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2001 History of Western Ethics: Early Medieval G. Scott aD vis University of Richmond, [email protected]

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Recommended Citation Davis, G. Scott. "History of Western Ethics: Early Medieval." In Encyclopedia of Ethics, edited by Lawrence Becker and Charlotte Becker, 709-15. 2nd ed. Vol. 2. New York: Routledge, 2001.

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history of Western ethics: 5. Early Medieval ''Medieval" and its cognates arose as terms of op­ probrium, used by the Italian humanists to charac­ terize more a style than an age. Hence it is difficult at best to distinguish late antiquity from the early middle ages. It is equally difficult to determine the proper scope of "ethics," the philosophical schools of late antiquity having become purveyors of ways of life in the broadest sense, not clearly to be distin­ guished from the more intellectually oriented ver­ sions of their religious rivals. This article will begin with the emergence of philosophically informed re­ flection on the nature of life, its ends, and respon­ sibilities in the writings of the Latin Fathers and close with the twelfth century, prior to the systematic reintroduction and study of the Aristotelian corpus.

Patristic Foundations Early medieval thought is indissolubly bound to the seminal writings of the patristic period, roughly those Christian writings produced from the second through the sixth centuries. The ethical presuppo­ sitions inherited by the early fathers reflect the broader intellectual milieu of late antiquity, with its loose amalgam of Platonism, STOICISM, and popular tradition, and it is this background which the early medieval period inherits. In the Latin context it is primarily the moral thought of CICERO ( 106-43 B.C.E.) and SENECA (c. 4 B.C.E.-C. C.E. 65) which

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undergoes Christian interpretation. An influential tern and the monastic ideal. As the fundamental figure in this process of reinterpretation was Am­ means for securing moral and spiritual well-being, brose of Milan (c. 340-397), whose work On the the penitential system and its attendant theology Duties of the Clergy undertook to answer Cicero's pervade the early Middle Ages. To be in a state of De officiis and expound the relations of duty and sin is to be excluded from the community of God virtue to the blessed life promised by scripture. and the neighbor. To remain in a state of sin jeop­ The most influential of the Latin fathers, how­ ardizes the very possibility of eternal HAPPINESS. ever, is AUGUSTINE of Hippo (354-430), who, in his Thus the sacrament of penance actively reflects the work On the Morals of the Catholic Church, rede­ early medieval vision of genuine human good, its re­ fined the cardinal VIRTUES as forms of loving service sponsibilities and the consequences of breaching the oriented toward God. In his Confessions Augustine proper order of society. The structure of penance merged this account of the virtues with a neo­ came to be systematized toward the end of the early Platonic telos for which earthly life is a pilgrimage Middle Ages. Traditionally, penance has three com­ toward our true heavenly home. As pilgrims we ponents. Essential for penance is contrition of the must undertake to serve God and our neighbor, tak­ heart: the person recognizes the sin and regrets it as ing scripture as our primary guide. Here again the an EVIL. Contrition must be followed by confession; primary ethical injunction is to cultivate the virtues, by the early Middle Ages, this meant primarily the which discipline the individual to the proper use of private admission of sin to a priest. Finally, restitu­ earthly things. Book 10 of the Confessions, for ex­ tion is necessary for complete reintegration of the ample, indicates the ways in which the senses must individual into the community. Failure at any point be disciplined to the service of God, and distin­ renders penance defective and its efficaciousness guishes the search for the saving knowledge of suspect, at very best. The nature and relative gravity God's will from the vice of curiosity (chapter 35). of sins at a given period can be discerned from the Augustine elaborated his political ethics in The penitential literature that begins to emerge in the City of God. Just as the individual is a pilgrim, so is sixth century. the Church, that body made up of the faithful. The Philosophically more interesting is lhe complex church "militant," making its way in the world, must MORAL PSYCHOLOGY presupposed by the penitential acknowledge that God has ordained the political or­ system. Peccatum seems to retain its broader sense der for the restraint of WICKEDNESS and the protec­ of "mistake," suggesting that it is not the DESIRE tion of the good. This social order extends to the which is evil, properly speaking, but the complex of faithful and the unfaithful alike, sustaining at least the desire, the understanding of that desire, and the the peace necessary for regular communal activity. ACTION taken. Sin creates a disorder in the soul. The Christians must be willing, and make themselves sinner who is not depraved suffers and recognizes able, to undertake this necessary political activity the wickedness of the action as well as any of its even to the extent of accepting the burdens of judge untoward consequences. Confession acknowledges and soldier. RESPONSIBILITY for the breach of order; restitution In many shorter works, such as his treatise On reflects the desire