Download PDF Version of Vol. 118 No. 5

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Download PDF Version of Vol. 118 No. 5 Ethical Record The Proceedings of the Conway Hall Ethical Society Vol. 118 No. 5 £1.50 June 2013 EDITORIAL – CONFRONTING SALAFI-JIHADI IDEOLOGY The Centre for Secular Space [www.centreforsecularspace.org] has recently published a 112 page book entitled Double Bind – the Muslim Right, the Anglo- American Left and Universal Human Rights , written by Meredith Tax. This tract tackles the problem of how to react to the growth of Salafi-Jihadi ideology. It clearly delineates this pernicious ideology, which includes making no distinction between killing soldiers and civilians in pursuit of its aims. The term ‘double-bind’, deriving from Gregory Bateson, occurs when there appear to be ‘conflicting instructions’. For example, what does one do when the people mistreated by the state are also people who violate the rights of women? Traditionally, the ‘Left’ has answered ‘Leave the question of women’s rights until the state’s oppression has ended’, while the ‘Right’ has reversed this order of importance. The Editorial Group of the Centre for Secular Space formed to support Gita Sahgal (who, in 1989, spoke at the Ethical Society’s meeting at Conway Hall defending Salman Rushdie’s Satanic Verses ). In 2010, Gita had been suspended from being head of Amnesty International’s gender unit over Amnesty’s partnership with the group Cageprisoners, which advocates the notion of ‘defensive jihad’. It’s now vital for atheists and secularists to clarify their views on these complex issues involving the ‘double bind’. The book is now in the Humanist Library and should be studied. THE MYTH OF SECULARITY: NONRELIGIOUS CULTURE IN CONTEMPORARY BRITAIN Lois Lee 3 NEW ADDITIONS TO THE HUMANIST LIBRARY Cathy Broad 7 A BRIEF HISTORY OF ANTI-VACCINATIONISM, MMR AND AUTISM Rob Brotherton 8 THE GINGERBREAD HOUSE Superstition and Pseudoscience in Steiner Schools Alex Lewis 14 VIEWPOINTS Robert Morrell, John Severs, Jennifer R. Jeynes 18 JOHN GRAY AND THE ENLIGHTENMENT: A CRITICAL LOOK David Simmonds 20 Book Review: THE SCIENCE OF DISCWORLD IV by Terry Pratchett Chris Bratcher 24 Book Review: THE ATHEIST CENTRE: UNBOUND BY CAGES by Jim Herrick. Norman Bacrac 27 SILENCE ON RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM Elizabeth O’Casey 27 FORTHCOMING EVENTS 28 CONWAY HALL ETHICAL SOCIETY Conway Hall Humanist Centre 25 Red Lion Square, London WC1R 4RL. Main phone for all options: 020 7405 1818 Fax (lettings): 020 7061 6746 www.conwayhall.org.uk G.C. Chairman: Chris Bratcher G.C. Vice-chairman: Giles Enders Editor: Norman Bacrac Please email texts and viewpoints for the Editor to: [email protected] Staff Chief Executive Officer: Jim Walsh Tel: 020 7061 6745 [email protected] Administrator: Martha Lee Tel: 020 7061 6741 [email protected] Finance Officer: Linda Lamnica Tel: 020 7061 6740 [email protected] Librarian: Catherine Broad Tel: 020 7061 6747 [email protected] Hon. Archivist Carl Harrison carl @ethicalsoc.org.uk Programme Co-ordinator: Sid Rodrigues Tel: 020 7061 6744 [email protected] Lettings Officer: Carina Dvorak Tel: 020 7061 6750 [email protected] Caretakers: Eva Aubrechtova (i/c) Tel: 020 7061 6743 [email protected] together with: Brian Biagioni, Sean Foley, Tony Fraser, Rogerio Retuerma Maintena nce: Zia Hameed Tel: 020 7061 6742 [email protected] CONWAY HALL ETHICAL SOCIETY Reg. Charity No. 251396 Founded in 1793, the Society is a progressive movement whose aims are: the study and dissemination of ethical principles based on humanism and freethought the cultivation of a rational and humane way of life, and the advancement of research and education in relevant fields. We invite to membership those who reject supernatural creeds and are in sympathy with our aims. At Conway Hall the programme includes Sunday lectures, discussions, evening courses and the Conway Hall Sunday Concerts of chamber music. The Society maintains a Humanist Library and Archives. The Society’s journal, Ethical Record , is issued monthly. Memorial meetings may be arranged. The annual subscription is £35 (£25 if a full-time student, unwaged or over 65) CALLING MYSTICAL ATHEISTS Alice Herron at the University of Surrey is carrying out an investigation into the spontaneous, transformative, enlightening and/or mystical-type experiences of atheists. If you are an atheist and have had one or more of these experiences and would be willing to participate in this study, please contact me directly at [email protected] . The research has received a favourable ethical review from the University of Surrey. Many thanks for your assistance. Alice Herron, PhD student at the University of Surrey, Department of Psychology. Telephone: 07791219159 Splinter Manifesto An exhibition of oil and water colour painting by Candida Riva in the Brockway Room, Conway Hall on now until the 16 June 2013 2 Ethical Record, June 2013 THE MYTH OF SECULARITY: NONRELIGIOUS CULTURE IN CONTEMPORARY BRITAIN Lois