DOCSLIB.ORG

The Squeezed Middle? the Liberal Democrats in Wales and Scotland: a Post- Coalition Reassessment A.B

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Squeezed Middle? the Liberal Democrats in Wales and Scotland: a Post- Coalition Reassessment A.B The squeezed middle? The Liberal Democrats in Wales and Scotland: A post- coalition reassessment A.B. Evans Wales Governance Centre, Cardiff University [email protected] Do not cite without permission. 1 Abstract In the wake of the repeated electoral losses suffered by the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats in 2011 and 2012 devolved and local government elections, it is perhaps unsurprising that recent analysis has focused on the 'toxic impact of the federal party’s coalition with the Conservative party' on the devolved state parties electoral fortunes. Certainly this significant electoral collapse, alongside the hostility to both parties recorded in the 2011 Scottish and Welsh electoral surveys, could be said to lend credence to such a research focus. However, this paper will argue that the real potency of the Westminster coalition has resulted from it exacerbating and exposing weaknesses that have long blighted the Liberal Democrats in Scotland and Wales. Indeed, by adopting an approach that places the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats’ current woes within a historical context, this paper will contend that such frailties highlight structural weaknesses at the very heart of the Liberal Democrats federally. 2 Introduction: Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats and the Coalition Government For the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats, their recent displays at the ballot box, the 2011 Scottish and Welsh devolved elections and 2012 local government elections, have been experiences defined by the despondency of lost deposits, grim faced candidates, humiliation and an emphatic reversal of years of progress.1 At first glance the Scottish Liberal Democrats’ fall appears the starkest, coming from a higher base at both Holyrood and local government (Black 7th May 2011 [online], Lindsay 5th May 2012 [online]). 2011’s Scottish parliamentary elections saw the party reduced to a rump presence at Holyrood, suffering huge swings and defeats in areas that they had spent years cultivating (Denver 2011: 34, Black 6th May 2011 [online]). The 2012 local elections saw the party further humbled, embarrassingly so in Edinburgh, and left without a single councillor on half of Scotland’s councils (Lindsay 5th May 2012 [online], Curtice 6th May 2012 [online]). Whilst the Welsh Liberal Democrats narrowly avoided a Scottish style meltdown in 2011, popularising a perception within the party that they had outperformed their Scottish colleagues, perceptions do not always do justice to reality.2 Despite only losing one AM to the Scottish Liberal Democrats’ loss of eleven MSPs, the Welsh Liberal Democrats’ proportion of lost deposits was higher than that suffered by the party in Scotland. The Welsh Liberal Democrats lost deposits in seventeen, or 42.5%, of the forty Welsh Assembly constituencies, as opposed to the twenty five constituency deposits lost by the Scottish Liberal Democrats (around 34% of the seventy three Scottish Parliament constituencies). Furthermore, whilst the 2012 local elections saw the Welsh Liberal Democrats incur fewer losses than their Scottish counterparts (sixty six councillors to ninety five), as a proportion of their councillor base, the Welsh party again fared worse, losing 48.2% of their councillors, compared to the Scottish Liberal Democrats’ 43% decline. To make the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats plight worse, there appears to be little sign of light on the horizon. A July 2012 Sunday Times poll, for example, indicated that the Scottish Liberal Democrats now trail the Greens at four percent on the regional list (National Left 24th July 2012 [online]). For the Welsh Liberal Democrats’ an ITV Wales–YouGov poll, also that month, showed the party behind UKIP on regional list voting intentions (Shipton 5th July 2012 [online]). Certainly, then, both the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats have suffered a stark decline in political fortunes. An electoral malaise that appears inextricably tied to the Conservative- Liberal Democrat coalition at Westminster. Indeed, only a glance at the polling data below reveals that the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats (like the 1 Electoral data used in this paper sourced from the Electoral Commission: http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/elections/results 