to restore that order. This account the Good of Marriage, Augustine demonstrated the of penance points up two important aspects of early POWER of his notion of LOVE directed to the service medieval ethics. There was no hard-and-fast distinc­ of God and neighbor to come to grips with matters tion between the public and the private, the ethical of practical morality. Rejecting PERFECTIONISM he and the political, or similar polarities. Further, the acknowledged the genuine goods of marriage, not complex relations between agent, community, and merely in begetting children and sacramentally le­ God make it fruitless to characterize medieval ethics gitimating sex, but in establishing a permanent fel­ as essentially teleological, deontological, or divine lowship between two people. command. Augustine became the most influential of the The complexity of the period emerges even more Latin Fathers in generating a broad moral vision, but clearly in the second pervasive institution, the mo­ some mention must be made of the emergent INSTI­ nastic order. From the sixth century to the twelfth, TUTIONS which established and sustained the moral the centers of learning· in western Europe were the world of the early Middle Ages: the penitential sys- monasteries dedicated to the Rule (Regula Mona-

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chorum, of St. Benedict [c. 480-c. 547]). The Rule will, following Aristotle, come to call epieikeia. A proclaims itself a "school for beginners in the service famous popular example is the legend of Gregory's of the Lord." As such, it emphasizes attaining HU­ intercession for the pagan emperor Trajan, whose MILITY through the practice of obedience. Of partic­ justice to a wronged widow so moved Gregory that ular note is Benedict's concept of the "ladder of hu­ his tears were accounted the equal of baptism and mility" on which the monk ascends from fear of God served to redeem the just Roman. Without ceasing through the various subordinate virtues such as def­ to be an act of grace, God's recognition of Trajan's erence and gravity to the twelfth degree "when the "baptism by tears" recalls Abraham's intercession monk's inward humility appears outwardly in his for Sodom and Gomorrah (Genesis 18:23-33) and comportment" (Regula, chapter 5). From perfected the notion that the just must be treated justly, wher­ humility, the monk progresses to perfect CHARITY ever, and in whatever circumstances, they are found. and the spiritual power to confront the powers of That Gregory only tries this once, however, is a mark evil in mortal combat. Humility and charity, from the of his humility. monastic perspective, constitute primary virtues po­ The story of Gregory and Trajan points to another tentially in conflict with the virtues of classical important source for early medieval moral NORMS culture. and expectations, namely, the lives of the saints. The Benedict's Rule served to organize the monastic medieval calendar was replete with feasts dedicated life of the early Middle Ages, but it also served to to men and women whose lives were held to exem­ establish a general ideal. This ideal found elaborate plify one or more Christian virtues. From the stories expression in the writings of Gregory the Great · of Gregory's Dialogues through the later lives of lo­ (Pope Gregory I [c. 540-604; r. 590-604]). Through cal saints, those narratives associated with the vari­ his Pastoral Rule, Dialogues, and particularly the ous saints displayed for the literate and illiterate Moralia in fob, Gregory exercised a determining in­ alike the ways in which Christians were to deal with fluence on the early medieval conception of the end the MORAL DILEMMAS of daily life and the conse­ of human life and how that life should be led. He quences of giving in to temptation. That they were established the hierarchy of the modes of sin, igno­ frequently good stories made them all the more rance being the least grave, infirmity the intermedi­ suited to pastoral instruction, and it is not surprising ate, and intentional sinning the worst. His list of the that lives of the saints are among the earliest exam­ seven capital sins became canonical. Gregory had a ples of medieval vernacular literature. great influence on moral theology throughout the If Benedict and Gregory established the ideal of medieval period. Of extrabiblical authorities only humility defined by service to God, Benedict's con­ ARISTOTLE (384-322 B.C.E.) and Augustine, for ex­ temporary, Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius (c. ample, are more frequently cited by THOMAS AQUI­ 480-524) represented a more straightforwardly NAS (1225?-1274). philosophical tradition. Boethius never completed The centrality of the sacramental system and the his vision of translating the Aristotelian corpus and monastic ideal meant that questions of CHARACTER that of Plato into Latin, but his Consolation of Phi­ and responsibility were never merely theoretical losophy rivaled Augustine's Confessions as a guide matters, but always issues of practical concern for to the moral life. the health of the individual and the society as a God, Boethius argued, is true perfection and whole. The practical upshot of this is the attempt to hence true goodness as well. Through providence ensure that each person is, in the classical definition God governs the world, grasping it all in an eternal of justice, rendered what is due. Given the complex- . present. Fate is the unfolding of this providential or­ ity of Gregory's moral psychology,· not to mention der in time. There is a temptation to think of God's the diversity of sins, it is important that CONSCIENCE eternal knowledge as necessitating a fatalism which be examined so that in making restitution all par­ denies freedom of action and human responsibility, ties-God, the sinner, the human victim, and society but this, Boethius argues, is a non sequitur. Human as a whole-be treated fairly. Thus the early medi­ freedom is inviolate and it is the responsibility of the eval period lays the foundation for CAUSISTRY, the wise person to come to grips with the mutability of examination of the casus conscientiae that is essen­ fortune and train himself not to care about its vicis­ tial to determining equity, what the high middle ages situdes. This involves realizing that the individual is

