack of accountability created a which there is no incentive to reach feeling of political alienation. consensus, so legislation is divisive, governments become arrogant and open to corruption, and large sections

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of the population feel that they can cohesive society, personal liberty and make no difference to the running of prosperity, and set out a model their country. Liberal Democrats have whereby these could exist together in consistently sought to change this one society. In his book, Just Capital, system. Adair Turner looks at how we can combine economic dynamism with 2.4.8 Liberal Democrats continue to social inclusion and environmental draw on the work of people such as responsibility. Both are attempting to Mill, Hobhouse and Beveridge. resolve the apparent problem in However, new thinkers are still making societies the world over, that the an impact, particularly in relation to pursuit of economic prosperity causes globalisation and the apparent other goals, such as social inclusion or breakdown of cohesive societies within environmental responsibility, to be nation states. Ralf Dahrendorf and pushed to the sidelines. Or if those Adair Turner have both addressed the goals are not pushed to the sidelines, move towards economic liberty suffers because the state competitiveness, in the context of enforces social inclusion at the expense globalisation, as the paramount of choice. The key to squaring this objective in society, and have tried to circle is rebuilding civic society – reconcile the positive aspects of this those relationships which do not need move with traditional and important government to sustain them and which liberal values. In 1996 in a speech to therefore strengthen freedom from the British Academy, Dahrendorf government. looked at the aims of a civil and

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Challenges for Freedom Today: the International Context

3.1 Liberal Democrats seek to 3.3 There is growing debate about promote freedom, within nations and the implications of globalisation and its in a wider international context. We impact on freedom. It includes recognise that nations do not exist in a widespread concern about the vacuum. Throughout history, events pressures on developing countries. It and processes well beyond national extends to both peaceful and violent borders have affected them, and these demonstrations at world summits. It have often created the dominant has profound consequences for the context in which domestic politics and ways in which we deal with issues that society have developed. For example, have traditionally been the remit of the sixteenth and seventeenth century nation state. Britain cannot be understood outside the context of the Reformation and the 3.4 Liberal Democrats welcome consequent debates and wars on the globalisation – in so far as it helps to continent of Europe. The backdrop of break down barriers between cultures revolution in both Europe and America and peoples, and can significantly heavily influenced late eighteenth and boost economic prosperity – because early nineteenth century Britain. we are internationalists. Globalisation Meanwhile, the post-1945 social can assist in diminishing the capacity democratic consensus can only be fully of the state to control or persecute its understood in the wider context of the people, and so helps extend the global struggle between communism and reach of universal human rights. capitalism. 3.5 We also broadly welcome the 3.2 A focus on the UK is clearly benefits of free and global fair trade, important for a British political party, although, just as the Liberal Democrat but Liberal Democrats regard rights commitment to freedom includes a and freedoms as international, and we concern about the restrictions to believe that many problems faced by freedom from poverty and disease so people in the UK cannot be solved we recognise the real dangers which unless problems throughout the world globalisation can accentuate. These are addressed. That is why we need to include excessive commercial power consider the modern international falling into the hands of a few context before we can turn to the multinational corporations, and the situation within the UK today. The potentially destructive environmental international background is vital to and social effects of unregulated understanding the place of the UK and commerce, particularly in the to recognising the constraints and developing world. pressures upon domestic policy making.

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3.6 In some ways, there is nothing channelling international resources to new about globalisation. As far back as where they are most needed. This role the mid-1920s, the Liberal economist has been too much reduced and Walter Layton pointed out that the burdened with bureaucracy and world’s peoples were becoming underfunding, but Liberal Democrats steadily ‘interdependent’ in areas such see the UN as a vital organisation as economics and culture. Indeed, which plays a central role in creating nineteenth century Liberals who an international community. campaigned against the Corn Laws saw their repeal quite explicitly as a 3.9 A significant part of nations means of bringing the peoples of the working together constructively is the world together. But there are features increased recognition that rights are of globalisation in the 21st century that universal and that the nation state does are more rapid and more far-reaching not have unchallengeable licence to than in previous times. There is a oppress or murder its citizens. For broader and deeper interdependency of liberals, this concept is familiar – people as globalisation across the Gladstone demanded action to deal economic, social and cultural spheres with the atrocities in Bulgaria – but for creates an ever denser net of some it is new. It has been clearly if transnational relationships which tend not always effectively recognised that to marginalise national boundaries and states cannot engage in genocide institutions. without incurring intervention by the international community. It is 3.7 Globalisation has many increasingly recognised that gross positive aspects. There is a growth of human rights abuses within a country global civil society, based on an can justify at least political and increased worldwide recognition of economic sanctions, and in some human values and rights, and of global circumstances military action. The threats to humanity. There is a greater international community is also belief in the value of international beginning to develop, with difficulty, collective action. Democracy, rather the concept of a “failed state” in which than authoritarian rule, is now widely civil order and political structures have accepted as the touchstone to political broken down, and anarchy is legitimacy. There is wider cultural destroying the freedom of millions to discourse and even those who are very the extent that external intervention has critical of globalisation often enjoy and to be considered. Freedom, to liberals, make full use of its benefits, such as is the birthright of individuals, not of communication through the Internet states, dictators or warlords. and cheaper international travel. 3.10 At the same time, Liberal 3.8 Another benefit of globalisation Democrats recognise that globalisation is the increased cooperation between creates serious political, economic and nations, particularly within social imbalances. There is increased international bodies such as the UN. alienation as millions of people, The peacekeeping side to the UN’s especially in the developing world, are work is invaluable, but it does and left largely untouched by its benefits, should go much further than this. and feel powerless to influence it. There is an important role for the UN National political institutions are in developing international law, increasingly powerless to affect the creating international consensus and forces of globalisation. Monopolistic

