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EXPOSING the FAR RIGHT: Briefing Paper #1 EXPOSING THE FAR RIGHT: briefing paper #1 An Briefing paper EXPOSING THE Contents FAR RIGHT: 2 On Labelling Fascists 8 Know Your Enemy: the Tommy Robinson movement 8 International organising on the Right briefing paper #1 8 The global far right is different from the right of twenty years ago 11 The global far right is profiting from a popular rejection This is the first in what rs21 plans of globalisation to be a series of papers containing 11 Rejecting the BNP analysis, reportage and strategies 12 Trying what was tried before to address the threat posed by the 13 Robinson and the FLA: the beginnings of a relationship Far Right in the UK. 15 Turning protest into money 15 Free speech for Hate speech? 16 Free Tommy 17 Seeing the movement as a whole An briefing paper All image by Steve Eason/Flickr.com Design: amdc101 Published by Exposing the Far Right 1 On Labelling Fascists by Caliban’s Revenge On 9 June 2018, central London saw the largest demonstration organised by the far right for many years. Perhaps more than 15,000 assembled to protest “against extremism” and “to support free speech”, but even the most casual observer would have found it hard to miss the Nazi salutes and Islamophobic rhetoric. Rather than “extremism” the target of this demonstration was plainly the entire Muslim community: the “free speech” the organisers seek to protect is the right to terrorise that community with impunity and to restore the pogrom that lurched across the country targeting Muslim communities under the banner of the English Defence League. Having only recently seen the long, slow decline of the last upsurge in organised racist violence, many have been alarmed by this development. That alarm is well founded. The Manchester Arena Bombing last year, carried out by an attacker who white anxieties about “freedom of speech” (essentially the right to call your is generally believed to have been a supporter of ISIS, was truly horrifying. The local neighbour a n*****) has significantly broadened their appeal. Some people response was, for the most part, magnificent – emphasising the determination of who would never have supported the EDL, and who don’t condone the Mancunians not to allow their communities to be torn apart by fear or bigotry. But violent language directed at Muslim communities, are expressing support inevitably incidents like this have given the far right an opportunity to restore their for Tommy Robinson’s “political imprisonment” for “telling the truth about legitimacy. However, the problem isn’t just a local one. Muslim grooming gangs”. Robinson’s arrest for very nearly causing the All over the world we have seen the mainstreaming of far-right politics. In case prosecuting a group of child molesters to collapse, was in reality a some places it has helped truly reprehensible governments come into power, carefully orchestrated ploy to turn the former EDL leader into a martyr. The but the neoliberal centre has also courted this tendency in the face of growing ploy worked, and Robinson’s imprisonment was the central theme of the dissatisfaction with crisis and austerity. An emerging international of bigotry was demonstration. a key feature of Saturday’s march, with Dutch racist Geert Wilders addressing Those wary of reflexively employing previous anti-fascist strategies against the crowd and one-time-Svengali of the Trump administration Steve Bannon this new formation have pointed to this wider layer of soft racists; working class (who presently stalks the beer halls of Europe like a crypto-fascist plague horse) men and women – some of them Labour voters – alienated by a sometimes expressing his support. Sinister elements like these bankrolled the demonstration bombastic impulse to “call out” imperfect attitudes to oppressed minorities and last Saturday, and back the factions of the Football Lad’s Alliance that were its key sexual politics. Some have cringed at the characterisation of the new movement organisers. as “fascist”, pointing out that they attracted families and the young, and that the The left response to this rapidly emerging movement has, so far, not been really hardened sieg heiling knuckle draggers were only a significant minority cohesive. At most 400 courageous anti-racists turned up to the counter-protest, of last Saturday’s substantial crowds. People have also pointed to a political despite the fact that actions called by the FLA and its schism, the DFLA, have been landscape that presents serious obstacles to the growth of a mass nationalist building support over the last year. There is a long and established tradition of movement, principally the huge support for the left leadership of the Labour anti-fascism in this country going all the way back to the Battle of Cable Street in the party and the unprecedented growth of Labour and Momentum over the last few 1930s, which