2 Interviews: Federal Party Employee 2nd May 2012 and FEC Member 2nd April 2012 3 party federally) saw their electoral backing fall almost instantly after the coalition was formed. Wales: UK General Election Polls3 POLL LAB CON LIB- PLAID OTHERS DEM ITV-Wales/YouGov, April 33 23 29 9 6 2010 Western Mail/R&MP, late 37.5 23.5 21.0 10.8 7.2 April 2010 ITV-Wales/YouGov, 1-3 May 35 27 23 10 5 2010 ITV-Wales/YouGov, Oct 48 29 8 11 7 2010 ITV-Wales/YouGov, end- 50 25 6 11 9 Jan–Feb 2012 Scotland: UK General Election Polls LIB- POLL LAB CON DEM SNP OTHERS Sun-YouGov, 28th April 2010 36 14 23 23 4 Scotland on Sunday-YouGov, 30th April 2010 37 17 22 20 4 Scotsman-YouGov, 5th May 2010 37 17 22 21 3 Ipsos Mori, 20th August 2010 40 14 13 29 4 YouGov, late February 2012 42 17 7 30 4 It can hardly be surprising, therefore, that a significant strain of Scottish and Welsh political discourse has been the claim that the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats have been punished for the unpopularity of the UK coalition government (Bort 2012: 37, 50). This is a claim that certainly draws strength from the Scottish and Welsh 2011 Electoral Surveys, which saw the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats record the biggest decline in popularity of any party in their respective nations and disaffection with the UK Government’s performance and Nick Clegg walk hand in 3 Welsh polling data courtesy of Prof Richard Wyn Jones 4 hand with perceptions that the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats are incompetent and out of touch (Johns et al. 2011: 15-19, Wyn Jones and Scully 2011: 11-26). With such compelling data and such a sharp decline in electoral fortunes, it is almost tempting to blame the coalition Government as the root cause of the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats woes. However, by locating the coalition’s impact on the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats identities, their respective relationships with their political cultures and their organisational capacity within a broader historical analysis of both parties, this paper will argue that both parties have serious problems that are deeper rooted than the Downing Street Rose Garden. Problems that the coalition government has exposed and/or exacerbated. 5 The organisational capacity of the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats Perhaps the most convincing evidence for this paper’s central argument is found in both parties organisational capacity. Absent from vast swathes of Scotland and Wales, the Liberal Democrats in both nations have suffered from a small membership base and acute organisational weakness, to the extent that despite formal constitutional autonomy, both the Scottish and Welsh Liberal Democrats have historically been organisationally dependent on the federal party (Bratberg 2009: 73-74, Holmes 2007: 536). It is precisely this longstanding frailty that has made the coalition Government’s impact so damaging. The Scottish Liberal Democrats’ marginal electoral position for much of the post-war period, alongside a weak membership base and highly limited resources, unsurprisingly meant that a defining feature of the party was organisational weakness (Lynch and McAngus 2012: 3, Lynch 1998: 23-24). This organisational underdevelopment undermined the party’s formal autonomy, with a reliance on the federal Liberal Democrats for assistance with policy development, funding and the general administration of the party in Scotland (Holmes 2007: 536-538, Bratberg 2009: 73). Electoral advances since the 1980s, however, led to an increase in their finances and organizational capabilities and by the end of the 2005-2010 UK Parliament the Scottish Liberal Democrats’ organisation was increasingly healthy, with an increased membership and a surplus in the party’s accounts (Lynch 1998: 19, 28, Scottish Liberal Democrats 2012: 4, 5). Yet, with only 4,158 members, the Scottish Liberal Democrats were still, as Lynch and McAngus stress, a small organisation with low membership in even core Parliamentary seats e.g. the 80 members recorded in Argyll and Bute’s 2010 Statement of Accounts or the 138 in Charles Kennedy’s Ross, Skye and Lochaber constituency (Lynch and McAngus 2012: 4). Devolution has, therefore, been critical to the Scottish Liberal Democrats’ organisational health, with small membership leaving the party reliant on the revenue streams created post-devolution e.g. the staffing allowances afforded to Members of the Scottish Parliament (Bratberg 2009: 73, Lynch and McAngus 2012: 4). The Welsh Liberal Democrats historically weak organisation