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global media ownership is also an aspect of globalisation – often making increasing source of anxiety. The terms use of global communication of international trade, far from being technology – and a challenge to the truly global, are still skewed heavily in international community to develop favour of the interests of the developed structures through which terrorism can world, and are not yet providing the be prevented by means which carry opportunities to developing countries wide support. Terrorism anywhere is to trade their way to prosperity. Multi- an attack on the freedom of national companies often have the individuals, whether it is perpetrated legal and political resources to by conventional terrorists or overpower those who challenge them governments using terror against on behalf of small producers or civilians. Freedom is at risk if the threatened communities. That is why international community fails to deal freer and fairer trade must be extended with terrorists, but also if they fail to to demolish the protectionism of tackle the problems that terrorism wealthy nations which is still feeds upon. penalising the global poor. 3.14 Modern globalisation is also 3.11 The inability of the UK’s marked by acute volatility in the political institutions to influence the world’s powerful financial and forces of globalisation is a primary currency markets. The liberalisation of source of domestic political alienation. capital movements, and the A great many people do not feel that extraordinary size and economic power the main decision-making institutions of financial markets, is one of the reflect their needs or concerns. Liberal distinguishing features of modern Democrats attach such importance to globalisation. The reach of financial the difficult task of making the markets means that economic crises international institutions which have to are communicated more quickly from make these decisions more effectively one country or region to another, as democratic, open and responsive, markets react – and often over-react – whether at European level or at the by removing or investing enormous level of world-wide bodies like the sums at lightning speed. The rapid WTO. movement of capital on the world’s markets can severely destabilise and 3.12 Alienation with the perceived disrupt national economies, leading to forces of globalisation has also caused a spiral of lost confidence and some groups to band together in a diminished credibility. defensive response because they feel that their values and identity are 3.15 For those reasons, we need to threatened. This has been one of the see markets and trading as means to an contributory factors in the growth of end and not an end in themselves. As violent religious fundamentalism, internationalists, Liberal Democrats ethnic nationalism and separatism. also look to a new generation of Religious fundamentalism, for international bodies like the European example, was part of the context of the Union that are powerful enough to terrorist attacks on Washington and tackle intractable international New York on 11th September 2001. problems and set a framework of law for globalisation. Globalisation should 3.13 The development of not be a state of economic international international terrorism is itself both an lawlessness. Rather, Liberal Democrats

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strive to develop and support the able to benefit from the positive social international institutions with the and economic effects of globalisation. power and reach to frame globalisation to make sure that the values of 3.18 A key part of this is to environmental sustainability, recognise and welcome the fact that, democratic choice, and social justice alongside globalisation, there is a are sustained. simultaneous process of localisation, in which people are less concerned about 3.16 Globalisation has also been their place in the nation state, and look accompanied by a growth in increasingly for their identity to local transnational crime. Increased ease of or regional communities. We recognise communication and travel between that ideas of what constitutes a countries has facilitated the growth of community are continuing to change, transnational criminal cartels. These and that – driven by the Internet – cannot be tackled without the aid of many ‘communities’ are not primarily transnational or international bodies. geographical. But geographical communities have the potential to 3.17 Therefore Liberal Democrats balance the excesses of the global must act to promote the best aspects of economy, by using local resources for globalisation whilst working to local production and by building a counteract its negative effects. This caring neighbourhood that can make it must mean putting in place the checks easier for people to feel part of society and balances which can control it and and cut crime and alienation. mean that people across the world are

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Challenges for Freedom Today: the UK Context

4.1 Whilst it can be easy to see that too many people still face limits to British society as failing in a number their freedom to develop as of ways, there are many reasons to be individuals. There are still divisions in positive. Before analysing the negative our society that deny people side of the balance sheet, it is worth opportunities that others enjoy and remembering some of the good things. limit their chances in life. The UK is vastly richer now than it was in 1950. People can realise goals 4.3 In analysing these issues, that could have been no more than Liberal Democrats see people dreams a half century ago. Many enjoy primarily as individuals. We do not foreign holidays, warmer houses, and seek to label people by their longer life expectancy than ever membership of particular groups before, as economic freedom grows within society. Moreover, we believe ever larger. The last fifty years have that people are less likely than in also seen a rise in female economic previous times to define themselves emancipation, to match the political solely as members of a particular emancipation before the war. Women group, as people are increasingly likely engage in more paid work, there has to have multiple affiliations which been a rise in the acceptability of have an impact on the way they see different household forms, and the tax their identity. Nevertheless, it is useful system now treats women equally to to analyse trends in terms of the men. That rise in economic problems that people face, and how emancipation has a parallel in social these relate to particular backgrounds emancipation, with a decline in sexist or life experiences. attitudes to the role of women in society. The benefits of having people 4.4 A major source of division of other nationalities and ethnicities in relates to the socio-economic our society are beginning to be better background from which people come. recognised. A change in national This is one of the major factors consciousness has gone some way determining their life chances. In towards pushing overt racism to the general, children who are born into margins, although it is still a dangerous more affluent homes do better at force. school and even receive a better education than those who are born into 4.2 As a result of these changes, deprived homes. This serves to the UK is a largely open society where exacerbate the cycle of social upward social mobility is possible for exclusion. The old ideal that education most people. But that can only happen should be a ladder out of poverty is when people have the basic still relevant, but inequalities within opportunities offered by good schools, the education system mean that it is not quality healthcare and strong support serving the most socially excluded from their communities. The reality is children. Research by the Cabinet