711 history of Western ethics: S. Early Medieval essentially a soul, whose true home is in heaven. of charity, fear of God, and chastity as the vita an­ Earthly life is a form of captivity and evil is a pri­ gelica. Alcuin traces the fundamental moral direc­ vation of the good. Those deficient in virtue are de­ tive to reject evil and do the good back to Psalm 33, ficient in being and happiness, appearances not and derives from it the four cardinal virtues. It is of withstanding (Cons. 4,4). Those who know their interest that a list of eight principal vices and a new true home and reject attachment to fortune retain set of subordinate virtues emerge-a set which in­ their peace of mind regardless of their sufferings. cludes peacefulness, MERCY, patience, and humility. Augustine, Boethius, and, to a lesser degree, Half a century later John Scotus Eriugena (c. Gregory were all thinkers of power and originality; 813-880), working at the court of Charles the Bald Isidore of Seville (c. 560-636) was not. Nonethe­ (Charles I, King of France [823-877; r. 843-877]), less, his Etymologiae brings together a remarkable engaged in a heated dispute on predestination and amount of information in an atmosphere dominated foreknowledge which relates directly to the foun­ by the thought of Augustine and Gregory. Isidore dations of ethics. If God is omniscient, are not all created the preeminent encyclopedia of the early human actions immutably fixed and inescapable? Middle Ages, and in so doing made available for gen­ Taking his start from Augustine, Eriugena argued erations not merely a body of arcane and often amus­ that language about God must of necessity be meta­ ing lore, but definitions of basic ethical concepts as phorical and nonliteral. Hence talk of God's knowl­ well. From Isidore, later authors typically derive, for edge as preceding human acts is misleading. God example, the distinction of law into ius, lex, and mo­ exists in an eternal present without change. His un­ res. In his subdivision of ius into the natural, the derstanding remains merely foreknowledge in the di­ civil, and the ius gentium, Isidore paved the way for vine eternity and is in no way coercive. Eriugena re­ later theories of NATURAL LAW and its relations to mained primarily a cosmologist, however, though the laws of nations. The natural law covers the con­ book four of his De divisione naturae does outline duct of all persons, establishing, for example, the a moral psychology based on the allegorical inter­ responsibility of parents for the upbringing of their pretation of Genesis 3. offspring, and the propriety of meeting violent at­ tack with force. Isidore seemed to imply that the nat­ From Anselm to Alan of Lille ural law establishes constraints on the civil law, which to be sound must promote the COMMON A growth in theology and philosophy paralleled GOOD in accord with nature, tradition, and social the expansion of agriculture and population begin­ context (Etymologiae, 5, 4; 5, 21). ning in the eleventh century. Perhaps the most subtle intellect of the early part of this period was ANSELM of Bee (1033-1109), later Archbishop of Canter­ The Carolingian Renaissance bury. Anselm's interest in the logical analysis of con­ The renaissance of learning, which had its center cepts reflects the influence of his teacher, Lanfranc at the court of Charlemagne (742-814), did not give (c. 1005-1089), as well as the growing debate on rise to innovation in moral thought. The works of the use of logic in theology. Although Anselm did Alcuin (735-804), the leading figure in Charles's not undertake an independent treatise on ethics, his reform, reflect a period of consolidation and are Cur Deus homo incorporated a complex account of instructive in their concerns. Introducing his De justice and the end of human existence. God created grammatica, for example, Alcuin pens a short intro­ humans for happiness, which he would not remove duction to philosophy which stresses, in Boethian without just cause (Cur Deus homo, 1, 9). Sin is fashion, the need to free the soul from the vicissi­ specifically the injustice of not rendering God his tudes of Fortune and transitory involvements and to due (1, 11), and the incommensurability between discipline itself with study. A dialogue on rhetoric God and his creation makes it necessary for resti­ closes with a discussion of the cardinal virtues and tution to be made by the man who is also God (cf. their parts. His treatise On the Virtues and the Vices, 2, 16). The happiness made possible through Christ's drawn primarily from scripture and the sermons of act of restitution consists in justice, which requires St. Augustine, presents a concise statement of the that the moral agent be free (2, 10) and capable of relation of faith and works, emphasizing the primacy discerning and willing what justice requires (2, 1).