similarly bred a dependency on the centre for resources and volunteers for the party’s daily operation (Bratberg 2009, p.73, Holmes 2007: 536, Thomas 2001: 124, Deacon 2007: 156-157). It was only in 1992, for example, that the party could boast full time headquarters in Wales and it took until after 1997 for a full time chief executive to be appointed (Thomas 2003: 180, Deacon 2007: 159). Despite such stunted development, the Welsh Liberal Democrats’ organisational capacity also appeared to have made some steps forward by the end of the 2005-2010 UK Parliament. A move to new Headquarters, a rationalisation of the party’s functions and the development of financial contingency plans and a Finance and Management Committee to keep a tight hold on expenditure and budgets have been 6 particularly significant, leaving the Welsh party in a position where resources were “tight but could be coped with.”4 However, the party in Wales was still a highly limited organisation. Official membership figures are unavailable, but the party’s support base was so thin in parts of Wales that it took the merger of a number of constituency areas just to create a viable local party (e.g.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Scottish Parliamentary Elections- Responses from Political Parties
    Scottish Parliamentary Elections- Responses from Political Parties Scottish National Party Aviation: If elected what steps will you take to support the aviation sector in Scotland and reassure our members and the communities where they live and work of the retention of well paid high quality employment and oppose the plans to deliver air traffic control remotely? Globally, as well as here in Scotland, the aviation industry faces one of the longest recovery periods from the pandemic. The SNP have extended the 100% non-domestic rates relief for the aviation sector for all 2021/22 - the only country to do this in the UK - and we're also working with airports on route recovery, to help rebuild connectivity for business and tourism once we are able to safely lift travel restrictions. This will help win back routes and employment opportunities. We recognise the need to modernise Air Traffic Control to ensure more sustainable and reliable air services in the Highlands and Islands. We urge both HIAL (Highland and Islands Airports Ltd) and its staff to continue to play a constructive role as implementation of the project progresses. Defence Sector Jobs: The contract for the construction of the new Royal Navy ships to support the carriers is currently ongoing. A victory for the joint BAE / Babcock team bidding for this work will secure thousands of jobs on the Clyde and at Rosyth well into the 2030’s. It will deliver a prosperity boost to both the UK and Scottish Governments in the region of £400m. If elected what steps will you take to ensure that this vital contract is awarded to Scottish yards and Scottish workers? The Scottish shipbuilding industry has near-peerless standards in the manufacture of the highest quality of state of the art frigates - while we welcome the work that is coming to Scotland through the construction of these Type 31 frigates, all it does is highlight the cheque that the Tories wrote in the run up to the 2014 Referendum but have still failed to cash.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberal Vision Lite: Your Mid-Monthly Update of News from Liberal International
    Liberal Vision Lite: your mid-monthly update of news from Liberal International Thu, Apr 15, 2021 at 6:59 PM Issue n°5 - 15 April 2021 SUBSCRIBE TO OUR NEWSLETTER "We have a chance to re-think & re-invent our future", LI President El Haité tells Liberal Party of Canada Convention. In an introductory keynote, President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, addressed thousands of liberals at the Liberal Party of Canada‘s largest policy convention in history. WATCH VIDEO CGLI’s Axworthy tells Canadian liberals, "To solve interlinked challenges, common threads must be found." On 9 April, as thousands of Candian liberals joined the Liberal Party of Canada's first-ever virtual National Convention, distinguished liberal speakers: Hon. Lloyd Axworthy, Hon. Diana Whalen, Chaviva Hosek, Rob Oliphant & President of the Canadian Group of LI Hon. Art Eggleton discussed liberal challenges and offered solutions needed for the decade ahead. WATCH VIDEO On World Health Day, Council of Liberal Presidents call for more equitable access to COVID vaccines Meeting virtually on Tuesday 7 April, the Council of Liberal Presidents convened by the President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, applauded the speed with which vaccines have been developed to combat COVID19 but expressed growing concern that the rollout has until now been so unequal around the world. READ JOINT STATEMENT LI-CALD Statement: We cannot allow this conviction to mark the end of Hong Kong LI and the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats released a joint statement on the conviction of LI individual member & LI Prize for Freedom laureate, Martin Lee along with other pro-democracy leaders in Hong Kong, which has sent shockwaves around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • [Redacted S.38(1)(B)] Sent: 27 May 2020 08:59 To