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Office shows that chances of upward exclusion. However, experiences of social mobility after leaving full-time different ethnic minority groups vary education are diminishing. This makes and the danger of over-generalisation educational attainment an even more should be avoided. important determinant of life chances than in past decades. 4.7 Despite the gains that they have made, women still do not enjoy the 4.5 There are also great disparities same opportunities as men. Half the between different parts of the country. workforce, but only 28 per cent of Communities and neighbourhoods play executives are women. The average a large part in deepening social hourly rate for women who work full divisions, both by emphasising wealth time is 80 percent of that for men. and success and by adding to social Forty-five per cent of women have a exclusion. The poorest areas are more weekly income of less than £100 per likely to have failing schools and week, compared with 20 per cent of poorer services in general. There are men. Women are still responsible for fewer GPs per head of the population the great majority of care for children in the most deprived areas of the and other dependents. Ensuring the country than there are in more affluent existence of good and affordable areas. In addition, these areas are childcare is directly relevant to the characterised by poor access to freedom of women in the workplace. information technology, and financial Women also tend to suffer worse and legal services, while health than men (although they enjoy environmental problems such as longer life expectancy). pollution tend to be worse in economically poorer areas. In addition 4.8 Many older people are to the divisions within local experiencing greater financial communities and neighbourhoods, difficulties. In February 1999 there is a level of regional exclusion in approximately 15 per cent of those some parts of the country. aged over 60 were receiving Income Support. But the Department for Social 4.6 One of the clearest divisions in Security estimated that over a quarter our society relates to people’s ethnic of those eligible do not receive backgrounds. Higher proportions of benefits. In addition, older people are ethnic minority families live in less likely to have amenities such as overcrowded housing than do white central heating and washing machines. families, and high proportions of black Older people are widely discriminated and Bangladeshi families live in social against in employment, and many feel housing. Young Caribbean men are undervalued or rejected when they more than twice as likely to be have skills and experience to offer. unemployed as young white men. People from ethnic minorities 4.9 Social exclusion of people with generally are more likely to be disabilities is deeply ingrained in our unemployed than white people, society. There is still a fatalistic belief regardless of their age, sex, or that disability must result in a lower qualifications. People from Pakistani, standard of living, reduced social life, Bangladeshi or Caribbean origins are lower educational targets and worse also more likely to report suffering ill job prospects. It is assumed that lack of health, which can be indicative of adequate transport and physical many wider problems of social barriers to access, however regrettable,

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will happen. There is a sympathetic but yet they record physical gender at birth patronising assumption that people and cannot take account of changes to with disabilities will inevitably be physical gender. dependent on carers and society. 4.11 There are no easy answers to 4.10 The freedom of lesbian, gay some of the problems of social and bisexual people has been greatly exclusion, but we need to tackle its enhanced in recent decades as legal causes. Countries that spend slightly and social hostility has shifted at least more on their public services than the towards tolerance, although clear UK tend to receive better services and inequalities remain, including explicit have lower levels of social exclusion. legal discrimination. The lack of legal In other words, greater investment in protection from being sacked purely on health, education and other public grounds of sexual orientation makes services is vital if we are to enhance many extremely vulnerable. people’s freedoms. This does not mean Homophobic bullying and violence that we favour centralised, ‘top-down’ make a major impact not just on those solutions. Nor do we favour a level of who experience it, but on those who state involvement in the economy and fear that they could become victims. society so great that it in fact erodes Many social and financial provisions freedoms. Liberal Democrats believe which are available to most of society in an enabling state that is more are denied to lesbian, gay and bisexual accountable to its citizens. We want to people by not allowing any form of guarantee the rights of individuals. legal recognition of same-sex And we recognise that sustainable relationships. Transsexuals suffer solutions to social exclusion must be particular disadvantage through the founded on a strong, efficient fact that birth certificates are often economy. It is to these principles that required as a means of identification, we now turn.

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Promoting Freedom

5.0.1 We believe that the statement on poverty, both by helping those who of the Party’s principles in the are most in need, such as pensioners Preamble to the Party Constitution is and disabled people, and by providing as valid today as when it was written in real equality of opportunity through 1988 (see Appendix). It states that: education, health and housing “The Liberal Democrats exist to build programmes which help the and safeguard a fair, free and open disadvantaged to escape from poverty. society, in which we seek to balance “Third, freedom means caring the fundamental values of liberty, for the environment in everything that equality and community, and in which we do – which is why you will find no-one shall be enslaved by poverty, policies for green action in every ignorance or conformity.” This is a section of Freedom in a Liberal clear statement of the interrelationship Society. I believe that everyone should between the issues of liberty and recognise the fragility of the equality and is highly relevant to the environment and the impossibility of challenges we have outlined in the maintaining current lifestyles without previous chapters both nationally and damaging it. Government, in this internationally. respect, can set the framework - we will provide good, efficient and cheap 5.0.2 That approach was further public transport; we will help insulate developed in our 2001 general election homes; we will encourage re-use and manifesto, which was built around the recycling; and we will make the idea of ‘Freedom’, underpinned by polluter pay - but ultimately it is up to ‘Justice’ and ‘Honesty’. The freedom the individual to respond.” theme was developed in full in the pre- manifesto of September 2000. Charles 5.0.3 In the next decade, we believe Kennedy’s introduction presented the that these principles can be further idea in three ways: developed by focusing on the “First, freedom is about following issues: an enabling state; promoting independence for individual rights; open markets; civil individuals and communities. That society; and sustainability. means a distinct shift of power from today’s over-centralised and 5.1 The Enabling State authoritarian state, to decentralised decision-making. Doing that promotes 5.1.1 Government can play an trust between government and people. enabling role, creating opportunity, It pushes responsibility and providing security and restraining accountability down not only to local those who are trying to restrict others’ government but also to the individual freedoms. It must be so structured as to teacher, doctor, hospital administrator guard against the unrestrained exercise and other public servants, so that they of both political power and economic can get on with what they do best – power. That means ensuring that it is doing their job well. clear where power lies, and that it can “Second, freedom equals be checked by an accountable body. fairness. I want to see social justice in We regard one of our major challenges Britain. That means a massive attack as finding ways of making all the

