Actualité des Universaux musicaux

Topics in Universals in Music

Actualité des Universaux musicaux

Topics in Universals in Music

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6. Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy

Sandra E. TREHUB

The search for musical universals continues to be inspired by the pervasive belief in language universals and their innate basis (e.g. Pinker, 1994). However, there are increasing challenges to the notion of language universals and to Universal Grammar, in particular. Evans and Levinson (2009) contend that misconceptions about cross- linguistic similarity have arisen from the consideration of a relatively small set of English-like languages. They point out that linguistic typologists have documented important differences in sounds, meaning, and syntax in the thousands of extant languages worldwide. Accordingly, they argue that cognitive scientists should be attempting to account for language diversity rather than similarity. Other scholars, including Christensen and Chater (2008), are challenging prevailing notions about the domain-specific biological factors that are presumed to underlie language structure and acquisition. They conceive of language as a complex cultural product that has emerged in response to human social needs. Syal and Finlay (2011) also consider social motivation as critical for the evolution and acquisition of language. In the case of music, there is general acknowledgement of a universal capacity or disposition for music but much less attention to the diverse ways of expressing that musicality across cultures (Blacking, 1995). Even the boundary between musical and non-musical behavior (i.e. what is music and what is not) differs across cultures (Nettl, 2005). In any case, the musical universals tentatively identified to date, including octave equivalence, five to seven notes per octave, unequal-step scales, temporal regularity, and repetition (Dowling & Harwood, 1984; Sloboda, 1985), are very basic as well as being derived primarily from relatively recent forms of music. Moreover, these universals focus largely on musical products rather than on behaviors, processes, or functions.

1. Musical universals in developmental perspective If there is a universal disposition for music, some signs of that disposition should be evident in early childhood. In fact, pre-verbal infants are surprisingly capable music listeners (Trehub & Hannon, 2006). For example, they detect subtle differences in musical pitch and timing (Trehub & Hannon, 2009) as well as global pitch and rhythm patterns (Hannon & Trehub, 2005a; Trehub, Thorpe, & Morrongiello, 1987a; Trehub & Thorpe, 1989). Moreover, they exhibit long-term memory for music heard regularly 6. Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy 6

(Saffran, Loman, & Robertson, 2000; Trainor, Wu, & Tsang, 2004), and they retain more detail from vocal than from instrumental renditions (Volkova, Trehub, & Schellenberg, 2006). By their first birthday, if not before, infants show sensitivity to culture-specific regularities in the music around them (Hannon & Trehub, 2005b; Soley & Hannon, 2010). Universal disposition for musical parenting Throughout the world music plays an important role in cultural rituals (Merker, 2009), fostering communal identity or goals, and regulating emotion or arousal (Blacking, 1995; Trehub, Hannon, & Schachner, 2010). A cross-cultural disposition for musical parenting is also evident. Caregivers everywhere soothe or amuse their infants with a musical repertoire consisting of lullabies and play songs (Trehub & Trainor, 1998). Lullabies are readily recognizable as such. For example, when naïve listeners hear pairs of foreign lullabies and non-lullabies matched on culture of origin and tempo, they easily identify the lullabies (Trehub, Unyk, & Trainor, 1993a), perhaps on the basis of their simplicity or repetitiveness (Unyk, Trehub, Trainor, & Schellenberg, 1992). What is remarkable is that listeners are equally successful at identifying lullabies from familiar musical cultures (i.e. Western European tradition) as from unfamiliar cultures (Trehub et al., 1993a). Although play songs also have a distinctive form, they are especially notable for their distinctive performances in infant caregiving contexts (Nakata & Trehub, 2011; Trehub et al., 1997). When naïve listeners hear paired samples of the same song by the same singer, one performed for an infant, the other performed informally with no audience, they readily identify the infant-directed version (Trainor, 1996; Trehub et al., 1997), even when the language and culture are unfamiliar (Trehub, Unyk, & Trainor, 1993b). Listeners seem to base their judgments primarily on the singer’s vocal tone rather than on the measurable differences in pitch level (higher) and tempo (slower) for infant-directed versions (Trainor, Clark, Huntley, & Adams, 1997; Trehub et al., 1997). Performances for infants also have more timing regularity and greater expressive variations in dynamics than typical informal performances of the same songs (Nakata & Trehub, 2011). Mothers do not seem to have conscious didactic goals when they sing to pre-verbal infants, but they intuitively highlight the structure of the music, especially its timing and pitch contours. Musical elements are also prominent in mothers’ speech to pre-verbal infants. For example, maternal speech involves a greatly expanded pitch range, exaggerated pitch contours, and considerable repetition (Fernald, 1991). There are similar pitch contours in mothers’ speech across cultures (Fernald et al., 1989), but the pitch intervals are individually distinctive (Bergeson & Trehub, 2007). These signature tunes may facilitate maternal voice recognition. Similarly, despite global similarities in some aspects of maternal singing, it is individually distinctive. In fact, maternal performances of the same song on different occasions are virtually identical in pitch level and tempo provided the infant’s mood is comparable (Bergeson & Trehub, 2002). As would be expected, mothers fine-tune 6. Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy 7 their performances to infants’ mood or state of arousal. Maternal affect or arousal also affects the nature of these performances. For example, maternal singing is more expressive when mother and infant can see one another than when they are separated by an opaque curtain (Trehub, Plantinga, & Russo, 2011, March). Heightened expressiveness in the face-to-face context cannot be attributed to mothers’ dependence on infant feedback because video feedback from the infant fails to close the expressiveness gap. Although spoken and sung interactions with infants are typically multimodal, featuring gestures, touch, and movement, researchers’ attention has focused largely on the acoustic features. What has escaped attention is that the visible components of maternal speech and singing differ substantially. For example, mothers smile and move considerably more when they sing than when they talk to infants (Plantinga, Trehub, & Russo, 2011, June). In fact, singing mothers commonly move in time with the music and smile almost continuously. 1.2. Universal responsiveness to musical parenting Infants are highly receptive to singing in the maternal style, as they are to speech in the maternal style (Cooper & Aslin, 1994; Fernald, 1985). For example, infants listen significantly longer to infant-directed singing than to non-infant-directed singing (Trainor, 1996), even as newborns (Masataka, 1999). When presented with audio- visual renditions of maternal speech and singing, infants are substantially more engaged by the singing than by the speech (Nakata & Trehub, 2004). Live maternal singing also modulates infant arousal, as reflected in changes in cortisol concentrations in their saliva (Shenfield, Trehub, & Nakata, 2003). What is the essence of maternal singing for the infant audience? The simple, repetitive structure of lullabies and play songs is likely to make some contribution. However, expressive voice quality, facial gestures, touch, and movement seem to make a much greater contribution. The various vocal and non-vocal features are combined to yield performances that are irresistible to infants.