    OFFICIAL: SENSITIVE 1 - ONE DOCUMENT From: [Redacted s.38(1)(b)] Sent: 27 May 2020 08:59 To: Cabinet Secretary for Communities and Local Government; Cabinet Secretary for Social Security and Older People Cc: DG Organisational Development & Operations; DG Education, Communities & Justice DG Economy Kerr S (Stephen) (Social Security Director) McVie A (Ann) MacDougall A (Audrey); Baron-Broadhurst L (Lisa); Byrne A (Alison) <[email protected]>; McClintock A (Andy); Social Security Scotland Chief Executive; Laing SG (Shirley); [Redacted s.38(1)(b)]; [Redacted s.38(1)(b)]; First Minister Covid Briefing Unit; [Redacted s.38(1)(b)] Campbell J (Jeanette) (Special Adviser); Cabinet Secretary for Economy, Fair Work and Culture ; Deputy First Minister and Cabinet Secretary for Education and Skills; [Redacted s.38(1)(b)] Subject: RE: OFFICIAL: SENSITIVE - Citizens Basic Income - update Hi [Redacted s.38(1)(b)] Thanks for your email. On the questions asked by Ms Campbell, we plan to submit advice on the final report from the Citizen’s Basic Income Steering Group in the next few days and I will cover her points in that note. I hope this is satisfactory. [Redacted s.38(1)(b)] [Redacted s.38(1)(b)] I Head of the Reserved and Working Age Benefits Unit I Scottish Government I 1B (South) Victoria Quay Edinburgh EH6 6QQ [Redacted s.38(1)(b)] or Skype Do not work Fridays. Find out more about new social security powers, and sign up to our newsletter From: [Redacted s.38(1)(b)] On Behalf Of Cabinet Secretary for Communities and Local Government Sent: 26
    [Show full text]
  • Images Within This Issue Are of a Violent Nature, but We Cannot Hide from Them
    2017 no. 1 £6.00 (free to members) Images within this issue are of a violent nature, but we cannot hide from them. Individual tragedies such as these . are what refugees and economic migrants are fleeing, they are part of the legacy of imperialism as much as problems in countries like Nigeria (or any other conflict area). EVENTS CONTENTS 30th January 2017 Isaiah Berlin Lecture. 1.00pm Nigeria and the legacy of military rule. Chatham House by Rebecca Tinsley Pages 3-5 9th February 2017 Chinese New Year Dinner and Auction. Guest Speaker: Prof Kerry Brown. £45. Indonesia, the sleeping giant awakes. 7.00pm NLC. RSVP [email protected] by Howard Henshaw Pages 7-8 18-19th February 2017 Cymdeithas Lloyd George – Lloyd George Society Weekend School. Hotel Com- Some culture and politics of Georgia. modore, Llandrindod Wells. by Kiron Reid Pages 9-11 https://lloydgeorgesociety.org.uk 20th February 2017 LIBG Forum on French elec- International Abstracts Pages 12-13 tions, co-hosted with MoDem. NLC European Parliament Brexit Chief to deliver 4th March 2017 Rights Liberty Justice Pop-Up Con- 2017 Isaiah Berlin Lecture in London Page 13 ference – The Supreme Court Article 50 decision & beyond. Bermondsey Village Hall, near London Reviews Pages 14-16 Bridge Station 6th March 2017 LIBG Executive, NLC 13th March 2017 LIBG Forum on the South China Photographs: Anon, Howard Henshaw, Kiron Reid. Sea. NLC 17th-19th March 2017 Liberal Democrat Spring Con- ference, York. 25th March 2017 Unite For Europe National March to Parliament. 11.00am London 15th May 2017 LIBG Forum on East Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Exhibition Plan Solent Hall, Ground Floor of BIC
    Exhibition Plan Solent Hall, Ground Floor of BIC 44 43 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 46 51 45 42 32 31 30 CZ1 CZ2 CZ3 CZ4 47 41 52 53 48 CZ 28 29 10 CAMPAIGN ZONE CZ 49 27 26 9 14 13 50 22& 24 25 CZ8 CZ7 12 23 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 11 10 3 4 5 6 7 1 Solent 8 9 ➔ Lounge to Branksome, Solent Bar Durley, Meyrick and Westbourne Catering ➔ ➔ ➔ ➔ (Not to scale) L ➔ ➔ to Auditorium ➔ Main Foyer Key L Lift Exhibition stand Coffee Shop Key to stand numbers on page 2. Seating area EXHIBITION PLAN LIBERAL DEMOCRATS AUTUMN CONFERENCE 2019 Exhibitors listed by stand number 1 Thakeham Group 34 National Liberal Club 3 Berber Leather 35 Liberator Magazine 