is one reason why – unlike on the continent – there hasn’t been a really years. Likewise explicitly racist forces, certainly nothing to the right of UKIP, have successful political manifestation of the fascist right here for many years. But in the been unable to develop a coherent political challenge since the collapse of the wake of the current resurgence of the far right, some socialists have urged caution. BNP at the ballot box, although the leadership of the EDL tried very hard to do so. The FLA, building on the dying embers of the EDL and general hostility These people are right to caution against panicked responses to the to migrants fostered by the referendum, had already seen some success re-emergence of the far right on the street. Torches have been lit all the way with their coded rhetoric against “extremism” – but the shift to focusing on from Virginia to Athens, but the Reichstag isn’t burning yet. Likewise it is vital 2 Exposing the Far Right Exposing the Far Right 3 that we understand the difference between ambivalent working class people supremacists, but harboured anxieties about jobs and economic insecurity who entertain racist views and the very small minority of determined and manipulated through the warped carnival mirror of mainstream racism, not organised white nationalists who are at the core of these demonstrations. But just by the BNP, but by the whole political establishment. These people weren’t understanding that doesn’t mean withdrawing from the struggle to claim the prepared to support the BNP once a very long and protracted struggle had public sphere, or failing to identify and confront fascism on the street. demonstrated that they weren’t “legitimate” politicians. Again this was about I have seen three major revivals of the far right, and by “seen”, I don’t mean characterising their activities and milieu as fascist. merely witnessed or even protested against: I mean I have been subject to The EDL did not begin as an explicit roving pogrom of violent drunks; their them in a mortally terrifying and personal way. It’s an experience shared by largest demonstrations, which numbered in the thousands, in fact closely hundreds of thousands of Asians, African-Caribbeans, trade unionists, activists resembled the FLA formation we saw in London on 9 June. They involved and LGBT individuals spanning generations. The collective memory of how mostly very ordinary people with soft racist attitudes to the dangers of “radical those struggles were conducted, and ultimately won, is always in peril of being Islam” and white anxieties about freedom of speech, and like all far-right submerged under the equally important intelligence of the unique context in movements, they included a minority of black and even Asian supporters. I have which each new battle emerges. While recognising that the terrain has changed been directly confronted by black EDL members raving about immigration, and that the challenge of defeating racism now demands new strategies, it is presumably without any sense of irony. The UAF (Unite against Fascism) just as vital that we draw on this collective memory. Because some debates strategy was fraught with compromise and its human resources were limited that may seem new, are in fact very stale, and because some comrades do not and politically confused, but again the crucial issue was, as ever, isolating the understand what is happening now – because they do not really understand hard racists from the soft. what happened then. The perception of Saturday’s demonstration as an exception to this pattern The accelerated rise of the National Front was not predicated in the first comes from its sheer size and, beyond that, the confidence of people with no instance on the support of hardened racists or the lumpen/petit bourgeois connection to the far right to express support, however guarded, for some of cabals that are the core of fascist movements. The late 60s saw major its objectives. I am not aware of any far-right demonstration in my life time that demonstrations by working class whites threatened by post war immigration comes anywhere near the FLA led event in terms of sheer head count, but as and inspired by Enoch Powell’s apocalyptic “Rivers of blood” speech. Many people correctly point out- the number of card carrying fascists has not in fact of their number were organised workers with a tradition of support for the increased by a factor of 10 in the last year. As such the great majority of people Labour movement. The NF began as principally an electoral organisation, but on this demonstration may be racists, but they are not hardened fascists and a in response to the emergence of mass anti-migrant demonstrations began to minority of them may even be turned off by violence they may have witnessed shift to calling street marches, public stunts and limited forays into the labour on the day.
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