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constellations of power, at their many Having many different levels of different levels, open and accountable. government dissipates some of this threat, as it prevents people being 5.1.2 It is our view of government as beholden to one central power. It is in essentially an enabling force which this context that our constitutional leads us to oppose so much of the proposals are so important. centralisation which is present in the UK today. This is not only seen in the 5.1.5 We believe that government running of public services, however, will be most enabling when it operates but also in the electoral system, the at the most local level possible. That bedrock of our democracy. At the often means devolution to the nations moment one chamber of the legislature and regions of the UK, or wherever is not elected at all, and the other possible, local government. But many chamber is elected by a system which issues, such as the environment and can return a government with about trade, require international co- two-thirds of the seats in the House of operation, as national communities are Commons when they received well unable to tackle these problems alone. under half the votes cast. This does not reflect the will of the British people, 5.1.6 To reduce centralisation, there and it therefore takes power and needs to be democratic devolution to responsibility away from the people. the English regions, and further devolution to the nations of the UK. 5.1.3 The UK state still requires We prefer to limit the role of central major reforms if it is to become an government in public services to enabling state – a state that is creative determining minimum standards and and liberating, not sluggish and promoting good practice. This would controlling. At present, despite enable the creation of sets of standards changes that have taken place since which reflect the needs, strengths and 1997, the government in the UK weaknesses of different areas and are remains overcentralised, overweening, relevant to the people to whom they secretive, and unresponsive to public will apply. will. 5.1.7 To tackle secrecy there needs to 5.1.4 Liberal Democrats believe that be stronger Freedom of Information there is a need for radical change in the legislation. To make government more UK constitution. We do not believe responsive to the will of the public, that the size of government is in itself a and to promote a sense of connection problem. A government which does between the public and politicians, not provide a good police or defence there must be reform of the voting force or which cannot provide even system for parliamentary elections. basic health or education services may Before the state can be genuinely present threats to liberty just as much enabling, all of these constitutional as one which tries to control every changes must be made. aspect of its citizens’ lives. However, whilst there is no direct correlation 5.1.8 Such constitutional changes between big government and a should not be limited to the UK. We diminution of civil liberties, big believe that only by sharing bureaucracy can of itself be a threat to sovereignty is it possible for nations to liberty because it becomes all control their own affairs on a wide pervasive and self-perpetuating. range of matters, and we therefore

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welcome the enhancement of 5.2.2 Traditionally rights were democratic effectiveness which shared conceived simply as the absence of the sovereignty can bring in those issues most obvious forms of state oppression which need to be decided at European in the field of civil rights, for example, level, but it requires a strengthening of arrest without charge, or torture. A Europe’s democratic structures. But for more positive view extended rights to the European Union to work the political sphere, for example, the effectively, and to be in touch with the right to vote and to stand for election. people of Europe, there needs to be The idea of social rights has gained greater control and accountability of currency during the last century, so unelected people by those elected to that members of the general public talk the European Parliament. We also about their right to a decent education, believe that only through membership rather than seeing education as a of the euro can the UK enjoy the full positive liberty. Therefore people now benefits of EU membership and be in a refer to different groups of rights, position to exert maximum influence which may be equal in their perceived on the affairs of the EU. importance, but which are different in nature. The first group are readily 5.1.9 A key part of building an justiciable rights, which the state can enabling state is ensuring that it has the legislate to provide, including the resources to work creatively for the fundamental rights to freedom of community. That is where taxation speech, freedom of movement, comes in. We recognise that taxation freedom of worship, and other basic can be seen as a limit on freedom as it human rights. Those in the second prevents people from choosing to group are policy commitments, such as spend every part of their income as the provision of public services. As they would wish. This is a case of Liberal Democrats we are committed balancing liberties, however, and we to using the political process to ensure believe that it is worth paying for the excellent public services, but we protection of basic liberties through realise that allocating the resources to policing and defence, and to enhance achieve this is a matter for political liberty through provision for healthcare debate and discussion. and education. So a measure of taxation is one of the obligations of a 5.2.3 The language of rights is civilised society, and is the best way to problematic in policy areas such as the provide the good health and good public services, therefore, because they education which allows people to have substantial resource implications. enjoy greater opportunities and It is often not helpful in resolving liberties. conflicting priorities for the use of scarce resources to talk about rights, 5.2 Individual Rights because it becomes extremely difficult to guarantee them in a way that does 5.2.1 In the context of an enabling not involve either excessive central state, the rights of individuals have to government prescription of rights, or be guaranteed. So a crucial issue for limitless resources. It is possible to Liberal Democrats in the twenty-first envisage a very poor society which century is how far rights are currently maintained and prized basic civil rights guaranteed, and whether the concept of but lacked the resources to fund some rights needs further development. of the public services we take for granted such as free education. We