5 Heathrow West Limited 36 ALTER 8 Her Majesty’s Government of 37 Association of Lib Dem Trade Gilbraltar Unionists 9 The National Education Union 38 Volunteering with the Liberal 10 Liberal Democrat Disability Democrats Association 39 Liberal Reform 11 Liberal Democrats European 40 Liberal Democrat History Group Parliamentary Party 42 Liberal Democrat Education 12 Social Democrat Group Association 13 RemainerNow 43 Liberal Democrats 4 Seekers of 14 E.A.R.S. Campaign Software Sanctuary 15 Humanist & Secularist Liberal 44 Young Liberals Democrats 45 London Liberal Democrats 16 ALDE Party 46 Liberal Democrats in Business 17 Best for Britain 47 Liberal Democrat European 18 Parliamentary Candidates Group Association 48 Association of Liberal Democrat 20 Midlands Engine Engineers and Scientists 21 Guardian News & Media 49 Rights Liberties Justice (Liberal 22&23 ALDC – Liberal Democrat Democrat Lawyers) Campaigners
    [Show full text]
  • Fact Sheet Msps by Party Session 4 29 March 2016 Msps: Historical Series
    The Scottish Parliament and Scottish Parliament I nfor mation C entre l ogo Scottish Parliament Fact sheet MSPs by Party Session 4 29 March 2016 MSPs: Historical Series This Fact sheet provides a cumulative list of all Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) who served during session 4, arranged by party. It also includes the Independent MSPs. The MSPs are listed in alphabetical order, by the party that they were elected to represent, with the party with most MSPs listed first. Statistical information about the number of MSPs in each party in Session 4 can be found on the State of the Parties Session 4 fact sheet. Scottish National Party MSP Constituency (C) or Region (R) Brian Adam 1 Aberdeen Donside (C) George Adam Paisley (C) Clare Adamson Central Scotland (R) Alasdair Allan Na h-Eileanan an lar (C) Christian Allard2 North East Scotland (R) Colin Beattie Midlothian North and Musselburgh (C) Marco Biagi Edinburgh Central (C) Chic Brodie South of Scotland (R) Keith Brown Clackmannanshire & Dunblane (C) Margaret Burgess Cunninghame South (C) Aileen Campbell Clydesdale (C) Roderick Campbell North East Fife (C) Willie Coffey Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley (C) Angela Constance Almond Valley (C) Bruce Crawford Stirling (C) Roseanna Cunningham Perthshire South and Kinross-shire (C) Graeme Dey Angus South (C) Nigel Don Angus North and Mearns (C) Bob Doris Glasgow (R) James Dornan Glasgow Cathcart (C) Jim Eadie Edinburgh Southern (C) Annabelle Ewing Mid Scotland and Fife (R) Fergus Ewing Inverness and Nairn (C) Linda Fabiani East Kilbride (C) Joe FitzPatrick Dundee City West (C) Kenneth Gibson Cunninghame North (C) Rob Gibson Caithness, Sutherland and Ross (C) Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Christine Grahame Lauderdale (C) 1 Brian Adam died on 25 April 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • The Scottish Coalition Agreement by Philip Goldenberg
    The Scottish coalition agreement by Philip Goldenberg The first Scottish parliamentary elections in May this year were followed by a landmark coalition agreement between the Scottish Labour Party and the Scottish Liberal Democrats. Philip Goldenberg was involved in the drafting of wording on which Part III of the agreement was based and here analyses the significance of the Partnership Executive. Ph,l,p Coldenbey n the words of Disraeli's well-known aphorism, 'England Government and been in what one might term the 'reverse does not like coalitions'. Scotland would appear to be harlot position', with total (collective) responsibility and no I different! Opinion poll evidence suggests that the formation power; and of the 'Partnership Executive' following the first Scottish (c) while it might have been unclear who had won the parliamentary elections last May has been welcomed at least February 1974 General Election, it was abundantly clear so far as a constructive attempt to work across party that the Conservative Party, having called that election boundaries. while in possession of an overall majority, had lost it. At the time of such formation, journalistic commentary In 1977, the then Labour Government, having lost its focused almost exclusively (and not unreasonably) on the policy (previously very narrow) overall majority, invited the then content of the agreement between the Scottish Labour Party and Liberal Party to enter into a parliamentary arrangement to the Scottish Liberal Democrats, with particular reference to the support the government from the opposition benches in return issue of tuition fees. This latter, to which reference is made for rights of consultation.