2. Implications The available evidence is consistent with a human disposition for music listening and learning (Trehub et al., 2010), which may capitalize on our capacity for vocal and bodily imitation (Merker, 2009) and on our intensely social nature (Christensen & Chater, 2008; Syal & Finlay, 2011). The cross-species disposition to care for infants seems to include, in the human case, musical care. Although mothers are highly selective in the music they provide for infants, they seem more focused on their performances. In that light, it is interesting that the search for musical universals, with some notable exceptions (e.g. Lomax, 1976b), has focused largely on musical form 6. Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy 8 rather than on style and context. A renewed focus on music from the oral tradition, as performed in context, might yield fruitful perspectives on musical universals.1

1 Acknowledgements − Preparation of this paper was assisted by grants from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada.

Abstracts / Résumés

6. Sandra E. TREHUB Musical universals: Perspectives from infancy The search for musical universals has been inspired, to a considerable extent, by the apparent presence of language universals and the related presumption that some aspects of linguistic knowledge are innate. To date, however, scholars of music have failed to provide a convincing set of musical universals. It may comfort such musical scholars to know that the consensus on language universals is rapidly evaporating. For example, Evans and Levin (2009) argue that the 6000–8000 extant languages differ radically in their sound composition, meanings, and syntax, so the challenge of cognitive science is to account for linguistic diversity. Others have raised questions about the domain-specific biological endowment that is thought to underlie language structure (Christensen & Chater, 2008) and the acquisition of language (Chater, Reali, & Christensen, 2009). Instead of considering languages as being shaped by the human brain, these authors contend that languages are shaped and re-shaped by language users and learners. Similar considerations undoubtedly apply to musical systems across cultures. Nevertheless, there are important differences, which are elaborated in the paper. According to Merker (2009), music is a critically important human ritual, which has its biological basis in our capacity and motivation for vocal and bodily mimesis. Although mimesis is not a uniquely human skill, our skill level greatly outstrips that of any other species. Developmental and cross-cultural similarities and differences in the form and function of musical rituals are considered. Les universaux musicaux : perspectives à partir de la petite enfance La recherche d’universaux musicaux s’est inspirée, dans une large mesure, de l’apparente présence d’universaux du langage et de la présomption qui lui est liée que des aspects de la connaissance linguistique sont innés. À ce jour cependant, les spécialistes de la musique n’ont pas réussi à fournir un ensemble d’universaux musicaux convaincants. De tels spécialistes pourraient être réconfortés de savoir que le consensus sur les universaux du langage s’est rapidement évaporé. Par exemple, Evans et Levin (2009) soutiennent que les 6000 à 8000 langues existantes diffèrent radicalement dans leur composition sonore, leurs significations et leur syntaxe, de telle sorte que le défi des sciences cognitives est de rendre compte de la diversité linguistique. D’autres ont soulevé les questions du fondement biologique susceptible Abstracts / Résumés10 de sous-tendre la structure du langage (Christensen & Chater, 2008) et de l’acquisition du langage (Chater, Reali, & Christensen, 2009). Au lieu de considérer les langues comme formées par le cerveau humain, ces auteurs soutiennent que les langues sont formées et re-formées par les usagers et les apprenants. De telles considérations s’appliquent sans aucun doute aux systèmes musicaux à travers les cultures. Néanmoins, d’importantes différences existent, qui sont détaillées dans la contribution. Selon Merker (2009), la musique est d’une importance critique pour le rituel humain, qui a son fondement biologique dans notre capacité et notre motivation pour la mimesis vocale et corporelle. Bien que la mimesis ne soit pas une compétence uniquement humaine, notre niveau de compétence dépasse largement ceux des autres espèces. Les similitudes développementales et transculturelles et les différences dans la forme et la fonction des rituels musicaux sont examinées.

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