Lee Lecture to the Ethical Society, 13 January 2013 The number of people who say they are not religious but who do not like to identify themselves as ‘atheist’ or ‘humanist’ represents one of the largest groups in Britain. This group of ‘neither/nors’ apparently provides evidence that Britain is significantly ‘secular’: they are people who are so unexercised by religion that they are not even troubled to oppose it. This is the sense of ‘secularity’ referred to in the notion of ‘secularisation’, meaning not the decline of religion per se but religion’s increasing insignificance in society. But is this the whole story? In this article, I draw on new social scientific research to show that the ‘neither/nors’ are not really secular at all. Rather than not really caring, they are in fact engaged with religion in a number of ways and, in affirming their sense of otherness from religion in the process, they should be seen not as non-practicing seculars but as the practicing nonreligious. Shifting our thinking in recognition of this is apparently slight, but in fact represents a fundamental recalibration of what it means to be secular, religiously plural and modern. A Post-religious society? Past understandings and expectations of what it meant to be modern foresaw the advance of secularisation, involving a declining interest in both religion and explicit forms of nonreligion and atheism: religion would decline as societies modernised, and nonreligion, which, the theory said, only exists to oppose religion, would therefore decline with it. We would all simply move on. This vision of post-religious society has failed to materialise. Of course, in places like the UK people decreasingly go to Church or believe in the tenets of orthodox religion. But these same populations have not disengaged from the topic as expected. Professor Kim Knott (University of Lancaster) has compared media coverage of both religion and nonreligion over the past 30 years and has found that the column inches for both have remained broadly similar over time; in fact, the coverage of religion has slightly increased over the period, and the coverage of nonreligion has also increased, also slightly but slightly more. Despite various gains, lobbyist and campaigning secularist groups like the British Humanist Association and the National Secular Society still have plenty to keep them busy and their memberships and activity are both growing, not declining. There is, however, one phenomenon which seems to indicate that the post- religious prediction may have some clout yet, and this is the emergence of a large population of atheists who decline to identify themselves as such. That is, they are not religious but apparently don’t care enough to make a song and a dance of it. So, they don’t believe in God, but they don’t like to describe themselves as ‘atheist’ either; they might make use of Humanist ceremonies, but they don’t like to describe themselves as ‘humanist’; they might even describe themselves as religious: only 15.5 % of people described themselves as not religious in the 2001 Census of England and Wales whilst 27% gave atheistic answers to a question about the existence of God in the British Attitudes Survey Ethical Record, June 2013 3 in the year before. This number is based on the 12 % who said they did not believe in God combined with the 15 % who said that they believed it was impossible to know whether God exists – that is, the strong agnostic position. The two together can be considered atheist-in-practice in that both groups live their lives without reference to or interaction with any God or ‘higher power’. Most of the remaining 11.5 % must have identified with some religious grouping. In other surveys, however, 40-50 % of Britons identify as ‘not religious’ – suggesting a certain ambivalence and disregard for their religious or nonreligious identity. This group is arguably – and commonly – understood as being essentially indifferent to religion – as neither religious nor nonreligious. Indeed, many people understand and would identify themselves in these terms. What is more, by some measures, this ‘indifferent to religion’ group represent one of the largest groups in Britain. For example, the first decade of the twenty-first century has seen 40-50 % of Britons identifying as ‘not religious’ on the British Social Attitudes survey, with year-to-year fluctuations. Compared to this, the number of people who have identified as atheist ranges from the infinitesimal (e.g. on the 2001 Census) to the very small (5-10 % on large-scale surveys (Bullivant, 2010)). Subtracting those who explicitly identify as nonreligious from those who say they are not religious leaves the neither/nor group at between 30-45 % of the population. This is similar to the numbers of ‘indifferent to religion’ that Pascal Seigers (2010) has recorded: 35 %. It is clear, therefore, that this group represents one of the most significant aspects of contemporary ‘religious landscapes’, certainly in places like the UK.