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therefore believe that the language of energies and talents of individuals. We rights is not appropriate in areas such believe that in the economy, markets as public services where people’s are generally the most effective way of entitlement to those services is giving individuals more control over dependent upon resources. It is our their lives, and delivering higher living declared policy to will the resources to standards. extend that entitlement to all in perpetuity, but we have to recognise 5.3.2 One of the strengths of markets that this is affected by factors outside is to facilitate the movement of our control, and so we cannot see them resources from what is less popular to as simple rights. what is more popular. For this reason, they are the best way to make sure that 5.2.4 Some people make the concept key parts of the economy produce the of rights dependent on that of services or goods that people want, responsibilities. Liberal Democrats rather than those that the state decides reject this. We welcome and encourage people should have. Markets can also social responsibility, and we seek to facilitate competition, and give the encourage people to exercise consumer more choice, so long as responsibility by distributing power monopolies are avoided. Markets can widely, but we do not regard rights as stimulate innovation and the contingent upon it. A right is development of new technologies. And something which is accorded to they can create an environment where everyone, regardless of their views, employees and consumers are valued background or lifestyle. Policy because that is the way entrepreneurs commitments such as the provision of can give the best results. public services may be dependent upon the responsibility of some to pay taxes, 5.3.3 If they are to work, markets for example, but everyone receives the need an economic environment that is benefits brought by those taxes. If a consistent and predictable. Therefore, right is dependent upon a particular government must ensure that prices are form of behaviour, the state thereby stable, interest rates are low and that acquires the ability to withhold that the public finances are managed right on a subjective basis, and it is no responsibly. For this reason, Liberal longer a right. If a right, such as Democrats were the first party to liberty, is to be withheld for the advocate freeing the Bank of England protection of the public, we expect that from political interference, with a clear decision to be in a fair judicial process mandate to keep inflation low. founded upon just laws. Similarly, we would enable British entry into the euro, subject to the 5.3 Open Markets decision of the British people in a referendum. Membership of the euro at 5.3.1 Liberal Democrats believe that a competitive and sustainable rate a central aim of government in the would end exchange rate instability economic sphere should be to maintain and safeguard investment in jobs. a framework that encourages the creation of wealth, in other words 5.3.4 At the same time, we recognise creating a better standard of living and that markets are subject to major flaws using resources sustainably. Wealth and dangers. Where these occur, creation is often best encouraged government action is needed to through markets which liberate the safeguard people’s freedoms; where

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market flaws are worse than the effects incentives to encourage people to of government intervention, those switch to less polluting vehicles, and flaws are corrected. For example, the so we propose replacing the climate existence of a market affords no change levy with a carbon tax. guarantee that it will remain open and free. In other words, the operation of 5.3.7 Taxes also have a legitimate the market may lead to situations in role in promoting a fairer society. A which people have fewer choices or further flaw of markets is that they do companies’ incentives to innovate are not prevent concentrations of wealth or eroded. Therefore, Liberal Democrats guarantee incomes adequate to enable seek tough legislation to prevent people to make choices or have access monopolies, cartels and other market to the political process. Liberal distortions. Democrats believe that an important role of government is to remove 5.3.5 Markets, on their own, will not barriers to freedom, which arise from provide some of the requirements that poverty, lack of opportunity, and are fundamental to the liberty of disadvantage. It may do this through present or future generations. They do expenditure on public services, such as not take account of the way in which health and education, which it may individual consumption may affect provide itself, or in some instances, others. Changing customer preference purchase from other providers. might lead the market to abandon or destroy a building whose presence was 5.3.8 As part of government valued for its beauty or history by expenditure, taxes can be used to others in the community. A company redistribute wealth from individuals or may try to increase profits by using communities to other individuals or technologies or chemicals that are communities. And we should have a dangerous to the wider community. progressive tax system in which we Heavy use of petrol by a large number demand a greater contribution from of people worsens global warming those with a greater ability to pay. which will limit the freedom of others. The market may exacerbate this effect 5.3.9 Like most other government if competition brings down the price of functions there are dangers implicit the fuel. here which we need to address. Government at its various levels needs 5.3.6 For Liberal Democrats, action adequate taxation to fund good schools to ensure environmental sustainability and teachers, quality health care, is a major priority for government. adequate benefits to help people in This may take the form of regulations. need, to defend the country, to protect The statutory pollution control regime, the safety of the public and to meet for instance, should be fully other needs such as international implemented and enforced. And we development. However, excessive support the introduction of legislation taxation can penalise success and on corporate environmental liability. discourage enterprise. Government But government should also use fiscal should take only what is needed, and measures to ensure that the taxes should be determined through environment is taken into open democratic processes by bodies, consideration when market decisions national or local, which are are taken. For example, Liberal accountable to the electorate. And Democrats favour introducing wherever new taxes are introduced, or