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Anselm elaborated this moral psychology in his assessed. Acts are good when they accord with what work On the Virgin Conception and Original Sin, God wills for people, and wicked when they evince where he distinguishes between action, appetite, and contempt for God or knowingly violate what God will, locating sin in CONSENT to the promptings of demands. Sin lies not in the act, or even in the will, the appetites, rather than in the appetites themselves but rather in consent to the deed contrary to God's (De conceptu, 3-4). Sin properly so-called involves will. With regard to guilt before God, the doing of a willful and deliberate act contrary to justice, and a deed adds nothing, a view Abelard recognizes as it is this which merits PUNISHMENT. The natural sin provocative. But he notes that an admittedly prohib­ inherited as a consequence of Adam's personal sin ited act, such as sleeping with another's wife, may is, properly speaking, an incapacity on the part of well be done without sin if it is done in ignorance, the agent to achieve justice unaided (De conceptu, and this strongly suggests the neutrality of acts in 23). Natural and personal sin both exclude the non­ themselves. Abelard checks the apparent slide to­ believer from the community of the saints; but they ward SUBJECTIVISM by insisting that an INTENTION is do not bear equal gravity, and so, Anselm implied, good only when it is actually, as opposed to just ap­ they do not merit equal punishment in hell. parently, in accord with God's will. Nonetheless, an In the half century following Anselm's death, Pe­ individual cannot be held guilty if he acts in accord ter ABELARD ( 1079-1142) emerged as the most with the dictates of conscience. brilliant, and controversial, thinker of the early This discussion leads Abelard into the question schools. In his unfinished Dialogue between a Phi­ of repentance, and then into a discussion of the losopher and a few and a Christian, Abelard is status of priests in the penitential order. This closes called on to judge, in a dream vision, the outcome the first book. There remains but a fragment of a of a dispute over the proper path to true happiness. second book and thus, as with the Dialogue, it is The philosopher begins by noting his attachment to unclear what the final shape of Abelard's work the natural law, which he equates with moral teach­ might have been. Nonetheless, both the Ethics and ing, also called ethics. But reason is so denigrated by the Dialogue display subtle and well-argued analyses the common intellect that the search for the good is of key MORAL TERMS. It is not inappropriate to view mired in tradition and bias. Hence he seeks guidance Abelard's fragmentary works as essays toward an in­ from the Jew and the Christian. The law of the Jew dependent philosophical ethics. he argues, while it may be divine in its origins, re­ Parallel, and not unrelated, to the development of mains too tied to this worldly particularism to appeal Abelard's thought is the upsurge of interest in canon to the reasonable mind. The righteousness of Abra­ law. From early in the history of the church, councils ham and Noah demonstrate that the burden of Jew­ had met to debate and decide issues confronting ish law is not necessary for ethics. Turning to the Christian life. The canons, or rules, issued by the Christian, the Philosopher receives an account of various councils were intended to clarify and regu­ ethics as having two parts: First there is the doctrine larize the life of the faithful community. At the same of the summum bonum as the object of moral striv­ time, papal and episcopal decrees were pronounced ing; then there is the doctrine of the virtues as the in response to various issues. By the end of the elev­ path toward the summum bonum. Drawing primar­ enth century there existed disparate collections of ily on Augustine and Cicero, the Philosopher and the sometimes conflicting canons and decrees. While Christian agree on an account of the virtues which Abelard, in his Sic et non, seemed happy to array they couple with an Augustinian theory of the rela­ competing authorities against each other, those tion of good to evil in the world. The Dialogue charged with the care of souls sought more definitive breaks off after the discussion of the application of guidance. Of the many scholars working in the field, 'good,' thus we lack Abelard's analysis of the debate. Master Gratian of Bologna, active around 1140, pro­ The Dialogue remains valuable, nonetheless, for its duced the most important compendium. His Con­ discussion of natural law, virtue, and the concept of cordance of Discordant Canons, popularly referred 'good.' to as the Decretum, came to dominate the study of In his Ethics or Know Thyself, Abelard analyzed medieval law. With its accounts of law, the relations the interrelations between 'sin,' 'vice,' and 'evil,' of church and state, and its analyses of cases, the and the ways in which responsibility for actions is Decretum provided not only a handbook of church