Recommended publications
  • Identitarian Movement
    Identitarian movement The identitarian movement (otherwise known as Identitarianism) is a European and North American[2][3][4][5] white nationalist[5][6][7] movement originating in France. The identitarians began as a youth movement deriving from the French Nouvelle Droite (New Right) Génération Identitaire and the anti-Zionist and National Bolshevik Unité Radicale. Although initially the youth wing of the anti- immigration and nativist Bloc Identitaire, it has taken on its own identity and is largely classified as a separate entity altogether.[8] The movement is a part of the counter-jihad movement,[9] with many in it believing in the white genocide conspiracy theory.[10][11] It also supports the concept of a "Europe of 100 flags".[12] The movement has also been described as being a part of the global alt-right.[13][14][15] Lambda, the symbol of the Identitarian movement; intended to commemorate the Battle of Thermopylae[1] Contents Geography In Europe In North America Links to violence and neo-Nazism References Further reading External links Geography In Europe The main Identitarian youth movement is Génération identitaire in France, a youth wing of the Bloc identitaire party. In Sweden, identitarianism has been promoted by a now inactive organisation Nordiska förbundet which initiated the online encyclopedia Metapedia.[16] It then mobilised a number of "independent activist groups" similar to their French counterparts, among them Reaktion Östergötland and Identitet Väst, who performed a number of political actions, marked by a certain
    [Show full text]
  • Donald Trump, the Changes: Aanti
    Ethnic and Racial Studies ISSN: 0141-9870 (Print) 1466-4356 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rers20 Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution Ed Pertwee To cite this article: Ed Pertwee (2020): Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution, Ethnic and Racial Studies, DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 17 Apr 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 193 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rers20 ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution Ed Pertwee Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, UK ABSTRACT This article explores the “counter-jihad”, a transnational field of anti-Muslim political action that emerged in the mid-2000s, becoming a key tributary of the recent far- right insurgency and an important influence on the Trump presidency. The article draws on thematic analysis of content from counter-jihad websites and interviews with movement activists, sympathizers and opponents, in order to characterize the counter-jihad’s organizational infrastructure and political discourse and to theorize its relationship to fascism and other far-right tendencies. Although the political discourses of the counter-jihad, Trumpian Republicanism and the avowedly racist “Alt-Right” are not identical, I argue that all three tendencies share a common, counterrevolutionary temporal structure.
    [Show full text]
  • Violent Protest and Heterogeneous Diffusion
    BRITAIN FIRST AND THE UK INDEPENDENCE PARTY: SOCIAL MEDIA AND MOVEMENT-PARTY DYNAMICS1 Thomas Davidson and Mabel Berezin2 FORTHCOMING IN DECEMBER 2018 ISSUE OF MOBILIZATION. PLEASE CITE THE PUBLISHED VERSION. Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, using this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing on interactions between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream. A number of western democracies have recently experienced a resurgence of right-wing political activity in both the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary sphere (Akkerman, de Lange, and Rooduijn 2016; Mudde 2016; Muis and Immerzeel 2017). In Germany, the unprecedented electoral performance of the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany (AfD) party
    [Show full text]
  • Extremism in the UK's Radical Right and Al-Muhajiroun Networks
    Studies in Conflict & Terrorism ISSN: 1057-610X (Print) 1521-0731 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/uter20 Gendered Reflections? Extremism in the UK’s Radical Right and al-Muhajiroun Networks Elizabeth Pearson To cite this article: Elizabeth Pearson (2020): Gendered Reflections? Extremism in the UK’s Radical Right and al-Muhajiroun Networks, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2020.1759270 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2020.1759270 © 2020 The Author(s). Published with license by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC Published online: 25 May 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 432 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=uter20 STUDIES IN CONFLICT & TERRORISM https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2020.1759270 Gendered Reflections? Extremism in the UK’s Radical Right and al-Muhajiroun Networks Elizabeth Pearson School of Law and Criminology, Swansea University, Wales, UK ABSTRACT The rise of populism and the radical right alongside ongoing global recruitment by jihadist groups has seen academics and popular dis- course alike note parallels between the two. In particular, authors have emphasized gendered similarities between the movements. Based on ‘close-up’ ethnographic research, this article empirically shows how gender produces group members’ activism in two extreme movements: a network linked to the U.K.’s banned Islamist group al-Muhajiroun; and activists for the English Defence League, Britain First and other anti-Islam(ist) groups. Through a gendered analysis, the article problematizes assertions that the two move- ments mirror one another.