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different levels set, government must therefore maximise this, not seek to explain exactly why the changes are legislate it away. We are instinctively occurring, and where the new money is worried by the danger of the state going. becoming a ‘nanny state’, and we do not believe the state should use its 5.3.10 Finally, markets cannot be power to impose on people particular responsible for deciding whether or not lifestyles which should be left to the certain commodities are suitable for conscience and choice of individuals. trade. Many people find the idea of We are opposed to the state requiring trade in human organs distasteful, but people to act in particular ways, or to the market left to itself will provide a be part of particular communities. marketplace for all saleable commodities. Therefore there is a 5.4.4 In a society as diverse and place for government to regulate where multicultural as modern day Britain, it markets are allowed to operate, but this is hard if not impossible for there to be should only occur where fundamental agreement about what constitutes a political or ethical principles are at “good life”. The state cannot and stake. should not impose a single view. Political institutions have to deal with 5.4 Communities a range of highly contentious issues from faith schools to abortion, embryo 5.4.1 The implementation of these research and euthanasia. Strongly held ideas rests upon one further concept; religious or secularist views have to be that of communities. Liberal tested against liberal principles of Democrats believe that people have freedom, respect for others and social needs that are best met through protection of the weak in resolving membership of a community, and that them. individuals have interests which can best be served when individuals work 5.4.5 It is often said that together. Recognising that is a crucial communities have been eroded over part of empowering individuals, and of the past half century. This may be true bringing governance back to the people if communities are seen in their it affects. narrowest, most geographical form, partly due to changes in the workplace 5.4.2 We define community in the and the growth of private transport. broadest possible sense. In simple Yet over that time people have created terms, a community is something in new and different communities, which people are interdependent. through their workplace, the Internet or Traditionally, communities have been other non-geographical interests and geographical, whether national, concerns. Unfortunately, the decline of regional or local. But they may also be geographical communities has reduced based around shared interests, beliefs opportunities for people to work or values, or around the workplace. together on issues of local concern, to build social cohesion, and has limited 5.4.3 We believe that far from being the ability of people to influence a threat to society, the diversity of services such as health and education individuals which is brought out by which are provided mainly on a allowing them to make their own geographical basis. The new emphasis decisions about their lives is an asset to on geographical communities is a strong communities – we would

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response to this local alienation, create a tolerant liberal polity, not a loneliness and powerlessness. society which forces everyone to live in what we might define as a liberal 5.4.6 The idea of voluntary action way. and mutual cooperation has always been a key element of liberalism. It 5.4.8 A key aspect of individuals guarantees the rights of people and cooperating with each other is communities to create their own competition. Liberal Democrats solutions and it rests on the principle believe that all competition has an that individuals are the best people to important role in society - not just make decisions about their own lives. market competition, but competition This principle runs through all the between ideas - and that this work that we do in the community, as competition is one of the guarantors of well as our policy. We want to see an open society. It means that more people involved in government, established providers and established at whatever level, because that is a pre- ideas are open to challenge. This idea requisite of good government. The was best articulated by Karl Popper in more people who participate, the better his The Open Society and its Enemies things will be run, in business as well (1945), which set out the case that only as politics. Top-down solutions will societies open enough to ask questions never work as well as those where the and solve problems were likely to people affected are involved in succeed. developing and delivering them. This is why we favour cooperation and not 5.4.9 We see liberal global order as isolation on an international stage. celebrating diversity and pluralism. We Ultimately we believe that individuals, recognise that cultural tradition and not states, are sovereign, and that societal bonds are important sources of cooperation between individuals at meaning in many people’s lives. local, national and international levels However, we do not believe that is both appropriate and helpful. So we cultural tradition should be used as an also want to make it easier for people argument for the infringement of to work together locally to build a human rights. It is also important that healthy civil society, to create local people are given the freedom to opt out institutions to fulfil local needs, to of the cultural traditions into which challenge central government they were born if they choose to do so. solutions, to innovate and to provide a local human alternative to distant 5.5 Sustainability bureaucratic services if they so wish. 5.5.1 Having taken the natural 5.4.7 But while we want to environment for granted for hundreds encourage community activity so that of years, people are now starting to people take control over their own realise that unless it is protected it will lives, we must also recognise people’s not survive healthily for many more right not to be involved in hundreds of years. High concentrations communities if they so choose. of pollution since the Industrial Illiberal communities can be Revolution have caused particular oppressive, and participation should problems for climate, with the average not be enforced by the state. Nor do we temperature rising steadily and seek to enforce people’s involvement threatening many fragile eco-systems in politics. Liberal Democrats aim to and potentially causing a disastrous