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law but also a foundation for much later moral and Bibliography political thought. Gratian's commentators will es­ The primary source for early medieval ethics, and early tablish the fourfold distinction of "counsels," "per­ medieval thought in general remains J.-P. Migne, Pa­ missions," "precepts," and "prohibitions" as defin­ trologiae cursus completus; series latina (PL), 221 vol­ ing the ways in which law regulates responsible umes, Paris, 1844-1864. Of major reference works the human action. In addition, they will shape the di­ most important is the Dictionaire de theologie catho­ rection of much subsequent discussion of natural lique, Paris, 1923-1946. law and the law of nations. This latter in particular Alan of Lille. Anticlaudianus or The Good and Perfect Man. Translated by James J. Sheridan. Toronto: Pon­ will be developed in response to the Crusades and tifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1973. to the ever-expanding contact of Europeans with Ambrose of Milan. Selected Works and Letters. Translated other cultures and religions, up to and including the by H. De Romestin. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, encounters with the indigenous peoples of the New 2d series. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979 [1896]. World. Given the broad impact of canon law on so­ Aries, Philippe, and Georges Duby, gen. eds. History of cial and political life, the impact of Gratian and the the Private Life. Vols. 1 and 2. Cambridge, MA: Bel­ twelfth-century renaissance of legal thought on eth­ knap Press of Harvard University Press, 1987. ical reflection would be hard to overestimate. Armstrong, A. H., ed. The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy. Corrected ed. Many of the disparate traditions of early medieval Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. ethics come together in Alan of Lille (c. 1120- Benedict of Nursia. Rule of St. Benedict. Translated by 1203), master at Paris toward the end of the twelfth Justin McCann. London: Burns, Oates, 1952. century. Alan's works run the gamut from philo­ Berman, Harold J. Law and Revolution: The Formation of sophical poems such as his Anticlaudianus, on the the Western Legal Tradition. Cambridge, MA: Harvard creation of the perfect man, to a Rules for Theology University Press, 1983. and a Treatise on the Virtues and the Vices, which, Boethius, A.M. S. Theological tractates, De consolatione together with his Art of Preaching, make up a sus­ philosophiae. Rev. and new translation. Edited and translated by Edward Kennard Rand, H. F. Stewart, tained treatise on practical philosophy. The details and Stanley Jim Tester. Loeb Classical Library, no. 74. of Alan's account are not novel, but two aspects of Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973. his thought invite reflection. First, the organization Brundage, James A. Medieval Canon Law. London: Long­ of his works, with the emphasis on definition and man, 1995. analysis, extends the interest in philosophical method Chadwick, Henry. Boethius: The Consolations of Music, found in Anselm and Abelard. Second, the account Logic, Theology, and Philosophy. Oxford: Clarendon of nature's attempt at constructing a perfect man in Press, 1981. the Anticlaudianus expresses a growing interest in --. Early Christian Thought and the Classical Tradi­ tion: Studies in Justin, Clement, and Origen. Oxford: ethics as an extension of natural philosophy. Al­ Oxford University Press, 1984. though the soul comes from God, the rest of the Chadwick, Owen, ed. Western Asceticism. Library of attributes of Alan's New Man are shaped by Nature Christian Classics, v. 12. Philadelphia: Westminster and her companions, the Virtues. In the battle Press, 1979 [1958]. against the Vices which closes the poem, Alan gives Chenu, Marie-Dominique. Nature, Man, and Society in the impression that Virtue triumphs without super­ the Twelfth Century: Essays on New Theological Per­ natural aid. Without ceasing to be a Christian theo­ spectives in the Latin West. Translated by Jerome Tay­ lor and Lester K. Little. Toronto: University of Toronto logian, Alan looks forward to a period when it will Press, 1997 [1968]. be possible to undertake ethical analysis on a thor­ Colish, Marcia L. The Stoic Tradition from Antiquity to oughly natural basis. the Early Middle Ages. 2 vols. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990 [1985]. See also: AUGUSTINE; CASUISTRY; CHRISTIAN ETHICS; Courcelle, Pierre Paul. Les Lettres grecques en Occident CICERO; FATE AND FATALISM; FREE WILL; FREEDOM de Macrobe a Cassiodore. Paris: E. de Boccard, 1948. AND DETERMINISM; GOOD, THEORIES OF THE; GUILT An English translation is available: Late Latin Writers and their Greek Sources. Cambridge, MA: Harvard AND SHAME; JEWISH ETHICS; LOGIC AND ETHICS; University Press, 1969. MORAL SAINTS; NATURAL LAW; PUBLIC AND PRIVATE Delehaye, Hippolyte. The Legends of the Saints: An Intro­ MORALITY; SENECA; SIN; STOICISM; THEOLOGICAL duction to Hagiography. Translated by V. M. Crawford. ETHICS; VIRTUES. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1961.

