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Naked Science Page Intentionally Left Blank Naked Science Naked Science Page Intentionally Left Blank Naked Science Anthropological Inquiry into Boundaries, Power, and Knowledge edited by Laura Nader ~~ ~~o~;~;n~~:up LONDON AND NEW YORK First published in 1996 by Routledge Published in Great Britain by Routledge Published 2013 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint ofthe Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright© 1996 by Taylor & Francis ISBN 978-1-315-02219-2 (elSBN) All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Naked science : anthropological inquiry into boundaries, power, and knowledge I Laura Nader, editor. p. em. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-415-91464-7. - ISBN 0-415-91465-5 (pbk.) 1. Anthropology-Philosophy. 2. Science- Philosophy. 3. Science-Social aspects. 4. Knowledge, Sociology of. 5. Power (Social sciences) I. Nader, Laura. GN33. N35 1996 301'.01-dc20 95-23650 CIP In recognition of the U.S. taxpayer for generous support of science Page Intentionally Left Blank CONTENTS List of Figures and Tables ix Preface xi Acknowledgments XVl Introduction Anthropological Inquiry into Boundaries, Power, and Knowledge Laura Nader 1 Part I: Discovering Science Navigation in the Western Carolines: A Traditional Science Ward H. Goodenough 29 2 The Scientific Basis of Gastrointestinal Herbal Medicine among the Highland Maya of Chiapas, Mexico E. A. Berlin, B. Berlin, X. Lozoya, M. Meckes, f. Tortoriello, and M. L. Villarreal 43 3 Science for the West, Myth for the Rest? The Case of James Bay Cree Knowledge Construction Colin Scott 69 4 The Savagery of the Domestic Mind Jean Lave 87 5 Scientific Literacy, What It Is, Why It's Important, and Why Scientists Think We Don't Have It: The Case of Immunology and the Immune System Bjorn Claeson, Emily Martin, Wendy Richardson, Monica Schoch-Spana, and Karen-Sue Taussig 101 Part II: Culture, Power, and Context 6 The Prism of Heritability and the Sociology of Knowledge Troy Duster 119 7 Nuclear Weapons Testing: Scientific Experiment as Political Ritual Hugh Gusterson 131 vii 8 Political Structuring of the Institutions of Science Charles Schwartz 148 9 Constructing Knowledge across Social Worlds: The Case of DNA Sequence Databases in Molecular Biology Joan H. Fujimura and Michael Fortun 160 10 Kokusaika, Gaiatsu, and Bachigai: Japanese Physicists' Strategies for Moving into the International Political Economy of Science Sharon Traweek 174 Part Ill: Conflicting Knowledge Systems 11 Public Policy, Sciencing, and Managing the Future M. Estellie Smith 201 1 2 Inuit Indigenous Knowledge and Science in the Arctic Ellen Bielawski 216 1 3 Popular Delusions and Scientific Models: Conflicting Beliefs of Scientists and Nonscientist Administrators in the Creation of a Secret Nuclear Surveillance System David Jacobson and Charles A. Ziegler 228 14 Japanese Science and Western Hegemonies: Primatology and the Limits Set to Questions Pamela J. Asquith 239 Epilogue 1 5 The Three-Cornered Constellation: Magic, Science, and Religion Revisited Laura Nader 259 Bibliography 277 Contributors 304 Index 309 LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES Figures Carolinian Navigator's World. 2 The "Star Structure" (Sidereal Compass). 3 "Island Looking" Exercise. 4 "Drags" on Course from Puluwat to Truk. 5 The "Great Trigger Fish." 6 Carolinian's Schematic Representation of Linked "Trigger Fish:' 7 Location of the Tzeltal and Tzotzil Maya. 8 Ethnoepidemiological Reports of Health Problems Grouped by Major Ethnomedical Category among the Highland Maya. 9 Reports of Gastrointestinal Conditions in Ethnoepidemiological Surveys Tables Major Gastrointestinal Conditions and Their Key Characteristics 2A Key Signs and Symptoms of the Most Important Diarrheas and Worms 28 Key Signs and Symptoms of Gastrointestinal Pains 3 Five Most Frequently Mentioned Species Used in the Treatment of Bloody Diarrhea, Tzeltal Traveling Herbarium 4 Three Most Frequently Mentio~d Health Conditions for the Five Top-Ranked Species Used in the Treatment of Bloody Diarrhea, Tzeltal Traveling Herbarium 5 Principal Species Employed in the Treatment of Gastrointestinal Disease among the Tzeltal and Tzotzil 6 Proportional Distribution of Medical Use Reports for the Principal Species Employed in the Treatment of Gastrointestinal Disease by the Tzeltal Maya ix 7 Proportional Distribution of Medical Use Reports for the Principal Species Employed in the Gastrointestinal Disease by the Tzotzil Maya 8 Results of Pharmacological Screening and Literature Search on Principal Species Employed in the Treatment of Gastrointestinal Conditions 9 