    [Show full text]
  • Sir Vince Cable Q&A – Life After Lib Dem Leadership
    Sir Vince Cable Q&A – Life after Lib Dem leadership By Beverley Nielsen, Associate Professor at Birmingham City University’s IDEA Institute and Senior Fellow at BCU’s Centre for Brexit Studies, Liberal Democrat Councillor on Malvern Hills District Council and responsible for the Economic Development & Tourism Portfolio How are you feeling at the end of your term as Leader? I am not sure what the next stage of my career really is. I’m in California over the summer with my son and I’m looking forward to coming back feeling refreshed. I will of course still be MP for Twickenham. I’m writing another book looking at the links between politicians and economics and taking a closer view of the figures who have made a big difference through these links including Alexander Hamilton (1) and Deng Xiaoping (2). [(1) Alexander Hamilton (1755 – 1804), was renowned as one of the founding fathers of the United States of America, leading the way in interpreting and promoting the US Constitution, founding the nation’s financial system, the Federalist Party and the New York Post. As First Secretary of the Treasury, he was promoted the economic policies for George Washington‘s administration, setting up a national bank, enabling funding for state debt, establishing a system of tariffs and trading relations with Great Britain. (2) Deng, credited through economic policy reform with lifting more human beings out of poverty than any other human being, drew on a model of ‘state capitalism’ set within the framework of Communist party rule. Deng himself was pragmatic: a gradualist who believed in ‘crossing the river by feeling for the stones’, being interested in results rather than dogma or doctrine.] What are your proudest achievements? Most of the achievements I’m proudest of were achieved during the five years I spent serving as a Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills in the Coalition government.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Brexit Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity
    Beyond Brexit Liberal politics for the age of identity A collection of essays presenting a roadmap to a better Britain Sir Vince Cable MP BEYOND BREXIT Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity BEYOND BREXIT Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity A collection of essays presenting a roadmap to a better Britain By Sir Vince Cable MP Leader of the Liberal Democrats March 2019 First published in Great Britain in 2019 by the Liberal Democrats, 8–10 Great George Street, London, SW1P 3AE, on behalf of Vince Cable MP Copyright © Vince Cable 2019. Vince Cable has asserted his rights under the Copyright, Designs & Patents Act, 1988, to be identifed as the author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the publisher’s prior permission in writing. Tis book is published subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publishers’ prior consent in writing in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. ISBN 978-1-910763-67-4 A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Research and editing by Alex Davies and Mike Tufrey. Typeset in Adobe Caslon Pro and Myriad Pro by Duncan Brack. Cover design by Mike Cooper. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Park Communications Ltd, Alpine Way, London E6 6LA Contents Introduction: Beyond Brexit ............................................................1 1 Where We Are ................................................................................3 2 A Functioning Economy and an Entrepreneurial State ..................11 3 Te Digital Economy and the Tech Titans ....................................23 4 Capital and Labour ......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Foi-18-00465