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rise in sea levels. This endangers the found on farmland have declined in freedom of future generations to enjoy number. Even more alarmingly, the the world and to use it well, and so Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Liberal Democrats want to act now to Change has predicted that if no action preserve our natural environment is taken to limit greenhouse gas through sustainable practice. emissions, temperatures will rise in the region of 1-3.5% by the end of this 5.5.2 There are a number of century, the largest rise in temperature definitions of sustainability and since the end of the Ice Age 10,000 sustainable development, the process years ago. If this change is not halted it by which society moves towards will have a disastrous impact, as rising sustainability. One fundamental one, sea levels will swamp low lying land which we follow in most respects, is and increased temperatures across the the Brundtland definition of world will affect wildlife and habitat. “development that meets the needs of These changes disproportionately the present without compromising the affect the poorest people in the world, ability of future generations to meet as they do not have the resources to their own needs.” In accepting this protect themselves against natural definition, however, it is necessary to disasters and environmental change, be clear that we do not wish to imply and they are most dependent upon their that we should put the potential needs immediate natural environment for of the future above the needs of the their food. present. Sustainable development is about achieving the ends of the present 5.5.4 However, it should not all be in a sustainable way so that they do not doom and gloom. We believe that if limit the choices of the future. It is not we do more to fit our activities within about complete limitation of our own the overall limits of the planet’s life choices. We also believe sustainability support systems the future does not through sustainable development have to be bleak. Since the capacity of requires that: the Earth’s support systems to tolerate damage are not well understood, we a) Resources are used in such a believe that there needs to be a greater way that they can be replaced sense of urgency about how we or substituted when necessary. approach sustainability – and that b) Emissions are not created faster where there is cause for uncertainty than the natural environment and doubt, a precautionary approach can absorb them or their needs to be taken, whilst not harmful effects can be preventing people living full lives in neutralised. the present. Therefore we are keen to c) Biodiversity is maintained at a look at how new forms of technology healthy level. are able to help make processes more sustainable. For example, the wider use 5.5.3 These keys to sustainability are of e-mail as a primary form of particularly necessary in the light of communication could be used to cut the various challenges that will face down on the amount of paper used in the UK environment in the future. At offices, which would have a beneficial the moment, just 8% of waste is effect upon the environment. It is by recycled, acute over-fishing is leading looking to technologies such as this, to a crisis in the fishing industry and where general efficiency and almost half of the 50 species of bird sustainability meet, that a better way

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forward for the environment may be goal of sustainability. This is not an found. optional add-on, tacked on at the end of the existing policy platform; it is a 5.5.5 Liberal Democrats have always core commitment. In the 2001 general placed environmental sustainability at election, that meant including policies the heart of our policy programme. We for ‘Green Action’ in every section of want to see a society in which our manifesto. individuals and communities have the maximum degree of freedom to 5.5.7 Growth may not be a problem determine and pursue their own ends in itself, however. The question is what as best they can - but we know that a kind of growth, what kind of resources, degraded natural environment places and whether they are used responsibly. severe restraints on this freedom. It Resources like human knowledge must damages personal health and quality of be maximised, while the dwindling of life, it impoverishes economies and it raw materials – especially oil and weakens and occasionally destroys water – is a major threat to future local communities. This is as true for economic security and to peace, which future generations as it is for present is why sustainability must become a ones. We also know that primary socio-economic objective. environmental regulations that do not Liberal Democrats believe that acting specify particular solutions are also sustainably must be about enhancing likely to promote innovation – which freedom, because it is about can be, in turn, the basis for whole new maximising future choices. That means industries. that the shift to economic sustainability must be carried out in a way that is 5.5.6 So not only do we propose compatible as far as possible with policies that contribute to individual liberty, must be by consent, environmentally sustainable and should be directed towards the development, but every commitment achievement of a society that we make is designed with an maximises choice and freedom. awareness of its impact on the ultimate

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Conclusion

6.1 It’s about freedom. That one decent environment, it is impossible to word is the clarion call for Liberal provide high standards of health for all, Democrats. Liberal Democrats believe let alone a healthy future, and real that maximising personal freedom is choice, for future generations. So fundamental to a liberal society. We action to protect the environment has believe that freedom means the to be central to a belief in freedom, opportunity to make the most of our both to ensure that people are not lives, while recognising that our restricted by pollution, and to ensure actions must not prevent others from that this generation’s freedom is not sharing those opportunities and that we achieved at the expense of future may need to take active steps to extend freedom. freedom to all. 6.5 Our traditional advocacy of 6.2 A core aspect of our constitutional reform is also rooted in commitment to freedom is a our belief in freedom. Political reform, commitment to civil rights, and that whether through devolution, freedom cause belongs to us more than to any of information, or fair votes, spreads other party. That means supporting freedom because it gives individuals fundamental civil rights to protect more power over government, and people from discrimination and abuses because it devolves power from of power, and to safeguard freedom of Westminster to give communities more speech and assembly. It also means freedom to experiment and innovate. putting forward policies to tackle day- to-day problems such as crime, which 6.6 Safeguarding the democratic we see as a particularly pernicious process and the protection of threat to civil liberties. individual rights require us to deny to governments – including Liberal 6.3 But the freedom agenda is not Democrat governments – the confined to civil rights. Far from it. unrestrained freedom of action which We believe that decent public services, might make the delivery of policy like schools and hospitals, give people objectives easier but which would life chances and freedoms that would ultimately rob individuals and not exist for all if people were left to communities of freedom and initiative. provide these for themselves. Meanwhile, we recognise that poverty 6.7 This is all underpinned, of is a major limit to freedom, so our course, by our internationalist policies for social justice, on issues principles. Nations acting together such as pensions and benefits, are also have more power than those acting aimed at promoting freedom. alone, and are therefore more able to tackle problems which restrict 6.4 The same can be said of our freedom, such as war, disease, poverty environmental policies. Effective green and pollution. That is why we are policies are about more choice, not strong supporters of the United less, positive gain, not pain. Crucially, Nations. And that is why we believe we recognise the strong links between that Europe is about more freedom for the environment and health. Without a British citizens, not less.