Common Diarrheal Disease Agents by Class and Stool Characteristics 1 0 Organs and Probable Manifestations in Cases of Abdominal Pain 11 Association of Pharmacological Effects with Types of Gastrointestinal Pain 1 2 Summary of Authors' Credentials 1 3 Past and Present Directors, Los Alamos and Livermore Laboratories 14 Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Atomic Energy and Chair of the Military Liaison Committee PREFACE This volume is the result of a desire to join two bodies of anthropological research that rarely meet. Consideration of both ethnoscience and technoscience research within a common framework is long overdue as a means for raising questions about the deeply held beliefs and assumptions we all carry about scientific knowl­ edge. We need a perspective on how to regard different science traditions because public controversies over science should not be reduced to polarization and polemics asserting a glorified science or a despicable science. The development of science and technology in the West considerably overlaps with beliefs in material and social progress. But in the course of this century there is a growing awareness of the ideological nature of such belief, for domination of nature has double­ edged consequences, and science and technology are not necessarily synonymous with social progress. Our book is about science and power, particularly the power of Western science over the other "sciences" around the globe. It is thus about the contested domains of science. The chapters cover a variety of research on science and include the study of several different science cultures: physics, molecular biology, primatology, immunology, and ecology, as well as environmental, medical, math­ ematical, and navigational domains. Everything in this volume rests on the key assumption that science is not autonomous, that it draws its form from its social and cultural roots, a linkage that scholars have made many times. But the book is distinguished by its perspective across cultures-the study of different sciences in a global context. Examining empirical knowledge systems within a planetary frame forces us to think about boundaries erected by Western scientists (includ­ ing anthropologists) that silence or otherwise affect knowledge building. In the insistent dressing of all science in Western garb we limit answers to the philo­ sophical question: what is science, or more important, what is Western science? By examining the processes, some hidden, some disguised precisely because they are taken for granted, we can see a more naked science; stripped of our garb scientists look more alike across cultures. The recent controversy over the Smithsonian exhibit "Science in American Life" indicates that even at the highest levels of educational achievement a cultural framework with which to untangle the complex threads of debates over science is absent (Vackimes 1995). There is a parochial nature to the anti-antiscience posi­ tion found in popular books like Higher Superstition (Gross and Levitt 1994), one that points to the need for a more inclusive approach. Indeed, a global scope is a xi xii Preface requirement for a nonethnocentric, broad-gauged understanding of science, in the plural. In this sense, the anthropological study of science is an old tradition, one that covers the laboratories, the streets, the suites, the steppes-any place that is touched by human affairs. The role of anthropology has been grounded in an awareness of the implications of traditional knowledge for scientific communities. Modern science is in part a continuation of the human effort to understand and give meaning to our existence. Higher superstitions have always been part of culture and certainly part of our academic writings, whether to make distinctions between religion and science, or between clear thinking and the nonsense of those who still think that Western rationalist traditions can be contrasted with presumably non-Western, nonra­ tionalist traditions (see Gutmann 1992). Another story needs to be moved to center stage, one less dogmatic and, I dare say, more reasoned. The important questions about science ideology, practice, and consequence encounter walls of resistance to reasoned thinking when issues are phrased in binary modes-science and antiscience. Such bites are all too simplistic when what has opened up is an opportunity to rethink the issues in this post-cold war period: the political events of the past fifty years through which large segments of science became heavily militarized; the enormous funding of science that often resulted in wondrous discoveries that changed
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