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Also, the Thomas O'Loughlin translation, Portland, O'Meara, John Joseph. Eriugena. Oxford: Clarendon OR: Four Courts Press, 1998. Originally published Press, 1988. 1905. Prefaces to Canon Law Books in Latin Christianity: Se­ Dronke, Peter, editor. A History of Twelfth-Century West­ lected Translations, 500-1245. Translated and with ern Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University commentary by Robert Somerville and Bruce Brasing­ Press, 1988. ton. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998. The Earliest Life of Gregory the Great, by an Anonymous Straw, Carole. Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfec­ Monk of Whitby. Translation, notes, by Bertram Col­ tion. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. grave. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985 Tellenbach, Gerd. Church, State and Christian Society at [1968]. the Time of the Investiture Contest. Translated by R. F. Eriugena, Johannes Scottus. Periphyseon (De divisione Bennett. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991 naturae). Edited and translated by I. P. Sheldon­ [1940]. Williams, eta!. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Verbeke, Gerard. The Presence of Stoicism in Medieval Studies, 1968 (Bks. 1-3), 1995 (Bk. 4). Thought. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of Evans, G. R. Allan of Lille: The Frontiers of Theology in America Press, 1983. the Later Twelfth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ Vogel, Cyrille, comp. Le Pecheur eta! penitence au Moyen versity Press, 1983. age: Textes choisis, traduits et presentes. Paris: Les Edi­ --. The Thought of Gregory the Great. Cambridge: tions du Cerf, 1982 (1969). Cambridge University Press, 1986. Scott Davis Fairweather, Eugene R., ed., trans. A Scholastic Miscel­ lany: Anselm to Ockham. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1956. Gratian. The Treatise on Laws with the Ordinary Gloss. Translated by James Gordley, and with an introduction by Katherine Christensen. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1993. Isidore of Seville. Etymologiarum sive originum libri XX. Edited by W. M. Lindsay. 2 volumes. Oxford Classical Texts. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966 [ 1911]. Jonsen, Albert R., and Stephen Edelston Toulmin. The Abuse of Casuistry: A History of Moral Reasoning. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. Laistner, M. L. W. Thought and Letters in Western Eu­ rope, A.D. 500 to 900. 2d ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Uni­ versity Press, 1966 [1931]. Leclercq, Jean. The Love of Learning and Desire for God: A Study of Monastic Culture. Translated by Catharine Misrahi Second rev. ed. New York: 1974. Lottin, D. 0. Psychologie et moral aux Xlle et Xllle. sie­ cles. 6 volumes. Louvain: Abbaye du Mont Cesar, 1942-1960. Madec, Goulven. St. Ambroise et Ia philosophie. Paris: Etudes augustiniennes, 197 4. Markus, Robert. The End of Ancient Christianity. Cam­ bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Marenbon, John. From the Circle of Alcuin to the School of Auxerre: Logic, Theology, and Philosophy in the· Early Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981. McNeill, John Thomas, and Helena M. Gamer, eds. and trans. Medieval Handbooks of Penance. New York: Octag<:J_n Books, 1979 (1938). Muldoon, James. Popes, Lawyers, and Infidels: The Church and the Non-Christian World, 1250-1550. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979.

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