    ANNEX ANNEX Case Number Summary of Case Decision Exemption/Exception applied FoI/16/01789 Correspondence including emails in relation to The Partial 30(b)(i);30(b)(ii);38(1)(b); Council Tax Reduction (Scotland) Amendment (No. 2) Release Regulations 2016 since 18 October 2016. FoI/16/01829 To provide written information on the development of Partial camping management byelaws by loch Lomond and Release The Trossachs National Park or Scottish Ministers FoI/16/01842 Request for access to a file HH51/460 Refuse 31(1); FoI/16/01845 Details of contracts Scottish Government has with Partial 17;25;33(1)(b);38(1)(b); Warmworks Scotland & Energy Saving Trust Release FoI/16/01866 No of claims received in the last 3 years for damage to Partial 17; cars arising from potholes on A75, A77 & A76. How Release many claims were approved and the annual amount of compensation paid, how many were rejected and how many are to be resolved FoI/16/01873 All communications held by TS relating to accidents, Partial R10(4)(a);R10(4)(d);R11( design, inspections, reviews, investigations or safety Release 2); concerns for the A825 between Creagan and Benderloch from January 2015 FoI/16/01874 Correspondence, minutes of meetings and other Partial 25;30(b)(i); communications between the Scottish Government Release and Transport Scotland and Network Rail, local authorities or SPT regarding (a) Glasgow Crossrail and (b) electrification of the East Kilbride line. FoI/16/01876 training in NRs surrounding civil registration Partial 17; Release FoI/16/01877 Information on setting in Scottish schools.
    [Show full text]
  • 904-4 BBC NR AC Wales 210612.Indd
    WALES AUDIENCE COUNCIL REVIew 2011/12 a 01 Foreword by the National Trustee 02 Audience Council activity 04 Audience Council Wales report on BBC performance 09 BBC performance against Public Purposes 14 Audience priorities for 2012/13 17 Audience Council Wales 18 Contacts Cover image BBC National Orchestra of Wales at one of its concerts for special schools. FORewORD BY THE NaTIONal TRUSTee announced. This has been hugely welcomed by audiences. The Roath Lock drama production facility in Cardiff Bay, which now provides a home for Pobol y Cwm, Casualty and Doctor Who, was delivered on budget and on time. It potentially provides a huge boost for the creative industries in Wales. Following the Westminster Government’s announcement that S4C would be funded from the licence fee from 2013, I strongly welcome the new agreement reached with S4C and I look forward to the BBC and S4C exploiting future opportunities for co-operation for the creative, social, educational and “The Roath Lock drama economic benefit of audiences in Wales. production facility in Cardiff Bay, The year under review saw the departure which now provides a home for of Keith Jones as Director BBC Wales Pobol y Cwm, Casualty and Doctor and the appointment of Rhodri Talfan Davies to that post. I am grateful to Keith Who, was delivered on budget for his substantial support for the work of and on time.” Audience Council Wales and contribution to BBC Cymru Wales over many years. I warmly welcome Rhodri’s appointment The BBC’s Audience Councils advise the and look forward to working closely with Trust on how well the BBC fulfils its Public him during the months and years to come.
    [Show full text]
  • Code-Switching and Mutation As Stylistic and Social Markers in Welsh
    Bangor University DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Style in the vernacular and on the radio: code-switching and mutation as stylistic and social markers in Welsh Prys, Myfyr Award date: 2016 Awarding institution: Bangor University Link to publication General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 06. Oct. 2021 Style in the vernacular and on the radio: code-switching and mutation as stylistic and social markers in Welsh Myfyr Prys School of Linguistics and English language Bangor University PhD 2016 Abstract This thesis seeks to analyse two types of linguistic features of Welsh, code-switching and mutation, as sociolinguistic variables: features which encode social information about the speaker and/or stylistic meaning. Developing a study design that incorporates an analysis of code-switching and mutation in naturalistic speech has demanded a relatively novel methodological approach. The study combined a variationist analysis of the vernacular use of both variables in the 40-hour Siarad corpus (Deuchar 2014) with a technique that ranks radio programmes in order of formality through the use of channel cues and other criteria (Ball et al 1988).
    [Show full text]