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The Scales and Shapes of Queer Women's Geographies: Mapping Private, Public and Cyber Spaces in Portland, OR

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The Scales and Shapes of Queer Women's Geographies: Mapping Private, Public and Cyber Spaces in Portland, OR Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses Winter 3-11-2015 The Scales and Shapes of Queer Women's Geographies: Mapping Private, Public and Cyber Spaces in Portland, OR Paola Renata Saldaña Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Studies Commons, and the Urban Studies and Planning Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Saldaña, Paola Renata, "The Scales and Shapes of Queer Women's Geographies: Mapping Private, Public and Cyber Spaces in Portland, OR" (2015). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 2213. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.2210 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. The Scales and Shapes of Queer Women’s Geographies: Mapping Private, Public and Cyber Spaces in Portland, OR by Paola Renata Saldaña A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Urban Studies Thesis Committee: Sy Adler, Chair Maura Kelly Nathan McClintock Portland State University 2015 i Abstract Queer women’s relationship to space has been under-theorized due to the difficulties in identifying particular spatial patterns that can describe their presence in urban settings. Most of the research that has focused on queer space has mentioned the difficulty of mapping queer women. The purpose of this research is to identify the ways in which the scarcity of queer women-specific space in Portland, Oregon, has affected the development of a women’s community based on a queer identity, the role of intersecting identities such as race and gender identity in these communities and spaces, as well as the implications of queer women’s spaces for the development of inclusive spatial frameworks. This research is based on 15 map-making interviews with queer women in the Portland area. During the interviews, participants were asked to draw a map of what they consider to be queer women’s space in Portland. The results suggest that queer women occupy an array of places, but lack public queer women-specific spaces. Some of the reasons for the decline in these spaces are changing identities and the political climate, an attempt at inclusion of trans and gender non-conforming people, and racism. In order to better understand queer women’s spatial patterns, the scholarship needs frameworks that are inclusive of private, cyber and temporary spaces. Given the lack of scholarship on the relationship between queer women and space, this research contributes to a better understanding of queer women’s geographies in a changing political climate. ii Acknowledgements I want to take a moment to acknowledge all of those who have supported me in this particular process, as well as the people who have come before me. Academic work does not occur in a vacuum and I want to particularly recognize other queer and trans writers, Mexican academics and POC intellectuals that have paved the way for me to be here. This work would also not have been possible without the support and patience of all the people in my life. First I would like to thank Dr. Sy Adler, Dr. Maura Kelly and Dr. Nathan McClintock for their input and support through this process. Secondly, I would like to thank my classmates and cohort for helping me through the program and for their continued check-ins and feedback. Third I would like to show my immense appreciation and love to my friends and family who have been patient and loving in the past year. Fourth, I would like to thank my partner, best friend and biggest support, Jenny, for putting up with a year of stress and hard work. Finally, I would like to thank the participants for sharing their experiences and time with me. This work would not have been possible without the support of all the people in my life. iii Table of Contents 1. Abstract……………………………………………………………………….…. i 2. Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………… ii 3. Chapter I: Introduction and Background……………………………………….. 1 a. Background……………………………………………………………... 1 b. Research…………………………………………………………………. 3 c. Frameworks……………………………………………………………... 6 4. Chapter II: Queer Women’s Space in Portland, OR…………………………… 12 a. Introduction…………………………………………………………….. 12 b. Literature on Queer Women’s Spaces and Queer Communities……….. 15 c. Method………………………………………………………………….. 27 d. Results and Discussion…………………………………………………. 33 e. Conclusion……………………………………………………………….70 5. Chapter III: Spatial Frameworks and Queer Mapping…………………………..78 a. Introduction……………………………………………………………...78 b. Spatial Frameworks…………………………………………………….. 79 c. Place and Queer Women Spaces…………………………………………84 d. Production of Space and Mapping……………………………………… 89 e. Conclusion……………………………………………………………… 98 6. Chapter IV: Conclusion and Future Work…………………………………….100 7. Bibliography……………….…………………………………………………. 104 8. Appendix A: Interview Guide ………………………………………………….111 9. Appendix B: Sample Table …..……………………………………………….. 113 10. Appendix C: Maps…………………………………………………………….. 114 1 Chapter I: Introduction and Background Background Urban spatial arrangements are subject to many different forces including capital investments, history, policy and the presence of local and external communities. Presence and visibility of different communities is contingent on their power to occupy and be safe in different spaces. Cities are designed and built for those who are able to occupy them the most, those who follow hegemonic ideas of citizenship and behavior. Underrepresented and marginalized communities are less likely to inhabit urban locations where they might be subject to policing or discrimination. Communities of color and sexual and gender minorities are examples of groups that have had to carve out specific locations in order to create and maintain community, remain safe and feel included. Many of these communities are geographically bound due to a variety of reasons such as discrimination, historical residential restrictions, and interest in maintaining community. Queer people, particularly gay men, have occupied neighborhoods in cities around the country in order to avoid marginalization and to promote a sense of unity with other queer people. Sexual and gender minorities have always been a part of the urban landscape. Their visibility, however, has increased particularly in the past sixty years. During World War II, many women migrated to urban centers in order to work in factories, while men had joined the military in order to support the way efforts. These mostly gender- segregated spaces allowed for the concentration of gay and lesbians. This, at the same 2 time, facilitated the development of communities organized around sexual orientation or gender identity (Bérubé, 2010). Even though the presence of queer people has been widely known and documented throughout history, this era marks the beginning of the visibility of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) individuals as communities across the United States. During the 1950s, with the rise of the anti- communist McCarthy era and a push for blanketed domesticity, many LGBT people had to go unnoticed, developing underground bars and shops. According to Wolfe, “lesbian communities and lesbian bars as ‘public places’ to gather developed in a time of backlash” (1997: 312). After several decades, queer communities have made many social and political advances towards a sense of equality. Along with this progress, there has been a decline in the number of queer-specific spaces across the county (Podmore, 2006; Nash, 2013; Brown, 2013; Doan and Higgins, 2011). This project explores the ways in which queer women in Portland perceive this phenomenon and the relationship between these public spaces and community. At the same time, this research is interested in the importance that private and cyber spaces have on queer communities in Portland. Even though this research explores all different types of queer spaces, bars are often highlighted both by academia and popular media due to their public presence and historical relevance. In a patriarchal hetero-sexist society, these spaces have served as community centers where women have developed friendships and recognized political, social, and personal connections with other queer people. Since being openly queer in urban environments has not always been safe, these spaces have been crucial in developing a sense of place and belonging in urban landscapes. With the growing 3 acceptance of mainstream queer political goals such as same-sex marriage and openness in the military, as well as a normalization of gay and lesbian individuals in the media, queer spaces and neighborhoods have become economic and “cultural” assets in metropolitan areas (Florida, 2003; Bell and Binnie, 2004).In recent years, however, the number of queer women-specific public spaces has declined across the country. This decline has been accompanied by growing acceptance of queer people in the media. This research suggests that there is a connection between the decline of spaces and the acceptance of LGBTQ people, but it does not imply that queer women’s communities do not want or need specific public spaces. Given the importance of bars and community centers for LGBTQ people in the United States, research should continue to address the ways in which this decline
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