    [Show full text]
  • EXPOSING the FAR RIGHT: Briefing Paper #1
    EXPOSING THE FAR RIGHT: briefing paper #1 An Briefing paper EXPOSING THE Contents FAR RIGHT: 2 On Labelling Fascists 8 Know Your Enemy: the Tommy Robinson movement 8 International organising on the Right briefing paper #1 8 The global far right is different from the right of twenty years ago 11 The global far right is profiting from a popular rejection This is the first in what rs21 plans of globalisation to be a series of papers containing 11 Rejecting the BNP analysis, reportage and strategies 12 Trying what was tried before to address the threat posed by the 13 Robinson and the FLA: the beginnings of a relationship Far Right in the UK. 15 Turning protest into money 15 Free speech for Hate speech? 16 Free Tommy 17 Seeing the movement as a whole An briefing paper All image by Steve Eason/Flickr.com Design: amdc101 Published by Exposing the Far Right 1 On Labelling Fascists by Caliban’s Revenge On 9 June 2018, central London saw the largest demonstration organised by the far right for many years. Perhaps more than 15,000 assembled to protest “against extremism” and “to support free speech”, but even the most casual observer would have found it hard to miss the Nazi salutes and Islamophobic rhetoric. Rather than “extremism” the target of this demonstration was plainly the entire Muslim community: the “free speech” the organisers seek to protect is the right to terrorise that community with impunity and to restore the pogrom that lurched across the country targeting Muslim communities under the banner of the English Defence League.
    [Show full text]
  • Generation Identity United Kingdom and Ireland a HOPE Not Hate Mini Report
    A NEW THREat? GENERatION IDENTITY UNITED KINGDOM AND IRELAND A HOPE NOT HatE MINI REPORT APRIL 2018 CONTENTS 1 Introduction 4 2 The Generation Identity Network 9 3 A Short History of GI in the UK and Ireland 11 4 The Metapolitical Strategy of Generation Identity 14 5 Masking Extremism: A Glossary of GI’s coded Language 15 6 Profiles of Key GI Activists 19 7 Appendix: List of GI Actions in the UK 25 page 2 HOPE not hate | A New Threat?: Generation Identity United Kingdom and Ireland This mini-report was compiled by HOPE not hate’s Right Response team: Simon Murdoch Dr Joe Mulhall David Lawrence Patrik Hermansson page 3 HOPE not hate | A New Threat?: Generation Identity United Kingdom and Ireland INTRODUCTION n the last 10 months, a new far-right threat has emerged in the UK and Ireland. Generation Identity United Kingdom and Ireland (GI UK and Ireland) is the domestic branch of an expanding far-right network, active in 13 countries across Europe and now in North America. The movement is best known for the dangerous Defend IEurope mission, which sought to block refugee rescue ships in the Mediterranean in the summer of 2017. As a movement they have a long history of racism and extreme anti-Muslim prejudice and push ideas such as racial separatism and repatriation. Known for its headline grabbing stunts and bold iconography, GI UK and Ireland is young, organised, tech-savvy and very active, all of which belies its extreme ideology. GI’s current crop of activists have been drawn from organisations across the British far right, ranging from the now proscribed neo-nazi terrorist organisation National Action, to London’s Traditional Britain Group, all the way to elected UKIP officials.