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6.8 The United Kingdom needs a opportunities for every citizen in a vision for the twenty-first century and liberal society. This is a distinctive people want a sense of idealism agenda in British politics. The task for restored to politics. The Liberal us now is to protect, promote and Democrats aim to deliver this by proclaim freedom at every opportunity. putting freedom first, and creating new

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Appendix:

Preamble to the Liberal Democrat Constitution

The Liberal Democrats exist to build and safeguard a fair, free and open society, in which we seek to balance the fundamental values of liberty, equality and community, and in which no-one shall be enslaved by poverty, ignorance or conformity. We champion the freedom, dignity and well-being of individuals, we acknowledge and respect their right to freedom of conscience and their right to develop their talents to the full. We aim to disperse power, to foster diversity and to nurture creativity. We believe that the role of the state is to enable all citizens to attain these ideals, to contribute fully to their communities and to take part in the decisions which affects their lives.

We look forward to a world in which all people share the same basic rights, in which they live together in peace and in which their different cultures will be able to develop freely. We believe that each generation is responsible for the fate of our planet and, by safeguarding the balance of nature and the environment, for the long term continuity of life in all its forms.

Upholding these values of individual and social justice, we reject all prejudice and discrimination based upon race, colour, religion, age disability, sex or sexual orientation and oppose all forms of entrenched privilege and inequality. Recognising that the quest for freedom and justice can never end, we promote human rights and open government, a sustainable economy which serves genuine need, public services of the highest quality, international action based on a recognition of the interdependence of all the world’s peoples and responsible stewardship of the earth and its resources.

We believe that people should be involved in running their communities. We are determined to strengthen the democratic process and ensure that there is a just and representative system of government with effective Parliamentary institutions, freedom of information, decisions taken at the lowest practicable level and a fair voting system for all elections. We will at all times defend the right to speak, write, worship, associate and vote freely, and we will protect the right of citizens to enjoy privacy in their own lives and homes. We believe that sovereignty rests with the people and that authority in a democracy derives from the people. We therefore acknowledge their right to determine the form of government best suited to their needs and commit ourselves to the promotion of a democratic federal framework within which as much power as feasible is exercised by the nations and regions of the United Kingdom. We similarly commit ourselves to the promotion of a flourishing system of democratic local government in which decisions are taken and services delivered at the most local level which is viable.

We will foster a strong and sustainable economy which encourages the necessary wealth creating processes, develops and uses the skills of the people and works to the benefit of all, with a just distribution of the rewards of success. We want to see

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democracy, participation and the co-operative principle in industry and commerce within a competitive environment in which the state allows the market to operate freely where possible but intervenes where necessary. We will promote scientific research and innovation and will harness technological change to human advantage.

We will work for a sense of partnership and community in all areas of life. We recognise that the independence of individuals is safeguarded by personal ownership of property, but that the market alone does not distribute wealth or income fairly. We support the widest possible distribution of wealth and promote the rights of all citizens to social provision and cultural activity. We seek to make public services responsive to the people they serve, to encourage variety and innovation within them to make them available on equal terms to all.

Our responsibility for justice and liberty cannot be confined by national boundaries; we are committed to fight poverty, oppression, hunger, ignorance, disease and aggression wherever they occur and to promote the free movement of ideas, people, goods and services. Setting aside national sovereignty when necessary, we will work with other countries towards an equitable and peaceful international order and a durable system of common security. Within the European Community we affirm the values of federalism and integration and work for unity based on these principles. We will contribute to the process of peace and disarmament, the elimination of world poverty and the collective safeguarding of democracy by playing a full and constructive role in international organisations which share similar aims and objectives. These are the conditions of liberty and social justice which it is the responsibility of each citizen and the duty of the state to protect and enlarge. The Liberal Democrats consist of women and men working together for the achievement of these aims.

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This paper has been approved for debate by the Federal Conference by the Federal Policy Committee under the terms of Article 5.4 of the Federal Constitution. Within the policy-making procedure of the Liberal Democrats, the Federal Party determines the policy of the Party in those areas which might reasonably be expected to fall within the remit of the federal institutions in the context of a federal United Kingdom. The Party in England, the Scottish Liberal Democrats, the Welsh Liberal Democrats and the Northern Ireland Local Party determine the policy of the Party on all other issues, except that any or all of them may confer this power upon the Federal Party in any specified area or areas. If approved by Conference, this paper will form the policy of the Federal Party, except in appropriate areas where any national party policy would take precedence.

Many of the policy papers published by the Liberal Democrats imply modifications to existing government public expenditure priorities. We recognise that it may not be possible to achieve all these proposals in the lifetime of one Parliament. We intend to publish a costings programme, setting out our priorities across all policy areas, closer to the next general election.

Working Group on Liberal Democracy

Alan Beith MP (Chair) Simon Mundy Robert Adamson Cllr. Keith Sharp Baroness Liz Barker Dr. Julie Smith Tony Beamish Neil Stockley David Boyle Cllr. Sarah Teather Duncan Brack Serena Tierney Nick Clegg MEP David Walter Kishwer Falkner Alex Wilcock Cllr. David Howarth Paula Yates Ian Hunter Dr. Tim Leunig Staff:

Claire Chandler Dr. Richard Grayson

Note: Membership of the Working Group should not be taken to indicate that every member necessarily agrees with every statement or every proposal in this Paper.

Comments on the paper are welcome and should be addressed to: Policy Unit, Liberal Democrats, 4 Cowley Street, London SW1P 3NB

ISBN: 1 85187 681 2 © June 2002

Further copies of this paper may be obtained, price £5 from: Liberal Democrat Image, 11 High Street, Aldershot, Hampshire, GU 11 1BH Tel: 01252 408 282 Email: [email protected] Printed by Contract Printing, 1 St James Road, St James Industrial Estate, Corby, NN18 8AL. Cover design by Helen Belcher

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