    [Show full text]
  • Overview of the Far Right
    Overview of the Far-Right Dr Benjamin Lee Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST) Lancaster University, UK This work was funded by the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST). CREST is commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1) with funding from the UK Intelligence Community. 1 Introduction This paper considers the ‘far-right’, an overarching term that includes a range of ideologies encompassing both the radical right (democratic) and extreme right (anti- democratic) (Ravndal & Bjørgo 2018). The defining characteristic of the far-right for this paper is: A narrative of racial and/or cultural threat to a ‘native’ group arising from perceived alien groups within a society. This is considered a working definition intended to bound this paper only, this should not be treated as comprehensive.1 This paper focuses on the far-right in the United Kingdom. However, far-right activism is transnational, and so it has not been possible to limit this research exclusively to the UK, nor can the UK far-right be considered in isolation from the wider far-right (Zúquete 2015). The far-right is not composed only of discrete and easily identifiable groups. While various organisations are components of the far-right, including gangs, protest movements, pressure groups, and political parties, the far-right as a whole is amorphous. Its messiness is inherent, stemming from a diverse range of ideologies and narratives enacted over a wide range of geographic contexts by multiple actors. Adding to this, digital technology has allowed an already complex patchwork of groups, influencers and activists to diffuse further through multiple and sometimes overlapping presences on an array of digital platforms.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Birmingham the Body Politic
    University of Birmingham The body politic Downing, Lisa DOI: 10.1177/0957155818791075 License: Creative Commons: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs (CC BY-NC-ND) Document Version Peer reviewed version Citation for published version (Harvard): Downing, L 2018, 'The body politic: gender, the right wing and 'identity category violations'', French Cultural Studies, vol. 29, no. 4, pp. 367-377. https://doi.org/10.1177/0957155818791075 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive.
    [Show full text]
  • FAR RIGHT TERROR GOES GLOBAL MAGAZINE RELAUNCHED L More Pages L More Exclusives ESSENTIAL READING from the UK’S LEADING ANTI-FASCIST CAMPAIGN
    STATE OF HATE 2020 FAR RIGHT TERROR GOES GLOBAL MAGAZINE RELAUNCHED l more pages l more exclusives ESSENTIAL READING FROM THE UK’S LEADING ANTI-FASCIST CAMPAIGN Providing a positive antidote Providing a positive antidote to hate and intolerance to hate and intolerance hopenothate.org.uk hopenothate.org.uk EXTREME WEATHER EXTREME DENIAL 2020: in search ofhope EXTREME POLITICS Price £7.00 Issue 41 – Winter 2019-20 Price £7.00 Issue 40 – Autumn 2019 SUBSCRIBE NOW hopenothate.org.uk/magazine £25 / year (quarterly) DON’T MISS YOUR COPY STATE OF HATE 2020 Editor: Nick Lowles Deputy editor: Nick Ryan Sub-editor: Jemma Levene Contributors: Rosie Carter Matthew Collins Gregory Davis Patrik Hermansson David Lawrence Joe Mulhall Simon Murdoch Liron Velleman HOPE not hate Ltd PO Box 61382 SUBSCRIBE NOW London N19 9EQ Registered office: Suite 1, 3rd Floor, 11-12 St. James’s Square, London SW1Y 4LB hopenothate.org.uk/magazine United Kingdom Tel.: +44 (207) 9521181 £25 / year (quarterly) www.hopenothate.org.uk @hope.n.hate @hopenothate HOPE not hate @hopenothate DON’T MISS YOUR COPY HOPE not hate | 3 STATE OF HATE 2020 CONTENTS SECTION 1 – OVERVIEW P6 SECTION 3 – TERRORISM P24 Livestreamed Terror 26 Terrorgram Network 30 2019 Far-Right Terrorists 34 A Case To Ban The O9A 35 Editorial: An Evolving Threat 6 Investigation: Order of Nine Angles 36 Executive Summary 8 Inside Iron March 42 Combat 18: Old School Threat 48 SECTION 2 – ESSAYS P10 C18 International 50 Worldwide Overview of Hate 12 C18’s Catalogue of Terror 54 European Map 16 Inspiring Nazi Terror
    [Show full text]
  • Narratives of Hate the Spectrum of Far-Right Worldviews in the UK
    Narratives of Hate The Spectrum of Far-right Worldviews in the UK SEPTEMBER 2019 Contents Foreword by Jacqui Smith 5 Executive Summary 7 Key findings Policy Recommendations 11 Define the relationship between violent and nonviolent extremism Tackle far-right hate Stop problematic groups and their narratives Chapter 1: The Growing Far Right in the UK 15 Chapter 2: Understanding the Ideology of the Far Right 19 Anders Breivik Selection of groups Methodology Chapter 3: Narrative Overlaps of Activist Groups 25 The West vs. Islam Victimisation Anti-establishment Justification of violence Conclusion 39 Appendix: Methodology 41 Limitations of this research References 45 3 Foreword by Jacqui Smith The relationship between violent and nonviolent extremism, and the delicate balance of freedom of speech and protection from hate-fuelled violence, have dogged governments since my time as Home Secretary 10 years ago. Arguments as we developed the Prevent strand of the counter-terrorism strategy were heartfelt across government. While some of us felt that the Islamist extremist narrative created a space for the development of violent action and radicalisation, others argued that tackling nonviolent extremism represented an encroachment on the principle of free speech. These arguments have continued in recent years and are exacerbated by the sheer difficulty of defining extremism at all. This is advanced-level policy making. But these are far from academic policy arguments to be left in the corridors of think tanks. As we know only too well in the Jo Cox Foundation, what starts as hate- fuelled rhetoric can end in the terrorist murder of a serving MP, wife and mother.
    [Show full text]
  • Far Right Terrorism on the Rise HOPE Not Hate Challenges Organised Hate and Intolerance Within Our Society
    STATE OF A HOPE not hate special report into extremism in Britain and Europe today hopenothate.org.uk 2018 HATE FaR RIGHT TERRORISM ON THE RISE HOPE not hate challenges organised hate and intolerance within our society. We mobilise communities by providing a BECOME A positive alternative to the politics of hate. For as little as £5 a month you can play your part in ensuring that we continue our work to FRIEND OF bring communities together in the face of hate. In return for a small monthly donation, you will receive: n Six issues of the HOPE not hate magazine every year n A copy of all HOPE not hate publications n An annual invitation to a private briefing with the HOPE not hate founder and Chief Executive, Nick Lowles n An invitation to an annual HOPE not hate dinner EDDIE IZZARD BEVERLEY KNIGHT MEERA Syal FIONA PHILLIPS SIMON RIMMER LEVI ROOTS Billy BRAGG SPEECH DEBELLE GLENYS KINNOCK JOIN OUR patRONS OF HOPE NOT hatE I want to become a Friend of HOPE not hate Please complete the details on this form below or visit http://hopenothate.org.uk/become-friend-hope-not-hate/ Pay BY StaNDING ORDER Your details Dear Bank Manager, I want to make a monthly gift to HOPE Title not hate of £5.00 or £ _________ each month until further First name notice, starting immediately, please debit the account below. Last name Your bank details Bank name Address Address Postcode Email Postcode Telephone Account no HOPE not hate will not pass on your details to any third party HOPE not hate will occasionally contact you about our campaigns and Sort code supporter information.
    [Show full text]
  • On Islamophobia
    On Islamophobia The Problem of Definition Trevor Phillips, Sir John Jenkins and Dr Martyn Frampton Foreword by Khalid Mahmood MP On Islamophobia The Problem of Definition Trevor Phillips, Sir John Jenkins and Dr Martyn Frampton Foreword by Khalid Mahmood MP Policy Exchange is the UK’s leading think tank. We are an independent, non-partisan educational charity whose mission is to develop and promote new policy ideas that will deliver better public services, a stronger society and a more dynamic economy. Policy Exchange is committed to an evidence-based approach to policy development and retains copyright and full editorial control over all its written research. We work in partnership with academics and other experts and commission major studies involving thorough empirical research of alternative policy outcomes. We believe that the policy experience of other countries offers important lessons for government in the UK. We also believe that government has much to learn from business and the voluntary sector. Registered charity no: 1096300. Trustees Diana Berry, Pamela Dow, Alexander Downer, Andrew Feldman, Candida Gertler, Patricia Hodgson, Greta Jones, Edward Lee, Charlotte Metcalf, Roger Orf, Andrew Roberts, George Robinson, Robert Rosenkranz, Peter Wall, Nigel Wright. On Islamophobia About the Authors Trevor Phillips OBE is a writer, broadcaster and businessman. He is the Chairman of Index on Censorship, the international campaign group for freedom of expression, and was chair of both the Equality and Human Rights Commission and the Runnymede Trust. Sir John Jenkins spent a 35-year career in the British Diplomatic Service. He holds a BA (Double First Class Honours) and a Ph.D from Jesus College, Cambridge.
    [Show full text]